• ’Endless trip to hell’: Israel jails hundreds of Palestinian boys a year. These are their testimonies - Israel News -

    (C’est sous paywall)

    They’re seized in the dead of night, blindfolded and cuffed, abused and manipulated to confess to crimes they didn’t commit. Every year Israel arrests almost 1,000 Palestinian youngsters, some of them not yet 13

    #palestine #israel #enfants #violence

    • ’Endless trip to hell’: Israel jails hundreds of Palestinian boys a year. These are their testimonies
      They’re seized in the dead of night, blindfolded and cuffed, abused and manipulated to confess to crimes they didn’t commit. Every year Israel arrests almost 1,000 Palestinian youngsters, some of them not yet 13
      Netta Ahituv | Mar. 14, 2019 | 9:14 PM | 2

      It was a gloomy, typically chilly late-February afternoon in the West Bank village of Beit Ummar, between Bethlehem and Hebron. The weather didn’t deter the children of the Abu-Ayyash family from playing and frolicking outside. One of them, in a Spiderman costume, acted the part by jumping lithely from place to place. Suddenly they noticed a group of Israeli soldiers trudging along the dirt trail across the way. Instantly their expressions turned from joy to dread, and they rushed into the house. It’s not the first time they reacted like that, says their father. In fact, it’s become a pattern ever since 10-year-old Omar was arrested by troops this past December.

      The 10-year-old is one of many hundreds of Palestinian children whom Israel arrests every year: The estimates range between 800 and 1,000. Some are under the age of 15; some are even preteens. A mapping of the locales where these detentions take place reveals a certain pattern: The closer a Palestinian village is to a settlement, the more likely it is that the minors residing there will find themselves in Israeli custody. For example, in the town of Azzun, west of the Karnei Shomron settlement, there’s hardly a household that hasn’t experienced an arrest. Residents say that in the past five years, more than 150 pupils from the town’s only high school have been arrested.

      At any given moment, there are about 270 Palestinian teens in Israeli prisons. The most widespread reason for their arrest – throwing stones – does not tell the full story. Conversations with many of the youths, as well as with lawyers and human rights activists, including those from the B’Tselem human-rights organization, reveal a certain pattern, even as they leave many questions open: For example, why does the occupation require that arrests be violent and why is it necessary to threaten young people.

      A number of Israelis, whose sensibilities are offended by the arrests of Palestinian children, have decided to mobilize and fight the phenomenon. Within the framework of an organization called Parents Against Child Detention, its approximately 100 members are active in the social networks and hold public events “in order to heighten awareness about the scale of the phenomenon and the violation of the rights of Palestinian minors, and in order to create a pressure group that will work for its cessation,” as they explain. Their target audience is other parents, whom they hope will respond with empathy to the stories of these children.

      In general, there seems to be no lack of criticism of the phenomenon. In addition to B’Tselem, which monitors the subject on a regular basis, there’s been a protest from overseas, too. In 2013, UNICEF, the United Nations agency for children, assailed “the ill treatment of children who come in contact with the military detention system, [which] appears to be widespread, systematic and institutionalized.” A report a year earlier from British legal experts concluded that the conditions the Palestinian children are subjected to amount to torture, and just five months ago the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe deplored Israel’s policy of arresting underage children, declaring, “An end must be put to all forms of physical or psychological abuse of children during arrest, transit and waiting periods, and during interrogations.”


      About half of the arrests of Palestinian adolescents are made in their homes. According to the testimonies, Israel Defense Forces soldiers typically burst into the house in the middle of the night, seize the wanted youth and whisk him away (very few girls are detained), leaving the family with a document stating where he’s being taken and on what charge. The printed document is in Arabic and Hebrew, but the commander of the force typically fills out the details in Hebrew only, then hands it to parents who may not be able to read it and don’t know why their son was taken.

      Attorney Farah Bayadsi asks why it’s necessary to arrest children in this manner, instead of summoning them for questioning in an orderly way. (The data show that only 12 percent of the youths receive a summons to be interrogated.)

      “I know from experience that whenever someone is asked to come in for questioning, he goes,” Bayadsi notes. She’s active in the Israeli branch of Defense for Children International, a global NGO that deals with the detention of minors and promotion of their rights.

      “The answer we generally get,” she says, “is that, ‘It’s done this way for security reasons.’ That means it’s a deliberate method, which isn’t intended to meet the underage youth halfway, but to cause him a lifelong trauma.”

      Indeed, as the IDF Spokesman’s Unit stated to Haaretz, in response, “The majority of the arrests, of both adults and minors, are carried out at night for operational reasons and due to the desire to preserve an orderly fabric of life and execute point-specific actions wherever possible.”

      About 40 percent of the minors are detained in the public sphere – usually in the area of incidents involving throwing stones at soldiers. That was the case with Adham Ahsoun, from Azzun. At the time, he was 15 and on his way home from a local grocery store. Not far away, a group of children had started throwing stones at soldiers, before running off. Ahsoun, who didn’t flee, was detained and taken to a military vehicle; once inside, he was hit by a soldier. A few children who saw what happened ran to his house to tell his mother. Grabbing her son’s birth certificate, she rushed to the entrance to the town to prove to the soldiers that he was only a child. But it was too late; the vehicle had already departed, headed to an army base nearby, where he would wait to be interrogated.

      By law, soldiers are supposed to handcuff children with their hands in front, but in many cases it’s done with their hands behind them. Additionally, sometimes the minor’s hands are too small for handcuffing, as a soldier from the Nahal infantry brigade told the NGO Breaking the Silence. On one occasion, he related, his unit arrested a boy “of about 11,” but the handcuffs were too big to bind his small hands.

      The next stage is the journey: The youths are taken to an army base or a police station in a nearby settlement, their eyes covered with flannelette. “When your eyes are covered, your imagination takes you to the most frightening places,” says a lawyer who represents young Palestinians. Many of those arrested don’t understand Hebrew, so that once pushed into the army vehicle they are completely cut off from what’s going on around them.

      In most cases, the handcuffed, blindfolded youth will be moved from place to place before actually being interrogated. Sometimes he’s left outside, in the open, for a time. In addition to the discomfort and the bewilderment, the frequent moving around presents another problem: In the meantime many acts of violence, in which soldiers beat the detainees, take place and go undocumented.

      Once at the army base or police station, the minor is placed, still handcuffed and blindfolded, on a chair or on the floor for a few hours, generally without being given anything to eat. The “endless trip to hell” is how Bayadsi describes this process. Memory of the incident, she adds, “is still there even years after the boy’s release. It implants in him an ongoing feeling of a lack of security, which will stay with him for his whole life.”

      Testimony provided to Breaking the Silence by an IDF staff sergeant about one incident in the West Bank illustrates the situation from the other side: “It was the first night of Hanukkah in 2017. Two children were throwing stones on Highway 60, on the road. So we grabbed them and took them to the base. Their eyes were covered with flannelette, and they were handcuffed in front with plastic cuffs. They looked young, between 12 and 16 years old.”

      When the soldiers gathered to light the first candle of the Hanukkah holiday, the detainees remained outside. “We’re shouting and making noise and using drums, which is a kind of company thing,” the soldier recalled, noting that he assumed the kids didn’t know Hebrew, although maybe they did understand the curses they heard. “Let’s say sharmuta [slut] and other words they might know from Arabic. How could they know we aren’t talking about them? They’ll probably thought that in another minute we were going to cook them.”


      The nightmare can be of differing duration, the former detainees relate. Three to eight hours after the arrest, by which time the youth is tired and hungry – and sometimes in pain after being hit, frightened by threats and not even knowing why he’s there – he’s taken in for interrogation. This may be the first time the blindfold is removed and his hands freed. The process usually starts with a general question, such as, “Why do you throw stones at soldiers?” The rest is more intense – a barrage of questions and threats, aimed at getting the teen to sign a confession. In some cases, he’s promised that if he signs he’ll be given something to eat.

      According to the testimonies, the interrogators’ threats are directed squarely at the boy (“You’ll spend your whole life in jail”), or at his family (“I’ll bring your mother here and kill her before your eyes”), or at the family’s livelihood (“If you don’t confess, we’ll take away your father’s permit to work in Israel – because of you, he’ll be out of work and the whole family will go hungry”).

      “The system shows that the intention here is more to demonstrate control than to engage in enforcement,” suggests Bayadsi. “If the boy confesses, there’s a file; if he doesn’t confess, he enters the criminal circle anyway and is seriously intimidated.”


      Whether the young detainee has signed a confession or not, the next stop is prison. Either Megiddo, in Lower Galilee, or Ofer, north of Jerusalem. Khaled Mahmoud Selvi was 15 when he was brought to prison in October 2017 and was told to disrobe for a body search (as in 55 percent of the cases). For 10 minutes he was made to stand naked, along with another boy, and in winter.

      The months in detention, waiting for trial, and later, if they are sentenced, are spent in the youth wing of the facilities for security prisoners. “They don’t speak with their families for months and are allowed one visit a month, through glass,” Bayadsi relates.

      Far fewer Palestinian girls are arrested than boys. But there is no facility specially for them, so they are held in the Sharon prison for women, together with the adults.

      The trial

      The courtroom is usually the place where parents have their first sight of their child, sometimes several weeks after the arrest. Tears are the most common reaction to the sight of the young detainee, who will be wearing a prison uniform and handcuffs, and with a cloud of uncertainty hovering over everything. Israel Prisons Service guards don’t allow the parents to approach the youth, and direct them to sit on the visitors’ bench. Defense counsel is paid for either by the family or by the Palestinian Authority.

      At a recent remand hearing for several detainees, one boy didn’t stop smiling at the sight of his mother, while another lowered his eyes, perhaps to conceal tears. Another detainee whispered to his grandmother, who had come to visit him, “Don’t worry, tell everyone I’m fine.” The next boy remained silent and watched as his mother mouthed to him, “Omari, I love you.”

      While the children and their family try to exchange a few words and looks, the proceedings move along. As though in a parallel universe.

      The deal

      The vast majority of trials for juveniles ends in a plea bargain – safka in Arabic, a word Palestinian children know well. Even if there is no hard evidence to implicate the boy in stone-throwing, a plea is often the preferred option. If the detainee doesn’t agree to it, the trial could last a long time and he will be held in custody until the proceedings end.

      Conviction depends almost entirely on evidence from a confession, says lawyer Gerard Horton, from the British-Palestinian Military Court Watch, whose brief, according to its website, involves “monitoring the treatment of children in Israeli military detention.” According to Horton, who is based in Jerusalem, the minors will be more prone to confess if they don’t know their rights, are frightened and get no support or relief until they confess. Sometimes a detainee who does not confess will be told that he can expect to face a series of court appearances. At some stage, even the toughest youth will despair, the lawyer explains.

      The IDF Spokesman’s Unit stated in response: “The minors are entitled to be represented by an attorney, like any other accused, and they have the right to conduct their defense in any way they choose. Sometimes they choose to admit to guilt within the framework of a plea bargain but if they plead not guilty, a procedure involving hearing evidence is conducted, like the proceedings conducted in [civilian courts in] Israel, at the conclusion of which a legal decision will be handed down on the basis of the evidence presented to the court. The deliberations are set within a short time and are conducted efficiently and with the rights of the accused upheld.”

      Managing the community

      According to data of collected by the British-Palestinian NGO, 97 percent of the youths arrested by the IDF live in relatively small locales that are no more than two kilometers away from a settlement. There are a number of reasons for this. One involves the constant friction – physical and geographical – between Palestinians, on the one hand, and soldiers and settlers. However, according to Horton, there is another, no less interesting way to interpret this figure: namely, from the perspective of an IDF commander, whose mission is to protect the settlers.

      In the case of reported stone-throwing incidents, he says, the commander’s assumption is that the Palestinians involved are young, between the ages of 12 and 30, and that they come from the nearest village. Often the officer will turn to the resident collaborator in the village, who provides him with the names of a few boys.

      The next move is “to enter the village at night and arrest them,” Horton continues. “And whether these youths are the ones who threw the stones or not, you have already put a scare into the whole village” – which he says is an “effective tool” for managing a community.

      “When so many minors are being arrested like this, it’s clear that some of them will be innocent,” he observes. “The point is that this has to be happening all the time, because the boys grow up and new children appear on the scene. Each generation must feel the strong arm of the IDF.”

      According to the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit: “In recent years, many minors, some of them very young, have been involved in violent incidents, incitement and even terrorism. In these cases, there is no alternative but to institute measures, including interrogation, detention and trial, within the limits of and according to what is stipulated by law. As part of these procedures, the IDF operates to uphold and preserve the rights of the minors. In enforcing the law against them, their age is taken into account.

      “Thus, since 2014, among other measures, in certain instances, the minors are invited to the police station and are not arrested at home. In addition, proceedings relating to minors take place in the military court for juveniles, which examines the seriousness of the offense that’s attributed to the minor and the danger it poses, while taking into consideration his young age and his particular circumstances. Every allegation of violence on the part of IDF soldiers is examined, and cases in which the soldiers’ actions are found to be flawed are treated sternly.”

      The Shin Bet security service stated in response: “The Shin Bet, together with the IDF and the Israel Police, operates against every element that threatens to harm Israel’s security and the country’s citizenry. The terrorist organizations make extensive use of minors and recruit them to carry out terrorist activity, and there is a general tendency to involve minors in terrorist activity as part of local initiatives.

      “Interrogations of suspected terrorists are conducted by the Shin Bet under the law, and are subject to supervision and to internal and external review, including by all levels of the court system. The interrogations of minors are carried out with extra sensitivity and with consideration of their young age.”

      Khaled Mahmoud Selvi, arrested at 14 (October 2017)

      “I was arrested when I was 14, all the boys in the family were arrested that night. A year later, I was arrested again, with my cousin. They said I burned tires. It happened when I was sleeping. My mother woke me up. I thought it was time for school, but when I opened my eyes I saw soldiers above me. They told me to get dressed, handcuffed me and took me outside. I was wearing a short-sleeved shirt and it was cold that night. My mother begged them to let me put on a jacket, but they didn’t agree. Finally, she threw the jacket on me, but they didn’t let me put my arms in the sleeves.

      “They took me to the Karmei Tzur settlement with my eyes covered, and I had the feeling that they were just driving in circles. When I walked, there was a pit in the road and they pushed me into it, and I fell. From there they took me to Etzion [police station]. There they put me in a room, and soldiers kept coming in all the time and kicking me. Someone passed by and said that if I didn’t confess, they would leave me in jail for the rest of my life.

      “At 7 A.M., they told me the interrogation was starting. I asked to go to the toilet before. My eyes were covered and a soldier put a chair in front of me. I tripped. The interrogation went on for an hour. They told me that they saw me burning tires and that it interfered with air traffic. I told them it wasn’t me. I didn’t see a lawyer until the afternoon, and he asked the soldiers to bring us food. It was the first time I had eaten since being arrested the night before.

      “At 7 P.M., I was sent to Ofer Prison, and I remained there for six months. In that period, I was in court more than 10 times. And there was also another interrogation, because a friend of mine was told while being questioned that if he didn’t confess and inform on me, they would bring his mother and shoot her before his eyes. So he confessed and informed. I’m not angry at him. It was his first arrest, he was scared.”

      Khaled Shtaiwi, arrested at 13 (November 2018)

      Khaled’s story is told by his father, Murad Shatawi: “On the night he was arrested, a phone call from my nephew woke me up. He said the house was surrounded by soldiers. I got up and got dressed, because I expected them to arrest me, on account of the nonviolent demonstrations I organize on Fridays. I never imagined they’d take Khaled. They asked me for the names of my sons. I told them Mumen and Khaled. When I said Khaled, they said, ‘Yes, him. We’re here to take him.’ I was in shock, so many soldiers showed up to arrest a boy of 13.

      “They handcuffed and blindfolded him and led him east on foot, toward the settlement of Kedumim, all the while cursing and hitting him a little. I saw it all from the window. They gave me a document showing that it was a legal arrest and I could come to the police station. When I got there, I saw him through a small hole in the door. He was handcuffed and blindfolded.

      “He stayed like that from the moment they arrested him until 3 P.M. the next day. That’s a picture that doesn’t leave me; I don’t know how I’ll go on living with that picture in my head. He was accused of throwing stones, but after four days they released him, because he didn’t confess and there was no other evidence against him. During the trial, when the judge wanted to speak to Khaled, he had to lean forward in order to see him, because Khaled was so small.

      “What was it like to see him like that? I am the father. That says it all. He hasn’t talked about it since getting out, three months ago. That’s a problem. I’m now organizing a ‘psychology day’ in the village, to help all the children here who have been arrested. Out of 4,500 people in the village, 11 children under the age of 18 have been arrested; five were under the age of 15.”

      Omar Rabua Abu Ayyash, arrested at age 10 (December 2018)

      Omar looks small for his age. He’s shy and quiet, and it’s hard to talk to him about the arrest, so members of his family recount the events in his place.

      Omar’s mother: “It happened at 10 A.M. on Friday, when there is no school. Omar was playing in the area in front of the house, he threw pebbles at birds that were chirping in the tree. The soldiers, who were in the watchtower across the way here, picked up on what he was doing and ran toward him. He ran, but they caught him and knocked him down. He started to cry, and he wet his pants. They kicked him a few times.

      “His grandmother, who lives here below, immediately went out and tried to take him from the soldiers, which caused a struggle and shouts. In the end, they left him alone and he went home and changed into dry pants. A quarter of an hour later, the soldiers came back, this time with their commander, who said he had to arrest the boy for throwing stones. When the other children in the family saw the soldiers in the house, they also wet their pants.”

      Omar’s father takes up the story: “I told the commander that he was under 12 and that I had to accompany him, so I rode with him in the jeep to the Karmei Tzur settlement. There the soldiers told him not to throw stones anymore, and that if he saw other children doing it, he should tell them. From there they took him the offices of the Palestinian Authority in Hebron. The whole story took about 12 hours. They gave him a few bananas to eat during those hours. Now, whenever the children see a military jeep or soldiers, they go inside. They’ve stopped playing outside since then. Before the incident, soldiers used to come here to play soccer with the children. Now they’ve stopped coming, too.”

      Tareq Shtaiwi, arrested at 14 (January 2019)

      “It was around 2 P.M. I had a fever that day, so Dad sent me to my cousin next door, because that’s almost the only place in the village with a heating unit. Suddenly soldiers showed up. They saw me watching them from the window, so they fired shots at the door of the building, knocked it down and started to come upstairs. I got scared, so I ran from the second floor to the third, but they stopped me on the way and took me outside. The soldiers wouldn’t let me take my coat, even though it was cold and I was sick. They took me on foot to Kedumim, handcuffed and blindfolded. They sat me on a chair. I heard doors and windows being slammed hard, I think they were trying to scare me.

      “After a while, they took me from Kedumim to Ariel, and I was there for five-six hours. They accused me of throwing stones a few days earlier with my friend. I told them I hadn’t thrown any stones. In the evening they moved me to the Hawara detention building; one of the soldiers told me I would never leave there. In the morning I was moved to Megiddo Prison. They didn’t have prisoners uniforms in my size, so they gave me clothes of Palestinian children who had been there before and left them for the next in line. I was the youngest person in the prison.

      “I had three court hearings, and after 12 days, at the last hearing, they told me that it was enough, that my father would pay a fine of 2,000 shekels [$525] and I was getting a three-year suspended sentence. The judge asked me what I intended to do after getting out, I told him I would go back to school and I wouldn’t go up to the third floor again. Since my arrest, my younger brother, who’s 7, has been afraid to sleep in the kids’ room and goes to sleep with our parents.”

      Adham Ahsoun, arrested in October 2018, on his 15th birthday

      “On my 15th birthday, I went to the store in the village center to buy a few things. Around 7:30 in the evening, soldiers entered the village and children started to throw stones at them. On the way home with my bag, they caught me. They took me to the entrance of the village and put me in a jeep. One of the soldiers started to hit me. Then they put plastic handcuffs on me and covered my eyes and took me like that to the military base in Karnei Shomron. I was there for about an hour. I couldn’t see a thing, but I had the feeling that a dog was sniffing me. I was afraid. From there they took me to another military base and left me there for the night. They didn’t give me anything to eat or drink.

      “In the morning, they moved me to the interrogation facility in Ariel. The interrogator told me that the soldiers caught me throwing stones. I told him that I hadn’t thrown stones, that I was on my way home from the store. So he called the soldiers into the interrogation room. They said, ‘He’s lying, we saw him, he was throwing stones.’ I told him that I really hadn’t thrown stones, but he threatened to arrest my mother and father. I panicked. I asked him, ‘What do you want from me?’ He said he wanted me to sign that I threw stones at soldiers, so I signed. The whole time I didn’t see or talk to a lawyer.

      “My plea bargain was that I would confess and get a five-month jail sentence. Afterward, they gave me one-third off for good behavior. I got out after three months and a fine of 2,000 shekels. In jail I tried to catch up with the material I missed in school. The teachers told me they would only take into account the grades of the second semester, so it wouldn’t hurt my chances of being accepted for engineering studies in university.”

      Muhmen Teet, arrested at 13 (November 2017)

      “At 3 A.M., I heard knocking on the door. Dad came into the room and said there were soldiers in the living room and wanted us to show ID cards. The commanding officer told my father that they were taking me to Etzion for questioning. Outside, they handcuffed and blindfolded me and put me in a military vehicle. We went to my cousin’s house; they also arrested him. From there we went to Karmei Tzur and waited, handcuffed and blindfolded, until the morning.

      “In the morning, they only took my cousin for interrogation, not me. After his interrogation, they took us to Ofer Prison. After a day there, they took us back to Etzion and said they were going to interrogate me. Before the interrogation, they took me into a room, where there was a soldier who slapped me. After he hit me in one room, he took me to the interrogation room. The interrogator said I was responsible for burning tires, and because of that the grove near the house caught fire. I said it wasn’t me, and I signed a document that the interrogator gave me. The document was also printed in Arabic, but the interrogator filled it out in Hebrew. I was taken back to Ofer Prison.

      “I had seven hearings in court, because at the first hearing I said I hadn’t intended to confess, I just didn’t understand what I signed and it wasn’t true. So they sent me back for another interrogation. Again I didn’t confess. Then they sent me to interrogation another time and again I didn’t confess. That’s what it was like in three interrogations. In the end, my lawyer did a deal with the prosecutor that if I confessed in court – which I did – and my family would pay 4,000 shekels, they would release me.

      “I’m a good student, I like soccer, both playing and watching it. Since the arrest I hardly wander around outside.”

      Khalil Zaakiq, arrested at age 13 (January 2019)

      “Around 2 A.M. someone knocked on the door. I woke up and saw a lot of soldiers in the house. They said we should all sit in the living room sofa and not move. The commander called Uday, my big brother, told him to get dressed and informed him that he was under arrest. It was the third time they arrested him. My father was also once under arrest. Suddenly they told me to put my shoes on too and go with them.

      “They took us out of the house and tied our hands and covered our eyes. We went like that on foot to the base in Karmei Tzur. There they sat me on the floor with hands tied and eyes covered for around three hours. At about 5 A.M., they moved us to Etzion. On the way there in the jeep they hit us, they slapped me. In Etzion, I was sent to be checked by a doctor. He asked if I had been beaten and I said yes. He didn’t do anything, only checked my blood pressure and said I could stand up to an interrogation.

      “My interrogation started at 8 A.M.. They asked me to tell them which children throw stones. I said I didn’t know, so the interrogator gave me a slap. The interrogation went on for four hours. Afterward, they put me into a dark room for 10 minutes and then took me back to the interrogation room, but now they only fingerprinted me and put me into a detention cell for an hour. After an hour, Uday and I were moved to Ofer Prison. I didn’t sign a confession, neither about myself nor about others.

      “I got out after nine days, because I wasn’t guilty of anything. My parents had to pay 1,000 shekels for bail. My little brother, who is 10, has been really afraid ever since. Whenever someone knocks at the door, he wets his pants.”

  • « Toute technologie relève d’une manière ou d’une autre de l’assistance » : entretien avec Mara Mills

    Qu’est-ce que le son nous enseigne de l’histoire occidentale ? D’où viennent les technologies audio qui nous servent aujourd’hui au quotidien ? Comment se nourrissent-elles de pratiques et de savoirs minoritaires, notamment issus de la culture sourde ? Pour nous ouvrir les coulisses de la modernité numérique, grand entretien avec Mara Mills, qui codirige le Center for Disability Studies (centre d’études sur le handicap) de l’Université de New York.

  • Donna Ferrato - Living with the Enemy | International Center of Photography

    Donna Ferrato - Living with the Enemy
    For over twenty years, Donna Ferrato has been documenting the effects of domestic violence on abused women and their children. Photographing in emergency rooms and shelters, courtrooms and activist rallies, batterers’ groups and women’s detention centers, Ferrato aims to expose “the dark side of family life.” Collected in the exhibition and publication “Living with the Enemy” (Aperture, 1991), these groundbreaking pictures are paired with texts by the photographer drawn from her conversations with the victims and perpetrators of abuse. In addition to a selection of prints from “Living with the Enemy,” ICP also maintains an extensive archive of Ferrato’s own research materials related to domestic violence as well as to the genesis of this ambitious and ongoing photographic project.

    #photographie #violence_domestique #famille #DonnaFerrato #livre #genre @cdb_77

  • Non, la #Cour_européenne_des_droits_de_l'homme n’a pas ouvert la voie à l’application de la charia

    La #CEDH a condamné la Grèce pour avoir fait appliquer le #droit_sacré musulman, la #charia, à un #litige_successoral, contre la volonté de la personne décédée qui avait rédigé un testament de droit grec. La Cour estime que cette application de la charia en matière de droit civil pour la minorité musulmane de Thrace (dans le nord-est de la Grèce) est discriminatoire.

    […] « La CEDH dit qu’il est hors de question d’appliquer la loi religieuse, ou une autre règle, si les personnes n’y consentent pas », analyse Nicolas Hervieu. Par ailleurs, « même si les personnes en question avaient volontairement accepté l’application de la charia en matière de succession, la Cour aurait facilement pu s’y opposer, estime le juriste, car l’application de cette #loi_religieuse à la place du #droit_civil crée une situation foncièrement discriminatoire à l’égard des #femmes. »

  • Linguistic red flags from Facebook posts can predict future depression diagnoses — ScienceDaily

    Research finds that the language people use in their Facebook posts can predict a future diagnosis of depression as accurately as the tools clinicians use in medical settings to screen for the disease.

    In any given year, depression affects more than 6 percent of the adult population in the United States — some 16 million people — but fewer than half receive the treatment they need. What if an algorithm could scan social media and point to linguistic red flags of the disease before a formal medical diagnosis had been made?

    Ah oui, ce serait fantastique pour les Big Pharma : la dépression est une maladie complexe, dont les symptômes graves sont souvent confondus avec la déprime qui est un état sychologique que nous connaissons tous. Notre Facebook, couplé avec notre assistant vocal Amazon nous gorgerait de Valium, et tout irait pour le mieux dans le Meilleur des mondes.

    Considering conditions such as depression, anxiety, and PTSD , for example, you find more signals in the way people express themselves digitally."

    For six years, the WWBP, based in Penn’s Positive Psychology Center and Stony Brook’s Human Language Analysis Lab, has been studying how the words people use reflect inner feelings and contentedness. In 2014, Johannes Eichstaedt, WWBP founding research scientist, started to wonder whether it was possible for social media to predict mental health outcomes, particularly for depression.

    “Social media data contain markers akin to the genome,” Eichstaedt explains. “With surprisingly similar methods to those used in genomics, we can comb social media data to find these markers. Depression appears to be something quite detectable in this way; it really changes people’s use of social media in a way that something like skin disease or diabetes doesn’t.”

    Il y a au moins une bonne nouvelle sur la déontologie scientifique :

    Rather than do what previous studies had done — recruit participants who self-reported depression — the researchers identified data from people consenting to share Facebook statuses and electronic medical-record information, and then analyzed the statuses using machine-learning techniques to distinguish those with a formal depression diagnosis.

    Les marqueurs considérés sont aussi des marqueurs sociaux et économiques, qu’il faudrait traiter autrement qu’avec des médicaments.

    They learned that these markers comprised emotional, cognitive, and interpersonal processes such as hostility and loneliness, sadness and rumination, and that they could predict future depression as early as three months before first documentation of the illness in a medical record.

    La conclusion est fantastique : il faut rendre le balayage obligatoire !!!

    Eichstaedt sees long-term potential in using these data as a form of unobtrusive screening. “The hope is that one day, these screening systems can be integrated into systems of care,” he says. “This tool raises yellow flags; eventually the hope is that you could directly funnel people it identifies into scalable treatment modalities.”

    Despite some limitations to the study, including its strictly urban sample, and limitations in the field itself — not every depression diagnosis in a medical record meets the gold standard that structured clinical interviews provide, for example — the findings offer a potential new way to uncover and get help for those suffering from depression.

    #Dépression #Facebook #Foutaises #Hubris_scientifique #Big_pharma #Psychologie

  • Kalashnikov takes on Tesla with retro-look electric ’supercar’ | Environment | The Guardian

    The Russian arms maker Kalashnikov has unveiled its new electric car, inspired by a rare 1970s model, saying the technology will rival Elon Musk’s Tesla.

    The brand, best known for the AK-47 machine gun, on Thursday presented the retro-looking pale blue prototype, the CV-1, at a defence expo outside Moscow.

    #voiture_électrique #el_bil #design #modernité #vintage #production_post_soviétique et peut-être #nostalgie :)

  • EXCLUSIVE: Documents expose how Hollywood promotes war on behalf of the Pentagon, CIA and NSA
    US military intelligence agencies have influenced over 1,800 movies and TV shows

    We have recently acquired 4,000 new pages of documents from the #Pentagon and CIA through the Freedom of Information Act. For us, these documents were the final nail in the coffin.

    These documents for the first time demonstrate that the US government has worked behind the scenes on over 800 major #movies and more than 1,000 TV titles.

    The previous best estimate, in a dull-as-dishwater academic book way back in 2005, was that the Pentagon had worked on less than 600 #films and an unspecified handful of television shows.

    The CIA’s role was assumed to be just a dozen or so productions, until very good books by Tricia Jenkins and Simon Willmetts were published in 2016. But even then, they missed or underplayed important cases, including Charlie Wilson’s War and Meet the Parents.


    #Vietnam is evidently another sore topic for the US military, which also removed a reference to the war from the screenplay for Hulk (2003). While the military are not credited at the end of the film, on IMDB or in the DOD’s own database of supported movies, we acquired a dossier from the US Marine Corps detailing their ‘radical’ changes to the script.

    This included making the laboratory where the #Hulk is accidentally created into a non-military facility, making the director of the lab an ex-military character, and changing the code name of the military operation to capture the Hulk from ‘ #Ranch_Hand ’ to ‘Angry Man’.ération_Ranch_Hand

    ‘Ranch Hand’ is the name of a real military operation that saw the #US_Air_Force dump millions of gallons of pesticides and other poisons onto the Vietnamese countryside, rendering millions of acres of farmland poisoned and infertile.

    They also removed dialogue referring to ‘all those boys, guinea pigs, dying from radiation, and germ warfare’, an apparent reference to covert military experiments on human subjects.


    The #CIA has also managed to #censor scripts, removing or changing sequences that they didn’t want the public to see. On #Zero_Dark_Thirty screenwriter Mark Boal ‘verbally shared’ his script with CIA officers, and they removed a scene where a drunk CIA officer fires an AK-47 into the air from a rooftop in #Islamabad, and removed the use of dogs from the #torture scenes.


    While very little is known about the NSA’s activities in the entertainment industry we did find indications that they are adopting similar tactics to the CIA and DOD.

    Internal #NSA emails show that the producers of #Enemy_of_the_State were invited on multiple tours of NSA headquarters. When they used a helicopter to film aerial footage of Fort Meade, the NSA did not prevent them from using it in the movie.

    According to a 1998 interview with producer Jerry Bruckheimer, they changed the script at the NSA’s request so that the wrongdoings were the actions of one bad apple NSA official, and not the agency in general.

    Bruckheimer said:

    ‘I think the NSA people will be pleased. They certainly won’t come out as bad as they could have. NSA’s not the villain.’

    This idea of using cinema to pin the blame for problems on isolated rogue agents or bad apples, thus avoiding any notion of systemic, institutional or criminal responsibility, is right out of the CIA/DOD’s playbook.

    #Censure #Propagande #censorship

  • Kurds make game changing exchange in northern Aleppo to help rebel forces

    According to local activists in northern Aleppo, the Syrian Democratic Forces will hand-over the villages of Tal Rifa’at, Mennagh, Kafr Karmeen, Deir Jammal, Harbek, ‘Ayn Daqnah, and Mur’anez to the Free Syrian Army.

    Initially, the Syrian Democratic Forces seized these villages from the Turkish-backed rebels; however, in some strange agreement recently, these sites will be handed back over.

    These villages are located just north of the Syrian Arab Army’s (SAA) positions in the Al-Zahra’a Valley, which puts the latter in a rough situation as they prepare for their large-scale offensive in the ‘Anadan Plain.

    La plaine d’Anadan se trouve à mi-chemin entre Alep et, en direction du nord-ouest, les très célèbres ruines de Saint-Siméon (sublime site mais aussi très stratégique). Les FDS sont des kurdes soutenus par les USA, tout comme l’ASL. On note juste que ces révolutionnaires ont l’amabilité de faire à peu près ce qui arrange leurs commanditaires.


  • When Climate Change Starts Wars - Issue 45: Power

    The Kyrgyz soldier stepped quietly out of the dark green bushes and swung his Kalashnikov rifle in the direction of our car. Another emerged and did the same. Their checkpoint was a skinny log dragged across a broken asphalt road heading toward an ethnic Uzbek village and the disputed waters of the Kasan-sai, a reservoir that irrigates the agricultural heartland of the ancient Fergana Valley. With a sleepy shake of his head, the special forces sergeant waved his rifle and made us turn our beat-up Mitsubishi around. “There won’t be any fighting here,” the sergeant said. At least not today. The quiet of the hot September afternoon was unbroken as we turned around and slowly ground off through the heat. Driving back the way we came through the parched foothills on the edge of the western (...)

    • RECEDING WATERS The Kasan-sai reservoir, which irrigates the Fergana Valley, stands half drained near the Uzbek border. The reservoir sits in Kyrgyz land but supplies water to Uzbekistan’s Fergana Valley.

      Throughout the spring and summer in 2016, tensions flared after ethnic Uzbek villagers and police blocked access to the reservoir and its water, which lies inside Kyrgyzstan. Uzbekistan drove armored personnel carriers into Kyrgyzstan, and both sides have captured and detained each other’s citizens. Fistfights and potshots have been common. For farmers scratching out a bare existence from increasingly dry land, water is lifeblood, and worth fighting for.

      #Asie_centrale. #climat #eau #conflit

  • Smell of death fills Mosul

    Yusuf is the leader of a group of children roaming the streets in eastern Mosul. He walks ahead of them, carrying part of a Kalashnikov rifle he found in one of the demolished buildings near his house in al-Bakr neighborhood, where he was playing.

    “We found two bodies belonging to IS fighters inside the house. After we took the rifle, we ran outside immediately because of the bad smell,” Yusuf, 9, told Al-Monitor. When asked if they had been afraid at the sight of the bodies, he said, “Believe me, we are no longer children after all that we have seen. We are monsters now.”

    Le reste de l’article est à l’avenant. Terrifant. Mais moins intéressant qu’Alep tout de même !


  • Hard-Wired for Heroism - Facts So Romantic

    On August 21, 2015, Anthony Sadler, 23, a California college student, was riding a train from Amsterdam to Paris with his friends, Aleksander Skarlatos and Spencer Stone. Skarlatos was an Oregon National Guardsman on who had just wrapped up a tour in Afghanistan, and Stone, an American Airman 1st Class in the U.S. Air Force. All three were killing time in their seats—listening to music, dozing—when they were jarred alert by gunshots and shattering glass. They saw Ayoub El-Khazzani at the entrance of the train car, gripping an AK-47, pointed at the ceiling. Skarlatos looked to his friends. “Go,” he said. They charged El-Khazzani and wrested the gun away from him. Stone put him in a chokehold and Skarlatos cracked El-Khazzani on the head with the tip of the gun. After El-Khazzani started to (...)

  • Gun lobby diluting new EU gun control law | Germany | DW.COM | 21.10.2016

    Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union is among the parties diluting the EU’s new gun control law, devised in the aftermath of the 2015 Paris terrorist attacks. Semi-automatic weapons are likely to remain legal.

    The European Commission’s attempts to ban the most dangerous semi-automatic weapons, such as AK-47 assault rifles, are being watered down thanks to pressure from a pan-European alliance of gun associations, according to documents leaked to “Der Spiegel” magazine.

    The Commission’s proposal, drawn up in the wake of last year’s terrorist attacks at the Charlie Hebdo offices in Paris, is due to be finalized over the coming weeks by the European Parliament, the Commission, and the European Council. But France, Italy, and some Eastern European states are against re-categorizing semi-automatic guns from “license required” to “banned,” according to “Der Spiegel.”

    Similarly, the proposed limit on the number of rounds allowed in a semi-automatic magazine was raised from six to 21 when the draft was revised in April, the magazine reported.

    Major European gun-makers like Germany’s Sig Sauer and Heckler & Koch (who did not respond to a DW request for comment), Austria’s Glock, and Italy’s Beretta, are all said to be involved in lobbying parliamentarians to water down the proposals, as are gun clubs in various countries.
    Frankreich Satirezeitschrift Charlie Hebdo (picture-alliance/dpa/G. Roth)

    Guns bought on the black market were used in the Charlie Hebdo massacre

    Legal market feeding illegal market

    They appear to have been successful: among political parties apparently won over by the gun lobby is Germany’s governing conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU), one of whose European parliamentarians, Hermann Winkler, wrote to the German Shooting and Archery Federation (DSB) in June this year to reassure them that “legal gun-owners would not be punished for their social engagement by the directive.”

    Asked to respond by DW, the EU Commission would not condemn the lobbying directly, but urged legislators to pass the proposal quickly “and support the Commission’s high level of ambition ... in particular with regard to the assault weapons ban.”

    The proposal is “imperative” for “ensuring the security of our citizens,” industry policy spokesperson Lucia Caudet told DW in an email. “Once agreed, our proposal will make it harder to acquire firearms in the European Union, allow better tracking of legally held firearms, thus reducing the risk of diversion into illegal markets, and strengthen cooperation between Member States.”

    But pro-gun associations, such as the DSB and the Austrian IWÖ, argue that new regulation will only burden legal gun-owners and do nothing to hinder terrorists, who buy their guns on the black market anyway.

    And CDU politicians agree with them. “From our point of view, the biggest problem in the spread of weapons is the still-uncontrollable spread of illegal weapons,” CDU MEP Andreas Schwab told DW. “And the Commission hasn’t made any suggestions on that. The idea that we can ban all the semi-automatic weapons and the world would be a better place, that’s not an idea that’s close to reality.”

    But as far as German peace activist Jürgen Grässlin is concerned, this oversimplifies the problem. “If you look at different shootings, they always get their guns from completely different sources,” he told DW.

    The Islamist attackers in Paris, both at the Charlie Hebdo offices in January 2015 and later in November that year, did indeed get their assault rifles on the black market. But Anders Breivik, the far-right extremist who killed 77 people in Norway in 2011, had a gun license and bought a semi-automatic rifle and a handgun legally.

    Germany has comparatively tight gun laws, in part because of restrictions brought in following school shootings in Erfurt in 2002 and Winnenden in 2009 - in both cases, the guns used were licensed and used in sports clubs. “Sports shooters, who have the necessary technical knowledge and reliability, they now have to make sure that only they have access to them,” Schwab explained. “That’s why we tightened the storage responsibilities.”
    Norwegen Anders Behring Breivik im Gericht (picture-alliance/dpa/I. Aserud)

    Breivik bought his semi-automatic weapons legally

    But regulations could still be tightened further - for instance, by not allowing ammunition to be stored in private homes, or by introducing biometrically secured “smart” guns, which can only be unlocked with the thumbprint of their legal owners.

    Sluggish politicians

    “But these are only measures that treat the symptoms, not the root of the problem,” said Grässlin. “There’s this unbelievably phony pseudo-concern that breaks out after every shooting. The politicians say, ’Right, now we’re going to tighten the laws.’ ... And then a few months go by ... It’s been a year since the massacre in Paris and the politicians have turned to other issues, and suddenly they’re open to the pressure from the gun associations and shooting clubs.”

    Schwab was loathed to accept that the gun associations had “lobbied” him. “The sports clubs explained that they want to practice their sports and accepted the regulations about the storage of weapons,” he said. “For us it was important that the clubs that look after their weapons carefully don’t fall under a general suspicion.”

    “There’s no doubt that the approach taken by the EU Commission was going in the right direction,” said Grässlin. “But if the pressure of the ’weapons lobby,’ ... is suddenly brought to bear, then we have a comparable situation to the one in the US, where the National Rifle Association defines what politics can do. And that’s unacceptable, when you see what’s going on around the world with school-shootings and terrorism.”

  • Palestinian policeman killed after shooting and injuring 3 Israeli soldiers near Ramallah
    Oct. 31, 2016 5:27 P.M. (Updated: Oct. 31, 2016 10:44 P.M.)

    Scene of shooting attack near illegal Beit El settlement on Jan. 31, 2016

    RAMALLAH (Mana) — A Palestinian policeman was killed by Israeli forces after he committed a shooting attack near the Ramallah-area illegal Israeli settlement of Beit El on Monday around 5pm.

    An Israeli army spokesperson confirmed the shooting to Ma’an, saying that a Palestinian gunman opened fire at Israeli forces at the Beit El checkpoint near the entrance of Ramallah, injuring three soldiers. “In response to the immediate threat, Israeli forces fired at the assailant,” killing the gunman.

    The spokesperson added that the three injured soldiers were immediately evacuated to the hospital.

    Sources at the Palestinian liason’s office identified the slain gunman as 25-year-old Muhammad Turkman , a police officer from Jenin in the northern occupied West Bank.

    According to Haaretz, Turkman committed the attack with a Kalashnikov rifle.

    The newspaper added that one of the Israeli soldiers was seriously injured, while the other two were “lightly” injured. Two of the wounded were reportedly taken to the Hadassah University Hospital in Jerusalem.


    • Cisjordanie occupée : un Palestinien blesse trois soldats israéliens puis est abattu
      AFP / 31 octobre 2016 18h29

      Jérusalem - Un Palestinien a ouvert le feu lundi sur des soldats israéliens près de Ramallah en Cisjordanie, territoire palestinien occupé par Israël, blessant trois d’entre eux avant d’être abattu, ont indiqué des responsables israélien et palestinien.

      Selon l’armée israélienne, un homme armé a ouvert le feu sur les forces présentes sur place, blessant trois soldats. En réponse à la menace immédiate, les forces ont abattu l’assaillant. Le ministère palestinien de la Santé a confirmé la mort de l’assaillant.

      Une source de la sécurité palestinienne a identifié l’homme comme étant Mohammad Turkman, 25 ans, précisant qu’il était officier de police à Ramallah, ce qui n’a pas été confirmé de source officielle.

  • I Went Undercover With a Border Militia. Here’s What I Saw. | Mother Jones

    I crawl out of the back of the pickup with my rifle in hand. “Keep your weapons nice and tight,” Captain Pain orders. I am traveling light. Unlike the others, I don’t view southern Arizona as a war zone, so I didn’t put steel plates in my chest rig. Next to everyone else’s commando-style AR-15s, my Ruger Mini-14 with a wood stock is slightly out of place. But everything else is square—I’m wearing a MultiCam uniform, desert tan combat boots, and a radio on my shoulder. I fit in just fine.

    We are in a Walmart parking lot in Nogales. Captain Pain and a couple of others go into the store to get supplies. In Pain’s absence, Showtime is our commanding officer. He is a Marine special­-ops veteran who did three tours in Afghan­istan. He has camo paint on his face and a yeti beard. He gets in the cab to check Facebook on his phone while Destroyer, Jaeger, Spartan, and I stand with our backs to the truck, rifles in hand, keeping watch for anything suspicious. The Mexican border is three miles away.

    “There you go,” Jaeger says, looking across the lot. “Camaro with rims.” His hands rest casually on the butt of his camouflage AR-15, which hangs over his chest from a three-point tactical sling.

    “You know every other Mexican has chrome rims on his car,” Destroyer says in a reasoned tone, suggesting that this particular ride might not belong to a drug cartel. He’s clutching the pistol grip of his AK-47, his trigger finger responsibly pointed down the receiver.

    “Last time we were here, [there was] a blacked-out car,” Spartan adds. “Big-ass rims on it. Bumping Mexican music. It cruised us twice. Slowly, too.” He spits out a sunflower seed.

    Patriot Games: A Brief History of Militias in America | Mother Jones

    After independence, America’s militias were seen as an alternative to a standing army, but they fell by the wayside in the 19th century, only to be revived in the late 20th century by self-appointed patriots animated by fears of big government, illegal immigration, and societal collapse.

  • Tiens donc, d’où viennent les armes de Daesh ? (Ou, si on veut le dire crûment : qui arme Daesh ?)

    This British Company Has Tracked Half A Million Illegal Weapons Fuelling Conflicts In Just Two Years (Conflict Armament Research)

    But the Islamic State arsenal now includes far newer models, “from 2013 to 2014 and even 2015 dates of manufacture,” Bevan says. Bevan has tracked this rise in recently-made weapons to Eastern Europe, including AK-47s, machine guns and explosives.

    His company is currently challenging the governments of Bulgaria and Serbia, among others, over the sale of weapons to Saudi Arabia. Despite signing an agreement saying it would not sell the weapons to any other countries, Saudi Arabia appears to send them “straight to Turkey”, from where they get into Islamic State’s hands “very, very rapidly” via illicit means.

    “We have a supply chain which goes from an Eastern European manufacturer, to a second Eastern European country, to Saudi Arabia, to Turkey, to a Syrian opposition group and then to Islamic State in Falluja in Iraq, in less than two months,” he says. “That’s almost direct. If you want to put something on a boat and float it, it’s going to take a month.”

    He said that this shows that anyone supplying weapons to Syrian opposition groups has “absolutely no control” over where they end up. Often, foreign powers think they are supplying one group with weapons but the agenda of the many opposition factions overlaps with that of IS. “Some of them are backing pretty hard line Islamist forces, and it’s very difficult to distinguish between them and Islamic State. They are subsumed within Islamic State, or have a deal with them, or the group will fracture and its fighters will leave with their weapons and join Islamic State.”

    “It means that anyone supplying Syrian opposition groups has absolutely no control over the ultimate destination of those weapons. It’s almost a mirror image of what happened in Afghanistan in the 1980s, in the sense that the US, Saudi Arabia and allied states were supplying weapons to the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence Agency. They then had discretion as to who to give them to. They picked the winners, which were the hard line Islamist forces that were the origins for Al Qaeda and the Taliban.”

    #very_very_rapidly #almost_direct

    Via Aron Lund, assorti du commentaire :

    So this vetting thing is not going too great.

  • Lithuania sends ammunition to Ukraine, disagrees with calls to lift sanctions
    Lithuania has announced that it has supplied combat ammunition to Ukraine and its top diplomat has dismissed calls to lift EU sanctions imposed on Russian officials and companies.

    Lithuania says it has supplied lethal weaponry to Ukraine for the first time since 2014.

    Reuters cited Lithuanian Joint Chiefs of Staff as stating that about 150 tonnes of ammunition were handed over to Ukraine on September 5, mostly 5.45 calibre cartridges for various modifications of Kalashnikov AK-47 rifle, which the Lithuanian army no longer uses.

    #Lithuania #Ukraine #Sanctions

  • Tewfik Hamel : We don’t fight against mosquitoes with a Kalashnikov, but in « cleaning the swamp » that support them - American Herald Tribune

    Aucune idée de ce que ça vaut, j’ai juste trouvé ça dans ma revu de presse. J’archive pour lire, mais si vous avez un avis, n’hésitez pas.

    Mohsen Abdelmoumen: According to you, Daesh is it not operating a tactical retreat in particular in Syria and in Iraq, especially when we see cities as Falloujah falling so easily, what the western media present as a defeat of Daesh?

    Tewfik Hamel: It’s still early to speak about the defeat of Daesh. In Syria, in Iraq as in Libya, neither the worst nor the best is inevitable. The situation is very complex. These countries are experiencing what is called in military jargon “war amongst the populations” where traditional concepts of the decisive victory may have less meaning. In this type of conflict, non-state armed groups of all kinds, draw their strength and freedom of action mainly of their capacity to manipulate, intimidate and mobilize populations, and they do this by using a variety of methods ranging from constraint to persuasion.

    #daesh #djihadisme

  • Palestinian accused of Hebron shooting killed after Israeli forces bombard house
    July 27, 2016 9:46 A.M. (Updated : July 27, 2016 11:30 A.M.)

    The destroyed house of Muhammad Ali al-Heeh, where Israeli forces killed Muhammad Faqih on July 27, 2016.

    HEBRON (Ma’an) — Israeli forces killed a Palestinian man and injured five others in the village of Surif north of Hebron overnight Tuesday, after Israeli soldiers bombarded and destroyed a house he was fortified in, with the Israeli army saying the man was responsible for a deadly drive-by shooting on July 1.

    Spokesperson for the Israeli army Avichay Adraee said in a statement in Arabic that Israeli troops exchanged fire with Muhammad Faqih after surrounding the house.

    The Israeli soldiers, he said, fired several anti-tank missiles at the house after the “terrorist” started to return fire. A bulldozer from the Israeli army’s engineering corps then demolished the house before Faqih was killed.

    It remained unclear by what means Israeli forces ultimately killed Faqih.

    Eyewitnesses told Ma’an they saw the body of Faqih in the bucket of an Israeli army bulldozer that pulled him out of the rubble.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health reported that five Palestinians were shot with rubber-coated bullets during clashes in Surif.

    Adraee confirmed that a Palestinian woman sustained minor wounds during the military attack and was taken to a hospital for treatment, adding in that a Kalashnikov machine gun and a grenade were found in the house.

    Locals said Israeli forces detained four Palestinians from Surif during the raid, identified as Ahmad Ibrahim al-Hur, Diyaa Khalid Ghneimat, and Muhammad Ali al-Heeh — the owner of the demolished house in which Faqih was hiding. Al-Heeh’s mother was also detained.(...)


    Un Palestinien tué dans des échanges de tirs avec l’armée israélienne
    11h16, le 27 juillet 2016
    Ce Palestinien, qui vivait à Hébron, était recherché pour avoir assassiné un Israélien en Cisjordanie le 1er juillet dernier.

    Un Palestinien, accusé d’être responsable d’une attaque ayant tué un Israélien, a été tué dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi lors d’échanges de tirs avec des soldats israéliens en Cisjordanie occupée, a indiqué l’armée israélienne.

    Maison assiégée. Un convoi de militaires est entré dans la localité de Sourif, au nord-ouest de Hébron, vers 23h et en est ressortie aux environs de 6h, en emportant le corps du Palestinien tué. Les soldats ont assiégé la maison dans laquelle il se trouvait pendant des heures avant de lancer un assaut, aidés notamment de bulldozers, détruisant en partie le bâtiment de plusieurs étages, d’où des tirs sont partis. Les soldats israéliens ont également arrêté trois personnes, « membres d’une cellule terroriste liée au Hamas », emmenées les yeux bandés.

    Responsable de la mort d’un rabbin. Le Palestinien tué a été identifié comme Mohammed Faqih par l’armée israélienne, qui l’accuse d’être « le terroriste responsable de l’attaque dans laquelle le rabbin Michael Mark a été assassiné ». Il avait été tué le 1er juillet par des tirs palestiniens sur sa voiture alors qu’il circulait en Cisjordanie, territoire palestinien occupé depuis près de 50 ans par Israël. Ces tirs avait également blessé des membres de sa famille. Selon le Shin Beth, le service de sécurité intérieure israélien, Mohammed Faqih avait été condamné dans le passé à de la prison pur avoir été actif au sein du Djihad islamique, deuxième force islamiste dans les Territoires palestiniens et groupe considéré comme « terroriste » par Israël.

    Ambulances interdites d’accès. L’agence officielle palestinienne a fait état de Palestiniens blessés dans ces échanges de tirs et de grenades lacrymogènes, qui ont déclenché des incendies aux alentours. Elle a rapporté que les ambulances palestiniennes avaient été interdites d’accès à la zone par les militaires israéliens.

  • « Et si on jouait, du matin au soir ? »

    Élaboré de façon ludique et participative, le documentaire « À quoi tu joues ? » de #Léa_Minod et #Chloé_Sanchez se veut un encouragement au plaisir et au #jeu, à la liberté, à la possibilité d’une présence au monde qui irait bien au-delà des normes sociales intériorisées depuis l’#enfance.

    #Chroniques #France_Culture #Pierre_Devalet #RTBF_La_Première #RTS_Espace_2 #création_sonore #audio #radio

  • Key Witness in French Tycoon’s Fraud Case Is Holed Up in Tel Aviv Flat

    Haaretz-Mediapart probe traces moves of Jeremy Grinholz, alleged major cog in French case involving Arnaud Mimran dubbed ’sting of the century.’
    Dov Alfon Jun 16, 2016 7:57 AM

    Arnaud Mimran, right, and his lawyer at the Paris courthouse, on May 25, 2016, to attend his trial.Bertrand Guay, AFP

    PARIS – A key witness in a massive French fraud case known as the “sting of the century” is currently hiding out in Israel, a joint investigation by Haaretz and the French website Mediapart has discovered.

    The witness, a French Jew named Jeremy Grinholz who also goes by the name of Eitan Liron, allegedly managed many of the carbon trades that allegedly enabled the defendants to steal 283 million euros from the French government.

    Grinholz agreed to turn state’s evidence against his former partners, and the Israeli police deposed him in May 2014. Two senior French police officers were present during his interrogations, and his affidavits ultimately enabled the French to indict several people, including businessman Arnaud Mimran, who frequently hosted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in France and has also donated to him.

    On the last day of his interrogation, Grinholz said he believed Mimran had arranged the assassination of Israeli criminal Samy Souied, the fraudsters’ leader, who was murdered in Paris under mysterious circumstances in December 2010.

    Grinholz said that as his suspicions grew, he teamed up with two of Souied’s other partners to force Mimran to take a polygraph test. The polygraph was administered in early 2012 at the Carlton Hotel in Tel Aviv. Grinholz said Mimran denied any involvement in Souied’s murder, but the polygraph operators concluded he was lying.

    During his own police interrogation, Mimran confirmed having taken a polygraph but said he didn’t remember the results.

    The French authorities, hoping to charge Mimran with murder as well as fraud, asked Grinholz to testify at the trial in Paris, but he refused. The French officials then asked their Israeli counterparts to convince Grinholz to return to Paris to testify. The French-Israeli dialogue was conducted by a joint working group set up in 2014, when MK Tzipi Livni was justice minister.

    The working group’s biggest success was the transfer to Paris of a French alleged swindler with Israeli citizenship, Cyril Astruc, who was charged with crimes very similar to those of Mimran, though on a smaller scale. Astruc, who was hiding in Herzliya under his Israeli name, Alex Khann, initially refused to heed a recommendation that he return to France. But Israeli police then began “to make his life hell,” as he put it in conversations with associates whose content was obtained by Haaretz-Mediapart.

    Police raided his house, searched it for 10 hours and arrested two illegal Filipina workers, he said. Then, when he was involved in a traffic accident that caused no casualties, police interrogated him for hours about whether he was responsible for it. Finally, he was arrested on suspicion of corruption and spent two months in jail.

    But only after the front of his house was sprayed with Kalashnikov bullets – apparently by a rival Israeli crime organization – did Astruc tell his friends he “got the hint” and returned to France. There he was arrested at the airport and spent a year and a half in jail before being released with restrictions in 2015.

    Grinholz, however, still refused to return, and on April 18, 2015, the French gave up. This was four months after Livni quit the government, so Netanyahu was the acting justice minister.

    The French delegation returned to Paris and reported that Grinholz definitely wouldn’t testify at Mimran’s trial. Therefore, his name was added to the indictment, albeit on less serious charges due to his cooperation with investigators. To this day, Mimran hasn’t been questioned about Souied’s murder.

    A French Justice Ministry spokesman said the massive fraud case had resulted in numerous French requests for Israeli help. “It could be this cooperation was complicated not only by its sensitivity, but also by its imbalance, since many French criminals are in Israel, whereas Israel rarely makes requests of France,” he said. “Nevertheless, given the differences between the two countries’ legal systems, legal cooperation between the two countries is a daily affair and has improved sharply since the special working group on this issue was established in February 2014.”

    The French spokesman declined to answer any of Haaretz-Mediapart’s specific questions, saying the case was now in court, “and only the court can determine what the level of cooperation on this issue was.”

    But a French legal source told Haaretz that when the fraud case began, and its dimensions weren’t yet clear, bilateral cooperation was terrible. In 2012, the French investigating judge even filed an official complaint about Israel’s lack of cooperation. That complaint prompted frank bilateral discussions, resulting in a major improvement in 2014, most notably on the Grinholz deposition.

    “Could the Israelis, in the absence of any extradition request, which in any case would surely have taken us two or three years, helped us via a deportation procedure or conveying him to the border?” the source continued. “These issues are too complex to be answered one-sidedly.”

    In April 2015, the source added, the French realized “that the Israelis couldn’t persuade Grinholz to return to France, unlike in the previous case you mentioned – which isn’t completely comparable, even if it’s about the same crimes. Therefore, we filed an indictment and told the court that Grinholz lives in Israel and refuses to comply with the summons we served him via our Israeli colleagues.”

    David Shimron, Netanyahu’s attorney, said, “Prime Minister Netanyahu has no connection to Grinholz or Astruc and has never dealt with their issues, ever. Nor were Mimran’s issues brought to his attention when he was justice minister or at any other time. The justice minister is not involved in criminal cases. Those are dealt with solely by the professionals, the state prosecutor and the attorney general, and the justice minister exercises no real judgment in them. The independence of the prosecution in criminal cases is absolute, and so it was during those few months that circumstances led Prime Minister Netanyahu to hold the justice portfolio.”

    A spokesman for the Israeli Justice Ministry said the ministry naturally couldn’t comment on any specific cases that were under discussion between Israeli and French authorities. But he stressed that over the years, there had been continuous cooperation between the two countries in the battle against serious crime. He said the French-Israeli working group still exists, and Israeli prosecutors and police officers participate in it.

    An Israel Police spokesman declined to comment on the specifics of Astruc’s accusations against the force, but said the fact that investigations had been opened and indictments filed against several suspects in the case “speaks for itself.”

    #mafia_du_co2 #Arnaud_Mimran

  • La voix rêvée des monstres

    « Beaux Jeunes Monstres » est une enthousiasmante #fiction_radiophonique en cinq épisodes courts. Réalisée par #Florent_Barat et #Sébastien_Schmitz, elle conjugue sens du récit, humour et musique, autour d’un jeune adolescent handicapé aux prises avec le désir de liberté.

    Toute la série

    L’épisode 1

    #Chroniques #acsr #Belgique #collectif_Wow ! #création_sonore #audio

  • A New Orleans day, by Jesse Hardman #st

    Early last November, in New Orleans’s Upper 9th Ward, a woman in her 50s wandered through the morning sunshine in an oversized t-shirt and pyjama bottoms. She stumbled across Bunny Friend Park, past an empty flask of Hennessey, yellow police tape and a bloodstained playground — the remains of a crime scene from the previous night when an impromptu party ended in a shootout. There were 17 victims; miraculously none died. The woman wouldn’t give her real name, only a moniker — TeeWee — because she said if the shooters knew she talked to the media, they’d think “that lady’s a snitch.” She said she was afraid of the repercussions: “I got 11 kids, and I want to live to see em.” She’d been looking for a grandchild when she wandered over to the event the night before. She saw a DJ and people dancing — and then suddenly “they were shooting everywhere.” She heard multiple gunshots, including one she thought was from an AK47. One of the victims fell on top of her. via Le Monde diplomatique

  • Méchants coups de pinces dans le panier de crabes : les Turcs balancent des infos compromettantes sur le comportement étonnant des Européens et l’exportation si facile de leurs jihadistes vers la Syrie.

    Turkish officials : Europe wanted to export extremists to Syria

    Turkish officials have accused European governments of attempting to export their Islamic extremist problem to Syria, saying the EU has failed to secure its own borders or abide by pledges to share intelligence and cooperate in fighting the jihadist threat.

    The failures were outlined by Turkish officials to the Guardian through several documented instances of foreign fighters leaving Europe while travelling on passports registered on Interpol watchlists, arriving from European airports with luggage containing weapons and ammunition, and being freed after being deported from Turkey despite warnings that they have links to foreign fighter networks.


    In interviews with the Guardian, Turkish officials challenged the assessment that they did not do enough to combat the terror threat, and provided details of several incidents they say show European governments allowed people to travel to Turkey.

    In June 2014, Turkish security officers at Istanbul airport interviewed a Norwegian man who openly told them that he had come to Turkey in order to travel to Syria for “jihad”. Isis had just surged through Iraq, conquering the plains of Nineveh, and would soon announce a caliphate on its territories in Syria and Iraq, upending fragile nation states that had already begun to collapse.

    When they searched his luggage, they found that he had managed to travel out of Oslo with a suitcase that contained a camouflage outfit, a first aid kit, knives, a gun magazine and parts of an AK-47, the contents of which had managed to elude customs authorities in Europe.

    Two months later, a German man arrived in Istanbul with a suitcase containing a bulletproof vest, military camouflage and binoculars that he managed to carry through an airport in Paris on his way to Turkey.

    In 2013, A Danish-Turkish dual citizen, Fatih Khan, left Denmark for Syria, but was detained while trying to cross the border in the Turkish province of Kilis and deported back to Copenhagen. He was given another passport by the Danish authorities, and made his way back to Syria.

    That same year, Mohamed Haroon Saleem, a British citizen, arrived in Istanbul from London and travelled to Syria, having managed to travel out of the UK with a passport that was flagged on the Interpol list as stolen or lost.

    Mohamed Mehdi Raouafi, a French citizen, left France in January of 2014 to join the war in Syria. Despite his sister warning the Turkish authorities who subsequently informed the French government that he was going there to join radical groups, he was allowed to travel out of France.

    • Tandis que King Playtstation se lâche sur Erdogan - pour exaucer @kassem ? - devant des représentants du Congrès américain :

      Jordan’s king accuses Turkey of sending terrorists to Europe MEE / 25.03.16

      The king said Europe’s biggest refugee crisis was not an accident, and neither was the presence of terrorists among them: “The fact that terrorists are going to Europe is part of Turkish policy and Turkey keeps on getting a slap on the hand, but they are let off the hook.”
      Asked by one of the congressmen present whether the Islamic State group was exporting oil to Turkey, Abdullah replied: ”Absolutely.”
      Abdullah made his remarks during a wide-ranging debriefing to Congress on 11 January, the day a meeting with the US president, Barack Obama, was cancelled.
      According to a detailed account of the meeting seen by MEE, the king went on to explain what he thought was the motivation of Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

      Abdullah said that Erdogan believed in a “radical Islamic solution to the region".

      He repeated: "Turkey sought a religious solution to Syria, while we are looking at moderate elements in the south and Jordan pushed for a third option that would not allow a religious option.”
      The king presented Turkey as part of a strategic challenge to the world.
      “We keep being forced to tackle tactical problems against ISIL [the Islamic State group] but not the strategic issue. We forget the issue [of] the Turks who are not with us on this strategically.”
      He claimed that Turkey had not only supported religious groups in Syria, and was letting foreign fighters in, but had also been helping Islamist militias in Libya and Somalia.
      Abdullah claimed that “radicalisation was being manufactured in Turkey” and asked the US senators why the Turks were training the Somali army.

      Il faut en faire un tag, @nidal : #panier_de_crabes_en_Syrie

  • Australian Navy says seizes huge weapons cache headed for Somalia | Top News | Reuters

    An Australian Navy ship has seized a huge cache of weapons near Oman’s coast from a fishing vessel bound for Somalia, the navy said on Monday, exposing a possible violation of a U.N. Security Council arms embargo.

    The United Nations has a decades-long arms embargo in place against Somalia, which has been mired in conflict since civil war broke out in 1991.

    The Australian navy, which patrols waters around the Indian Ocean as part of an international maritime force, said it had seized nearly 2,000 AK-47 rifles, 100 rocket-propelled grenade launchers, 49 PKM machine guns, 39 PKM spare barrels and 20 mortar tubes from the fishing vessel.

    The weapons were seized under United Nations sanctions, which authorise interdiction on the high seas of illicit weapons destined for Somalia,” the navy said in a statement.
    The navy said personnel from HMAS Darwin had boarded the fishing vessel about 170 nautical miles (313 km) off the coast of Oman to verify which flag it was sailing under and they determined that it was stateless.