• TikTok est accusé d’avoir collecté illégalement des données et les avoir transféré en Chine
    https://www.numerama.com/tech/577165-tiktok-est-accuse-davoir-collecte-illegalement-des-donnees-et-les-a

    Une étudiante américaine a porté plainte contre l’application de partage de vidéos. Selon elle, TikTok collecterait et traiterait des données personnelles sans l’accord des utilisateurs. TikTok envoie-t-il les données de ses utilisateurs en Chine, sans leur consentement ? C’est en tout cas ce qu’affirme Misty Hong, une étudiante américaine. Elle a entamé le 27 novembre une action en justice contre l’application. Il s’agit d’une action groupée, c’est-à-dire d’une plainte à laquelle des tiers peuvent se (...)

    #ByteDance #TikTok #smartphone #géolocalisation #procès #data #spyware

    //c0.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2018/11/tik-tok.jpg

  • Le studio de jeux vidéo Quantic Dream condamné aux prud’hommes pour des photomontages
    https://www.lemonde.fr/pixels/article/2019/12/02/le-studio-de-jeu-video-quantic-dream-condamne-pour-des-photomontages-injurie

    Le conseil de prud’hommes de Paris a jugé que le fleuron français du secteur était resté « passif » devant des montages qui circulaient. Le studio de jeux vidéo Quantic Dream, fleuron français du secteur, a été condamné le 21 novembre par le conseil des prud’hommes de Paris à verser 5 000 euros à un employé victime d’un photomontage le présentant en train d’effectuer un salut nazi. Le studio est resté « passif » devant des photomontages « homophobes, misogynes, racistes, ou encore profondément vulgaires », a (...)

    #jeu #procès #harcèlement #QuanticDream

  • Accusé de discrimination sexiste, le géant du jeu vidéo Riot Games va payer 10 millions de dollars
    https://www.lemonde.fr/pixels/article/2019/12/03/accuse-de-discrimination-sexiste-le-geant-du-jeu-video-riot-games-va-payer-1

    Le studio de « League of Legends » est visé par des plaintes d’employées, qui dénoncent notamment des différences de salaire injustifiées entre les hommes et les femmes. Riot Games aurait-il trouvé une porte de sortie dans le conflit qui l’oppose à ses employées ? Le Los Angeles Times rapporte, lundi 2 décembre, que le géant du jeu vidéo a trouvé un accord avec les salariées qui l’accusent de discrimination sexiste : il versera 10 millions de dollars (9 millions d’euros), répartis entre toutes les femmes (...)

    #RiotGames #game #jeu #procès #conditions #harcèlement #travailleurs #discrimination

  • Riot Games will pay $10 million to settle gender discrimination suit
    https://www.latimes.com/business/technology/story/2019-12-02/riot-games-gender-discrimination-settlement

    Riot Games agreed to pay out at least $10 million to women who worked at the company in the last five years as part of a settlement in a class action lawsuit over alleged gender discrimination, according to court documents filed Monday. The suit began in November 2018 when two women who had worked at the Los Angeles game studio, which makes the popular “League of Legends” game and is owned by the Chinese technology giant Tencent, sued over violations of the California Equal Pay act, alleging (...)

    #RiotGames #game #jeu #procès #conditions #harcèlement #discrimination #travailleurs

    https://ca-times.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/8d3727c/2147483647/strip/true/crop/2048x1075+0+38/resize/1200x630!/quality/90

  • Inside The Culture Of Sexism At Riot Games
    https://kotaku.com/inside-the-culture-of-sexism-at-riot-games-1828165483

    Throughout her three years at Riot Games, the company behind League of Legends, Lacy made it her mission to hire a woman into a leadership role. Lacy had heard plenty of excuses for why her female job candidates weren’t Riot material. Some were “ladder climbers.” Others had “too much ego.” Most weren’t “gamer enough.” A few were “too punchy,” or didn’t “challenge convention,” a motto you can find in Riot’s company manifesto and recruiting materials. “Across the board, you’d have side-by-side similar (...)

    #RiotGames #game #jeu #procès #conditions #discrimination #harcèlement #travailleurs

  • German murderer wins ’right to be forgotten’
    https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50579297

    A German man convicted of murder in 1982 has the right to have his name removed from online search results, Germany’s highest court has ruled. The constitutional court in Karlsruhe ruled in favour of the man, who was handed a life sentence for murdering two people on a yacht in 1982. He was released from jail in 2002 and says he wants his family name to be distanced from his crime. The ruling could force publications to restrict access to online archives. What was the case ? The man was (...)

    #Google #GoogleSearch #procès #oubli

  • Le procès de la #mafia qui voulait régner sur la #Vallée_d’Aoste

    Avec la complicité d’élus valdôtains, une cellule mafieuse de la ’#Ndrangheta tissait son emprise sur la région alpine limitrophe de la Suisse. Les mafieux présumés et leurs affidés politiques vont comparaître devant la #justice.

    C’est un #procès retentissant, impliquant 14 membres présumés de la ’Ndrangheta et trois élus locaux, qui commencera le 12 décembre dans la Vallée d’Aoste. Les accusés doivent répondre du chef d’association mafieuse. Le 23 janvier, à l’issue d’une enquête lancée cinq ans plus tôt, les Valdôtains assistaient, médusés, à un coup de filet policier qui levait le voile sur la collusion entre la pègre calabraise et la politique locale. La plus petite région d’Italie se découvrait être une cible de choix pour la plus grande organisation criminelle du pays.

    Le but des mafieux était clair : prendre le contrôle du territoire. « Nous, les Calabrais, représentons un quart de la population valdôtaine », soit 32 000 habitants sur 125 000, se vantait le gérant d’une pizzeria d’Aoste mis sur écoute par le parquet qui le soupçonnait d’être un boss de la ’Ndrangheta. L’importante présence calabraise dans la Vallée d’Aoste avait une fonction de réservoir électoral, que la mafia a utilisé pour infiltrer la politique. Une tactique apprise après un précédent revers.

    Protéger leurs investissements

    En 2014 déjà, cinq mafieux avaient été condamnés pour extorsion, vol et tentative d’homicide. Des crimes en relation avec les affaires de la ’Ndrangheta dans l’immobilier, les jeux d’argent et la restauration. Pour protéger leurs investissements, les mafieux ont alors commencé à tisser leur toile autour de la politique valdôtaine. Les trois élus inculpés jeudi auraient bénéficié des bulletins de vote garantis par l’organisation. Deux d’entre eux étaient issus du premier parti de la région, l’Union valdôtaine, le puissant mouvement autonomiste érigé en défenseur du particularisme culturel et linguistique local.

    Les écoutes téléphoniques ont fait état d’échanges nourris entre les mafieux et les politiciens. Elue sans bannière politique, une conseillère municipale de Saint-Pierre, près d’Aoste, avait par exemple piloté l’attribution du service de transport scolaire à la société d’un homme proche de la ’Ndrangheta. En contrepartie, elle aurait obtenu que « les mafieux exercent des pressions sur les autres conseillers municipaux qui lui causaient des difficultés », explique la magistrate Silvia Salvadori, chargée de l’enquête judiciaire. Selon cette dernière, « les mafieux voulaient gouverner la Vallée d’Aoste ».

    La ’Ndrangheta entendait infiltrer tous les étages de la politique, législatifs et exécutifs, communaux et régionaux. Le maire de la ville d’Aoste, Fulvio Centoz, membre du Parti démocrate, a par exemple été approché, sans succès, par un boss mafieux. Cet épisode ainsi que l’arrestation d’un conseiller municipal pour ses liens présumés avec la pègre ont valu à la ville d’#Aoste un audit ministériel. La procédure, qui frappe aussi la commune de #Saint-Pierre, est susceptible d’aboutir à une mise sous tutelle du chef-lieu valdôtain pour #infiltration_mafieuse. Les enquêteurs ont aussi observé des contacts, apparemment infructueux, entre des mafieux présumés et l’ex-président de la région, #Augusto_Rollandin. Surnommé l’« #Empereur_Auguste », cet ex-homme fort de l’#Union_valdôtaine a influé, pendant plus d’un quart de siècle, sur la vie politique de la Vallée d’Aoste, avant de céder le pouvoir en 2017.

    « La fin du #déni »

    « Ce procès signe la fin du déni local à l’égard de la présence mafieuse », affirme Roberto Mancini, journaliste à Aoste et expert en criminalité mafieuse. Selon lui, l’élite politique et économique valdôtaine a trop longtemps refusé de regarder la réalité en face. « Comment la ’Ndrangheta a-t-elle réussi à percer aussi en profondeur dans le tissu social et politique ? Le procès devra répondre à cette question cruciale pour l’avenir de la région », espère Donatella Corti, présidente de la section valdôtaine de Libera, la plus importante ONG nationale antimafia. « Il devra aussi permettre de faire la lumière sur le réseau de complicités locales qui a permis aux clans de prospérer. » La Vallée d’Aoste pourra alors mesurer l’étendue de l’emprise mafieuse sur son territoire.

    « Une mise sous tutelle de la ville d’Aoste serait un tremblement de terre »

    Alors qu’il était en lice pour la mairie d’Aoste en 2015, Fulvio Centoz dîne avec des amis dans une pizzeria du quartier administratif de la ville. Le lieu est placé sur écoute par le parquet antimafia, qui tient le gérant calabrais de l’établissement dans son viseur. Ce dernier offre son « appui électoral », une proposition que le candidat décline instinctivement. Fulvio Centoz remportera plus tard la mairie. En janvier dernier, l’épisode fait l’objet d’une fuite dans la presse, au lendemain de l’arrestation d’un conseiller municipal d’Aoste pour ses accointances avec la ’Ndrangheta. Ces faits motivent un audit ministériel pour infiltration mafieuse. La Vallée d’Aoste est sous le choc : son chef-lieu risque d’être mis sous tutelle. Le ministre italien de l’Intérieur devrait rendre sa décision avant la fin de l’année.

    Si la ville d’Aoste devait être mise sous tutelle pour infiltration mafieuse, quelles en seraient les conséquences ?
    Fulvio Centoz : A mon sens, il n’y a pas d’éléments susceptibles d’aboutir à cette conclusion. Je suis confiant. Cela dit, une mise sous tutelle provoquerait un séisme dans toute la région, et au-delà. Elle aurait des répercussions politiques, favorisant la montée des extrêmes, mais aussi économiques, avec un impact négatif sur les investissements et le tourisme. La Vallée d’Aoste cesserait d’être ce paradis alpin, cette île de bonheur, qui a fait sa fortune. Ce dégât d’image serait probablement irréparable.

    Pourquoi n’avez-vous pas dénoncé l’épisode de la pizzeria aux autorités judiciaires ?

    Le gérant de l’établissement ne s’est jamais présenté comme étant un boss ou un émissaire de la ’Ndrangheta. Et rien ne me permettait à l’époque de le soupçonner, son nom n’ayant jamais fait son apparition dans la presse, ni dans les comptes rendus judiciaires connus du public. J’ai tiré la conclusion qu’il s’agissait d’un petit entrepreneur qui se vantait, comme tant d’autres, d’avoir une influence politique. Pour savoir si le gérant d’une pizzeria est un mafieux, il faudrait disposer du niveau d’information du parquet anti.

    Quelles leçons tirez-vous de cette mésaventure ?

    Le niveau d’alerte face à la menace d’infiltration mafieuse doit être relevé. L’an prochain auront lieu les élections communales en Vallée d’Aoste. Les candidats sont prévenus : la ’Ndrangheta cherchera à gagner leurs faveurs. Gare toutefois à ne pas céder aux amalgames. Tous les Calabrais ne sont pas mafieux ! J’ai toujours lancé cette mise en garde, on ne doit pas criminaliser toute une communauté.

    https://www.letemps.ch/monde/proces-mafia-voulait-regner-vallee-daoste
    #Italie

  • Che cosa succede al processo contro Mimmo Lucano? La verità di Lucano

    L’udienza del 12 novembre a Locri ha avuto un carattere diverso dal solito: è stata un’udienza breve che ha visto solo le dichiarazioni spontanee di Mimmo Lucano. Rispetto a luglio, quando aveva tenuto altre dichiarazioni spontanee, il processo si è ormai addentrato nei temi del dibattimento; c’era dunque una certa attesa per capire come Lucano avrebbe impostato il suo “contributo alla ricostruzione della verità”, sono parole sue, a far luce cioè sulle imputazioni di reato che gli vengono mosse.

    È fuor di dubbio che la verità di Lucano sia parte integrante del processo, ancor più in un processo politico dove, come abbiamo più volte avuto occasione di constatare, i fatti in sé sono spesso confusi e sfumati, si prestano a molte letture, tutte fragili: scorrettezze di tipo amministrativo, cortocircuito di regolamenti burocratici, spregiudicatezza nel perseguire soluzioni dei mille problemi che la politica di accoglienza e integrazione lascia irrisolti, oppure reati penali? E dietro questa fragilità abbiamo visto affiorare regolarmente quegli “ideali di umanità” di Lucano, cui spesso è ricorsa l’accusa stessa per descrivere il movente del presunto dolo, in mancanza di prove dei vantaggi che ne avrebbe tratto – con tutta l’ambiguità di ideali che vengono trattati come movente, appunto. Ai fini del monitoraggio di cittadinanza che stiamo portando avanti sul processo di Locri, queste dichiarazioni sono interessanti in quanto Lucano ha preso il toro per le corna, ha voluto spiegare proprio questi suoi ideali e come abbia in tutti questi anni orientato la sua azione a Riace per tradurli in pratiche concrete; per questo pensiamo che valga la pena di farle conoscere e di ragionarci su a caldo, senza aspettare le prossime udienze che riprenderanno la routine dell’esame dei documenti prodotti dall’accusa.

    Le dichiarazioni di Lucano hanno toccato tre aspetti cruciali. Innanzitutto, il ruolo dello Stato in tutta la vicenda di Riace. Il Comune di Riace subiva continue pressioni da parte della Prefettura e del Ministero perché ospitasse richiedenti asilo in gran numero, per risolvere situazioni difficili soprattutto negli anni dell’emergenza. Già nel 2008, quando al Viminale c’era Maroni, il prefetto Morcone aveva spiegato a Lucano, alla presenza di Ilario Ammendolia sindaco di Caulonia, che il ministro voleva evitare l’arrivo di troppi richiedenti asilo al nord; di qui, l’insistenza a collocare i richiedenti asilo al sud e in particolare a Riace, che li accettava. E li accettava, dice Lucano, per coincidenza di interessi: perché la missione che il Comune si era dato era quella dell’accoglienza e dello sviluppo locale che le politiche d’accoglienza potevano mettere in moto.

    Era già emerso nel dibattimento che in Prefettura godeva dell’appellativo di “San Lucano”. Naturalmente, questo comportava inevitabili scorciatoie: se la Prefettura chiedeva di accogliere 300 o 500 persone e un paio di giorni dopo sulla piazza di Riace già arrivavano i pullman carichi, come avrebbe potuto il Comune bandire gare pubbliche per l’assegnazione dei servizi? Per questo a Riace erano nate varie associazioni e cooperative, per riuscire a fare immediatamente fronte alla necessità di ampliare i servizi. Ora però, nel processo, queste assegnazioni dirette sono diventate per l’appunto imputazioni di reato, sebbene non ci fosse alternativa possibile. “Se invece di accettare i rifugiati che mi mandavano, avessi detto di no, oggi non sarei qui”, osserva Lucano. Riace veniva usata per risolvere l’emergenza, ma adesso viene accusata di averla risolta “in modo emergenziale”; insomma, l’emergenza vale per lo Stato, ma non per chi concretamente si impegna ad accogliere le persone che lo Stato gli affida perché non sa dove metterle.

    Questo meccanismo, di uno Stato che chiede di accogliere e poi abbandona chi accoglie è, dice Lucano, un aspetto strutturale. Si chiede di fare non solo accoglienza, ma anche integrazione; però lo Stato non dà gli strumenti, si limita a darti dei fondi con cui devi costruire l’integrazione a tuo rischio e pericolo. Intanto però mantiene tendopoli come quella di S. Ferdinando, dove le persone sono costrette a vivere in condizioni disumane, e spesso purtroppo muoiono ; eppure nessuno chiede se c’è l’agibilità a S. Ferdinando e nessuno risponde di quei morti. “A Riace non è morto nessuno, anzi siamo sotto accusa per il motivo opposto, per aver fatto il possibile e l’impossibile per accogliere tutti”. A Riace con gli stessi fondi pubblici sono state accolte molte più persone; se però c’è qualcosa che non va, lo Stato taglia i fondi. “Prima mi chiamate e poi mi abbandonate, ma 100 bambini e 250 adulti non si possono abbandonare così”. É per questo che è stato chiuso il Cas; perché è il Comune, e non la Prefettura come sostiene l’accusa, che ha chiuso il Cas di Riace.

    Secondo aspetto, le attività di integrazione messe in campo a Riace. Le persone, che fossero incluse nel Cas o nello Sprar, sono state trattate tutte nello stesso modo, hanno avuto gli stessi servizi; non era giusto differenziarle in funzione del progetto di cui facevano parte. Nelle riunioni dell’apposito Tavolo organizzato dall’ANCI, cui partecipava da anni, Lucano non aveva mai fatto mistero del fatto che in un paese come Riace vitto e alloggio costassero poco; ma i fondi pubblici sono dati per fare anche l’integrazione, che invece non è affatto facile in un contesto come quello di Riace, dove il lavoro manca per tutti. In quel Tavolo, Lucano parlava delle criticità del sistema Sprar, che è pur sempre un sistema perfettibile ed infatti è stato più volte modificato; va fatta accoglienza integrata, ma sei tu che devi capire come concretamente integrarli in relazione al contesto specifico in cui agisci.

    Ebbene, in un contesto come quello di Riace, impoverito, destinato all’abbandono, sotto il peso della criminalità organizzata, fare solo l’accoglienza, utilizzare cioè i fondi pubblici solo a vantaggio dei richiedenti asilo, avrebbe significato innescare una guerra fra poveri; era indispensabile unire i destini dei riacesi e dei rifugiati, immaginare uno sviluppo della comunità che coinvolgesse entrambi, e a questo potevano contribuire le attività e i servizi per l’integrazione. L’integrazione a Riace è diventata così importante proprio perché è stata vista come la chiave di volta per costruire un’economia collettiva che si opponesse all’abbandono, alle ingerenze mafiose e tenesse insieme tutta la comunità. Le botteghe, la fattoria didattica, il frantoio di comunità, il turismo solidale, gli eventi culturali, le borse lavoro sono stati tutti strumenti di integrazione dei rifugiati, certo, ma anche di costruzione di una comunità coesa. La scuola, l’acqua del Comune, la raccolta differenziata, l’ambulatorio medico gratuito, sono stati tutti servizi di cui hanno beneficiato in primis gli abitanti di Riace, che così hanno potuto toccare con mano quanto l’arrivo dei nuovi abitanti poteva essere un vantaggio per tutti.

    Prendiamo l’esempio del frantoio, che proprio in questo periodo sta producendo l’olio di Riace. Oggi il frantoio dà lavoro a 15 operai immigrati e non, tutti con contratti regolari, paghe e orari sindacali; è un esempio di opportunità lavorative costruite per tutti, in un contesto il cui il lavoro non c’è. È un frantoio di comunità, non è proprietà di nessuno proprio perché è stato costruito coi fondi pubblici dell’integrazione.

    Ma in questo processo le attività di integrazione sono diventate imputazioni di reato: distrazione di fondi, peculato, truffa ecc. Lo Stato, che non ti dà gli strumenti per l’integrazione, quando costruisci le condizioni per integrare ti contesta reati penali. Anche i lungo permanenti, di cui tanto si è discusso nel processo, sono rimasti a Riace per ragioni umanitarie; si potevano abbandonare a se stessi anche se l’integrazione non era stata raggiunta? Il termine massimo di 6 mesi è stato introdotto a un certo punto nelle linee guida dello Sprar, non è una legge dello Stato. Mettere in discussione quelle linee guida non significa trasgredire la legge, ma evidenziare delle criticità, che peraltro lo Sprar riconosce se prevede che si possa richiedere una deroga. A Riace il Comune si è fatto carico anche di loro. Ma come mai a Riace si sono fatte tante cose con quei 35 euro? Oggi, nel processo, si dice che tutto quello che restava dopo vitto e alloggio avrebbe dovuto essere restituito; ma senza quelle risorse, come si sarebbe potuta realizzare l’integrazione? “Aver a che fare con 500 persone in più e restare fedele a umanità e accoglienza: questo è stato il messaggio di Riace”. E la sfida che Riace ha lanciato, sennò perché, con tante realtà di accoglienza e integrazione in Italia, in tanti sarebbero venuti a vedere proprio Riace? Ma quelle pratiche virtuose di sviluppo locale, che sono state considerate delle eccellenze, adesso qui sono trattate come reati penali.

    Infine, terzo aspetto, l’interesse politico. Lucano ha voluto contestualizzare la storia del “modello Riace” dal punto di vista della sua storia politica, degli ideali di giustizia e di solidarietà da cui si è sempre sentito mobilitato, della voglia di contribuire al riscatto della sua terra dall’abbandono e dallo strapotere della criminalità organizzata. Ideali politici, certo, ma capaci di parlare molte lingue, come per esempio quella di un cattolicesimo evangelico che si sente vicino agli ultimi. Nel processo, come abbiamo visto finora, questi ideali rappresentano proprio il cuore dell’attacco giudiziario; nel discutere di ogni capo d’imputazione, l’accusa stessa ripete come un mantra che il movente non è economico, non essendo emerso alcun elemento di prova di un vantaggio economico che Lucano avrebbe mai tratto dalla sua azione a Riace, ma appunto politico.

    Per questo è interessante sentire Lucano che rivendica la sua ispirazione politica in termini di ideali e valori. La procura in realtà declina il cosiddetto “movente politico” in termini di caccia al consenso elettorale: Lucano avrebbe cercato di assicurarsi i voti garantiti dalle varie associazioni. Fuori da ogni contesto, però, perché ormai Lucano non avrebbe più potuto ricandidarsi a sindaco, essendo nel pieno del suo terzo ed ultimo mandato, né si è mai candidato a nessun’altra competizione elettorale. Racconta le pressioni subite da tanti fronti per candidarsi alle elezioni europee, ma ha tenuto duro e non si è candidato, per evitare che una sua candidatura gettasse una luce diversa sul suo impegno di vent’anni a Riace, che si potesse dire insomma: ecco, ha fatto tutto questo solo per arrivare lì. Ma anche perché, ha detto, non è interessato alla politica istituzionale, si sentirebbe a disagio in un contesto come quello del Parlamento Europeo. Ha citato il suo amico Pietro Bartòlo, il medico di Lampedusa che dopo trent’anni di lavoro al fronte è stato eletto parlamentare europeo, per dire che la sua idea di politica è un’altra: quello che lo interessa e lo avvince è la politica dal basso, la costruzione di una comunità, la democrazia diretta, cui ha voluto dare un contributo con la sua attività da sindaco. Da sindaco si è speso per lo sviluppo del suo paese, per affrancarlo dall’oppressione delle famiglie di ‘ndrangheta, e al tempo stesso per l’accoglienza solidale verso chi arrivava da storie di povertà, guerra e disumanità, in nome di un’ospitalità che considera uno dei valori pregnanti della cultura calabrese. Quindi sì, ha agito mosso da un interesse politico, quello di realizzare i suoi ideali; per questo si è sempre preoccupato che tutti i fondi pubblici fossero destinati a quest’opera di integrazione.

    Per oltre 15 anni la storia di Riace è cresciuta, il paese è rinato, ha risolto problemi perfino nazionali, è diventato un esempio che ha ispirato altre strutture, nella regione e altrove in Italia. Poi qualcosa si è spezzato, in coincidenza con un cambiamento di paradigma nelle politiche italiane di accoglienza e integrazione, sono nate le inchieste e infine il processo. Riace, ha concluso Lucano, ha dato fastidio perché ha dimostrato che anche semplicemente da sindaco si potevano organizzare accoglienza e integrazione in un modo diverso. Ormai su questo tema si vincono o si perdono le elezioni, per questo ideali di giustizia, di rispetto dei diritti umani, vengono relegati in una sorta di pre-politica astratta che la politica “vera” non sente più il bisogno di attuare. A Riace si è voluto costruire una realtà differente, ribaltando concretamente quest’idea che gli ideali non c’entrino con la politica dei diritti.

    Se riprendiamo le domande da cittadini che abbiamo sollevato seguendo le udienze precedenti, le sue dichiarazioni s’incrociano in vari passaggi ed i vari modi con quelle domande, e questo ci pare dia ancora più forza al percorso di monitoraggio che abbiamo intrapreso. Perché finalmente il processo ha trovato il suo centro: la verità di Lucano mette a nudo gli ideali trattati come reati, il rifiuto di una visione dell’integrazione tesa a risolvere i problemi senza conflitti, la criminalizzazione di un pensiero che mette al centro i diritti delle persone. In altre parole, mette a nudo il carattere politico del processo che si sta svolgendo a Locri.

    https://www.pressenza.com/it/2019/11/che-cosa-succede-al-processo-contro-mimmo-lucano-la-verita-di-lucano
    #Mimmo_Lucano #Riace #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Italie #procès #justice

    voir aussi:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/786538

  • California Sues Facebook for Documents in Privacy Investigation
    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/06/technology/facebook-california-investigation.html

    The state said Facebook had resisted or ignored dozens of requests for documents and internal correspondence about the company’s handling of personal data. California’s attorney general on Wednesday said he was investigating Facebook’s privacy practices and accused the company of failing to cooperate with his inquiry, in the social network’s latest fight over how it treats user information. In a lawsuit filed by the attorney general, Xavier Becerra, the state said that over an 18-month (...)

    #Facebook #domination #data #procès

  • Eritrean refugees defy border closures only to find hardship in Ethiopia

    The long-dormant border crossings re-opened with such fanfare between Eritrea and Ethiopia last year as a symbol of warming relations are all now closed – but that isn’t stopping a steady flow of Eritrean refugees from fleeing across the heavily militarised frontier.

    According to the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, around 300 people continue to cross each day, using remote paths to avoid arrest by Eritrean border guards. They are prima facie refugees, typically escaping compulsory national service, repression, and joblessness, or looking to reunite with family members who have already made the journey.

    New arrivals join roughly 170,000 Eritrean refugees already in Ethiopia, staying in overcrowded camps, or living in nearby host communities. Younger, more mobile men and women typically head to the capital, Addis Ababa, to look for work, taking advantage of Ethiopia’s liberal employment policies for refugees.

    Finding it increasingly difficult to make ends meet in Ethiopia, many Eritrean refugees are choosing to move on, seeking better opportunities in Europe – or even further afield in the Americas – to support their families.

    Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993, but relations between the two governments soured, leading to a war from 1998 to 2000 in which 100,000 people died. Eritrea’s closed economy and the harshness of a regime that has remained on a war footing created a generation of exiles – some 460,000 people had fled the country by the end of 2016 out of a population of 5.3 million.

    The peace agreement signed in July 2018 between Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki ended almost two decades of frozen conflict – and won Abiy a Nobel Peace Prize earlier this month. The accord was meant to usher in trade and development, and revive the historical ties between the two nations. But, as progress towards normalising relations has stalled, the four frontier posts thrown open under the agreement have shut, with the last one, Assab-Bure, closing in May.

    “No proper explanation was given, but most probably the [Eritrean] regime fears the risk of losing control over the command economy and further acceleration of the mass exodus,’’ said Nicole Hirt, a researcher on Eritrea with the German Institute of Global and Area Studies.
    Safety, but little work

    The Ethiopian government’s “open-camp” policy means refugees don’t have to stay in camps and can work or continue with their education.

    But most Eritreans here have no proof of their academic qualifications. The Eritrean government doesn’t issue them to those who haven’t completed national service or can’t show evidence of an exemption.

    That complicates the search for work, as Eritrean refugees have to compete in an economy that is struggling to deliver jobs to an already large pool of unemployed youth.

    In the densely-populated Mebrat Hail suburb of Addis Ababa, many apartment buildings are home to Eritreans who arrived after the peace agreement was signed.

    The influx of people looking for work and accommodation led to a jacking up of rents – adding to the struggle of new refugees trying to make a fresh start in Ethiopia.

    “Rent is becoming very expensive in Addis Ababa and, even when you can find a job, you can barely pay the bills,’’ said Abinet, a young Eritrean working as a taxi driver.

    Rent on a one-bedroom flat is between $150 and $200 – a large amount of money to find each month.

    Faven, who was a laboratory technician in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, came to Addis Ababa to join her family. She is now working in a small shop earning $34 a month. “Not even enough to pay my rent,” she said.
    No way back

    Compulsory national service is the “primary driver behind the mass exodus of thousands of young Eritreans each month who brave dangerous foreign journeys and callous governments to reach safety abroad”, Human Rights Watch has noted.

    Mickel, 22, fled the country after doing three years in the military – leaving him now marooned.

    “I’m afraid to return. I will end up in jail, or worse [if I do],” he told The New Humanitarian. “I don’t have a passport and I cannot move freely.”

    Attendance at Sa’wa, Eritrea’s national defence training centre, is compulsory for every high school student. Conscription can be indefinite. Human rights groups have repeatedly documented “slavery-like” conditions during military training at Sa’wa, including torture and sexual violence.

    “I wake up in the night and I feel the government is coming to take me.”

    "We are prisoners of our dreams in Sa’wa. We are not free. That’s why I ran away,” said a 27-year-old former physics teacher, who taught at Sa’wa before escaping.

    Filomon, a teenager, said he constantly worries he could be kidnapped in Addis Ababa by Eritrean secret police and taken back to Asmara – a fear heightened by the reopening of the Eritrean embassy in July last year.

    “I wake up in the night and I feel the government is coming to take me. I still feel they can arrest me at anytime,” Filomon told TNH. “I don’t feel safe here.”
    Travelling on

    For many Eritreans, life in Ethiopia is a frustrating state of limbo.

    Those who can, make plans to leave the country. For example, Robel, 27, is waiting for his application for a family reunification visa to the UK to be processed. In the meantime, his brother sends him money each month.

    Others contemplate more difficult journeys, north to Sudan and then the Mediterranean route to Europe via Libya – although that is tempered by the well-known dangers.

    “We are aware of the risk and we all know what’s happening there,’’ a young Eritrean woman said in reference to Libya, where migrants can face detention, extortion, and torture at the hands of militia, even before attempting the perilous sea crossing to Europe.

    It is difficult to gauge how many Eritreans are journeying on from Ethiopia, but according to UNHCR, it is a significant number, with many of them unaccompanied minors.

    Apart from the well-trodden journey north to Sudan, new routes are emerging – or being re-explored.

    For those who can afford it, Latin America is a growing destination – with the hope of then making it on from there to the United States or Canada – according to the UN’s migration agency, IOM.

    “Nothing is impossible if you have money,” said Ghebre, who arrived in Addis a few months ago but is already dreaming of a better life abroad, and who preferred to only give one name.

    Forged travel documents that can get you to Colombia, Ecuador, or Panama are available from smugglers in Uganda for $3,500 per person, TNH was told by several Eritreans in Addis Ababa. It is then a treacherous overland trek to Mexico.

    Getting through Mexico, though, is a major hurdle. A report this month by the Mixed Migration Centre noted that some 4,779 Africans were apprehended in Mexico from January through July of 2019 – almost a fourfold increase over the same period the previous year. Among those were Eritreans, according to IOM.

    Between 1,500 and 3,000 Africans are currently stranded in the southern city of Tapachula – although the Mexican authorities say they are on pace to triple the number of African migrants being processed this year, up from 2,100 in 2017.

    An unknown number of migrants are also camped on Mexico’s northern border – stalled by the tough new US immigration policies. In a one week period earlier this year, the US Border patrol at Del Rio stopped more than 500 African migrants – some with children – who had taken the risk to cross undocumented.

    Even if Eritreans do make it to the United States, there has been an “alarming uptick” in deportations by the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency, known as ICE, which specifically targets them, according to news reports.

    The US Department of Homeland Security has also imposed visa restrictions on Eritreans, in direct retaliation for Asmara’s perceived non-cooperation over the deportation of its citizens – a move that in reality punishes the migrants rather than the government.

    https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2019/10/21/Eritrean-refugees-Ethiopia-border-closures
    #fermeture_des_frontières #ouverture_des_frontières #paix #processus_de_paix #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_érythréens #Erythrée #Ethiopie #Addis_Abeba #travail

  • Facebook agrees to pay fine over Cambridge Analytica scandal
    https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2019/oct/30/facebook-agrees-to-pay-fine-over-cambridge-analytica-scandal

    Company withdraws appeal against £500,000 penalty imposed by UK data watchdog Facebook has agreed to pay a £500,000 fine, the highest possible, to the Information Commissioner’s Office over the Cambridge Analytica scandal, ending more than a year of litigation between the regulator and social network. The ICO announced its intention to fine Facebook in July 2018. Unusually, the office went public with its intention before giving Facebook a chance to respond, and ultimately issued the (...)

    #CambridgeAnalytica #Facebook #manipulation #procès #BigData #élections #ICO-UK

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/2fcda8c435ecc89c73e6f0e7b7d951224e48bf5e/0_138_4288_2573/master/4288.jpg

  • As #Scott_Warren retrial nears, judge orders lawyer for volunteer nurse in migrant harboring case

    As Scott Warren — a No More Deaths volunteer charged with two counts of human smuggling — again faces trial, the judge has assigned a lawyer for a volunteer nurse who works with the humanitarian group, in one of several rulings issued Monday morning.

    Warren, a 36-year-old geography professor, faced trial in May on three felony charges, including one count of criminal conspiracy to transport and harbor illegal aliens, and two counts of harboring, stemming from his January 2018 arrest by U.S. Border Patrol agents in Ajo, Ariz.

    In early June, after days of deliberation, a jury refused to convict Warren, but did not find him not guilty. The judge declared a mistrial because of the hung jury.

    Undaunted by the jury’s non-decision, federal prosecutors announced in July that they would seek a new trial, but dropped the conspiracy charge against Warren. They also announced a possible plea deal for Warren, which he did not accept by the prosecution’s deadline.

    As the case has moved toward a second trial, federal prosecutors and Warren’s defense team have issued a flurry of motions and counter-motions that will set the stage for the new court proceeding, slated to begin November 12.

    Among these motions was a request that Susannah Brown, a nurse who regularly provides medical aid to migrants crossing the desert, be assigned a lawyer. Federal prosecutors Nathaniel Walters and Anna Wright argued that Brown should retain a lawyer because “as the government argued in closing” her testimony “demonstrated that she conspired with the defendant to harbor” two men at a ramshackle building used as a staging area for humanitarian organizations, called “the Barn” in Ajo.

    Along with Warren, BP agents arrested Kristian Perez-Villanueva, a 23-year-old man from El Salvador, and Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Goday, a 21-year-old man from Honduras. The men arrived together and stayed for four days and three nights at the Barn after crossing the desert days earlier, ending up at a gas station in Why, Ariz., in the desert west of Tucson.

    During the trial, Brown became a surprising target for federal prosecutors who tried to show that Warren was involved in a “plan,” along Brown, and an organizer of shelters in Mexico — Irineo Mujica — to smuggle the two men into the United States.

    While Brown sat in the courtroom looking shocked, federal prosecutors essentially accused her of a felony, and showed as part of their evidence video from Perez-Villanueva’s phone. In the video, Brown briefly spoke with the Salvadorian during a Christmas Day celebration at the shelter in Sonoyta, Sonora. In the video, Perez-Villanueva asks Brown her name, and she responds with the same question.

    As Perez-Villanueva turns his camera, Mujica comes into view and tells the man to put the phone down. Mujica and Warren had repeatedly emailed about the shelter and its needs, according to documents shown during the trial. This included a plan to arrange a Jan. 12 visit to the shelter, and that a group of No More Deaths volunteers went to Mexico to bring water and operate a temporary medical clinic. The next day, Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday began their journey by climbing over the fence that separates the U.S. and Mexico.

    In motions, Warren’s lawyers told the court that Brown could invoke her 5th Amendment rights during a retrial “given the accusations” made against her.

    Collins also considered a motion filed by Greg Kuykendall and Amy Knight, who argued that they should be able to submit evidence that shows Border Patrol agents may “hold biases or prejudices against No More Deaths in general and Dr. Warren in particular.”

    In their motion, Kuykendall and Knight, argued that the jury should be shown evidence that the two agents who arrested Warren—Border Patrol agents Brendan Burns and John Marquez—might have had reasons to “perceive Dr. Warren in a negative light and/or shade their testimony against him.”

    During the trial, the two Border Patrol agents said they set up an observation post about 200-300 yards from the Barn, just across from a rural road on a patch of federally owned land.

    As part of an anti-smuggling unit called the “disrupt unit,” the agents said they worked to break up smuggling organizations, but on Jan. 17—the same day that No More Deaths published a report that was highly critical of the agency, including videos of Border Patrol agents destroying water drops that immediately went viral—the two plain-clothes agents parked themselves near the Barn, and using a spotting scope, zeroed in on Warren “gesturing” to the mountains with two men they believed to be illegally in the U.S.

    Kuykendall and Knight argued that “the government depended heavily on these agents’ subjective impressions and intentions.”

    “This case was essentially a credibility contest—the agents’ interpretation set against the NMD volunteers’ explanations for their actions. The government argued that everything the defense had described was a cover-up engineered to avoid criminal liability,” Warren’s attorneys wrote. “In this context, it is crucial for jurors to understand the various possible reasons the agents may portrayed Dr. Warren as they did.”

    They also argued that Warren’s arrest was part of campaign of selective enforcement carried out by Border Patrol because the agents were upset that NMD had “that very morning, released a humiliating report and accompanying video footage exposing the Border Patrol’s gleeful destruction of humanitarian aid supplies, giving them a specific reason to resent NMD and the people associated with it.”

    Reporter profile
    More by Paul Ingram

    Posted Oct 21, 2019, 1:59 pm

    Paul Ingram TucsonSentinel.com

    As Scott Warren — a No More Deaths volunteer charged with two counts of human smuggling — again faces trial, the judge has assigned a lawyer for a volunteer nurse who works with the humanitarian group, in one of several rulings issued Monday morning.

    Warren, a 36-year-old geography professor, faced trial in May on three felony charges, including one count of criminal conspiracy to transport and harbor illegal aliens, and two counts of harboring, stemming from his January 2018 arrest by U.S. Border Patrol agents in Ajo, Ariz.

    In early June, after days of deliberation, a jury refused to convict Warren, but did not find him not guilty. The judge declared a mistrial because of the hung jury.

    Undaunted by the jury’s non-decision, federal prosecutors announced in July that they would seek a new trial, but dropped the conspiracy charge against Warren. They also announced a possible plea deal for Warren, which he did not accept by the prosecution’s deadline.

    As the case has moved toward a second trial, federal prosecutors and Warren’s defense team have issued a flurry of motions and counter-motions that will set the stage for the new court proceeding, slated to begin November 12.

    Among these motions was a request that Susannah Brown, a nurse who regularly provides medical aid to migrants crossing the desert, be assigned a lawyer. Federal prosecutors Nathaniel Walters and Anna Wright argued that Brown should retain a lawyer because “as the government argued in closing” her testimony “demonstrated that she conspired with the defendant to harbor” two men at a ramshackle building used as a staging area for humanitarian organizations, called “the Barn” in Ajo.

    Along with Warren, BP agents arrested Kristian Perez-Villanueva, a 23-year-old man from El Salvador, and Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Goday, a 21-year-old man from Honduras. The men arrived together and stayed for four days and three nights at the Barn after crossing the desert days earlier, ending up at a gas station in Why, Ariz., in the desert west of Tucson.

    During the trial, Brown became a surprising target for federal prosecutors who tried to show that Warren was involved in a “plan,” along Brown, and an organizer of shelters in Mexico — Irineo Mujica — to smuggle the two men into the United States.

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    While Brown sat in the courtroom looking shocked, federal prosecutors essentially accused her of a felony, and showed as part of their evidence video from Perez-Villanueva’s phone. In the video, Brown briefly spoke with the Salvadorian during a Christmas Day celebration at the shelter in Sonoyta, Sonora. In the video, Perez-Villanueva asks Brown her name, and she responds with the same question.

    As Perez-Villanueva turns his camera, Mujica comes into view and tells the man to put the phone down. Mujica and Warren had repeatedly emailed about the shelter and its needs, according to documents shown during the trial. This included a plan to arrange a Jan. 12 visit to the shelter, and that a group of No More Deaths volunteers went to Mexico to bring water and operate a temporary medical clinic. The next day, Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday began their journey by climbing over the fence that separates the U.S. and Mexico.

    In motions, Warren’s lawyers told the court that Brown could invoke her 5th Amendment rights during a retrial “given the accusations” made against her.

    Collins also considered a motion filed by Greg Kuykendall and Amy Knight, who argued that they should be able to submit evidence that shows Border Patrol agents may “hold biases or prejudices against No More Deaths in general and Dr. Warren in particular.”

    In their motion, Kuykendall and Knight, argued that the jury should be shown evidence that the two agents who arrested Warren—Border Patrol agents Brendan Burns and John Marquez—might have had reasons to “perceive Dr. Warren in a negative light and/or shade their testimony against him.”

    During the trial, the two Border Patrol agents said they set up an observation post about 200-300 yards from the Barn, just across from a rural road on a patch of federally owned land.

    As part of an anti-smuggling unit called the “disrupt unit,” the agents said they worked to break up smuggling organizations, but on Jan. 17—the same day that No More Deaths published a report that was highly critical of the agency, including videos of Border Patrol agents destroying water drops that immediately went viral—the two plain-clothes agents parked themselves near the Barn, and using a spotting scope, zeroed in on Warren “gesturing” to the mountains with two men they believed to be illegally in the U.S.

    Kuykendall and Knight argued that “the government depended heavily on these agents’ subjective impressions and intentions.”

    “This case was essentially a credibility contest—the agents’ interpretation set against the NMD volunteers’ explanations for their actions. The government argued that everything the defense had described was a cover-up engineered to avoid criminal liability,” Warren’s attorneys wrote. “In this context, it is crucial for jurors to understand the various possible reasons the agents may portrayed Dr. Warren as they did.”

    They also argued that Warren’s arrest was part of campaign of selective enforcement carried out by Border Patrol because the agents were upset that NMD had “that very morning, released a humiliating report and accompanying video footage exposing the Border Patrol’s gleeful destruction of humanitarian aid supplies, giving them a specific reason to resent NMD and the people associated with it.”

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    Collins accepted their argument in part, ruling that “the defense will be able to inquire as to the possible bias or prejudice of the government witnesses.” However, Collins ruled that a document released by No More Deaths itself “will not come into evidence and will not go to the jury.”

    Collins also denied and granted in part a motion filed by Warren’s lawyers to withhold the description of Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday’s journey in the United States. “The telling of the journey from Mexico to the United States is no longer relevant,” Collins wrote. However, what the two men said to Warren “is relevant and that can come in.”

    Collins also ruled that video from the Why-Not gas station could be played because the video shows the men moving around, buying sports drinks and food before they later received a ride to Ajo.

    “The Court will also allow the playing of the video at the gas station since the extent of the migrants’ injury is still an issue in the case,” Collins wrote.

    Along with this, Collins also will allow testimony that Warren made during a separate trial for misdemeanor charges that he was hit with for entering the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge and leaving food and water.

    Collins did accept a motion to allow the defense to submit testimony made during the first trial by Ed McCullough, who showed maps describing where people have died attempting to cross the desert, but was unavailable to testify a second time.

    He also rejected a motion filed by prosecutors that would have kept Warren’s defense team from arguing that NMD had legal “protocols” that were established through consultation with Professor Andrew Silverman and that Warren was acting under the advice of counsel when he brought the two men into the Barn and gave them food, water, and medical care.

    During the first trial, Silverman told the jury that Warren was working under legal protocols that he had helped write, however, federal prosecutors had asked Collins to preclude the defense from “introducing evidence in support of an advice of counsel defense, including evidence pertaining to No More Deaths’ protocols and volunteer training.”

    “Such testimony is irrelevant, improper, and likely to confuse the jury about a material issue in this case,” they argued. Warren and his lawyers had “failed to establish any of the elements of an advice of counsel defense,” because they “did not offer any evidence that [Warren] consulted directly with any attorney and, in fact, objected to disclosing this information to the government.”

    “The defendant’s alleged compliance with the No More Deaths’ protocols also cannot satisfy the elements of the advice of counsel defense,” they wrote.
    First trial ended in jury deadlock

    Warren’s first felony trial began on May 29, and after a seven-day trial, jurors deliberated for about 11 hours over two days before they told the court they were struggling to reach a decision. Collins told the jurors to continue their deliberations, and issued an “Allen charge” instructing jurors to try to reach an unanimous verdict. Among the instructions read by Collins in court, jurors were told to "reexamine their own views, but not to change “an honest belief” because of the opinions of fellow jurors or “for the mere purpose of returning a verdict.”

    But,the next day, the third of deliberations, it became clear that the jury could not reach an unanimous verdict, and Collins declared a hung jury. Following the announcement, Collins set a new hearing for July 2, giving prosecutors time to consider whether they would pursue a retrial.

    During the trial, prosecutors argued that Warren “harbored and shielded from detection” two men in the country illegally at the Barn, and that he was at “hub” of a plan to transport and protect the two men after they illegally crossed the border by climbing over the border fence somewhere near Sonoyta, a Mexican border town.

    Warren, along with two men in the country without authorization, was arrested during at raid by several Border Patrol agents at “the Barn,” a ramshackle building on the town’s outskirts regularly used as a staging point for volunteers who have been working to stem an increasing number of deaths in the remote wildlife refuges west of the unincorporated town.

    As the trial loomed, Warren’s prosecution took on national and international importance, and humanitarian volunteers lead by No More Deaths collected more than 120,000 signatures and submitted them to the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Tucson just days before the trial began, asking for them to drop the charges.

    Warren’s prosecution also came to the attention of human rights experts from the United Nations, who wrote that “providing humanitarian aid is not a crime. We urge the U.S. authorities to immediately drop all charges against Scott Warren.”

    In a letter written by Michael Forst, a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, the UN body said that Warren’’s work is “vital and legitimate,” and said that No More Deaths" upholds the right to life and prevents the deaths of migrants and asylum seekers at the US-Mexican border."

    “The prosecution of Scott Warren represents an unacceptable escalation of existing patterns criminalising migrant rights defenders along the migrant caravan routes,” they said.

    Forst also noted that Warren’s arrest came “hours after the release of a report” by No More Deaths which linked Border Patrol agents to the “systematic destruction of humanitarian supplies, including water stores, and denounced a pattern of harassment, intimidation and surveillance against humanitarian aid workers.”

    The decision to retry Warren will be the first high-profile test for U.S. Attorney Michael Bailey, who was nominated by President Trump in February and just confirmed by the Senate on May 23. Bailey replaced Elizabeth Strange, who served as the acting U.S. attorney for more than two years after John S. Leonardo stepped down from the position in January 2017.

    Warren’s case is one of three high-profile prosecutions launched against No More Deaths volunteers, including two misdemeanor trials — one also involving Warren — for the group’s efforts to leave food, water, medicine, and other aid in the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge.

    Warren’s trial in the misdemeanor charges concluded in May, but Collins has not rendered a verdict in the bench trial, leaving Warren’s fate in those charges also up in the air.

    After the announcement, Warren thanked supporters supporters and castigated the government for bringing charges against him.

    “In the time since I was arrested in January 2018, no fewer than 88 bodies were recovered from the Arizona desert,” Warren said. “The government’s plan in the midst of this humanitarian crisis? Policies to target undocumented people, refugees, and their families. Prosecutions to criminalize humanitarian aid, kindness, and solidarity. And now, the revelation that they will build an enormous and expensive wall across a vast stretch of southwestern Arizona’s unbroken Sonoran Desert.”
    Re-trial would be complete re-do of case

    With the jury deadlocked and the proceedings declared a mistrial, Collins scheduled a hearing for July 2 to review the felony case. Prosecutors may attempt to re-try Warren on the charges, as the jury did not render a verdict. If they do so, the second trial would be a complete re-do, including the selection of a new jury.

    During final arguments, prosecutors argued that Warren “harbored and shielded from detection” two men in the country illegally at “the Barn,” a ramshackle house used as a staging point for aid organizations trying to stem what volunteers like Warren have called a “humanitarian crisis” in the deserts west and south of Ajo, an unincorporated town about 110 miles west of Tucson. Prosecutors said he was at “hub” of a plan to transport and protect the two men after they illegally crossed the border by climbing over the border fence somewhere near Sonoyta, a Mexican border town.

    Warren testified in his own defense telling jurors that his spiritual values compel him to help those who “stumble” out of the desert into the neighborhoods of Ajo, Ariz., and that doing so is “good and right, especially in a place that feels like a low-intensity conflict.”

    No More Deaths has maintained that the arrests of Warren and others were retribution for the release that same day of a report by the humanitarian aid group, documenting claims that Border Patrol agents vandalized water caches placed for migrants crossing the desert.

    After the trial closed, Warren noted that “the other men arrested with me that day Jose Sacaria-Goday and Kristian Perez-Villanueva, have not received the attention and outpouring of support that I have. I do not know how they are doing now, but I do hope they are safe.”

    Warren and other volunteers testified that the men needed medical care, as they were suffering from blisters on their feet, a minor cold, and injuries from being in the desert. However, prosecutors said that this was a “smokescreen,” and repeatedly referred to selfie photos captured from Perez-Villanueva’s cellphone and surveillance video from the Why-Not gas station in Why, Arizona to show that the men were not injured or sick.

    Evidence of a humanitarian crisis, and the loss of lives in the desert didn’t matter , because border crossers haven’t died in Ajo. “That’s not this case, that’s a smokescreen and a distraction for this case,” assistant U.S. Attorney Anna Wright said during her closing arguments.

    As the case went to the jury, the Border Patrol said that it recovered the body of a Guatemalan woman who died trying to cross the Barry M. Goldwater bombing range, which sits just to the north of Ajo and straddles Highway 85.

    Wright said that after Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday arrived at the barn, Warren called Brown, a registered nurse who volunteers for No More Deaths, not in an effort to get the men medical attention, but rather because she was involved in the “plan” to smuggle the men.

    Brown sat in the courtroom and appeared shocked when she heard the federal prosecutor implicate her in a felony.

    Perez-Villanueva’s phone remained a linchpin to the prosecutor’s case, and Wright highlighted as much saying that while other people who testified might have a bias, the photos and video were evidence that “doesn’t lie.”

    As the trial began, assistant U.S. Attorney Nathaniel Walters told the jury that federal authorities are not targeting humanitarian aid along the border with Mexico.

    “No More Deaths is not on trial,” Walters told the jury. “Scott Warren is.”

    But during the trial, prosecutors argued that these calls and the visit was part of a plan to illegally aid migrants, and noted later that night, Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday decided to cross the border.

    This brief interaction was enough to show a nexus of relationships between Warren, Mujica, Perez-Villanueva and Brown that could not be a coincidence, Wright argued.

    While Warren testified Wednesday, Mujica was arrested in Sonoyta by Mexican authorities.

    Mujica was later released, and the case against Mujica later collapsed, although there are signs that Mexican officials could once agains launch a case against the organizer, even as he now moves freely from Sonora to areas where there are large numbers of African and Cuban migrants seeking asylum in Tapachula.

    Questions about the timing of Mujica’s arrest and the Mexican government’s case remain.

    During the trial, a Border Patrol agent testified that he reviewed 14,000 pages of data from Warren’s phone, and from those thousands of pages the agent produced a one-page report. “They were not interested in innocence,” Kuykendall said.

    Defense attorney Greg Kuykendall said during his closing argument that it was “frankly terrifying, just terrifying” that his client was charged with a “total lack of evidence.”

    “It’s just supposition,” he said.

    In his opening statement two weeks ago, Kuykendall said Warren did not intend to break the law when he came across two undocumented immigrants early last year.

    “Scott intended to perform basic human kindness,” he told jurors, and was acting in accordance with his Christian faith.

    After the jury said it was deadlocked, Kuykendall was asked if “humanitarian aid being targeted by the federal government?,” Kuykendall responded, “you should ask the federal government. And use your own common sense.”

    Kuykendall also told the court last week that emails between Mujica and Warren, along with others showed that Warren was working on search and rescue and recovery efforts, and that when volunteers went to help the “Hope Shelter” there, they should contact Mujica.

    The U.S. government, he said, had all the power and resources to direct the agent to investigate and present all the evidence to the jury, he said. He also argued that the government failed to interview Mujica, noting that as one of the agents, Burns, who arrested Warren testified, he was called to a checkpoint after Mujica was held in a secondary inspection area, and yet he did not “interrogate” the man who might be at the center of the conspiracy.

    Photos from Perez-Villanueva’s phone shows the two men inside a van, after apparently leaving a gas station in Ajo. In the warrant for Warren’s phone, another agent noted that in Mujica’s vehicle Burns found black water bottles, a notebook containing a “detailed account” of travel through Mexico, and identity cards of men who were later apprehended by Border Patrol. However, Mujica wasn’t arrested by Burns, and weeks later, a passenger in his van was apprehended for being in the country illegally, leaving questions about Mujica’s role in Warren’s case.

    During opening arguments, assistant U.S. Attorney Nathaniel Walters tried to downplay the case’s consequences for humanitarian aid in the borderlands. While Warren is a “high-ranking member” of No More Deaths, the group was not on trial, rather Warren is “on trial,” Walters said.

    “This case is not about humanitarian aid or anyone in medical distress,” Walters said. “But, rather, this is about an attempt to shield two illegal aliens for several days,” from law enforcement, he said.

    However, during her closing arguments, Wright focused on the idea that Warren was a “high-ranking member” of No More Deaths, and she admitted that Warren did not receive a financial benefit, but said that instead, Warren “gets to further the goals of the organization” and “thwart the Border Patrol at every turn.”

    During the trial, the two Border Patrol agents— Burns and John Marquez —said they set up an observation post about 200-300 yards from the Barn, just across from a rural road on a patch of federally owned land.

    As part of an anti-smuggling unit called the “disrupt unit,” the agents said they worked to break up smuggling organizations, but on Jan. 17—the same day that No More Deaths published a report that was highly critical of the agency, including videos of Border Patrol agents destroying water drops that immediately went viral—the two plain-clothes agents parked themselves near the Barn, and using a spotting scope, zeroed in on Warren “gesturing” to the mountains with two men they believed to be illegally in the U.S.

    Warren said during the trial that he was trying to “orient” the men, who were preparing to head north, and that he was telling them to stay inside a valley between Child’s Mountain and Hat Peak, where they “if they got in trouble” they could head to Highway 85 and seek help. Prosecutors said that Warren was telling the men how to bypass a Border Patrol checkpoint on the highway and that Warren was giving them a pathway to follow from Ajo toward Interstate 8.

    Warren said that he stayed outside and was working on building a fire in preparation for students from a high-school in Flagstaff to come the Barn, when he saw a “convoy” of vehicles heading his way. Once agents came up to the barn, Warren said during testimony that he was handcuffed within two minutes, but that he offered to walk into the Barn with the agents.

    Burns and Marquez arrived moments later, and went around to the back where Perez-Villanueva was sitting on the threshold in the bathroom door. Inside, Sacaria-Goday was hiding behind the shower curtain.

    Wright attacked Warren’s credibility, saying that by seeking “context” he was actually trying to “distract” from the central issue and that Warren use of the word “orientation” was just a “fancy word for giving people directions.” When he was outside and spotted by Border Patrol agents, he was giving the men information so they could go “from point A, Ajo, to point B, Interstate 8.” These directions gave the men a “path” to follow away from the Border Patrol checkpoint allowing them to “further their journey,” she said.
    Warren: ’Haunting crisis’

    During his testimony, Warren said that he went to Ajo in order to work on his dissertation as a doctoral candidate at Arizona State University. He became increasingly interested in issues in Ajo and met with members of the Ajo Samaritans after he attended one of the Border Patrol’s citizen academies, a six-week course designed to inform the public about the agency’s mission.

    He said that as he stayed in Ajo, his eyes were “really opened” to the humanitarian crisis in the desert surrounding the small desert town, and that he became heavily involved in the community, becoming an elected member of the West Pima County Community Council. “It’s an elected position, but everyone runs unopposed,” Warren quipped.

    As he lived in Ajo, it became clear that everyday migrants “are stumbling” out of the wilderness aching for food, water and shelter, and that helping them is a “ubiquitous experience,” for residents in the town. After months in Ajo, Warren found himself part of an effort to recover the remains of a migrant who had perished in the nearby Barry M. Goldwater Bombing Range, and the experience of finding human bones in the desert, “felt like a big transition for me,” Warren testified.

    “This crisis became real to me, in a haunting kind of way,” Warren said. He was used to finding animal bones in the desert, but the bones from a human being who had died “not long before,” stuck with him, he said.

    After finding the bones, he found that when he saw someone come out of the desert, he again saw the decaying bones at the “same time, almost like a split-screen,” and that he was struck by the “disturbing reality of how people who are living can be disappeared and lost to the desert,” he said.

    Warren testified that he has helped find and recover 18 sets of human remains in the desert around Ajo, and that the work is a “deeply profound effort.”

    During the hearing, Warren’s lawyer Kuykendall asked him, “what are you doing, spending your whole life helping strangers?”

    “It feels choice-less,” Warren said. “How could you not do that when there are people dying around you?” he asked. “How could you not respond?”

    “Everyone who enters that desert will suffer,” he said. Migrants attempt to cross the desert will have to walk a “long, long way” to cross the desert, and they’ll witness death, either of other migrants or their companions, along the way.

    “It’s an epic undertaking, you have to put everything you’ve got on the line in order to make it,” Warren said, telling the jury that migrants often have already faced danger and deprivation in Mexico before they even attempt “the hardest thing they’ve ever done in their lives.”

    Nonetheless, Warren testified that he felt it was important to follow the law, in part to protect the students and volunteers who came to the Barn.

    “Why would you want to understand the legal limits,” asked Kuykendall.

    “I want to work within the border of the law, and not be doing something illegal and put students in a situation where they’re doing something illegal,” Warren said.
    Payback?

    On the day Warren was arrested, NMD released a report that said that from 2012 to 2015, 415 caches of water left for crossers in the 800-square-mile corridor near Arivaca were vandalized, spilling nearly 3,600 gallons of water into the desert.

    During this same time period, the bodies of 1,026 people were found in the Sonoran Desert, according to records from the Pima County Office of the Medical Examiner.

    Using statistical analysis, including land-use patterns, as well as video from trail cameras, and personal experiences to support their claims, the group said that U.S. Border Patrol agents “are responsible for the widespread interference with essential humanitarian efforts.”

    As part of the report’s release, NMD also published videos of Border Patrol agents intentionally destroying water bottles, including a video in which a female Border Patrol agent systematically kicks a half-dozen water bottles, spilling their contents, and a 2017 video in which an agent punctures a water bottle with a knife.

    This report embarrassed and infuriated agents, prompting one to say that NMD had “gone too far” and “messed with the wrong guy,” according to a motion filed by Warren’s defense lawyers in March.

    Previous prosecutions
    Federal officials have attempted to prosecute humanitarian volunteers before, though after two high-profile cases in 2005 and 2008, the government avoided formal prosecutions until 2017, when nine No More Deaths volunteers–including Warren—were charged with entering a wildlife refuge without a permit and leaving food, water, and other supplies on the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, a 800,000-acre wilderness, west of Ajo.

    In 2005, agents arrested Shanti A. Sellz and Daniel M. Strauss after they stopped the two volunteers, and found three people in the country without authorization in their car. However, that indictment was tossed by U.S. District Judge Raner Collins—the same judge who is overseeing Warren’s case.

    In 2008, U.S. Fish and Wildlife officers cited volunteer Dan Millis for littering on the Buenos Aires National Wildlife Refugee after he left water jugs there, however, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals overturned his conviction.

    But, after eight years, a detente between the group and Border Patrol began to collapse, beginning with surveillance of the group’s camp on private land south of Arivaca in 2016, and followed by a June 2017 incident when, with a warrant in hand, Border Patrol agents raided the camp and arrested four men, all migrants suspected of being in the country illegally.

    That raid followed an announcement by then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions who told reporters during a press conference in Nogales on April 11, 2017 that federal prosecutors “are now required to consider for prosecution” the “transportation or harboring of aliens.”

    Sessions announcement was part of the Trump administrations “zero tolerance” policies as part of a hard-nosed crackdown on border and immigrant communities, and just nine months later, prosecutors in Tucson sought an indictment against Warren.

    Kuykendall also questioned the credibility of the agents, noting their use in messages in a group chat of the word “tonc.”

    The term “tonc” or “tonk” is widely used by agents to refer to border-crossers, but the term’s origin is unclear. Some have argued that the term refers to the sound of a metal flashlight hitting a skull, while others have said that it stands for “temporarily outside naturalized country,” or “true origin not known.”

    And, Kuykendall said that Burns did not know that the Barn remained unlocked and unsecured. After Warren’s arrest on Jan. 17, 2018, Border Patrol agents waited until Jan. 22 to execute a warrant and search the property. Burns appeared to not know that detail until he was told so by Kuykendall in court.

    “What kind of investigation is this, that leaves the building unsecured for 120 hours?,” the attorney rhetorically asked the jury.

    Kuykendall also argued that the two men who also arrested with Warren were given immunity from immigration charges so they would testify in a video deposition shown to the jury on Monday.

    “They are the government’s own witnesses” and yet they disputed some of Wright’s arguments. “This is the best the government can come up with?” he asked.

    Kuykendall said that government’s lack of evidence, “if it weren’t so scary, it would be laughable.”

    No More Deaths vows to continue aiding migrants
    “A hung jury means the government could not prove its case,” Warren defense attorney Amy Knight said. “Scott remains innocent and admirable.”

    Chris Fleischman, a volunteer with No More Deaths, said the organization plans to continue its humanitarian aid work following the announcement.

    “It’s still good to know that the Trump administration’s attempt to criminalize humanitarian aid has failed,” he said. “But we will still be working to end death and suffering in the borderlands.”

    It wasn’t immediately clear after the trial whether the government will seek a new case against Warren.

    “I would think that they wouldn’t waste their effort to do that,” Fleischman said, adding, “We’re concerned for his freedom. That he could be prosecuted for doing what we all had thought is legal anyway.”

    http://www.tucsonsentinel.com/local/report/102119_warren_trial/as-scott-warren-retrial-nears-judge-orders-lawyer-volunteer-nurse-mi

    #procès #justice #asile #migrations #réfugiés #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité #frontières #USA #Etats-Unis #USA

    Plus sur Scott Warren ici:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/784076

    ping @isskein

    • *Government Doesn’t Want Trump or His Immigration Policies

      Mentioned in Retrial of Border Aid Worker Scott Warren*


      As they prepare to make their second attempt at sending a border-based humanitarian volunteer to prison, federal prosecutors in Arizona are worried that the politics behind the policies they enforce might creep into the courtroom.

      In a late-stage motion, government lawyers have urged an Arizona judge to bar any mention of President Donald Trump or his immigration policies from the upcoming retrial of Scott Warren, a 36-year-old geographer who was indicted on felony harboring and conspiracy charges for giving two young migrants crossing a deadly stretch of desert food, water, and a place to sleep for three days in 2018. Warren is one of nine volunteers with the faith-based organization No More Deaths that the administration has charged with federal crimes for their work in the Arizona desert since Trump’s inauguration.

      The prosecutors’ concerns that Warren’s trial could become a referendum on Trump’s policies — specifically those that involve pressing charges against people for providing humanitarian aid — are not entirely misplaced. According to new research examining public opinion around the president’s hard-line border enforcement measures, Americans, regardless of political affiliation, overwhelmingly reject the notion that providing lifesaving care to people in the desert should be criminalized, suggesting that the government’s crackdown in the borderlands is well outside the bounds of what most people expect or demand from law enforcement.

      A national survey conducted in August by Chris Zepeda-Millán, an associate professor of public policy at UCLA, and Sophia Jordán Wallace, an associate professor of political science at the University of Washington, posed the question: “Do you agree or disagree that it should be a crime for people to offer humanitarian aid, such as water or first-aid, to undocumented immigrants crossing the desert along the U.S.-Mexico border?” To the researchers’ surprise, nearly 87 percent of the 1,500 American adults surveyed disagreed. When the results were broken down along party lines, the survey became even more interesting: Nearly 70 percent of Republicans said they disagreed with criminal prosecution for the provision of humanitarian aid, and nearly 38 percent said they “strongly disagreed” with the idea.

      “The findings suggest that the vast majority of Americans, including the vast majority of Republicans, do not support the criminalization of the type of work that No More Deaths and Scott Warren were doing,” Zepeda-Millán told The Intercept.

      The survey was conducted for a forthcoming book and paper looking at public opinion around Trump’s most aggressive immigration and border policies. And while there’s still work to be done on that broader project, the researchers chose to share their findings on the humanitarian aid question in advance of Warren’s retrial — he returns to court on Tuesday and faces a decade behind bars if convicted and sentenced to consecutive terms — in part because of how striking they are.

      Students of U.S. immigration enforcement history tend to agree that the Trump administration’s approach did not suddenly materialize out of nowhere, but is instead the extension of a multidecade trajectory of increased criminalization of immigration offenses and an unprecedented build-up in border security infrastructure, now infused with the hard-right rhetoric of authoritarian regimes around the world. There is one area, however, in which the current administration has distinguished itself from its White House predecessors, Zepeda-Millán noted: the targeting of immigrant rights activists. While it keeps thousands of asylum-seekers in legal limbo in some of Mexico’s most dangerous border cities, the administration is simultaneously criminalizing — and in some cases arresting and deporting — those who challenge Trump’s policies, he noted.

      It’s a pattern of “anti-movement state repression,” Zepeda-Millán argued, and it’s why understanding public opinion on these policies is so critical. Traditionally, the best indicator of a person’s stance on a given immigration policy issue is their party affiliation, he explained. “When it comes to immigration, there’s usually a really strict and stable partisan divide,” he said. “As long as we know what your political party is, we can pretty much guess what your opinion is going to be on deportation, on the wall, etc.”

      The survey results bucked that trend in a major way, reflecting a rare thing in American politics: strong, bipartisan consensus on a matter of immigration-related policy in the era of Trump.

      The same Trumpian politics and policies that Zepeda-Millán and Wallace examined, and that prosecutors have sought to banish from Warren’s trial, have served as the backdrop for the government’s criminalization campaign in southern Arizona from the beginning.

      It started in the run-up to the 2016 election, with Border Patrol agents parking their vehicles outside the humanitarian aid camp that No More Deaths has used for years and urging the volunteers to “Vote Trump!” by megaphone. Shortly after Trump’s election, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions flew to Arizona, where he encouraged his prosecutors to bring more cases like the one against Warren. “This is the Trump era,” Sessions said at the time.

      Not long after the visit, the Border Patrol raided No More Deaths’ camp in a show of force that involved a helicopter and roughly 20 agents, some carrying rifles, deployed to arrest four undocumented migrants who had crossed the desert and were receiving medical aid. Six days later, a senior Border Patrol agent in the Tucson sector told a world-renowned forensic anthropologist, who works on the issue of migrant deaths in the desert, that the humanitarian aid group had “messed with the wrong guy.” The anthropologist, in a sworn court declaration, said the agent told her his agency intended to “shut them down.”

      Throughout the summer of 2017, the Border Patrol and senior officials at U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service worked together to monitor the activity of No More Deaths volunteers who were leaving food and jugs of water on the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, a profoundly remote and extraordinarily deadly stretch of the Sonoran Desert. They compiled blacklists of volunteers and kept tabs on Warren’s movements in the tiny border community of Ajo, where he lives and works. As summer turned to fall, prosecutors filed federal misdemeanor charges — for littering and trespassing — against Warren and eight other No More Deaths volunteers for driving on designated wilderness and leaving humanitarian aid supplies on the wildlife refuge.

      On the morning of January 18, 2018, No More Deaths published a scathing report implicating the Border Patrol in the destruction of thousands of gallons of water, left in jugs for migrants crossing the desert. The report, which included video evidence that soon went viral, was shared with the patrol agent in charge of the Ajo Border Patrol station. Agents from the station then set up surveillance on a building known as “the Barn,” which serves as a base for Warren, No More Deaths, and other border aid groups. Late in the afternoon, the agents spotted Warren with two young men who they suspected to be undocumented. A raiding party composed of most of Ajo’s law enforcement community was quickly organized.

      Warren and the two young men were placed under arrest. Their names were Kristian Perez-Villanueva and Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Godoy. They had fled El Salvador and Honduras, respectively, and crossed the desert by foot, where they were chased by immigration agents and lost the food they had brought with them. In the depositions they later gave, they described how a man in Ajo dropped them off at the Barn and they let themselves inside. Warren showed up not long after. They asked him for food and water, and he welcomed them to both. Warren came and went in the days that followed, the migrants said, along with a number of other humanitarian aid volunteers using the space at the time.

      Warren was indicted a month later on two charges of harboring and one count of conspiracy, bring the total time he faced in prison to 20 years. His trial, which began in late May, ended in a hung jury.

      With Warren’s retrial approaching, the prosecution and the defense have filed several motions in recent weeks, perhaps none so unusual as the one the government’s attorneys submitted on October 29. “For the first time, the United States learned the defense might mention the President of the United States, Donald Trump, his administration, or his administration’s policies,” the motion read.

      Such references, the prosecutors argued, “would be irrelevant and unfairly prejudicial.”

      The idea that Warren’s actions should now be divorced from the politics of the world at large is a new direction for Assistant U.S. Attorneys Anna Wright and Nathaniel J. Walters — though given the events during the last trial, that is perhaps understandable.

      While Walters, in his opening statement at Warren’s trial over the summer, insisted that the prosecution was not about No More Deaths, and that the government’s concern was Warren’s actions alone, the nature of the prosecution’s case was something else entirely. Throughout the eight-day trial, Walters and Wright argued that Warren was the lynchpin in a shadowy criminal conspiracy to move people into the country illegally for political purposes. According to the prosecutors, the goal was not to make a profit, unlike most other criminal operations, but to undermine the Border Patrol and further No More Deaths’ political aim of establishing a borderless world. Over and over, both at the trial and pretrial hearings, the prosecutors asked No More Deaths volunteers if they supported the abolishment of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, a policy proposal born in the midst of Trump’s immigration crackdown.

      Central to the government’s narrative was a characterization of Warren as a deceptive and “high-ranking leader” of No More Deaths who could not be trusted. In an effort to underscore this idea, Walters at one point entered into evidence an article Warren wrote for the Washington Post on the eve of his trial. The bungled and baffling attempt to draw some damning revelation from Warren’s own assessment of the case backfired spectacularly. On cross-examination, Warren’s attorney, Greg Kuykendall, argued that if Walters was going to cherry-pick details from the op-ed, the jury should hear the rest of what was written. District Judge Raner Collins directed Warren to read the piece out loud and, with that, Warren linked his case directly to Trump’s most infamous immigration enforcement policies, from the crackdown on humanitarian aid to the separation of families at the border to a pattern of potentially preventable deaths in the desert.

      For Warren’s friends and supporters, the introduction of the politics and policies that surround Warren’s prosecution into the official record felt like a turning point, a moment when the people deciding his fate were permitted to see what his case was really all about. In the end, eight jurors chose to oppose Warren’s conviction, while four supported it. In July, when the U.S. Attorney’s Office announced that it would be retry the case, it dropped the conspiracy charge.

      Any efforts to prohibit mention of Trump or his policies would violate Warren’s First, Fifth, and Fourteenth Amendment rights under the U.S. Constitution, defense attorney Amy Knight wrote in a motion responding to the government’s request last week. Knight argued that the motion amounted to a request for an “extraordinary ban” with zero “explanation whatsoever of the prejudice” that would result from “daring to mention the President, a man who maintains ultimate authority over this prosecution (notably, the same man who appointed both the United States Attorney General and the United States Attorney for the District of Arizona).” Not only that, she noted, “the government itself introduced the only mention of President Trump into the previous trial, when, while questioning Dr. Warren, it brought up an article he had written expressing some of his views.”

      Paige Corich-Kleim, a longtime volunteer with No More Deaths, said in a statement to The Intercept that the organization worked “to expose government misconduct and intervene in the border crisis.”

      “The government’s attempts to erase the political nature of this retrial is part of their continued efforts to hide what is truly happening along the border and evade responsibility for the violence they have caused,” she added. “Deaths on the border are the predictable outcome of not just border militarization, but also U.S. intervention in Latin America. Their attempts to limit the scope of evidence are self serving.”

      Whether or not the government’s “he who shall not be named” efforts are successful, there are realities in Warren’s case that the prosecutors cannot escape.

      Since 2001, in Pima County alone, more than 3,000 people have lost their lives trying to cross the Sonoran Desert, a grim result of government policies that began two decades before Trump’s election. These deaths, predominantly resulting from dehydration and exposure to the desert sun, are horrifically agonizing and, as Zepeda-Millán and Wallace’s survey shows, most people oppose criminalizing efforts to stop them from happening. It’s a fact that Zepeda-Millán finds both heartening and deeply sad.

      “The good news is that despite Republican support for very punitive, draconian immigration policies, we seem to have found a limit or a threshold to their nativism,” he said. Though they consistently support a wall to keep undocumented immigrants out, and aggressive deportation measures to remove them once they are here, Zepeda-Millán added, “At the moment of life and death that migrants in the desert often find themselves in, Republicans seem to be willing to throw undocumented migrants at least a momentary lifesaver. That’s the good news.”

      “The bad news,” he said, “is that’s a pretty low bar.”

      https://theintercept.com/2019/11/11/immigration-aid-scott-warren-retrial

  • Le Conseil d’État autorise la CNIL à ignorer le RGPD
    https://www.laquadrature.net/2019/10/17/le-conseil-detat-autorise-la-cnil-a-ignorer-le-rgpd

    Hier, le Conseil d’État a rejeté notre demande contre la CNIL en matière de consentement au dépôt de cookie. En sous-titre, le Conseil d’État pourrait désavouer la CNIL dans son rôle de protectrice des libertés, réservant ce rôle aux seuls juges judiciaires. Ce revirement historique s’inscrit dans une série de démissions opérées ces derniers mois par la CNIL. Il est urgent d’exiger collectivement que celle-ci redevienne ce pour quoi elle a été créée : pour nous défendre du fichage d’entreprises et de l’État. (...)

    #cookies #procès #terms #LaQuadratureduNet #CNIL

  • #Marseille : #procès du squat #Saint-Just
    https://fr.squat.net/2019/10/17/marseille-proces-du-squat-saint-just

    Depuis 10 mois, des mineurs isolés et des personnes en demande d’asile occupent le squat du 59 avenue de St-Just alors que les institutions chargées de les mettre à l’abri, leur refuse délibérément un toit. Pour le procès du #Squat_Saint-Just, rendez-vous Place Monthyon, devant le TGI jeudi 17 octobre à 14h, tables d’infos des […]

    #59_avenue_de_Saint_Just #Collectif_59_St-Just #rassemblement #sans-papiers

  • M’sila (Algérie) : émeute du logement à la cité Ichbilia
    https://fr.squat.net/2019/10/08/msila-algerie-emeute-du-logement-a-la-cite-ichbilia

    Le dimanche 6 octobre 2019, à M’sila, la colère a grondé autour de la cité Ichbilia. De nombreux manifestants étaient dans la rue pour exiger au wali l’affichage de la liste des bénéficiaires de 1 262 logements publics locatifs dont la première liste avait été gelée il y a quelques mois. Les manifestants ont caillassé […]

    #Afrique #Algérie #émeutes #M'sila #procès
    https://fr.squat.net/wp-content/uploads/fr/2019/10/2019-10-06_Msila_emeutedulogement.mp4

  • Armée du RGPD, Orange fait empêcher l’identification de centaines d’IP par un ayant droit
    https://www.nextinpact.com/news/108179-armee-rgpd-orange-fait-empecher-lidentification-centaines-dip-par

    Un producteur a été débouté de sa demande d’identification de 895 adresses IP. Il a trouvé sur son chemin Orange qui lui a opposé victorieusement la législation sur la protection des données personnelles, dont le RGPD. Explications. Une ordonnance rendue le 2 août dernier jette un pavé dans la mare des sociétés luttant contre le « piratage » sur Internet. Le producteur québécois Mile High Distribution Inc avait mandaté l’allemande Media Protector à charge pour elle de relever les IP partageant ses œuvres (...)

    #Orange #procès #[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données_(RGPD)[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR)[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR) #copyright (...)

    ##[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données__RGPD_[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_ ##CNIL

  • #Maroc : la journaliste #Hajar_Raissouni condamnée à un an de #prison ferme pour « #avortement_illégal »

    Les proches de la jeune femme dénoncent un procès politique lié à sa famille, à ses opinions et au journal dans lequel elle travaille.

    La tension est palpable, ce lundi 30 septembre, dans la salle d’audience du tribunal de #Rabat, au Maroc, où le #procès de Hajar Raissouni, accusée d’« avortement illégal » et de « débauche », approche de la fin. La journaliste de 28 ans au voile bleu orné de petits motifs blancs s’entretient avec son avocat. Les prévenus sont amenés à la barre. Au premier rang, sa sœur, nœud rouge dans ses cheveux noirs lâchés sur les épaules, a le regard anxieux. Le jugement tombe : un an de prison ferme pour Hajar Raissouni et son fiancé ; deux ans pour le médecin, ainsi que l’interdiction d’exercer son métier pendant deux années supplémentaires ; huit mois avec sursis pour la secrétaire ; et un an avec sursis pour l’anesthésiste.

    La décision du juge à peine prononcée, des proches fondent en larmes avant de crier le prénom « Hajar » et de lever les bras, les doigts en V. C’est ce même signe qu’adressera Hajar Raissouni à sa famille et aux journalistes entre la porte de sortie du tribunal et le véhicule des forces de l’ordre qui la ramène en prison. Une photo volée de ce moment fera le tour des #réseaux_sociaux marocains, où s’exprime un large soutien pour la jeune femme.
    Un jugement « dur et injuste »

    La défense avait plaidé la libération des prévenus. Abdelmoula El Marouri, avocat de la journaliste, sort de la salle d’audience les yeux humides. C’est avec la même amertume que Myriam Moulay Rchid, avocate du médecin, part précipitamment du tribunal de Rabat, sans vouloir commenter l’affaire tant qu’elle n’a pas « consulté le jugement ». La semaine dernière, elle avait présenté des éléments médicaux expliquant que Hajar Raissouni ne pouvait pas être enceinte au moment de la consultation gynécologique. Les deux avocats ont annoncé qu’ils feraient appel dès le lendemain du jugement.

    « Le jugement est dur et injuste », estime Souleymane Raissouni, oncle de la journaliste et rédacteur en chef du #quotidien_indépendant #Akhbar_Al_Yaoum, dans lequel la jeune femme travaille. La reporter a raconté ne pas avoir avorté mais avoir consulté pour une hémorragie interne, confirmée par son gynécologue. Elle a aussi maintenu avoir été « contrainte à faire un examen médical sans son accord » à la suite de son interpellation. Un acte que ses avocats assimilent à de la « torture ». « Pourquoi ont-ils forcé une femme à ouvrir ses jambes devant un médecin pour fouiller son vagin ? C’est atroce ! », s’indigne Khouloud, un proche de la jeune femme.

    Dans cette photo du site Belpresse, Hajar Raissouni salue ses soutiens et sa famille alors qu’elle quitte un tribunal à Rabat, le 30 septembre.

    Pour Souleymane Raissouni, la réponse est simple : c’est une #affaire_politique. « L’opinion publique marocaine et internationale dit que Hajar est accusée à cause de ses opinions, de ses positions, de celles du journal et de sa famille. Le jugement l’a aujourd’hui confirmé », lance-t-il. Même constat chez Youssef Raissouni, un autre oncle de Hajar Raissouni, membre de l’Association marocaine des droits humains (AMDH). « Ce verdict s’inscrit dans un contexte marocain caractérisé par un non-respect des lois et des libertés », analyse-t-il une fois l’émotion passée.

    Des lois « obsolètes » et « liberticides »

    Pour Ibtissame Betty Lachgar, militante féministe, ce procès va au-delà du volet politique, « qui est indiscutable ». « C’est le procès d’une journaliste, mais aussi d’une femme qui, encore une fois, est victime de lois rétrogrades et misogynes », explique-t-elle, évoquant les lois qui pénalisent l’avortement et les relations sexuelles hors mariage. Dans ce royaume de 36 millions d’habitants, la justice a poursuivi 14 503 personnes pour « débauche » et 73 pour « avortement » en 2018, selon les chiffres officiels. « Nous sommes dans une #société_conservatrice et patriarcale, où le poids du #religieux freine le changement des #mentalités », analyse encore la féministe, pas du tout surprise du verdict.

    Pendant cette dernière audience, pratiquement personne ne s’était déplacé devant les grilles du tribunal pour manifester en faveur de Hajar Raissouni. L’affaire fait pourtant polémique, notamment après la publication, le 23 septembre, du manifeste des 490 « hors-la-loi », parmi lesquels de nombreuses personnalités marocaines, qui demandent une abrogation de ces lois « obsolètes » et « liberticides ». Sans être venu au procès, le collectif a publié un communiqué dès l’annonce du jugement. « Nous souhaitons exprimer notre inquiétude car cela délivre à notre jeunesse […] un message bien sombre sur l’état de nos libertés individuelles. Plus que jamais, nous demandons que soient abrogées [ces] lois. » Un appel auquel peu de responsables politiques ont répondu pour le moment.

    Théa Ollivier (Rabat, correspondance)

    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2019/09/30/au-maroc-la-journaliste-hajar-raissouni-condamnee-a-un-an-de-prison-ferme-po

  • La justice européenne donne un coup de pouce à la censure automatisée
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/031019/la-justice-europeenne-donne-un-coup-de-pouce-la-censure-automatisee

    Pour la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne, l’obligation de retirer un contenu jugé illicite dans un pays de l’UE peut être étendue au monde entier et aux contenus « équivalents ». Une aberration, estime pour Mediapart Chloé Berthélémy, spécialiste des questions de modération. Un « contenu » reconnu illicite dans un pays de l’Union européenne peut-il être supprimé du même coup dans les autres États membres ? Et dans le reste du monde ? La réponse est oui : rien n’empêche, dans le droit européen, qu’une (...)

    #algorithme #bot #procès #censure #oubli #CJUE

  • L’eurodéputée Diana Riba : « Le procès des indépendantistes catalans n’a apporté aucune preuve »
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/300919/l-eurodeputee-diana-riba-le-proces-des-independantistes-catalans-n-apporte

    Dans l’attente du verdict, attendu pour début octobre, du procès des 12 responsables indépendantistes catalans, entretien avec Diana Riba, la seule eurodéputée de l’ERC, la Gauche républicaine catalane, autorisée à siéger à Strasbourg.

    #EUROPE #procès,_Oriol_Junqueras,_Catalogne,_indépendantisme,_ERC,_Diana_Riba,_Espagne

  • #Soudan : les #milices #Janjawid garde-frontières ou #passeurs ?

    Dans un communiqué, les #Forces_de_soutien_rapide (#RSF), groupe paramilitaire servant de “garde-frontières” au Soudan, ont annoncé avoir arrêté 138 migrants africains, jeudi 19 septembre. Pour le spécialiste Jérôme Tubiana, cette annonce fait partie d’une stratégie : le Soudan cherche à attirer l’attention de l’Union européenne qui a arrêté de lui verser des fonds.

    Les Forces de soutien rapide (RSF), une organisation paramilitaire soudanaise, ont annoncé avoir arrêté, jeudi 19 septembre, 138 Africains qui souhaitaient pénétrer “illégalement” en Libye. Parmi eux, se trouvaient des dizaines de Soudanais mais aussi des Tchadiens et des Éthiopiens.

    "Le 19 septembre, une patrouille des RSF a arrêté 138 personnes de différentes nationalités qui essayaient de traverser illégalement la frontière avec la Libye", précise le communiqué.

    Une partie de ces migrants ont été incarcérés dans la zone désertique de #Gouz_Abudloaa, situé environ à 100 km au nord de Khartoum, comme ont pu le constater des journalistes escortés sur place par des RSF, mercredi 25 septembre. Dans le communiqué, les RSF assurent également avoir saisi six véhicules appartenant à des passeurs libyens chargés du transit des migrants.

    Le même jour, le Soudan a décidé de fermer ses #frontières avec la Libye et la Centrafrique pour des raisons de sécurité. Dans les faits, le pays souhaite mettre fin aux départs de rebelles soudanais vers la Libye, qui sont parfois rejoints par des migrants.

    Créées en 2013 par l’ex-président soudanais, Omar el-Béchir, les RSF assurent le maintien de l’ordre dans le pays. Trois ans après leur création, elles ont été dotées d’une mission supplémentaire : empêcher les migrants et les rebelles de franchir les frontières nationales. C’est ce que montrent notamment des chercheurs dans un rapport publié par un think tank néerlandais, Clingendael, publié en septembre 2018.

    Les Forces de soutien rapide, véritables gardes-frontières du Soudan

    Si le document pointe une politique soudanaise de surveillance des frontières "en grande partie assignée aux ‘forces de soutien rapide’ (RSF)", derrière cette appellation officielle, se cache une réalité plus sombre. Connue localement sous le nom de Janjawid, cette milice fait notamment l’objet d’une enquête du Conseil militaire de transition, qui dirige le Soudan depuis la destitution, le 11 avril, du président Omar el-Béchir.

    D’après les conclusions de l’enquête, rendues publiques samedi 27 juillet, les RSF auraient frappé et tiré sur des manifestants lors d’un sit-in, le 3 juin, à Khartoum, alors qu’ils étaient venus protester contre la politique d’Omar el-Béchir. Si d’après un groupe de médecins, 127 manifestants ont été tués, le commission d’enquête compte, de son côté, 87 morts. Cette répression violente avait provoqué, dans la foulée, un levé de boucliers à l’échelle internationale.

    Un groupe armé qui a bénéficié de fonds européens

    Certains RSF sont aussi accusés d’avoir commis des exactions dans la région du Darfour, à l’ouest du Soudan. Le rapport précise pourtant que, grâce aux fonds versés par l’Union européenne, ils “sont mieux équipés, mieux financés et déployés non seulement au Darfour, mais partout au Soudan". D’après ce document, "160 millions d’euros ont été alloués au Soudan" entre 2016 et 2017. Et, une partie de cet argent a été versé par Khartoum aux RSF. Leur chef, Hemeti, est d’ailleurs officiellement le numéro 2 du Conseil militaire de transition.

    Fin juillet, l’Union européenne a toutefois annoncé le gel de ses financements au Soudan. "L’Union européenne a pris peur. Elle a considéré que cette coopération avec le Soudan était mauvaise pour son image car, depuis plusieurs années, elle finançait un régime très violent envers les migrants et les civils", explique Jérôme Tubiana, chercheur spécialiste du Soudan et co-auteur du rapport néerlandais.

    Non seulement les passeurs demandent de l’argent aux migrants mais ce ne sont pas les seuls à leur en réclamer. "La milice Janjawid taxe les migrants, elle joue à un double-jeu", dénonce sur RFI, Clotilde Warin, journaliste chercheuse et co-auteure du rapport. "Les miliciens […] qui connaissent très bien la zone frontalière entre le Soudan, le Tchad et le Niger […] deviennent eux-mêmes des passeurs, ils utilisent les voitures de l’armée soudanaise, le fuel de l’armée soudanaise. C’est un trafic très organisé."

    "Les RSF profitent de leur contrôle de la route migratoire pour vendre les migrants à des trafiquants libyens", ajoute, de son côté, Jérôme Tubiana, qui estime que ces miliciens s’enrichissent plus sur le dos des migrants qu’ils ne les arrêtent.

    Annoncer l’arrestation d’un convoi est donc un moyen, pour les RSF, de faire du chantage à l’Europe. "Ils essayent de lui dire que si elle veut moins de migrants sur son territoire, elle doit apporter son soutien aux RSF car, ils sont les seuls à connaître cette région dangereuse", précise Jérôme Tubiana, ajoutant qu’Hemeti, fragilisé, est en recherche de soutiens politiques.

    Un membre des RSF, interrogé dans le cadre de l’enquête néerlandaise, reconnaît lui-même le rôle actif de la milice dans le trafic des migrants. "De temps en temps, nous interceptons des migrants et nous les transférons à Khartoum, afin de montrer aux autorités que nous faisons le travail. Nous ne sommes pas censés prendre l’argent des migrants, [nous ne sommes pas censés] les laisser s’échapper ou les emmener en Libye… Mais la réalité est assez différente…", lit-on dans le rapport.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/19795/soudan-les-milices-janjawid-garde-frontieres-ou-passeurs?ref=tw_i
    #gardes-frontière #para-militaires #paramilitaires #fermeture_des_frontières #maintien_de_l'ordre #contrôles_frontaliers #surveillance_des_frontières #fonds_européen #Hemeti #armée #trafic_d'êtres_humains #armée_soudanaise #externalisation #externalisation_des_frontières

    ping @karine4 @isskein @pascaline

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur l’externalisation des frontières :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/731749#message804171

    • Une nouvelle de juillet 2019...

      EU suspends migration control projects in Sudan amid repression fears

      The EU has suspended projects targeting illegal migration in Sudan. The move comes amid fears they might have aided security forces responsible for violently repressing peaceful protests in the country, DW has learned.

      An EU spokesperson has confirmed to DW that a German-led project that organizes the provision of training and equipment to Sudanese border guards and police was “halted” in mid-March, while an EU-funded intelligence center in the capital, Khartoum, has been “on hold” since June. The EU made no public announcements at the time.

      The initiatives were paid for from a €4.5 billion ($5 billion) EU fund for measures in Africa to control migration and address its root causes, to which Germany has contributed over €160 million. Sudan is commonly part of migration routes for people aiming to reach Europe from across Africa.

      Critics had raised concerns that working with the Sudanese government on border management could embolden repressive state forces, not least the notorious Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia, which is accused by Amnesty International of war crimes in Sudan’s Darfur region. An EU summary of the project noted that there was a risk that resources could be “diverted for repressive aims.”

      Support for police

      A wave of protest swept the country in December, with demonstrators calling for the ouster of autocratic President Omar al-Bashir. Once Bashir was deposed in April, a transitional military council, which includes the commander of the RSF as deputy leader, sought to restore order. Among various incidents of repression, the militia was blamed for a massacre on June 3 in which 128 protesters were reportedly killed.

      While the EU maintains it has provided neither funding nor equipment to the RSF, there is no dispute that Sudanese police, who also stand accused of brutally repressing the protests, received training under the programs.

      Dr. Lutz Oette, a human rights expert at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), told DW: “The suspension is the logical outcome of the change in circumstances but it exposes the flawed assumptions of the process as far as working with Sudan is concerned.”

      Oette said continuing to work with the Sudanese government would have been incompatible with the European Union’s positions on human rights, and counterproductive to the goal of tackling the root causes of migration.

      Coordination center

      The intelligence center, known as the Regional Operational Center in Khartoum (ROCK), was to allow the security forces of nine countries in the Horn of Africa to share intelligence about human trafficking and people smuggling networks.

      A spokesperson for the European Commission told DW the coordination center had been suspended since June “until the political/security situation is cleared,” with some of its staff temporarily relocated to Nairobi, Kenya. Training and some other activities under the Better Migration Management (BMM) program were suspended in mid-March “because they require the involvement of government counterparts to be carried out.” The EU declined to say whether the risk of support being provided to repressive forces had contributed to the decision.

      The spokesperson said other EU activities that provide help to vulnerable people in the country were continuing.

      An official EU document dated December 2015 noted the risk that the provision of equipment and training to security services and border guards could be “diverted for repressive aims” or subject to “criticism by NGOs and civil society for engaging with repressive governments on migration (particularly in Eritrea and Sudan).”

      ’Regular monitoring’

      The BMM program is being carried out by a coalition of EU states — France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom — and aid agencies led by the German development agency GIZ. It includes projects in 11 African countries under the auspices of the “Khartoum process,” an international cooperation initiative targeting illegal migration.

      The ROCK intelligence center, which an EU document shows was planned to be situated within a Sudanese police training facility, was being run by the French state-owned security company Civipol.

      The EU spokesperson said, “Sudan does not benefit from any direct EU financial support. No EU funding is decentralized or channeled through the Sudanese government.”

      “All EU-funded activities in Sudan are implemented by EU member states development agencies, the UN, international organizations and NGOs, who are closely scrutinized through strict and regular monitoring during projects’ implementation,” the spokesperson added.

      A spokesperson for GIZ said: “The participant lists of BMM’s training courses are closely coordinated with the [Sudanese government] National Committee for Combating Human Trafficking (NCCHT) to prevent RSF militiamen taking part in training activities.”

      The GIZ spokesperson gave a different explanation for the suspension to that of the EU, saying the program had been stopped “in order not to jeopardize the safety of [GIZ] employees in the country.” The spokesperson added: “Activities in the field of policy harmonization and capacity building have slowly restarted.”

      https://www.dw.com/en/eu-suspends-migration-control-projects-in-sudan-amid-repression-fears/a-49701408

      #police #Regional_Operational_Center_in_Khartoum (#ROCK) #Better_Migration_Management (#BMM) #processus_de_Khartoum

      Et ce subtil lien entre migrations et #développement :

      Sudan does not benefit from any direct EU financial support. No EU funding is decentralized or channeled through the Sudanese government.

      “All EU-funded activities in Sudan are implemented by EU member states development agencies, the UN, international organizations and NGOs, who are closely scrutinized through strict and regular monitoring during projects’ implementation,” the spokesperson added.

      #GIZ

      Ajouté à la métaliste #migrations et développement :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/733358

  • Pour manger sain, faire attention à la composition des aliments ne suffit pas
    https://theconversation.com/pour-manger-sain-faire-attention-a-la-composition-des-aliments-ne-s

    D’une façon ou d’une autre, tout procédé technologique modifie la matrice d’un aliment, qu’il soit thermique, mécanique, et/ou fermentaire. Dans certains cas, la modification de la matrice alimentaire est souhaitable car elle rend l’aliment plus digestible. Cependant, une transformation qui déstructure totalement la matrice pour en isoler ses ingrédients constitutifs, puis les recombiner au sein de matrices artificielles, comme dans le cas des aliments ultra-transformés, pose problème pour la santé.

    L’une des caractéristiques principales de ces aliments est, dans bien des cas, non seulement la perte de l’effet « matrice » par cracking/fractionnement, mais aussi [par extraction, purification, hydrolyse ou modifications chimiques]. Ces aliments ultratransformés deviennent ainsi « hyper-palatables » (caractère de la texture des aliments agréables au palais), ce qui entraîne une surconsommation de calories. Hyper-attractives, les matrices de ces aliments sont davantage friables, molles, visqueuses ou liquides. Elles sont peu mastiquées, et donc peu rassasiantes.

    Il semble donc très probable que les effets délétères de ces aliments trouvent leur « cause première » dans la dégradation ou la modification artificielle de leur matrice.

  • ‘Right to Be Forgotten’ Privacy Rule Is Limited by Europe’s Top Court
    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/24/technology/europe-google-right-to-be-forgotten.html

    The European Court of Justice said the landmark privacy law cannot be enforced beyond the European Union. Europe’s highest court limited the reach of the landmark online privacy law known as “right to be forgotten” on Tuesday, restricting people’s ability to control what information is available about them on the internet. In a decision with broad implications for the regulation of the internet, the European Court of Justice ruled that the privacy rule cannot be applied outside the European (...)

    #Google #GoogleSearch #géolocalisation #procès #oubli #CJUE #CNIL

  • Ouverture du #procès #Mediator : que peut-on en attendre ?
    https://francais.medscape.com/voirarticle/3605285

    Pour rappel, en #France, le Mediator a été retiré du marché en 2009, soit 6 ans après l’Espagne, 12 ans après la Suisse et plus de 30 ans après la Belgique.

    [...]

    Après ce premier procès pénal, le procureur de la République et les prévenus peuvent faire appel (les #victimes ne peuvent pas faire appel), ce qui peut prendre environ un an et demi.

    Après, un pourvoi en cassation pourrait survenir, ce qui n’est pas rare sur ce type de dossier. Il prendrait plusieurs années.

    Il ne serait pas étonnant qu’il faille dix ans pour avoir une estimation définitive du sujet.

  • #Foix (09) : #procès de #l’Estrade, appel à un #rassemblement de soutien
    https://fr.squat.net/2019/09/26/foix-proces-de-lestrade-appel-a-un-rassemblement-de-soutien

    L’Estrade, maison occupée depuis début juin 2019 passera au tribunal d’instance de Foix le 27 septembre 2019 à 14 heures. L’Estrade est un lieu collectif autogéré, qui a ouvert ses portes et organise régulièrement des concerts, des projections, des spectacles, des ateliers. L’Estrade sert aussi à reloger une famille avec trois enfants scolarisés laissée sans […]

    #Ariège

  • « Les Gafam défient désormais les principaux Etats du globe. Et ces derniers contre-attaquent »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2019/09/24/les-gafam-defient-desormais-les-principaux-etats-du-globe-et-ces-derniers-co

    La puissance et la richesse de Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple et Microsoft poussent l’Europe et les Etats-Unis à agir. Longtemps, le marché passé par les géants du Web avec le public est resté obscur. Forts de la promesse d’un monde sans frontières, vaste forum où toutes les libertés pourraient s’épanouir et les droits humains prospérer, où le travail serait enrichi par l’automatisation des tâches d’exécution, les promoteurs du numérique nous ont offert un univers fabuleux de messageries instantanées, de (...)

    #Apple #Google #Microsoft #Amazon #Facebook #algorithme #Alexa #GPS #manipulation #procès #domination #BigData #GAFAM #profiling #cryptage (...)

    ##Libra