provinceorstate:oklahoma

  • Opioïdes : Nan Goldin vise le mécénat du Louvre - Libération
    https://www.liberation.fr/france/2019/07/01/opioides-nan-goldin-vise-le-mecenat-du-louvre_1737328

    La photographe a organisé lundi une action dans la cour du grand musée parisien, appelant sa direction à débaptiser une aile nommée en l’honneur d’une famille de mécènes détenant le laboratoire produisant l’Oxycontin, un puissant analgésique.

    Opioïdes : Nan Goldin vise le mécénat du Louvre

    Le Louvre n’imaginait sans doute pas voir un jour sa réputation ternie par la crise des opioïdes, ce scandale sanitaire majeur qui a déjà fait au moins 100 000 morts par overdose aux Etats-Unis. Le célèbre musée parisien doit pourtant faire face à une fronde inédite orchestrée par la photographe new-yorkaise Nan Goldin et le collectif PAIN (Pain Addiction Intervention Now), qui militent depuis deux ans pour alerter sur les dangers de l’Oxycontin. Ce puissant antidouleur, dérivé de l’opium, est commercialisé depuis 1996 par la société Purdue Pharma, elle-même détenue par la famille Sackler. Comme de nombreuses entreprises, le laboratoire américain est aussi un généreux mécène du monde de l’art, prêt à débourser de très grosses sommes pour voir son nom associé à des institutions culturelles de renom. Grâce à un don de 10 millions de francs au Louvre en 1996, la famille a ainsi obtenu que l’aile des antiquités orientales du Louvre soit nommée « aile Sackler », nom qu’elle porte toujours aujourd’hui. Douze salles consacrées à l’Iran ancien, au Levant et à l’Arabie ancienne, où trônent d’inestimables joyaux.

    Une association insupportable pour Nan Goldin, devenue la figure de proue de la lutte contre Sackler. Ancienne accro à l’Oxycontin dont elle est désormais sevrée, la photographe multiplie depuis 2017 les actions choc dans les musées financés par la famille américaine. Mais c’est la première fois qu’une action a lieu en France, face au musée le plus visité du monde.
    PUBLICITÉ
    inRead invented by Teads
    « Sackler on meurt, le Louvre couvre »

    Les touristes présents lundi devant la pyramide du Louvre ont d’abord cru à une performance artistique. Entièrement vêtue de noir, sa médaille de l’ordre des arts et des lettres attachée à la ceinture, Nan Goldin s’est avancée dans l’eau au milieu du bassin, face au bâtiment de verre. Puis des militants ont déployé derrière elle une large banderole orange avec ces mots en lettres noires : « Louvre, take down their name » (« Louvre, retirez leur nom »). Une trentaine d’activistes se sont ensuite massés autour de la photographe aux cris de « Shame on Sackler » et « Sackler on meurt, le Louvre couvre ». « Sackler est responsable de la mort de 200 personnes par jour aux Etats-Unis, lance Nan Goldin aux quelques journalistes présents. Le Louvre ne peut pas être complice de ce scandale. »

    Préparée en trois semaines dans le plus grand secret, l’action a été menée en collaboration avec l’association Aides. « On ne parle que des Etats-Unis mais d’autres pays commencent à être touchés par la crise des opioïdes, explique Fred Bladou, chargé de mission au sein de l’asso. Ce désastre sanitaire doit aussi nous interpeller sur la politique préventive que nous menons. Il démontre l’absurdité qu’il y a à criminaliser les usagers de drogue illicite alors qu’une des plus grosses crises sanitaires de l’histoire concerne une drogue licite. » En France, une centaine de médecins ont alerté fin juin dans les colonnes du JDD sur « le risque d’une crise sanitaire » alors que « 12 millions de Français utilisent des médicaments opiacés, sans être alertés sur leur potentiel addictif et sur les risques d’overdose ».
    Guggenheim et Tate Modern

    Accusés de commercialiser son produit phare en toute connaissance de cause, les Sackler sont aujourd’hui visés par plus de 1 600 actions en justice dans 35 Etats américains. En mars, ils ont dû verser 270 millions de dollars dans le cadre d’un accord à l’amiable passé avec l’Etat de l’Oklahoma. Sous la pression de PAIN, la polémique s’est étendue au mécénat culturel international. Ces derniers mois, plusieurs grands musées comme le Guggenheim et le Metropolitan Museum of Art à New York, ou la Tate Modern à Londres, ont annoncé publiquement qu’ils refuseraient à l’avenir toute donation de la famille Sackler. Un autre musée londonien, la National Portrait Gallery, a décliné en mars un don d’un million de livres (1,15 million d’euros). « Nous n’avons plus reçu aucune donation ni aucune demande de Sackler depuis 1996 », se défend-on au Louvre. Mais ce refus des dons ne suffit plus, pour Nan Goldin et les militants de PAIN. « Il faut que le Louvre soit le premier à débaptiser une aile, exigent-ils dans leur communiqué. Nous n’acceptons plus qu’une institution culturelle publique financée par l’Etat et les contribuables porte au pinacle une entreprise meurtrière. »

    Techniquement, rien n’empêche le musée parisien de retirer le nom des Sackler, le choix de baptiser certaines salles n’étant pas irrévocable, selon la charte interne. Mais la problématique du mécénat et des donateurs embarrassants va bien au-delà de ce cas. Elle est d’autant plus sensible qu’en vingt ans, le budget du Louvre a plus que doublé, alors même que la subvention de l’Etat est restée stable (environ 100 millions d’euros par an). Pour financer la différence et satisfaire les dix millions de visiteurs annuels, le musée n’a d’autre choix que de se tourner vers les acteurs privés, qui représentent entre 20 et 25 millions d’euros par an. Pour vérifier l’origine de ces fonds, le Louvre s’appuie aussi bien sur son réseau diplomatique dans les ambassades étrangères que sur Tracfin, le service antiblanchiment de Bercy. A l’époque, la donation des Sackler n’avait soulevé aucun problème. Vingt-trois ans et plusieurs dizaines de milliers de morts plus tard, c’est une tout autre affaire.
    Emmanuel Fansten

    #Opioides #Sackler #Louvre

  • Sikh drivers are transforming U.S. trucking. Take a ride along the Punjabi American highway - Los Angeles Times
    https://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-col1-sikh-truckers-20190627-htmlstory.html

    By Jaweed Kaleem, Jun 27, 2019 -
    It’s 7:20 p.m. when he rolls into Spicy Bite, one of the newest restaurants here in rural northwest New Mexico. Locals in Milan, a town of 3,321, have barely heard of it.

    https://www.trbimg.com/img-5d12f8d2/turbine/la-1561524431-z6kcx6gnzm-snap-image
    Punjabi-operated truck stops

    The building is small, single-story, built of corrugated metal sheets. There are seats for 20. The only advertising is spray-painted on concrete roadblocks in English and Punjabi. Next door is a diner and gas station; the county jail is across the road.

    Palwinder Singh orders creamy black lentils, chicken curry and roti, finishing it off with chai and cardamom rice pudding. After 13 hours on and off the road in his semi truck, he leans back in a booth as a Bollywood music video plays on TV.

    “This is like home,” says Pal, the name he uses on the road (said like “Paul”).

    There are 3.5 million truckers in the United States. California has 138,000, the second-most after Texas. Nearly half of those in California are immigrants, most from Mexico or Central America. But as drivers age toward retirement — the average American trucker is 55 — and a shortage grows, Sikh immigrants and their kids are increasingly taking up the job.

    Estimates of the number of Sikh truckers vary. In California alone, tens of thousands of truckers trace their heritage to India. The state is home to half of the Sikhs in the U.S. — members of a monotheistic faith with origins in 15th century India whose followers are best recognized by the uncut hair and turbans many men wear. At Sikh temples in Sacramento, Fresno, Bakersfield and Riverside, the majority of worshipers are truck drivers and their families.

    Over the last decade, Indian Americans have launched trucking schools, truck companies, truck washes, trucker temples and no-frills Indian restaurants modeled after truck stops back home, where Sikhs from the state of Punjab dominate the industry.

    “You used to see a guy with a turban and you would get excited,” says Pal, who is in his 15th year of trucking. “Today, you go to some stops and can convince yourself you are in India.”

    Three interstates — the I-5, I-80 and I-10 — are dotted with Indian-American-owned businesses catering to truckers. They start to appear as you drive east from Los Angeles, Reno and Phoenix, and often have the words “Bombay,” “Indian” or “Punjabi” on their storefront signs. But many, with names like Jay Bros (in Overton, Neb.) and Antelope Truck Stop Pronghorn (in Burns, Wyo.) are anonymous dots on a map unless you’re one of the many Sikhs who have memorized them as a road map to America.

    The best-known are along Interstate 40, which stretches from Barstow to North Carolina. The road, much of it alongside Historic Route 66, forms the backbone of the Sikh trucking world.

    It’s a route that Pal, 38, knows well. Three times a month, he makes the seven-day round trip between his Fontana home and Indiana, where he drops off loads and picks up new ones. Over his career, he’s driven 2 million miles and transported items as varied as frozen chickens and paper plates. These days, he mostly hauls chocolate, rice and fruits and vegetables from California farms. Today, it’s 103 containers of mixed produce, with mangoes, bell peppers, watermelons, yellow onions and peeled garlic among them. All are bound for a Kroger warehouse outside Indianapolis.

    Across the street from Spicy Bite, dozens of arriving drivers form a temporary village of 18-wheelers in a vast parking lot by the interstate. Most are white. Nearly all are men. More are older than younger.

    But every now and then there are Sikhs like Pal, with long salt-and-pepper beards, colorful turbans and thick Indian accents. They head straight toward Spicy Bite.

    Lines can form out the door at the restaurant, which opened two years ago outside the Petro Stopping Center, a longtime mainstay for truckers headed east.

    Pal makes a point to stop by the restaurant — even just for a “hello” — when he sleeps next door. The Sikh greeting is “Sat sri akaal.” It means “God is truth.” In trucking, where turnover is high, business uncertain and risk of accidents ever present, each day can feel like a leap of faith and an opportunity to give thanks.

    Punjabi Americans first appeared on the U.S. trucking scene in the 1980s after an anti-Sikh massacre in India left thousands dead around New Delhi, prompting many Sikhs to flee. More recently, Sikhs have migrated to Central America and applied for asylum at the Mexico border, citing persecution for their religion in India; some have also become truckers. Estimates of the overall U.S. Sikh population vary, placing the community’s size between 200,000 and 500,000.

    In recent years, corporations have pleaded for new truckers. Walmart kicked up salaries to attract drivers. Last year, the government announced a pilot program to lower the age for driving trucks from 21 to 18 for those with truck-driving training in the military. According to the American Trucking Assn., the trucker shortage could reach 100,000 within years.

    “Punjabis are filling the gap,” says Raman Dhillon, a former driver who last year founded the North American Punjabi Trucking Assn. The Fresno-based group advises drivers on regulations, offers insurance and tire discounts, and runs a magazine: Punjabi Trucking.

    Like trucking itself, where the threat of automation and the long hours away from home have made it hard to recruit drivers, the Punjabi trucking life isn’t always an easy sell. Three years ago, a group of Sikh truckers in California won a settlement from a national shipping company after saying it discriminated against their faith. The drivers, who followed Sikh traditions by wrapping their uncut hair in turbans, said bosses asked them to remove the turbans before providing hair and urine samples for pre-employment drug tests despite being told of the religious observance. The same year, police charged a man with vandalizing a semi truck at a Sikh temple in Buena Park. He’d scribbled the word “ISIS.”

    Still, Hindi- and Punjabi-language newspapers in the Eastern U.S. regularly run ads promising better wages, a more relaxed lifestyle and warm weather as a trucker out West. Talk to any group of Sikh drivers and you’ll find former cabbies, liquor store workers or convenience store cashiers who made the switch.

    How a rural Oklahoma truck stop became a destination for Sikh Punjabis crossing America »

    “Thirty years ago, it was hard to get into trucking because there were so few people like us in the business who could help you,” says Rashpal Dhindsa, a former trucker who runs Fontana-based Dhindsa Group of Companies, one of the oldest Sikh-owned U.S. trucking companies. When Pal first started, Dhindsa — now a close friend but then an acquaintance — gave him a $1,000 loan to cover training classes.

    It’s 6:36 a.m. the next day when the Petro Stopping Center switches from quiet darkness to rumbling engines. Pal flips on the headlights of his truck, a silver ’16 Volvo with a 500-horsepower engine. Inside the rig, he heats aloo gobi — spiced potatoes and cauliflower — that his wife prepared back home. He checks the thermostat to make sure his trailer isn’t too warm. He takes out a book wrapped in a blue cotton cloth that’s tucked by his driver’s seat, sits on a bed-turned-couch and reads a prayer in Punjabi for safety on the journey: There is only one God. Truth is His name…. You always protect us.

    He pulls east onto the highway as the sun rises.

    Truckers either drive in pairs or solo like Pal. Either way, it’s a quiet, lonely world.

    Still, Pal sees more of America in a week than some people will in their lives. Rolling California hills, spiky desert rock formations, the snow-dusted evergreens of northern Arizona, the fuzzy cacti in New Mexico and, in Albuquerque, hot air balloons rising over an orange sky. There’s also the seemingly endless fast food and Tex-Mex of Amarillo and the 19-story cross of Groom, Texas. There’s the traffic in Missouri. After hours of solitude on the road, it excites him.

    Pal’s not strict on dogma or doctrine, and he’s more spiritual than religious. Trucking has shown him that people are more similar than different no matter where you go. The best of all religions, he says, tend to teach the same thing — kindness to others, accepting whatever comes your way and appreciation for what’s in front of you on the road.

    “When I’m driving,” Pal says, “I see God through his creation.”

    His favorite sights are the farms. You spot them in Central California while picking up pallets of potatoes and berries, or in Illinois and Indiana while driving through the corn and soybean fields.

    They remind him of home, the rural outskirts of Patiala, India.

    Nobody in his family drove trucks. Still, to Pal, he’s continuing tradition. His father farmed potatoes, cauliflower, rice and tomatoes. As a child, Pal would ride tractors for fun with Dad. Today, instead of growing food, Pal transports it.

    He wasn’t always a trucker. After immigrating in 2001 with his younger brother, he settled in Canoga Park and worked nights at 7-Eleven. After he was robbed at gunpoint, a friend suggested trucking. Better pay, flexible hours — and less dangerous.

    Three years later, he started driving a rig he didn’t own while getting paid per mile. Today, he has his own company, two trucks between himself and his brother — also a driver — and bids on shipments directly with suppliers. Nationally, the average pay for a trucker is just above $43,000. Pal makes more than twice that.

    He uses the money to pay for the house he shares with his wife, Harjeet Kaur, 4-year-old son, brother and sister-in-law, nieces and parents. Kaur threads eyebrows at a salon and video chats with him during lunch breaks. Every week before he leaves, she packs a duffel bag of his ironed clothes and stacked containers of food for the road.

    “I love it,” Pal says about driving. “But there are always two sides of the coin, head and tail. If you love it, then you have to sacrifice everything. I have to stay away from home. But the thing is, this job pays me good.”

    The truck is fully equipped. From the road, you can see only driver and passenger seats. But behind them is a sleeper cab with a bed that’s 6-foot-7 by 3-foot-2.

    Pal likes to connect the TV sitting atop a mini-fridge to his phone to stream music videos when he’s alone. His favorite songs are by Sharry Maan, an Indian singer who topped charts two years ago with “Transportiye.” It tells the story of a Sikh American trucker who longs for his wife while on the road. At night, the table folds down to become a bed. Pal is just missing a bathroom and his family.

    The life of a Sikh trucker is one of contrasts. On one hand, you see the diversity of America. You encounter new immigrants from around the world working the same job as people who have been truckers for decades. All transport the food, paper and plastic that make the country run. But you also see the relics of the past and the reminders of how you, as a Sikh in 2019, still don’t entirely fit in.

    It’s 9:40 a.m. on Saturday when Pal pulls into Bowlin’s Flying C Ranch rest center in Encino, N.M., an hour past Albuquerque and two from Texas. Here, you can buy a $19,999 stuffed buffalo, Baja jackets and fake Native American moccasins made in China in a vast tourist stop attached to a Dairy Queen and an Exxon. “God Bless the U.S.A.” by Lee Greenwood plays in the background.

    It reminds Pal of the time he was paying his bill at another gas station. A man suddenly shouted at customers to “get out, he’s going to blow up this place!” “I will not fight you,” Pal calmly replied. The man left. Those kinds of instances are rare, but Pal always senses their danger. Some of the most violent attacks on Sikhs this century have been at the hands of people who mistook them for Muslims or Arabs, including the case of a turban-wearing Sikh man in Arizona who was shot dead by a gunman four days after the Sept. 11 attacks.

    For Pal, suspicious glances are more common. So are the truckers who think he’s new to the business or doesn’t speak English. None of it fazes him.

    “Everybody relates to us through Osama bin Laden because we look the same,” he says, driving across the plains toward the Texas Panhandle. “Or they think because my English sounds different that I am not smart. I know who I am.”

    Every day, he wears a silver bracelet that symbolizes a handcuff. “Remember, you are handcuffed to God. Remind yourself to not do bad things,” Pal says. It reminds him to be kind in the face of ignorance and hatred.

    At a Subway in Amarillo a few hours later, he grabs his go-to lunch when he’s taking a break from Indian food: a chicken sandwich on white bread with pepper jack, lettuce, tomato and onion. At home, the family is vegetarian. Pal relishes chances on the road to indulge in meat. He used to depend solely on his wife’s cooking. Today, he has other options. It’s a luxury to switch from homemade meals to Punjabi restaurants to fast food.

    Trucking has helped Pal find his faith. When he moved to the U.S., he used to shave, drink beer and not care much about religion. But as he got bored on the road, he started listening to religious sermons. Twelve years ago, he began to again grow his hair and quit alcohol; drinking it is against the faith’s traditions. Today, he schedules shipments around the temple calendar so he can attend Sikh celebrations with his family.

    “I don’t mind questions about my religion. But when people say to me, ‘Why do you not cut your hair?’ they are asking the wrong question,” Pal says. “The real question is, why do they cut their hair? God made us this way.”

    It’s 4:59 p.m. when he arrives in Sayre, Okla., at Truck Stop 40. A yellow Punjabi-language billboard advertises it as the I-40 starts to bend north in a rural region two hours from Oklahoma City.

    Among the oldest Sikh truck stops, it has a 24-hour vegetarian restaurant, convenience store, gas station and a housing trailer that functions as a temple — all spread over several acres.

    Pal has been coming here for more than decade, since it was a mechanic shop run by a Sikh former trucker who settled on the plot for its cheap land. When he has time, Pal lingers for a meal. But he’s in a rush to get to Joplin, Mo., for the night so he can make his drop-off the next day.

    He grabs a chai and heads to the temple. Resting on a small pillow upon the altar is the Guru Granth Sahib, the Sikh holy book. An audiotape plays prayers on a loop. A print of Guru Nanak, the faith’s founder, hangs on the wall.

    Pal prostrates and leaves a few dollar bills on the floor as a donation for upkeep. He prays for God to protect the temple, his family and himself on the 891 miles that remain until he hits the Indianapolis suburbs.

    “This feels like a long drive,” Pal says. “But it’s just a small part of the journey of life.”

    #USA #LKW #Transport #Immigration #Zuwanderung

  • Un camp de la Seconde Guerre mondiale reconverti en centre de détention pour enfants migrants

    Durant la #Seconde_Guerre_mondiale, les Américains d’origine japonaise ont été enfermés dans des #camps_d’internement. L’un de ces #camps, situé en #Oklahoma, est reconverti en #centre_de_détention pour enfants migrants alors que le sort réservé à ceux-ci fait de plus en plus scandale. Reportage du New York Times.

    https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/etats-unis-un-camp-de-la-seconde-guerre-mondiale-reconverti-e
    #USA #Etats-Unis #asile #migrations #réfugiés #cpa_camps #reconversion #hébergement #logement #histoire #rétention #2039-2045 #WWII #japonais

  • Call immigrant detention centers what they really are: concentration camps

    If you were paying close attention last week, you might have spotted a pattern in the news. Peeking out from behind the breathless coverage of the Trump family’s tuxedoed trip to London was a spate of deaths of immigrants in U.S. custody: Johana Medina Léon, a 25-year-old transgender asylum seeker; an unnamed 33-year-old Salvadoran man; and a 40-year-old woman from Honduras.

    Photos from a Border Patrol processing center in El Paso showed people herded so tightly into cells that they had to stand on toilets to breathe. Memos surfaced by journalist Ken Klippenstein revealed that Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s failure to provide medical care was responsible for suicides and other deaths of detainees. These followed another report that showed that thousands of detainees are being brutally held in isolation cells just for being transgender or mentally ill.

    Also last week, the Trump administration cut funding for classes, recreation and legal aid at detention centers holding minors — which were likened to “summer camps” by a senior ICE official last year. And there was the revelation that months after being torn from their parents’ arms, 37 children were locked in vans for up to 39 hours in the parking lot of a detention center outside Port Isabel, Texas. In the last year, at least seven migrant children have died in federal custody.

    Preventing mass outrage at a system like this takes work. Certainly it helps that the news media covers these horrors intermittently rather than as snowballing proof of a racist, lawless administration. But most of all, authorities prevail when the places where people are being tortured and left to die stay hidden, misleadingly named and far from prying eyes.

    There’s a name for that kind of system. They’re called concentration camps. You might balk at my use of the term. That’s good — it’s something to be balked at.

    The goal of concentration camps has always been to be ignored. The German-Jewish political theorist Hannah Arendt, who was imprisoned by the Gestapo and interned in a French camp, wrote a few years afterward about the different levels of concentration camps. Extermination camps were the most extreme; others were just about getting “undesirable elements … out of the way.” All had one thing in common: “The human masses sealed off in them are treated as if they no longer existed, as if what happened to them were no longer of interest to anybody, as if they were already dead.”

    Euphemisms play a big role in that forgetting. The term “concentration camp” is itself a euphemism. It was invented by a Spanish official to paper over his relocation of millions of rural families into squalid garrison towns where they would starve during Cuba’s 1895 independence war. When President Franklin D. Roosevelt ordered Japanese Americans into prisons during World War II, he initially called them concentration camps. Americans ended up using more benign names, like “Manzanar Relocation Center.”

    Even the Nazis’ camps started out small, housing criminals, Communists and opponents of the regime. It took five years to begin the mass detention of Jews. It took eight, and the outbreak of a world war, for the first extermination camps to open. Even then, the Nazis had to keep lying to distract attention, claiming Jews were merely being resettled to remote work sites. That’s what the famous signs — Arbeit Macht Frei, or “Work Sets You Free” — were about.

    Subterfuge doesn’t always work. A year ago, Americans accidentally became aware that the Trump administration had adopted (and lied about) a policy of ripping families apart at the border. The flurry of attention was thanks to the viral conflation of two separate but related stories: the family-separation order and bureaucrats’ admission that they’d been unable to locate thousands of migrant children who’d been placed with sponsors after crossing the border alone.

    Trump shoved that easily down the memory hole. He dragged his heels a bit, then agreed to a new policy: throwing whole families into camps together. Political reporters posed irrelevant questions, like whether President Obama had been just as bad, and what it meant for the midterms. Then they moved on.

    It is important to note that Trump’s aides have built this system of racist terror on something that has existed for a long time. Several camps opened under Obama, and as president he deported millions of people.

    But Trump’s game is different. It certainly isn’t about negotiating immigration reform with Congress. Trump has made it clear that he wants to stifle all non-white immigration, period. His mass arrests, iceboxes and dog cages are part of an explicitly nationalist project to put the country under the control of the right kind of white people.

    As a Republican National Committee report noted in 2013: “The nation’s demographic changes add to the urgency of recognizing how precarious our position has become.” The Trump administration’s attempt to put a citizenship question on the 2020 census was also just revealed to have been a plot to disadvantage political opponents and boost “Republicans and Non-Hispanic Whites” all along.

    That’s why this isn’t just a crisis facing immigrants. When a leader puts people in camps to stay in power, history shows that he doesn’t usually stop with the first group he detains.

    There are now at least 48,000 people detained in ICE facilities, which a former official told BuzzFeed News “could swell indefinitely.” Customs and Border Protection officials apprehended more than 144,000 people on the Southwest border last month. (The New York Times dutifully reported this as evidence of a “dramatic surge in border crossings,” rather than what it was: The administration using its own surge of arrests to justify the rest of its policies.)

    If we call them what they are — a growing system of American concentration camps — we will be more likely to give them the attention they deserve. We need to know their names: Port Isabel, Dilley, Adelanto, Hutto and on and on. With constant, unrelenting attention, it is possible we might alleviate the plight of the people inside, and stop the crisis from getting worse. Maybe people won’t be able to disappear so easily into the iceboxes. Maybe it will be harder for authorities to lie about children’s deaths.

    Maybe Trump’s concentration camps will be the first thing we think of when we see him scowling on TV.

    The only other option is to leave it up to those in power to decide what’s next. That’s a calculated risk. As Andrea Pitzer, author of “One Long Night,” one of the most comprehensive books on the history of concentration camps, recently noted: “Every country has said their camps are humane and will be different. Trump is instinctively an authoritarian. He’ll take them as far as he’s allowed to.”

    https://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-katz-immigrant-concentration-camps-20190609-story.html
    #terminologie #vocabulaire #mots #camps #camps_de_concentration #centres_de_détention #détention_administrative #rétention #USA #Etats-Unis
    #cpa_camps

    • ‘Some Suburb of Hell’: America’s New Concentration Camp System

      On Monday, New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez referred to US border detention facilities as “concentration camps,” spurring a backlash in which critics accused her of demeaning the memory of those who died in the Holocaust. Debates raged over a label for what is happening along the southern border and grew louder as the week rolled on. But even this back-and-forth over naming the camps has been a recurrent feature in the mass detention of civilians ever since its inception, a history that long predates the Holocaust.

      At the heart of such policy is a question: What does a country owe desperate people whom it does not consider to be its citizens? The twentieth century posed this question to the world just as the shadow of global conflict threatened for the second time in less than three decades. The dominant response was silence, and the doctrine of absolute national sovereignty meant that what a state did to people under its control, within its borders, was nobody else’s business. After the harrowing toll of the Holocaust with the murder of millions, the world revisited its answer, deciding that perhaps something was owed to those in mortal danger. From the Fourth Geneva Convention protecting civilians in 1949 to the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, the international community established humanitarian obligations toward the most vulnerable that apply, at least in theory, to all nations.

      The twenty-first century is unraveling that response. Countries are rejecting existing obligations and meeting asylum seekers with walls and fences, from detainees fleeing persecution who were sent by Australia to third-party detention in the brutal offshore camps of Manus and Nauru to razor-wire barriers blocking Syrian refugees from entering Hungary. While some nations, such as Germany, wrestle with how to integrate refugees into their labor force—more and more have become resistant to letting them in at all. The latest location of this unwinding is along the southern border of the United States.

      So far, American citizens have gotten only glimpses of the conditions in the border camps that have been opened in their name. In the month of May, Customs and Border Protection reported a total of 132,887 migrants who were apprehended or turned themselves in between ports of entry along the southwest border, an increase of 34 percent from April alone. Upon apprehension, these migrants are temporarily detained by Border Patrol, and once their claims are processed, they are either released or handed over to ICE for longer-term detention. Yet Border Patrol itself is currently holding about 15,000 people, nearly four times what government officials consider to be this enforcement arm’s detention capacity.

      On June 12, the Department of Health and Human Services announced that Fort Sill, an Army post that hosted a World War II internment camp for detainees of Japanese descent, will now be repurposed to detain migrant children. In total, HHS reports that it is currently holding some 12,000 minors. Current law limits detention of minors to twenty days, though Senator Lindsey Graham has proposed expanding the court-ordered limit to 100 days. Since the post is on federal land, it will be exempt from state child welfare inspections.

      In addition to the total of detainees held by Border Patrol, an even higher number is detained at centers around the country by the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency: on a typical day at the beginning of this month, ICE was detaining more than 52,500 migrants. The family separation policy outraged the public in the 2018, but despite legal challenges, it never fully ended. Less publicized have been the deaths of twenty-four adults in ICE custody since the beginning of the Trump administration; in addition, six children between the ages of two and sixteen have died in federal custody over the last several months. It’s not clear whether there have been other deaths that have gone unreported.

      Conditions for detainees have not been improving. At the end of May, a Department of Homeland Security inspector general found nearly 900 migrants at a Texas shelter built for a capacity of 125 people. On June 11, a university professor spotted at least 100 men behind chain-link fences near the Paso del Norte Bridge in El Paso, Texas. Those detainees reported sitting outside for weeks in temperatures that soared above 100 degrees. Taylor Levy, an El Paso immigration lawyer, described going into one facility and finding “a suicidal four-year-old whose face was covered in bloody, self-inflicted scratches… Another young child had to be restrained by his mother because he kept running full-speed into metal lockers. He was covered in bruises.”

      If deciding what to do about the growing numbers of adults and children seeking refuge in the US relies on complex humanitarian policies and international laws, in which most Americans don’t take a deep interest, a simpler question also presents itself: What exactly are these camps that the Trump administration has opened, and where is this program of mass detention headed?

      Even with incomplete information about what’s happening along the border today and what the government plans for these camps, history points to some conclusions about their future. Mass detention without trial earned a new name and a specific identity at the end of the nineteenth century. The labels then adopted for the practice were “reconcentración” and “concentration camps”—places of forced relocation of civilians into detention on the basis of group identity.

      Other kinds of group detention had appeared much earlier in North American history. The US government drove Native Americans from their homelands into prescribed exile, with death and detention in transit camps along the way. Some Spanish mission systems in the Americas had accomplished similar ends by seizing land and pressing indigenous people into forced labor. During the 245 years when slavery was legal in the US, detention was one of its essential features.

      Concentration camps, however, don’t typically result from the theft of land, as happened with Native Americans, or owning human beings in a system of forced labor, as in the slave trade. Exile, theft, and forced labor can come later, but in the beginning, detention itself is usually the point of concentration camps. By the end of the nineteenth century, the mass production of barbed wire and machines guns made this kind of detention possible and practical in ways it never had been before.

      Under Spanish rule in 1896, the governor-general of Cuba instituted camps in order to clear rebel-held regions during an uprising, despite his predecessor’s written refusal “as the representative of a civilized nation, to be the first to give the example of cruelty and intransigence” that such detention would represent. After women and children began dying in vast numbers behind barbed wire because there had been little planning for shelter and even less for food, US President William McKinley made his call to war before Congress. He spoke against the policy of reconcentración, calling it warfare by uncivilized means. “It was extermination,” McKinley said. “The only peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the grave.” Without full records, the Cuban death toll can only be estimated, but a consensus puts it in the neighborhood of 150,000, more than 10 percent of the island’s prewar population.

      Today, we remember the sinking of the USS Maine as the spark that ignited the Spanish-American War. But war correspondent George Kennan (cousin of the more famous diplomat) believed that “it was the suffering of the reconcentrados, more, perhaps, than any other one thing that brought about the intervention of the United States.” On April 25, 1898, Congress declared war. Two weeks later, US Marines landed at Fisherman’s Point on the windward side of the entrance to Guantánamo Bay in Cuba. After a grim, week-long fight, the Marines took the hill. It became a naval base, and the United States has never left that patch of land.

      As part of the larger victory, the US inherited the Philippines. The world’s newest imperial power also inherited a rebellion. Following a massacre of American troops at Balangiga in September 1901, during the third year of the conflict, the US established its own concentration camp system. Detainees, mostly women and children, were forced into squalid conditions that one American soldier described in a letter to a US senator as “some suburb of hell.” In the space of only four months, more than 11,000 Filipinos are believed to have died in these noxious camps.

      Meanwhile, in southern Africa in 1900, the British had opened their own camps during their battle with descendants of Dutch settlers in the second Boer War. British soldiers filled tent cities with Boer women and children, and the military authorities called them refugee camps. Future Prime Minister David Lloyd George took offense at that name, noting in Parliament: “There is no greater delusion in the mind of any man than to apply the term ‘refugee’ to these camps. They are not refugee camps. They are camps of concentration.” Contemporary observers compared them to the Cuban camps, and criticized their deliberate cruelty. The Bishop of Hereford wrote to The Times of London in 1901, asking: “Are we reduced to such a depth of impotence that our Government can do nothing to stop such a holocaust of child-life?”

      Maggoty meat rations and polluted water supplies joined outbreaks of contagious diseases amid crowded and unhealthy conditions in the Boer camps. More than 27,000 detainees are thought to have died there, nearly 80 percent of them children. The British had opened camps for black Africans as well, in which at least 14,000 detainees died—the real number is probably much higher. Aside from protests made by some missionaries, the deaths of indigenous black Africans did not inspire much public outrage. Much of the history of the suffering in these camps has been lost.

      These early experiments with concentration camps took place on the periphery of imperial power, but accounts of them nevertheless made their way into newspapers and reports in many nations. As a result, the very idea of them came to be seen as barbaric. By the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, the first camp systems had all been closed, and concentration camps had nearly vanished as an institution. Within months of the outbreak of World War I, though, they would be resurrected—this time rising not at the margins but in the centers of power. Between 1914 and 1918, camps were constructed on an unprecedented scale across six continents. In their time, these camps were commonly called concentration camps, though today they are often referred to by the more anodyne term “internment.”

      Those World War I detainees were, for the most part, foreigners—or, in legalese, aliens—and recent anti-immigration legislation in several countries had deliberately limited their rights. The Daily Mail denounced aliens left at liberty once they had registered with their local police department, demanding, “Does signing his name take the malice out of a man?” The Scottish Field was more direct, asking, “Do Germans have souls?” That these civilian detainees were no threat to Britain did not keep them from being demonized, shouted at, and spat upon as they were paraded past hostile crowds in cities like London.

      Though a small number of people were shot in riots in these camps, and hunger became a serious issue as the conflict dragged on, World War I internment would present a new, non-lethal face for the camps, normalizing detention. Even after the war, new camps sprang up from Spain to Hungary and Cuba, providing an improvised “solution” for everything from vagrancy to anxieties over the presence of Jewish foreigners.

      Some of these camps were clearly not safe for those interned. Local camps appeared in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in 1921, after a white mob burned down a black neighborhood and detained African-American survivors. In Bolshevik Russia, the first concentration camps preceded the formation of the Soviet Union in 1922 and planted seeds for the brutal Gulag system that became official near the end of the USSR’s first decade. While some kinds of camps were understood to be harsher, after World War I their proliferation did not initially disturb public opinion. They had yet to take on their worst incarnations.

      In 1933, barely more than a month after Hitler was appointed chancellor, the Nazis’ first, impromptu camp opened in the town of Nohra in central Germany to hold political opponents. Detainees at Nohra were allowed to vote at a local precinct in the elections of March 5, 1933, resulting in a surge of Communist ballots in the tiny town. Locking up groups of civilians without trial had become accepted. Only the later realization of the horrors of the Nazi death camps would break the default assumption by governments and the public that concentration camps could and should be a simple way to manage populations seen as a threat.

      However, the staggering death toll of the Nazi extermination camp system—which was created mid-war and stood almost entirely separate from the concentration camps in existence since 1933—led to another result: a strange kind of erasure. In the decades that followed World War II, the term “concentration camp” came to stand only for Auschwitz and other extermination camps. It was no longer applied to the kind of extrajudicial detention it had denoted for generations. The many earlier camps that had made the rise of Auschwitz possible largely vanished from public memory.

      It is not necessary, however, to step back a full century in American history to find camps with links to what is happening on the US border today. Detention at Guantánamo began in the 1990s, when Haitian and Cuban immigrants whom the government wanted to keep out of the United States were housed there in waves over a four-year period—years before the “war on terror” and the US policy of rendition of suspected “enemy combatants” made Camps Delta, X-Ray, and Echo notorious. Tens of thousands of Haitians fleeing instability at home were picked up at sea and diverted to the Cuban base, to limit their legal right to apply for asylum. The court cases and battles over the suffering of those detainees ended up setting the stage for what Guantánamo would become after September 11, 2001.

      In one case, a federal court ruled that it did have jurisdiction over the base, but the government agreed to release the Haitians who were part of the lawsuit in exchange for keeping that ruling off the books. A ruling in a second case would assert that the courts did not have jurisdiction. Absent the prior case, the latter stood on its own as precedent. Leaving Guantánamo in this gray area made it an ideal site for extrajudicial detention and torture after the twin towers fell.

      This process of normalization, when a bad camp becomes much more dangerous, is not unusual. Today’s border camps are a crueler reflection of long-term policies—some challenged in court—that earlier presidents had enacted. Prior administrations own a share of the responsibility for today’s harsh practices, but the policies in place today are also accompanied by a shameless willingness to publicly target a vulnerable population in increasingly dangerous ways.

      I visited Guantánamo twice in 2015, sitting in the courtroom for pretrial hearings and touring the medical facility, the library, and all the old abandoned detention sites, as well as newly built ones, open to the media—from the kennel-style cages of Camp X-Ray rotting to ruin in the damp heat to the modern jailhouse facilities of Camp 6. Seeing all this in person made clear to me how vast the architecture of detention had become, how entrenched it was, and how hard it would be to close.

      Without a significant government effort to reverse direction, conditions in every camp system tend to deteriorate over time. Governments rarely make that kind of effort on behalf of people they are willing to lock up without trial in the first place. And history shows that legislatures do not close camps against the will of an executive.

      Just a few years ago there might have been more potential for change spurred by the judicial branch of our democracy, but this Supreme Court is inclined toward deference to executive power, even, it appears, if that power is abused. It seems unlikely this Court will intervene to end the new border camp system; indeed, the justices are far more likely to institutionalize it by half-measures, as happened with Guantánamo. The Korematsu case, in which the Supreme Court upheld Japanese-American internment (a ruling only rescinded last year), relied on the suppression of evidence by the solicitor general. Americans today can have little confidence that this administration would behave any more scrupulously when defending its detention policy.

      What kind of conditions can we expect to develop in these border camps? The longer a camp system stays open, the more likely it is that vital things will go wrong: detainees will contract contagious diseases and suffer from malnutrition and mental illness. We have already seen that current detention practices have resulted in children and adults succumbing to influenza, staph infections, and sepsis. The US is now poised to inflict harm on tens of thousands more, perhaps hundreds of thousands more.

      Along with such inevitable consequences, every significant camp system has introduced new horrors of its own, crises that were unforeseen when that system was opened. We have yet to discover what those will be for these American border camps. But they will happen. Every country thinks it can do detention better when it starts these projects. But no good way to conduct mass indefinite detention has yet been devised; the system always degrades.

      When, in 1940, Margarete Buber-Neumann was transferred from the Soviet Gulag at Karaganda to the camp for women at Ravensbrück (in an exchange enabled by the Nazi–Soviet Pact), she came from near-starvation conditions in the USSR and was amazed at the cleanliness and order of the Nazi camp. New arrivals were issued clothing, bedding, and silverware, and given fresh porridge, fruit, sausage, and jam to eat. Although the Nazi camps were already punitive, order-obsessed monstrosities, the wartime overcrowding that would soon overtake them had not yet made daily life a thing of constant suffering and squalor. The death camps were still two years away.

      The United States now has a vast and growing camp system. It is starting out with gruesome overcrowding and inadequate healthcare, and because of budget restrictions, has already taken steps to cut services to juvenile detainees. The US Office of Refugee Resettlement says that the mounting number of children arriving unaccompanied is forcing it to use military bases and other sites that it prefers to avoid, and that establishing these camps is a temporary measure. But without oversight from state child welfare inspectors, the possibilities for neglect and abuse are alarming. And without any knowledge of how many asylum-seekers are coming in the future, federal administrators are likely to find themselves boxed in to managing detention on military sites permanently.

      President Trump and senior White House adviser Stephen Miller appear to have purged the Department of Homeland Security of most internal opposition to their anti-immigrant policies. In doing so, that have removed even those sympathetic to the general approach taken by the White House, such as former Chief of Staff John Kelly and former Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen, in order to escalate the militarization of the border and expand irregular detention in more systematic and punitive ways. This kind of power struggle or purge in the early years of a camp system is typical.

      The disbanding of the Cheka, the Soviet secret police, in February 1922 and the transfer of its commander, Felix Dzerzhinsky, to head up an agency with control over only two prisons offered a hint of an alternate future in which extrajudicial detention would not play a central role in the fledgling Soviet republic. But Dzerzhinsky managed to keep control over the “special camps” in his new position, paving the way for the emergence of a camp-centered police state. In pre-war Germany in the mid-1930s, Himmler’s struggle to consolidate power from rivals eventually led him to make camps central to Nazi strategy. When the hardliners win, as they appear to have in the US, conditions tend to worsen significantly.

      Is it possible this growth in the camp system will be temporary and the improvised border camps will soon close? In theory, yes. But the longer they remain open, the less likely they are to vanish. When I visited the camps for Rohingya Muslims a year before the large-scale campaign of ethnic cleansing began, many observers appeared to be confusing the possible and the probable. It was possible that the party of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi would sweep into office in free elections and begin making changes. It was possible that full democracy would come to all the residents of Myanmar, even though the government had stripped the Rohingya of the last vestiges of their citizenship. These hopes proved to be misplaced. Once there are concentration camps, it is always probable that things will get worse.

      The Philippines, Japanese-American internment, Guantánamo… we can consider the fine points of how the current border camps evoke past US systems, and we can see how the arc of camp history reveals the likelihood that the suffering we’re currently inflicting will be multiplied exponentially. But we can also simply look at what we’re doing right now, shoving bodies into “dog pound”-style detention pens, “iceboxes,” and standing room-only spaces. We can look at young children in custody who have become suicidal. How much more historical awareness do we really need?

      https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2019/06/21/some-suburb-of-hell-americas-new-concentration-camp-system

    • #Alexandria_Ocasio-Cortez engage le bras de fer avec la politique migratoire de Donald Trump

      L’élue de New York a qualifié les camps de rétention pour migrants érigés à la frontière sud des Etats-Unis de « camps de concentration ».

      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/06/19/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-engage-le-bras-de-fer-avec-la-politique-migratoire-

  • Nation’s first opioid trial could set precedent for massive pharma payouts - POLITICO
    https://www.politico.com/story/2019/05/28/opioid-trial-pharma-payouts-1344953

    The Oklahoma trial, which will be broadcast online, is expected to last for much of the summer, putting a national spotlight on the opioid crisis, which is still killing 130 people in the United States every day. The testimony will focus on how much manufacturers of highly addictive painkillers are to blame for getting patients hooked on opioids through misleading medical claims and aggressive marketing practices.

    The trial involving Johnson & Johnson will be closely watched by the hundreds of parties participating in the larger multi-district litigation overseen by U.S. District Court Judge Dan Polster, who has been pushing for a massive settlement before the first of those cases go to trial in the fall.

    “It’s going to be one of the first times that there will be evidence presented in an open forum about how we got to where we are,” said Joe Rice, co-lead counsel in the federal litigation targeting drugmakers and distributors in Ohio. “That’s a big question that a lot of people in the health community want to know. … Why and how did we get here?”

    On Sunday, Oklahoma also announced an $85 million settlement with Teva. That left Johnson & Johnson subsidiary Janssen Pharmaceuticals as the sole remaining defendant, barring a last-minute settlement.

    Purdue and its owners, the Sackler family, settled with Oklahoma for $270 million in March, which some state lawmakers and public health experts condemned as too meager. The biggest chunk of that settlement, $200 million, will be used to establish a new addiction treatment center at the University of Oklahoma. Another $60 million will be paid to attorneys involved in the case, and just $12 million will filter down to cities and towns struggling to deal with the addiction epidemic.

    Oklahoma Attorney General Mike Hunter stressed that the settlement was the best option because of the threat that Purdue would declare bankruptcy and the state might end up with nothing. But that means Oklahoma’s attorneys will have to make the potentially trickier case that other, less notorious players in the opioid pipeline created a “public nuisance” in the state by pushing misleading medical claims.

    #Opioides #Oklahoma #Sackler

  • Réunion cruciale pour Boeing autour des déboires du 737 MAX
    https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2019/05/23/reunion-cruciale-pour-boeing-autour-des-deboires-du-737-max_5465909_3234.htm


    Les avions 737 MAX de la compagnie américaine Southwest Airlines immobilisés sur le tarmac de l’aéroport de Victorville, en Californie, le 28 mars 2019.
    MARK RALSTON / AFP

    Les régulateurs de l’aviation de 34 pays doivent se réunir jeudi à propos du modèle critiqué de la compagnie américaine. Celui-ci est immobilisé depuis 71 jours après le crash de deux avions.

    L’attente vis-à-vis du 737 MAX va-t-elle se prolonger encore longtemps pour la compagnie Boeing ? Cela fait déjà 71 jours que ce modèle de l’avionneur est immobilsé après les catastrophes aériennes d’Ethiopian et de Lion Air, qui ont fait 346 morts. La réunion cruciale entre l’Administration fédérale de l’aviation américaine (FAA) et des régulateurs venant de trente-trois pays qui se tient jeudi 23 mai à Fort Worth (Texas) pourrait justement donner une idée un peu plus précise sur le retour en service du 737 MAX.

    Cette réunion à huis clos, qui débutera à 9 heures (heure locale) – soit 16 heures à Paris –, doit durer toute la journée. Elle devrait fournir des indices sur les intentions et le degré de confiance que les autres autorités de l’aviation civile portent encore à Boeing ainsi qu’à la FAA. Ni Boeing ni les compagnies aériennes n’ont été conviés à cette réunion à l’issue de laquelle aucune déclaration commune n’est prévue, seulement une conférence de presse en fin d’après-midi.

    Le système antidécrochage MCAS (Maneuvering Characteristics Augmentation System) devait être au centre des discussions puisque c’est lui qui a été mis en cause dans le crash d’un avion de la compagnie Ethiopian Airlines en mars, qui a coûté la vie à 157 personnes, et dans la catastrophe de Lion Air en Indonésie fin octobre 2018, au cours de laquelle 189 personnes ont péri. Au mois de mars, la compagnie Boeing avait effectué une mise à jour logicielle du système MCAS du 737 Max.

    Mais les autorités américaines ont d’ores et déjà annoncé mercredi que Boeing n’avait pas encore formellement soumis le correctif du 737 MAX pour certification. Cette annonce intervient alors que Boeing avait affirmé la semaine dernière avoir finalisé les changements exigés par l’agence américaine et que le correctif était prêt pour certification.

    Aussi, la formation finale des pilotes n’a pas encore été déterminée. Les autorités américaines estiment qu’une formation sur ordinateur ou iPad serait suffisante pour des pilotes expérimentés, alors que le régulateur canadien réclame un passage obligé sur simulateur qui a l’avantage de reproduire les conditions de vol.

    Au vu du retard pris par Boeing, il est difficile, selon M. Elwell, de déterminer quand interviendra la levée de l’interdiction de vol. « Je ne suis attaché à aucun calendrier », a fait savoir Dan Elwell, chef intérimaire de la FAA, qui a refusé de s’aligner sur American Airlines et Southwest, deux compagnies clientes du 737 MAX, qui ont annulé les vols programmés pour cet avion jusqu’à la mi-août dans l’espoir que l’interdiction de vol serait levée d’ici à juillet au plus tard.

    « Ça prendra le temps qu’il faudra pour faire les choses comme il se doit », a-t-il assuré, soulignant toutefois qu’en tant qu’autorité d’origine du 737 MAX, la FAA « doit être le premier régulateur » à l’autoriser à voler à nouveau. Jusqu’aux déboires du 737 MAX, avait toujours prévalu un système de réciprocité qui voulait que les autres régulateurs s’en remissent à la certification de l’autorité d’origine. « Il y a de la méfiance vis-à-vis de la FAA et de Boeing et les informations distillées au compte-gouttes sur ce que Boeing savait (…) sont fâcheuses », avance Scott Hamilton, expert chez Leeham.

    Des responsables des autorités de l’aviation de l’Union européenne et du Canada ont expliqué qu’il n’était pas question de faire redécoller le 737 MAX chez eux tant que des questions resteront en suspens. « Il y a des conditions au retour en vol (du 737 MAX) et pour nous c’est que nous procédions à une évaluation indépendante », a fait savoir Jagello Fayl, responsable de la communication de l’agence européenne EASA.

    • Les Boeing 737 MAX interdits de vol pour une durée indéterminée
      https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2019/05/24/les-boeing-737-max-toujours-cloues-au-sol-pour-une-duree-indeterminee_546629


      Les avions 737 MAX de la compagnie American Airlines immobilisés à Tulsa dans l’Oklahoma, le 10 mai.
      HANDOUT / REUTERS

      Aucune date de remise en service de l’avion n’a été décidée à l’issue d’une longue réunion entre les différentes autorités mondiales de l’aviation civile.

      Immobilisé à travers le monde depuis le 13 mars, le Boeing 737 MAX risque encore d’attendre plusieurs mois avant de pouvoir reprendre son envol. Les autorités mondiales de l’aviation civile, réunies jeudi 23 mai au Texas, se sont séparées après huit heures de discussions sans date de retour en service de l’avion-phare de la compagnie américaine.

      « Le seul calendrier est de s’assurer que l’avion est sûr avant de voler », a déclaré Dan Elwell, chef intérimaire de l’Agence fédérale américaine de l’aviation (FAA), lors d’une conférence de presse. Cette incertitude traduit la méfiance des autres régulateurs envers la FAA, à laquelle ils ont posé « beaucoup de questions » et dont ils voulaient des « clarifications » sur les procédures. M. Elwell a indirectement reconnu l’absence de consensus en déclarant que « chaque pays prendra[it] sa propre décision », en toute indépendance, même si le « dialogue » va se poursuivre, notamment avec des échanges d’informations.
      […]
      Dan Elwell avait jeté un froid mercredi en révélant que Boeing n’avait pas soumis pour évaluation la mise à jour du système antidécrochage MCAS, en raison de questions additionnelles. C’est le dysfonctionnement de ce dispositif, mis en cause dans les accidents d’Ethiopian Airlines, le 10 mars (157 morts), et de Lion Air, le 29 octobre en Indonésie (189 morts), qui a entraîné l’interdiction provisoire de vol du 737 MAX, dernier-né du constructeur américain. L’avionneur avait pourtant affirmé la semaine dernière que le correctif était prêt pour la certification.
      […]
      Au-delà du problème de réputation, la crise du 737 MAX devrait avoir un coût financier important alors que cet avion représentait près de 80 % du carnet de commandes de Boeing à la fin d’avril. Le constructeur, qui a suspendu les livraisons, ne perçoit plus d’argent des compagnies aériennes, qu’il devra aussi indemniser pour leur manque à gagner.

  • La situation des classes laborieuses aux États-Unis d’Amérique 19 Mai 2019 Librairie Tropiques
    http://www.librairie-tropiques.fr/2019/05/la-situation-des-classes-laborieuses-aux-etats-unis-d-amerique.h

    Présentation par Nat London d’un nouveau livre de Mary-Alice Waters, publié par les éditions Pathfinder .

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QAHT4r7ay-g

    Déjà publié en anglais et en espagnol, à paraître bientôt en français, ce livre fait l’état des conditions actuelles de vie, de la renaissance et des perspectives de lutte d’un des plus importants secteurs de la classe ouvrière dans le monde aujourd’hui :

    « Vous ne pouvez pas comprendre ce qui se passe aux États-Unis sans comprendre la dévastation des vies des familles de travailleurs dans des régions comme la Virginie occidentale, et l’augmentation considérable des inégalités de classe depuis la crise de 2008. »

    Un géant a commencé à bouger...
    
Hillary Clinton les appelle « les déplorables » qui habitent des régions « reculées » entre New York et San Francisco. Mais des dizaines de milliers de professeurs et de personnels des écoles de Virginie occidentale, d’Oklahoma et au-delà ont montré l’exemple par leurs grèves victorieuses en 2018. Les travailleurs à travers la Floride se sont mobilisés et ont gagné le rétablissement du droit de vote pour plus d’un millions d’anciens prisonniers.

    S’appuyant sur les meilleures traditions de lutte des opprimés et des producteurs exploités de toutes les couleurs de peau et origines nationales aux US, ils ont lutté pour la dignité et le respect pour eux-mêmes, pour leurs familles et pour tous les travailleurs.

    #usa, #Nat_London, #Pathfinder, #Working_Class, #communisme, #marxisme #GiletsJaunes #Révoltes #donald_trump

  • La famille Sackler, maître des opioïdes et amie des arts
    https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2019/04/25/les-sackler-

    L’OxyContin, médicament hautement addictif, a fait la fortune de cette famille qui préfère parler de son mécénat plutôt que de sa responsabilité dans la crise sanitaire aux Etats-Unis.

    La cuillère a le fond calciné, et son manche est retourné pour lui donner plus de stabilité. Comme celles utilisées par les toxicomanes qui font fondre leur drogue. Sauf que l’ustensile pèse… près de 360 kg. Le 22 juin 2018, il bloquait l’entrée du siège de Purdue Pharma, à Stamford (Connecticut). La firme, propriété de la famille Sackler, produit l’OxyContin, puissant antidouleur fabriqué à partir de morphine de synthèse.

    Ce médicament a fait la fortune des Sackler, dont la richesse est estimée par l’agence Bloomberg à 13 milliards de dollars (11,6 milliards d’euros). Hautement addictif, il est surtout accusé d’avoir fait tomber dans la drogue des milliers d’Américains et d’être responsable de la crise des opioïdes qui frappe les Etats-Unis.
    L’OxyContin, commercialisé depuis 1995, aurait fait tomber dans la drogue des milliers d’Américains
    Depuis un an, l’artiste Domenic Esposito, 49 ans, mène une guérilla contre la famille Sackler avec sa cuillère. Il l’a de nouveau exposée le 5 avril à Washington, devant l’Agence américaine du médicament (FDA), à qui il est reproché d’avoir autorisé l’OxyContin. M. Esposito se bat pour son frère Danny, de dix-huit ans son cadet, qui a sombré dans la drogue au milieu des années 2000, en commençant par l’OxyContin, avant de se tourner vers l’héroïne.

    « Il a bousillé douze années de sa vie », confie Domenic Esposito, qui nous reçoit à Westwood, dans son atelier, en face de sa maison perdue dans les forêts du Massachusetts. Sa famille veut croire à une rémission, mais la désillusion n’est jamais loin. « Ma mère m’a souvent appelé en pleurant après avoir trouvé les résidus dans une cuillère, raconte-t-il. Cette cuillère est le symbole du combat macabre de ma famille. »

    Epidémie

    Ancien gestionnaire de capitaux reconverti dans l’art, M. Esposito a décidé de passer à l’action quand il s’est aperçu que son frère n’était pas un cas isolé.
    Le déclic s’est produit lors des journées de charité du diocèse de Boston, pendant le Carême de 2016. Catholique et bon orateur, il vante l’action du diocèse en faveur des victimes de la drogue. Et évoque son frère. Une fois son discours achevé, une dizaine de personnes viennent partager leur expérience. A chaque fois, le même scénario : une blessure banale mais nécessitant un antidouleur, et une ordonnance d’OxyContin. S’amorce alors l’engrenage de l’addiction avec, souvent, un basculement vers l’héroïne. Il s’agit bien d’une épidémie, provoquée par Purdue et les Sackler.
    Pourquoi ferrailler avec une œuvre d’art ? Parce que c’est là une des failles du clan. Si le nom de Purdue est peu connu, celui de la famille Sackler est, depuis un demi-siècle, synonyme de mécénat artistique. Au Metro­politan Museum (Met) et au Musée Guggenheim de New York, à la National Portrait Gallery de Londres ou au Louvre, à Paris, avec l’« aile ­Sackler des antiquités orientales », leur patronyme est omniprésent.


    Des personnes visitent l’aile Sackler au Metropolitan Museum of Art, à New York, le 28 mars.

    Puisque les Sackler s’abritent derrière les arts, les artistes veulent les faire périr par eux, comme le montre l’initiative de M. Esposito et comme le revendique la photographe américaine Nan Goldin, devenue dépendante à l’OxyContin après une opération. « Pour qu’ils nous écoutent, nous allons cibler leur philanthropie. Ils ont lavé leur argent maculé de sang grâce aux halls des musées et des uni­versités », accuse Mme Goldin, qui a photographié son propre calvaire.

    « Un blizzard d’ordonnances »

    En mars 2018, au Met, cinquante militants se sont allongés, feignant d’être morts, dans l’aile financée par les Sackler. En février 2019, au Musée Guggenheim, des activistes ont jeté de fausses ordonnances d’OxyContin, cruel rappel adressé à Richard Sackler, 74 ans, fils d’un des fondateurs et ex-PDG de Purdue, qui avait prédit « un blizzard d’ordonnances qui enterrerait la concurrence ».
    L’étau se resserre sur le front judiciaire, avec 1 600 plaintes déposées et des poursuites pénales engagées par les parquets de Boston et de New York

    Cela paie. En mars, le Guggenheim a fait savoir qu’il n’accepterait plus de dons de la famille, ­ tandis que Mortimer Sackler, ancien membre actif du conseil d’administration (CA) de Purdue et cousin de Richard, a dû se retirer du CA. A Londres, la Tate Gallery a fait de même, et la National Portrait Gallery a décliné une promesse de don de 1 million de livres (1,15 million d’euros).
    Parallèlement, l’étau se resserre sur le front judiciaire, avec 1 600 plaintes déposées et des poursuites pénales engagées par les parquets de Boston et de New York. Au point que la société pourrait déposer le bilan. Prolixes sur leurs activités philanthropiques et artistiques, les Sackler sont mutiques sur leur entreprise.


    La procureure générale de l’Etat de New York, Letitia James, annonce la plus importante poursuite en justice jamais intentée contre la famille Sackler, le 28 mars.

    L’histoire débute avec les trois frères Sackler, fils d’immigrants juifs de Galicie et de Pologne nés à Brooklyn. Tous trois médecins psychiatres, ils se lancent dans la pharmacie, en rachetant une petite entreprise de Greenwich Village, qui vend des produits comme la Betadine ou fait le marketing du Valium. Ils conquièrent des patients et, surtout, des médecins prescripteurs (en 1997, le patriarche, Arthur Sackler, a été distingué à titre posthume pour ses talents publicitaires).

    « Méthodes agressives »

    C’est cette recette qui, à partir de 1995, permet d’écouler l’OxyContin. A une époque où l’on cherche à apaiser les douleurs insupportables des malades du cancer, le produit apparaît comme une solution magique : il n’est pas addictif et soulage le patient pendant douze heures. Cela représente un formidable argument publicitaire, notamment parce qu’il se diffuse en continu.
    Cependant, au lieu d’être réservé aux patients en soins palliatifs, il est distribué comme de l’aspirine, à coups d’intéressement (pour les vendeurs) et de séminaires dans des palaces de Floride (pour les médecins). Les dosages très élevés créent une accoutumance mortifère. Les précieuses pilules, qui ont des qualités ­similaires à celles de l’héroïne lorsqu’elles sont brûlées, attirent l’attention des narcotrafiquants qui organisent un commerce de ­ contrebande très lucratif, avec la complicité de médecins véreux.

    Quand il apparaît que le produit est addictif, la firme choisit de ­blâmer les consommateurs. Dès 2003, l’Agence fédérale de ­contrôle des stupéfiants (DEA) l’accuse d’avoir, par ses « méthodes agressives », favorisé l’abus d’OxyContin et minimisé « les risques associés au médicament », raconte The New Yorker dans une enquête-fleuve publiée en octobre 2017 et intitulée « Un empire de douleur », qui estime à 35 milliards de dollars le chiffre d’affaires généré par le médicament.
    En 2007, Purdue accepte de verser 600 millions de dollars d’amende pour avoir prétendu que son médicament était moins addictif que ceux de ses concurrents. Trois ans plus tard, la firme élabore une nouvelle version de son produit, qui ne peut pas être transformée comme l’héroïne.

    Rumeurs de faillite

    Mais The New Yorker note qu’il s’agissait aussi de contrer l’arrivée de médicaments génériques, l’OxyContin devant tomber dans le domaine public en 2013. Et que l’effet paradoxal de l’affaire a été d’amplifier le basculement des drogués vers l’héroïne. « C’est un terrible paradoxe de l’histoire de l’OxyContin : la formule originelle a créé une génération accro aux pilules. Et sa reformulation (…) a créé une génération accro à l’héroïne. »
    L’Oklahoma, particulièrement touché, est parvenu fin mars à une transaction de 270 millions de dollars. Purdue préfère payer pour éviter un procès public et la publication de documents internes potentiellement désastreux. Des rumeurs de faillite courent, et certains Etats pourraient être tentés de conclure des transactions rapides plutôt que de ne rien obtenir.
    Pour d’autres, l’argent ne suffit pas. Il faut poursuivre les vrais coupables, et en premier lieu les Sackler. Les trois frères fondateurs sont morts, mais la famille, qui a touché 4,3 milliards de dollars de dividendes entre 2008 et 2016, dirige de facto la compagnie. Celle-ci ne s’exprime que par des communiqués laconiques, se disant soucieuse de « contribuer à lutter contre cette crise de santé publique complexe ».


    Des parents dénoncent la responsabilité de la famille Sackler dans la mort de leurs enfants, à Marlborough (Massachusetts), le 12 avril.

    Purdue répète qu’elle ne représente que 2 % des ventes d’opioïdes aux Etats-Unis, et ne peut être tenue, à elle seule, pour respon­sable de ladite crise. La procureure générale du Massachusetts, Maura Healey, ne s’en satisfait pas et a mis en examen huit membres de la famille impliqués dans l’entreprise. Elle s’appuie, entre autres, sur un courriel du patron de Purdue, Craig Landau, qui, selon la plainte, énonçait une évidence : « La famille dirigeait l’entreprise pharmaceutique mondiale Sackler et le conseil de surveillance jouait le rôle de PDG de facto. »

    « Les Sackler méritent la peine capitale »

    Les héritiers, qui estiment n’y être pour rien, se désolidarisent. C’est le cas des descendants du frère aîné et grand mécène Arthur, disparu en 1987 et dont les parts ont été récupérées non par ses enfants mais par ses frères. « Le rôle de Purdue [dans la crise des opioïdes] m’est odieux », a ainsi déclaré la fille d’Arthur, Elizabeth Sackler. Fondatrice d’un centre d’art féministe à Brooklyn, elle a aussi salué, dans le New York Times, « le courage de Nan Goldin ».
    Ses détracteurs ne l’entendent pas ainsi : ils estiment que ce sont les méthodes de marketing adoptées à partir des années 1950 par Arthur qui ont fait merveille pour l’OxyContin – méthodes auxquelles Purdue n’a renoncé que… début 2018. « Leur nom est terni pour toujours (…). Aujourd’hui, il y a des gens qui estiment que les Sackler méritent la peine capitale. Ils sont responsables de milliers de morts », accuse Domenic Esposito.
    Dans une manœuvre de sauve-qui-peut, les membres de la famille se retirent tous, depuis deux ans, du conseil d’administration de Purdue. Sans doute trop tard pour échapper aux poursuites de Mme Healey, à qui M. Esposito a offert sa cuillère militante.

  • La famille Sackler, maîtres des #opioïdes et amis des arts
    https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2019/04/25/les-sackler-amis-des-arts-et-pharmaciens-mortiferes_5454532_3234.html

    Le déclic s’est produit lors des journées de charité du diocèse de Boston, pendant le Carême de 2016. Catholique et bon orateur, il vante l’action du diocèse en faveur des victimes de la drogue. Et évoque son frère. Une fois son discours achevé, une dizaine de personnes viennent partager leur expérience. A chaque fois, le même scénario : une blessure banale mais nécessitant un antidouleur, et une ordonnance d’#OxyContin. S’amorce alors l’engrenage de l’addiction avec, souvent, un basculement vers l’héroïne. Il s’agit bien d’une épidémie, provoquée par #Purdue et les Sackler.

    Pourquoi ferrailler avec une œuvre d’art ? Parce que c’est là une des failles du clan. Si le nom de Purdue est peu connu, celui de la famille Sackler est, depuis un demi-siècle, synonyme de mécénat artistique. Au Metro­politan Museum (Met) et au Musée Guggenheim de New York, à la National Portrait Gallery de Londres ou au #Louvre, à Paris, avec l’« aile ­Sackler des antiquités orientales », leur patronyme est omniprésent.

    Cela paie. En mars, le #Guggenheim a fait savoir qu’il n’accepterait plus de dons de la famille, ­ tandis que Mortimer #Sackler, ancien membre actif du conseil d’administration (CA) de Purdue et cousin de Richard, a dû se retirer du CA. A Londres, la #Tate Gallery a fait de même, et la National Portrait Gallery a décliné une promesse de don de 1 million de livres (1,15 million d’euros).

    L’histoire débute avec les trois frères Sackler, fils d’immigrants juifs de Galice et de Pologne nés à Brooklyn. Tous trois médecins psychiatres, ils se lancent dans la pharmacie, en rachetant une petite entreprise de Greenwich Village, qui vend des produits comme la Betadine ou fait le marketing du Valium. Ils conquièrent des patients et, surtout, des médecins prescripteurs (en 1997, le patriarche, Arthur Sackler, a été distingué à titre posthume pour ses talents publicitaires).

    Mais The New Yorker note qu’il s’agissait aussi de contrer l’arrivée de médicaments génériques, l’OxyContin devant tomber dans le domaine public en 2013. Et que l’effet paradoxal de l’affaire a été d’amplifier le basculement des drogués vers l’héroïne. « C’est un terrible paradoxe de l’histoire de l’OxyContin : la formule originelle a créé une génération accro aux pilules. Et sa reformulation (…) a créé une génération accro à l’#héroïne. »

    L’#Oklahoma, particulièrement touché, est parvenu fin mars à une transaction de 270 millions de dollars. Purdue préfère payer pour éviter un procès public et la publication de documents internes potentiellement désastreux. Des rumeurs de faillite courent, et certains Etats pourraient être tentés de conclure des transactions rapides plutôt que de ne rien obtenir.

  • The Purdue Case Is One in a Wave of Opioid Lawsuits. What Should Their Outcome Be ? | The New Yorker
    https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-purdue-case-is-one-in-a-wave-of-opioid-lawsuits-what-should-their-out

    Two years ago, when I was reporting on the opioid epidemic in one West Virginia county, the exorbitant cost of it—both socially and financially—perpetually astonished me. Narcan, the overdose-reversal drug, yanks people back from the edge of death to live another day and maybe, in time, conquer their addiction. Watching paramedics administer it was like witnessing a miracle over and over again. But Narcan is expensive—it cost Berkeley County, where I was reporting, fifty dollars a dose at the time, and consumed two-thirds of its annual budget for all emergency medications. Since then, the price of naloxone, its generic name, has risen to nearly a hundred and fifty dollars per dose, not because the formula has improved or become costlier to make—the drug has been around since 1961, and off patent since 1985—but because pharmaceutical manufacturers know a profitable market when they see one. According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, an average of a hundred and thirty people fatally overdose on prescription or illicit opioids every day in the United States. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report that four hundred thousand Americans, a war’s worth of dead, died between 1999 and 2017.

    In Berkeley County, though, as in so many places across the country, Narcan accounted for just one column on a staggering spreadsheet. Hospitals have had to care for babies born in withdrawal. Foster-care systems have been strained by an influx of children whose families had been turned upside down by addiction. In many communities, the rates of H.I.V. and hepatitis C have climbed, because, once OxyContin pills were reformulated to make them harder to abuse, in 2010, and changes in prescribing practices made them more difficult to obtain, people addicted to them began injecting heroin and fentanyl instead.

    Under the Master Settlement Agreement, the tobacco companies also committed to pay the states two hundred billion dollars over twenty-five years, and to keep paying them sums tied to cigarette sales in each state in perpetuity. But nothing in the M.S.A. specified how that money was to be spent, and, though one might expect that the bulk of it would be dedicated to the goals of the lawsuits—reducing smoking and promoting public health—that has not generally been the case. In many states, much of the money has gone not to anti-smoking efforts, or even to general spending on health, but instead to closing budget shortfalls, lowering taxes, and funding infrastructure. States treated the agreement like what it felt like: a no-strings-attached gift.

    Je ne suis pas vraiment convainc par la conclusion :

    The Oklahoma settlement with Purdue is a reasonable stab at insuring that the money won in opioid lawsuits doesn’t follow a similar route. Yet some public-health advocates I spoke with said that, in the future, they hope more settlement money will go directly to the treatment of addiction. There’s good evidence, for example, that medication-assisted treatment using buprenorphine, naltrexone, or methadone works well for many people trying to get off opioids, but most states don’t have enough of it.

    Diriger les amendes vers la lutte contre les opioides es tune bonne chose, parce qu’elle évite le pire (que l’amende serve à « baisser les impôts »)... mais cela ne peut pas être un projet dans le cadre des procès. Une fois la responsabilité établie, il faut démanteler ces entreprises et ramener les familles qui les possèdent à un niveau de vie normal, car les Sackler ont largement organisé la promotion d’OxyContin. Or les accords à l’amiable doivent être acceptés par les deux parties, et les construire comme une fin en soi, c’est déjà baisser les bras devant la puissance financière (et donc la qualité/quantité des avocats...). Surtout quand une partie de l’amende sera comme en Oklahoma payée « en nature » par des médicaments produits par Purdue Pharma !!!

    #Opioides #Sackler #Procès

  • First opioid settlement to fund ambitious addiction research center | Science | AAAS
    https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2019/04/first-opioid-settlement-fund-ambitious-addiction-research-center

    On 26 March, the state of Oklahoma agreed to drop its suit alleging deceptive marketing practices by Purdue in exchange for a National Center for Addiction Studies and Treatment at OSU’s medical complex in Tulsa. Purdue and the Sackler family, which owns the Stamford, Connecticut–based company, will provide a $177 million endowment for the national center, along with $20 million over 5 years for naloxone and other drugs to treat opioid addiction. The state is continuing its suit against several other companies, with opening arguments set for 28 May.

    The windfall for the new entity, which aspires “to become the premier addiction research center in the nation,” rewards OSU’s ambition. In October 2017, it opened a modest Center for Wellness and Recovery within its medical school to train future addiction medicine physicians, study the underlying causes of addiction and pain, provide treatment to those suffering from opioid use disorder, and educate the public about the burgeoning epidemic, which claims 130 lives a day in the United States and in 2017 killed nearly 800 Oklahomans. The center now has a staff of eight and a $2.4 million budget.

    Pas sûr que l’université qui va recevoir l’argent soit la plus adaptée, mais cela la remet en concurrence avec l’autre université d’Oklahoma.

    #Opioides #Oklahoma #Recherche

  • Purdue’s Sackler family fights ’inflammatory’ Massachusetts opioid case | Reuters
    https://www.reuters.com/article/usa-opioids-litigation/purdues-sackler-family-fights-inflammatory-massachusetts-opioid-case-idUSL1

    La nouvelle bataille juridique des Sackler : expliquer qu’ils étaient juste les crétins utiles de Purdue Pharma votant les budgets.

    BOSTON, April 2 (Reuters) - Members of the Sackler family behind OxyContin maker Purdue Pharma LP have asked a judge to toss a lawsuit by Massachusetts’ attorney general claiming they helped fuel the U.S. opioid epidemic, arguing it contains “misleading and inflammatory allegations.”

    The wealthy family in a motion on Monday argued that Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey, who brought the suit, had mischaracterized internal records to create the “false impression” they personally directed privately-held Purdue’s marketing of painkillers.

    Her lawsuit, filed in June in Suffolk County Superior Court and revised earlier this year to include new allegations, was the first by a state to try to hold Sackler family members personally responsible for contributing to the opioid epidemic.

    The case is among roughly 2,000 lawsuits filed by state and local governments seeking to hold Purdue and other pharmaceutical companies responsible for the U.S. opioid crisis.

    Opioids were involved in a record 47,600 overdose deaths in 2017 in the United States, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

    Healey’s complaint cites records to argue that family members, including Purdue’s former President Richard Sackler, personally directed deceptive opioid marketing while making $4.2 billion from Purdue from 2008 to 2016.

    They did so even after Purdue and three executives in 2007 pleaded guilty to federal charges related to the misbranding of OxyContin and agreed to pay a total of $634.5 million in penalties, the lawsuit said.

    Advertisement

    But in their motion, the Sacklers said nothing in the complaint supports allegations they personally took part in efforts to mislead doctors and the public about the benefits and addictive risks of opioids.

    They said their role was limited to that of typical corporate board members who participated in “routine” votes to ratify the management’s staffing and budget proposals.

    “Not a single document shows an individual director engaging in any unlawful conduct regarding the sale of prescription opioids or ordering anyone else to do so,” the Sacklers’ lawyers wrote.

    Healey’s office had no comment.

    At least 35 states have cases pending against Purdue. A handful have also named Sackler family members as defendants, including Richard Sackler, Theresa Sackler and Mortimer D.A. Sackler.

    Last week, Purdue reached its first settlement in the recent wave of lawsuits, agreeing with the Sacklers to a $270 million deal with Oklahoma’s attorney general. The Sacklers were not named as defendants in Oklahoma’s lawsuit.

    Purdue had been exploring filing for bankruptcy before the accord’s announcement, Reuters reported in early March. (Reporting by Nate Raymond in Boston Editing by Noeleen Walder and Tom Brown)

    #Opioides #Sackler #Cynisme

  • Addiction sur ordoannance : retour sur la crise des opioides et le récent accord Oklahoma/Purdue Pharma.
    https://cfeditions.com/addiction

    Bonjour,

    Permettez-moi de revenir sur la crise des opioides, dont vous entendez sûrement parler de plus en plus régulièrement dans les médias. Notamment parce qu’elle commence à se développer en France même.

    Nous avons publié en février avec C&F éditions un petit ouvrage qui se lit comme un roman noir (très noir) du journaliste Patrick Radden Keefe.

    Addiction sur Ordonnance : la crise des anti-douleur
    Collections interventions, 1. 16 €
    ISBN : 978-2-915825-90-9
    https://cfeditions.com/addiction

    Récemment, des articles dans la presse française viennent de mentionner « Aux Etats-Unis, victoire judiciaire majeure contre les fabricants d’opioïdes » (le Monde avec AFP, 27 mars). Malheureusement cet article (et d’autres sur le même sujet) reste peu clair sur l’étendue de la sanction et la temporalité des décisions judiciaires.

    En lisant l’ouvrage, les rédacteurs de l’AFP auraient appris que la famille Sackler et l’entreprise Purdue Pharma avaient déjà à plusieurs reprise échappé à des procès en « plaidant coupable ». Et en versant des sommes conséquentes (600 millions de dollars + 35 millions d’amende en 2006 dans un procès intenté par 5000 patients par exemple). La logique de défense des Sackler a toujours été d’éviter les procès qui rendraient publics les documents internes de l’entreprise et de la famille. Donc d’accepter de payer en plaidant coupable. Une tactique que le sénateur républicain de Pennsylvanie a explicité : « Des permis coûteux pour enfreindre les lois ».

    Ajoutons que récemment, l’entreprise Purdue Pharma a envisagé de se mettre en faillite (pour éviter les procès). Il faut dire que la famille Sackler a investi dans une autre entreprise, Rhodes, qui se partage maintenant la vente des opioides avec Purdue. Et que l’extension internationale se fait sous le nom de Mundipharma, qui oeuvre notamment en France (sa création et son développement économique ont même justifié la décoration de Raymond Sackler de la Légion d’Honneur en 2012 !!!)

    Pour finir sur le cynisme de cette famille, ajoutons un mot sur le règlement à l’amiable adopté par l’Oklahoma (on peut comprendre cet Etat, tant l’incertitude et la durée des procès ne permet pas de faire face aux coût exorbitants et qui se conjuguent au présent de la prise en charge publique des dégâts causés par les opiacés). Dans ce règlement figurent le « don » par Purdue Pharma de 20 millions de dollars en médicaments contre l’addiction. Car c’est devenu depuis 2014 (projet Tango) le nouveau rayon de développement de Purdue Pharma.

    Un cynisme à donner la chair de poule... mais je ne peux pas en un seul mail vous raconter tout ce que l’on découvre encore dans le livre.

    Bonne lecture

    Hervé Le Crosnier

  • Aux Etats-Unis, victoire judiciaire majeure contre les fabricants d’opioïdes
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/03/27/etats-unis-premiere-victoire-judiciaire-contre-les-fabricants-d-opiaces_5441

    Le laboratoire pharmaceutique, Purdue, et sa famille propriétaire, les Sackler, ont accepté de payer 270 millions de dollars (environ 240 millions d’euros) pour mettre fin à une plainte de l’Etat de l’Oklahoma liée à la crise des opioïdes. Il s’agit d’une victoire majeure contre les industriels accusés d’avoir favorisé la dépendance aux drogues qui ravage les Etats-Unis.

    Le procureur général de cet Etat du Midwest, qui a vu comme d’autres exploser le nombre d’overdoses mortelles ces dernières années, a annoncé mardi 26 mars, ce paiement dans le cadre d’un accord à l’amiable passé avec le producteur de l’OxyContin, un antidouleur au premier rang des accusés dans cette crise.

    Ce sont les pratiques marketing des compagnies pharmaceutiques qui sont visées : en encourageant les médecins à prescrire, voire à surprescrire, ces analgésiques hautement addictifs, elles sont accusées d’avoir précipité des millions d’Américains dans l’addiction aux médicaments ou aux drogues dures, comme l’héroïne, ou de synthèse, comme le fentanyl.
    Article réservé à nos abonnés Lire aussi Les Etats-Unis tentent de réagir face à la crise des opioïdes
    Deux autres laboratoires attaqués

    Les 270 millions de dollars serviront en grande partie à financer le centre de recherche sur les dépendances de l’université publique de Tulsa, qui va recevoir de Purdue Pharma 102,5 millions de dollars dès maintenant, plus 75 millions de dollars sur cinq ans de la famille Sackler, et 20 millions de dollars en médicaments destinés à traiter les personnes dépendantes, a annoncé le procureur Mike Hunter.

    « C’est une victoire monumentale » dans la bataille contre la crise « cauchemardesque » des opioïdes qui ravage les Etats-Unis, même si ce n’est qu’« un premier pas », a-t-il fait valoir.

    L’accord à l’amiable ne met pas fin à la plainte déposée en 2017 par l’Oklahoma contre les fabricants d’opioïdes, qui attaquait non seulement Purdue, mais aussi Johnson & Johnson et Teva. Ces derniers restent attendus au tribunal le 28 mai, pour se défendre d’avoir promu ces médicaments alors même qu’ils connaissaient leurs effets néfastes.

    Ce devrait être le premier grand procès contre les laboratoires dans cette crise des opioïdes déclarée « urgence de santé publique » par le gouvernement Trump fin 2017. A moins qu’eux aussi négocient d’ici là un accord avec l’Oklahoma, ce que n’a pas complètement exclu M. Hunter.
    Lire le reportage : Aux Etats-Unis, la ville de Manchester face au fléau des overdoses d’opiacées
    Au moins 1 600 plaintes au niveau fédéral

    D’autres accords à l’amiable pourraient suivre dans d’autres juridictions où Purdue Pharma a été attaqué pour des faits similaires : au moins 1 600 plaintes ont été enregistrées au niveau fédéral, supervisées par un juge de Cleveland (Ohio), et des centaines au niveau des Etats, dont New York et le Massachusetts. Face à cette avalanche de plaintes, la direction du laboratoire avait évoqué la possibilité de se déclarer en faillite.

    Le procureur Hunter a cependant fait savoir qu’il avait tout fait pour s’assurer que la société ne se mettrait pas « en faillite à court terme », pour pouvoir honorer le paiement promis. Le président de Purdue, le docteur Craig Landau, a assuré que l’accord trouvé reflétait « la détermination [de la firme] à jouer un rôle moteur pour résoudre la crise des opioïdes ». Un porte-parole de la famille Sackler a lui aussi affirmé « sa détermination à contribuer substantiellement à sauver des vies ».
    Regarder le reportage : Opiacés, portrait d’une Amérique à la dérive
    70 000 Américains morts d’overdoses en 2017
    Jérôme Sessini/Magnum Photos

    Si d’autres fabricants de médicaments opioïdes sont sur la sellette, Purdue Pharma et la famille Sackler – de grands philanthropes dont le nom orne de nombreux musées aux Etats-Unis et en Europe – ont été la première cible des critiques. Les Sackler ont amassé des milliards de dollars grâce à l’OxyContin.

    Or, on sait aujourd’hui que l’OxyContin et d’autres opioïdes contre la douleur ont été surprescrits par le milieu médical pendant des années, entraînant une dépendance croissante aux opioïdes et poussant les consommateurs vers des drogues plus fortes comme le fentanyl et l’héroïne, avec pour effet de multiplier les overdoses.

    Les plaintes accusent les fabricants d’avoir promu agressivement ces médicaments auprès du corps médical alors qu’ils connaissaient leurs effets addictifs et qu’ils auraient dû limiter leurs ordonnances à des maladies bien précises.
    Selon les derniers chiffres des Centres pour la prévention des maladies (CDC), quelque 70 000 Américains sont morts d’overdoses aux Etats-Unis, 10 % de plus qu’en 2016. Dans des métropoles comme New York, les opioïdes font désormais davantage de victimes qu’accidents de la route et homicides réunis. Cette explosion d’overdoses a contribué à faire baisser l’espérance de vie aux Etats-Unis en 2017, pour la troisième année consécutive.

  • Remarques sur l’effondrement de l’Empire romain (par Ana Minski) – Le Partage
    http://partage-le.com/2019/03/de-leffondrement-de-lempire-romain-par-ana-minski

    Les éditions La Découverte ont récemment publié l’ouvrage de Kyle Harper, Comment l’Empire romain s’est effondré, le climat, les maladies et la chute de Rome. Kyle Harper, professeur d’histoire à l’université d’Oklahoma, renouvelle les connaissances sociales, environnementales et épidémiologiques de la chute de l’Empire. S’appuyant sur les dernières données archéologiques, historiques, climatiques et microbiennes, il rend compte du rôle important des changements climatiques, de l’exploitation de l’environnement et des maladies, principales causes de l’effondrement de la civilisation romaine.

    Les récentes études pluridisciplinaires intégrant les conditions climatiques, épidémiologiques et démographiques confirment que les peuples du Paléolithique bénéficiaient d’une structure sociale et d’une écologie des maladies bienveillantes[1]. La révolution néolithique, à l’origine de modes de vie exclusivement sédentaires, de régimes alimentaires plus monotones, d’habitats plus denses, de transformation des paysages, de nouvelles technologies de déplacement et de communication, permet à de nouveaux agents pathogènes de se développer. Les animaux de ferme constituent une partie du réservoir biologique d’où émergent les agents infectieux mais l’exploitation de l’environnement génère des destructions des écosystèmes, des déplacements et modifications de populations non humaines, principaux responsables de nouvelles formes de maladies. L’accroissement de la population, le développement de l’urbanisation, des moyens de subsistances nécessairement intensifs (agriculture et élevage) favorisent l’apparition d’agents infectieux toujours plus dangereux. L’état de santé des Romains, lié à l’impact environnemental de leur culture, était mauvais. « Chaque jour, on peut trouver dix mille personnes souffrant de la jaunisse et dix mille d’hydropisie » écrivit Galien qui n’ignorait pas la sagesse commune : « Quand l’année entière devient humide ou très chaude, survient nécessairement une très grande peste ». Les collines de Rome dominaient un marais, la vallée du fleuve, les bassins, les fontaines, étaient un refuge pour le moustique anophèle, vecteur du paludisme, l’un des principaux tueurs, avec la diarrhée :

    « En ville les rats grouillaient, les mouches pullulaient, les petits rongeurs couinaient dans les passages et les cours. Il n’y avait pas de théorie microbienne, on se lavait peu ou pas les mains, et la nourriture ne pouvait pas être protégée des contaminations. La cité ancienne était un lieu d’insalubrité maximale. Les maladies banales se répandant par contamination féco-orale, causes de diarrhées fatales, étaient sans doute la première cause de mortalité dans l’Empire romain. Hors des villes, la transformation du paysage a exposé les romains à des menaces tout aussi périlleuses. Les romains n’ont pas seulement modifié les paysages  ; ils leur ont imposé leur volonté. Ils ont coupé ou brûlé les forêts. Ils ont déplacé les rivières et asséché des lacs, construit des routes au travers des marais les plus impénétrables. L’empiétement humain sur de nouveaux environnements est un jeu dangereux. Il expose non seulement à de nouveaux parasites inhabituels mais peut provoquer une cascade de changements écologiques aux conséquences imprévisibles […] Les cités fétides de l’Empire étaient des boîtes de Petri grouillantes de parasites intestinaux. […] L’espérance de vie à la naissance variait entre vingt et trente ans. La force brutale des maladies infectieuses était, de loin, le facteur principal du régime de mortalité qui pesait de tout son poids sur la démographie. »

    Cet état de santé médiocre est confirmé par l’examen de la dentition qui montre un important défaut de croissance, l’hypoplasie linéaire de l’émail, qui survient au cours de l’enfance dans les cas de malnutrition et de maladie infectieuse. À l’époque de l’Empire, la civilisation romaine, fortement urbanisée et interconnectée, s’étend jusqu’au tropique, son centre écologique est la Méditerranée et ses parties occidentale et nordique sont sous l’influence de la zone climatique atlantique. La densité de l’habitat urbain, les transformations permanentes des paysages, le développement des routes terrestres et maritimes, contribuent à créer une écologie microbienne unique. Cet impact environnemental, combiné à l’évolution des pathogènes, stimule la propagation des infections chroniques, rendant plus vulnérables les populations, et permettant à la lèpre et à la tuberculose de profiter du système de circulation de l’Empire pour se développer et s’installer. La tuberculose, qui n’aurait pas plus de 5 000 ans, aime particulièrement les villes et laisse sa signature sur les os de ses victimes, ce qui permet aux archéologues de constater sa présence exceptionnelle sur les squelettes des siècles de domination romaine. Jusqu’au XXe siècle, elle est une cause importante de mortalité et reste encore aujourd’hui dangereuse. La lèpre, quant à elle, est connue depuis le IIe millénaire avant J.C. en Inde, mais commence véritablement à se développer dans le contexte archéologique de l’empire romain. Le drame de l’histoire des maladies est le résultat de la collusion permanente entre l’évolution des agents pathogènes et les rencontres humaines. Les croissances territoriale, commerciale et démographique de la civilisation romaine participent à l’explosion souterraine des maladies jusqu’à donner naissance aux premières pandémies.

    L’optimum climatique romain (OCR) est une période de climat chaud, humide et invariable qui domine la plus grande partie du cœur méditerranéen de 200 avant J.-C. à 150 après J.C. La civilisation romaine profite de ce climat bénéfique pour urbaniser des zones jusque-là difficiles à domestiquer. Pour répondre aux exigences de croissances économique et démographique qui caractérisent toute civilisation, l’urbanisation et l’agriculture colonisent la nature, créant des écosystèmes favorables à l’évolution des agents pathogènes : « Les Romains furent submergés par les forces de ce que l’on appelle l’émergence des maladies infectieuses. » Pour lutter contre une forte mortalité infantile causée par le développement des virus, bactéries et parasites, un taux de fertilité élevé est nécessaire, ce qui pèse lourdement sur le corps des femmes chargées de repeupler les rangs. La loi romaine autorise les filles à se marier dès l’âge de 12 ans. Il n’y a pas de célibataire dans le monde romain et le mariage est un engagement à procréer : « Les femmes sont habituellement mariées pour les enfants et la succession, et non pas d’abord pour le plaisir. »[2] À partir d’Auguste, l’État met en place une politique nataliste qui pénalise les personnes sans enfant et encourage la fécondité. Les femmes ont en moyenne six enfants. La principale source de croissance démographique dans l’Empire n’est pas un déclin de la mortalité mais une fertilité importante. Les Romains vivent et meurent en affrontant des vagues incontrôlées de maladies infectieuses. La terre est le principal facteur de production, et l’augmentation démographique oblige à cultiver des terres toujours moins fertiles pour en tirer toujours davantage. Ce besoin expansionniste, intrinsèque à toute civilisation, est l’un des principaux responsables des destructions environnementales :

    « L’augmentation de la population a poussé des personnes à s’installer dans les marges. Mais, de plus, le réseau serré des échanges était un encouragement pour les paysans à s’installer dans des zones où les risques étaient plus importants. Les connexions limitaient les conséquences les plus graves des années de sécheresse. Et la croissance des marchés nourrissait l’expansion entrepreneuriale et les institutions romaines poussaient exprès les paysans à occuper des terres situées aux marges. La circulation des capitaux a favorisé une explosion des travaux d’irrigation dans les régions semi-arides. L’essor économique de l’Afrique romaine a été favorisé par la construction d’aqueducs, de puits, de citernes, de terrasses, de barrages, de réservoirs et de foggaras (de longues canalisations souterraines permettant le transport de l’eau des sommets aux zones cultivées). Les technologies hydrauliques soit d’inspiration indigène soit de nature impériale se retrouvaient dans les hautes terres comme dans les vallées. Grâce à ces dispositifs l’eau était soigneusement collectée et exploitée dans les zones semi-arides occupées comme jamais auparavant par de nouvelle populations. […] Le désert a gagné des zones qui étaient sans conteste cultivées pendant l’OCR. »

    L’Empire, consommateur vorace de sources d’énergie et de matériaux, dénude les montagnes de leur manteau sylvestre, autrefois dense. Cette déforestation est à l’origine des inondations catastrophiques dont est régulièrement victime l’Empire romain, inondations quasiment inexistantes au Moyen-Âge, lorsque les montagnes se recouvrent à nouveau d’arbres. La croissance territoriale et démographique s’accompagne d’un développement commercial toujours plus frénétique et débridé :

    « … cargaison d’or, d’argent, de pierres précieuses, de perles, de fin lin, de pourpre, de soie, d’écarlate, de toute espèce de bois de senteur, de toute variété d’objets d’ivoire, ou en bois très précieux, en airain, en fer et en marbre, de cinnamome, d’aromates, de parfums, de myrrhe, d’encens, de vin, d’huile, de fine farine, de blé, de bœufs, de brebis, de chevaux, de chars, de corps et d’âmes d’hommes. »[3]

    Les marchands, toujours en quête de soie et d’épices, d’esclaves et d’ivoire, ne cessent de franchir le Sahara le long des routes commerciales, traversent l’océan Indien en passant par les ports de la mer Rouge, transportant les animaux exotiques destinés à être massacrés au cours des spectacles romains. Le vivant ayant perdu toute valeur intrinsèque, les autres espèces n’existent plus que pour servir la démesure des Empereurs et de l’élite. Le citoyen romain, incapable de remettre en question l’idéologie de la croissance démographique et économique, incapable d’envisager le monde et ses existants autrement que comme un grenier dont il peut user et abuser, assiste à la mise en scène de la surpuissance de Rome :

    « Les créatures les plus étranges capturées dans le monde entier – un véritable zoo – furent offertes au peuple et massacrées sous ses yeux : trente-deux éléphants, dix élans, dix tigres, soixante lions, trente léopards, six hippopotames, dix girafes, un rhinocéros, et une quantité innombrable d’autres bêtes sauvages, sans oublier mille couples de gladiateurs. »

    La mauvaise santé physique et psychique des sujets de l’Empire et sa destructivité écologique est également le produit d’un régime autoritaire et très hiérarchique. La République des dernières années est une période de pillage sans contrôle, et le maintien de l’Empire nécessite des négociations permanentes avec tous ceux qui vivent à l’intérieur de ses frontières. Le pillage est donc peu à peu transformé en impôts dont la collecte, confiée à la petite noblesse locale qui se voit accorder la citoyenneté, permet de transformer sur tous les continents l’élite en classe dominante au service de l’Empire. Ainsi devient-il possible de diriger un vaste territoire avec seulement quelques centaines de fonctionnaires romains. Le nombre d’habitants double, de plus en plus de territoires sont occupés et toute tentative de résistance écrasée avec violence, comme en Judée et en Bretagne. Sous Auguste, les légions citoyennes permanentes sont remplacées par des armées professionnelles et les hommes libres des provinces deviennent peu à peu des citoyens. La paix n’existe pourtant pas, la zone frontalière est constituée d’un réseau de fortins, de tours de guet et de postes d’observations, de forts construits pour surveiller les populations et les zones inamicales où sont installées d’importantes bases militaires. Avec Auguste, l’expansion territoriale ralentit mais ne s’arrête pas. Les frictions provoquées par cette expansion permanente aboutissent peu à peu à des lignes de séparation démarquant les territoires sous hégémonie romaine, et au développement d’un réseau de communication et de transport destiné à gérer le système et le pouvoir militaire depuis le centre impérial. La machine de guerre approche le demi-million d’hommes et le budget de la défense est de loin la dépense la plus importante de l’État. La paix à l’intérieur de l’Empire dépend de la discipline, de la valeur et de la loyauté d’une gigantesque armée rémunérée. D’autant plus que : « La répartition des richesses était terriblement inégale. La richesse et le statut légal formaient la structure entremêlée d’une hiérarchie sociale exacerbée. En bas, de manière légale, il y avait la vaste classe des personnes totalement non libres. L’Empire romain a été l’un des systèmes esclavagistes les plus importants et les plus complexes de l’histoire – dont l’endurance exceptionnelle est, par ailleurs, un autre signe que la surpopulation n’a pas suffisamment fait baisser le coût d’un travail libre pour rendre inutile le travail servile. »

    La population de l’Empire, constituée principalement de pauvres et de sans terre, augmente au cours des cent cinquante années qui suivent le règne d’Auguste, et atteint son maximum avant que la peste antonine éclate.
    Le livre de Kyle Harper.

    C’est ainsi qu’à la fin de l’OCR, en 165 après J.-C., sous le règne de Marc Aurèle, la peste antonine fait sept millions de victimes. L’agent pathogène de la peste antonine est probablement celui de la variole, maladie contagieuse dont le virus se propage par inhalation de gouttelettes aériennes expulsées par une personne infectée. La variole n’est pas un ennemi si ancien, tout comme la lèpre et la tuberculose, elle semble apparaître au cours des mille dernières années. Elle est particulièrement violente dans les villes et les zones côtières où la densité de la population était importante. Le réseau de transport permet sa diffusion de région en région. La peste antonine est un phénomène létal d’une ampleur telle qu’elle interrompt l’expansion démographique et économique de l’Empire, qui parvient malgré tout à se stabiliser en maintenant toujours un fort autoritarisme.

    Sous le règne des Sévères (193–235 après J.-C.) l’Empire retrouve son équilibre économique et démographique. Le pouvoir de l’armée, dont la paye n’a cessé d’augmenter, est davantage considéré. L’explosion des constructions est un des signes du rétablissement économique et démographique qui caractérisent leur règne. Septime reconstruit le grand temple de la Paix, construit l’arche de Septime, les colonnes géantes de granit d’Assouan, la Forma Urbis Romae, le Septizodium  ; son fils Caracalla finance des bains monumentaux, de grands moulins à eau et greniers gigantesques qui s’élèvent tout autour de la cité.

    « Assurément, il suffit de jeter les yeux sur l’univers pour reconnaître qu’il devient de jour en jour plus riche et plus peuplé qu’autrefois. Tout est frayé  ; tout est connu  ; tout s’ouvre au commerce. De riantes métairies ont effacé les déserts les plus fameux  ; les champs ont remplacé les forêts  ; les troupeaux ont mis en fuite les animaux sauvages  ; les sables sont ensemencés  ; l’arbre croît sur les pierres  ; les marais sont desséchés  ; il s’élève plus de villes aujourd’hui qu’autrefois de masures. Les îles ont cessé d’être un lieu d’horreur  ; les rochers n’ont plus rien qui épouvante  ; partout des maisons, partout un peuple, partout une république, partout la vie », écrit Tertullien.

    L’OCR disparait lentement, sur une durée de trois siècles, laissant place à un climat plus instable. Il y a une forte interaction entre les crues du Nil et le mode de variabilité climatique connu sous le nom de ENSO (El Niño-Southern Oscillation), un El Niño puissant, corrélé avec une crue du Nil faible. Au cours de la période romaine de transition climatique (150 – 450 après J.-C.) les phénomènes ENSO deviennent plus courants, tous les trois ans environ. Devenus dépendants des conditions favorables de la fertile vallée du Nil, les Romains sont confrontés aux oscillation de ses crues. À ces problèmes climatiques s’ajoute la peste de Cyprien, partie d’Éthiopie, qui dure plus de quinze ans, de 249 à 270 après J.-C. « Il n’y eut presque aucune province romaine, aucune cité, aucune demeure qui ne fût attaquée par cette pestilence générale et désolée par elle » (Orose). La peste de Cyprien vida l’Empire, ravage la ville sans épargner les zones rurales, « aucune peste du passé n’a provoqué une telle destruction en vies humaines » (Zosime).

    « La maladie s’abattait d’un coup sur les gens, pénétrant beaucoup plus vite que tout ce que l’on pouvait penser, se nourrissant de leur maison comme le feu si bien que les temples étaient remplis de ceux qui, terrassés par la maladie, avaient fui dans l’espoir d’être guéris. […] Tous ceux qui brûlaient de soif à cause de la faiblesse provoquée par la maladie se pressaient aux sources, aux cours d’eau et aux citernes. Mais l’eau ne parvenait pas à apaiser la flamme de l’intérieur, laissant ceux qui étaient affectés par la maladie dans le même état qu’avant. » (Grégoire de Naziance).

    La pestilence frappe sans considération d’âge, de sexe ou de condition. Il est probable que l’agent pathogène de la peste de Cyprien soit un filovirus proche de celui d’Ebola.

    Les troubles climatiques globaux des années 240 après J.C. suscitent des changements écologiques susceptibles d’être à l’origine de la peste. La pandémie frappe les soldats et les civils, les habitants des villes et des villages. Elle fait éclater l’intégrité structurelle de la machine du pouvoir plongeant l’Empire dans une succession de faillites violentes. Les frontières sont fragilisées et l’économie et l’armée mises à mal par des successions d’attaques aux frontières. L’Empire se disloque. La mortalité ravage l’armée romaine, les casernes étant des lieux propices à la propagation du virus. Le temps des empereurs-soldats commence, et la crise du IIIe siècle permet l’avènement d’une nouvelle religion, le christianisme. Dans les années 260 après. J.C., la fortune et la démographie de l’Empire sont au plus bas. La restauration est lente et les villes, plus petites et moins nombreuses, ne sont plus les mêmes. À partir de 266 après J.C., le climat se stabilise, le IVe siècle est une période de réchauffement sans précédent. Les tendances climatiques sont alors sous l’influence dominante de l’Atlantique Nord. Les fluctuations des différences de pression entre l’anticyclone des Açores et la dépression d’Islande sont connues sous le nom d’Oscillation Nord-Atlantique (ONA), et font partie des grands mécanismes climatiques du globe. Sécheresses et famines sont fréquentes, les données bioarchéologiques témoignent de la lutte contre les maladies infectieuses qui épuisaient les capacités physiques des victimes. Les microbes ne laissent aucun répit aux hommes.

    « Entre la conversion de Constantin et le saccage de Rome en 410 après J.C., nous disposons de milliers de tombes chrétiennes dans la cité impériale gardant la date du jour où le croyant a quitté ce monde (et la baisse brutale après 410 est également le signe des désordres qui ont affligé la vénérable capitale). Une fois agrégées, ces données constituent un dossier sans équivalent sur les rythmes saisonniers de la Grande Faucheuse. Les canicules estivales étaient mortelles, une vague de germes gastro-intestinaux submergeant la ville. La mortalité flambait en juillet et atteignait un pic en août et septembre. Le pic automnal met en évidence la prévalence durable du paludisme. »

    L’État collecte les impôts en or et s’en sert pour payer ses fonctionnaires. Dioclétien réquisitionne le précieux métal en procédant à de vastes expropriations. L’économie de marché se rétablit rapidement, et l’on observe alors une fusion entre les forces du marché et les forces fiscales. Les grandes banques ressuscitent, les preuves d’une activité bancaire et de crédit sont plus fortes à cette époque (au IVe siècle) qu’à aucune autre.

    « Le marchand qui veut s’enrichir équipe un navire, embauche des marins, recrute un capitaine et fait tout ce qui est par ailleurs nécessaire pour prendre la mer, emprunte de l’argent et teste les flots avant de gagner des terres étrangères. » (Jean Chrisostome)

    La renaissance de la monnaie et du crédit réveille les réseaux de commerce en Méditerranée. L’Égypte et la Palestine entrent sérieusement dans le commerce du vin aux IIIe et IVe siècle. La répartition archéologique de la céramique sigillée montre l’essor de l’Afrique jusqu’à occuper une position dominante dans les réseaux connectant l’Empire sur de longues distances. L’appât du gain unifie le monde romain, transformé en une immense zone de libre-échange. Avec la revitalisation de l’économie de marché, le système esclavagiste connaît un renouveau rapide. Comme autrefois, les esclaves sont partout : sans leur sueur et leur peine, pas de fabuleuses fortunes aristocratiques, et la richesse des propriétaires d’esclaves est visible à chaque fois que l’on jette un coup d’œil sur le mode de vie des gens aisés du IVe siècle. Posséder un esclave est le minimum pour un homme respectable. L’ampleur de la stratification sociale est vertigineuse. Il faudra attendre le temps du colonialisme transatlantique pour trouver une élite économique réussissant à accumuler des fortunes privées d’une telle ampleur. Mais l’Empire d’Occident, dont les habitants sont affaiblis par de nombreux germes, perd peu à peu face aux hordes des steppes où le climat sec est plus bénéfique et où le paludisme n’affaiblit pas la population. Les villes de l’Occident se dépeuplent ce qui génère une baisse de la mortalité.

    À la fin de l’Empire romain, les greniers à blé dominent les paysages. Le vaste réseau des villes, des navires et des entrepôts de blé forme un véritable écosystème qui bénéficie particulièrement au rat noir.

    « La fusion du commerce global et de l’infestation par les muridés a été la précondition écologique du plus grand événement sanitaire que la civilisation humaine ait jamais connu : la première pandémie de peste. »

    Elle débute sur les rives de l’Égypte en 541 avant de se répandre dans l’Empire et au-delà. La pandémie de peste bubonique submerge tout par sa durée et son intensité. Son arrivée est le signe d’un nouvel âge, sa persistance sur deux siècles est à l’origine d’une longue période de stagnation démographique.

    Justinien est le dernier des grands ingénieurs environnementaux romains, il façonne tout le paysage local en changeant le cours du Skirtus, creuse un nouveau lit pour le Cydnus, construit un pont imposant, abat une forêt pour remodeler la plaine et contrôler le débit du Drakon, répare et construit de nouveaux aqueducs. Il rêve de soumettre la nature à ses désirs, de restaurer l’Empire d’Occident et mène une campagne pour gagner les provinces occidentales mais n’apporte que la misère. Ce qui n’est rien face à la peste qui s’abat en 541, couvrant les 23 années suivantes de son règne de pestilence. Le commerce de la soie permet au rat noir de voyager vers de nouveaux territoires et le changement climatique constitue le facteur final. L’année 536 est une année sans été. Une série d’explosions volcaniques des années 530 à 540 plongent l’Empire dans un hiver de plusieurs décennies, un des plus froids de l’Holocène. Le taux de mortalité augmente jusqu’à atteindre 50 à 60 % de la population. L’ordre social s’effondre, tous les travaux s’arrêtent, les marchés de détail ferment et une famine s’installe dans la cité. Contrairement aux pandémies précédentes, la peste bubonique touche aussi les zones rurales et toutes les couches de la population dont le système immunitaire est affaibli par l’environnement insalubre du monde romain, et dont les organismes le sont également en raison de la diminution des réserves alimentaires engendrée par les anomalies climatiques des années précédentes. Durant deux siècles, de 543 à 749, la peste jaillit de ses réservoirs, provoquant des épidémies aussi violentes que soudaines. En 589 après J.-C., des pluies torrentielles s’abattent sur l’Italie, l’Agide déborde et la crue du Tibre submerge les murailles de Rome. Des églises s’effondrent, les greniers à blé du pape sont détruits. En 590, la peste emporte le pape Pélage II. En 599, l’Occident subit une nouvelle pestilence. La peste de Justinien est un événement funeste, de même que le petit âge glaciaire de l’Antiquité tardive traversé d’épisodes sismiques.

    « Pour les contemporains de cette première pandémie, c’était une incroyable nouvelle que d’apprendre qu’un peuple avait été épargné des destructions de la peste. Les Maures, les Turcs et les Arabes habitant le désert auraient été exemptés de la catastrophe globale. […] Les Maures, les Turcs et les habitants du centre de l’Arabie partageaient tous un mode de vie nomade. L’explication écologique est évidente : les formations sociales non sédentaires étaient protégées contre la collusion létale rat-puce-peste. »

    L’expansion territoriale, démographique et commerciale de l’Empire romain et son hubris architecturale n’ont eu de cesse de détruire des écosystèmes entiers : un niveau exceptionnel d’urbanisation, plus d’un millier de villes. Fortement inégalitaire et hiérarchisé, l’Empire étend son domaine agraire jusque dans les environnements les plus pauvres, épuisant les sols et la vie des habitants qui ne cessent de lutter contre les maladies et la faim. Les déforestations, l’urbanisation et l’agriculture, bien plus que les effets du changement climatique, ont eu raison de l’Empire romain qui a été incapable de remettre en question les valeurs intrinsèques à toute civilisation : expansion territoriale, croissance démographique et économique, accumulation de richesses, exploitation du monde et des vivants comme source de distraction, d’accumulation matérielle et d’orgueil.

    « Même en ce qui concerne l’environnement physique, où des forces entièrement indépendantes de l’action humaine sont à l’œuvre, les effets du changement climatique dépendaient des arrangements particuliers entre une économie agraire et la machinerie de l’empire. Et l’histoire des maladies infectieuses est toujours profondément dépendante des écologies créées par les civilisations. »

    L’histoire de l’effondrement de l’Empire romain résonne comme un avertissement à l’heure où de nouveaux agents infectieux émergent – Ebola, Lassa, Nipah, SARS, MERS, Zika – où l’urbanisation se répand comme une lèpre sur le monde sauvage, où les monocultures détruisent les sols, où nos environnements sont de plus en plus toxiques et affaiblissent nos systèmes immunitaires, où nous sommes toujours plus entassés dans des mégapoles toujours plus asphyxiantes. Mieux vaut anticiper l’effondrement de l’Empire de la civilisation industrielle et tout mettre en œuvre pour le démanteler plutôt qu’attendre que les inégalités et l’exploitation toujours plus mortifère du vivant ne nous apportent notre lot de pestilences et d’hécatombes.

    Ana Minski

    #pax_romana

  • Exclusive: OxyContin Maker Purdue Pharma Exploring Bankruptcy - Sources | Investing News | US News
    https://money.usnews.com/investing/news/articles/2019-03-04/exclusive-oxycontin-maker-purdue-pharma-exploring-bankruptcy-sources

    By Mike Spector, Jessica DiNapoli and Nate Raymond

    (Reuters) - OxyContin maker Purdue Pharma LP is exploring filing for bankruptcy to address potentially significant liabilities from roughly 2,000 lawsuits alleging the drugmaker contributed to the deadly opioid crisis sweeping the United States, people familiar with the matter said on Monday.

    The potential move shows how Purdue and its wealthy owners, the Sackler family, are under pressure to respond to mounting litigation accusing the company of misleading doctors and patients about risks associated with prolonged use of its prescription opioids.

    Purdue denies the allegations, arguing that the U.S. Food and Drug Administration-approved labels for its opioids carried warnings about the risk of abuse and misuse associated with the pain treatments.

    Filing for Chapter 11 protection would halt the lawsuits and allow Purdue to negotiate legal claims with plaintiffs under the supervision of a U.S. bankruptcy judge, the sources said.

    Shares of Endo International Plc and Insys Therapeutics Inc, two companies that like Purdue have been named in lawsuits related to the U.S. opioid epidemic, closed down 17 percent and more than 2 percent, respectively, on Monday.

    More than 1,600 lawsuits accusing Purdue and other opioid manufacturers of using deceptive practices to push addictive drugs that led to fatal overdoses are consolidated in an Ohio federal court. Purdue has held discussions to resolve the litigation with plaintiffs’ lawyers, who have often compared the cases to widespread lawsuits against the tobacco industry that resulted in a $246 billion settlement in 1998.

    “We will oppose any attempt to avoid our claims, and will continue to vigorously and aggressively pursue our claims against Purdue and the Sackler family,” Connecticut Attorney General William Tong said. Connecticut has a case against Purdue and the Sacklers.

    BANKRUPTCY FILING NOT CERTAIN

    A Purdue bankruptcy filing is not certain, the sources said. The Stamford, Connecticut-based company has not made any final decisions and could instead continue fighting the lawsuits, they said.

    “As a privately-held company, it has been Purdue Pharma’s longstanding policy not to comment on our financial or legal strategy,” Purdue said in a statement.

    “We are, however, committed to ensuring that our business remains strong and sustainable. We have ample liquidity and remain committed to meeting our obligations to the patients who benefit from our medicines, our suppliers and other business partners.”

    Purdue faces a May trial in a case brought by Oklahoma’s attorney general that, like others, accuses the company of contributing to a wave of fatal overdoses by flooding the market with highly addictive opioids while falsely claiming the drugs were safe.

    Last year, U.S. President Donald Trump also said he would like to sue drug companies over the nation’s opioid crisis.

    Opioids, including prescription painkillers, heroin and fentanyl, were involved in 47,600 overdose deaths in 2017, a sixfold increase from 1999, according to the latest data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

    Purdue hired law firm Davis Polk & Wardwell LLP for restructuring advice, Reuters reported in August, fueling concerns among litigants, including Oklahoma Attorney General Mike Hunter, that the company might seek bankruptcy protection before the trial.

    Companies facing widespread lawsuits sometimes seek bankruptcy protection to address liabilities in one court even when their financial condition is not dire. California utility PG&E Corp filed for bankruptcy earlier this year after deadly wildfires raised the prospect of large legal bills even though its stock remained worth billions of dollars.

    DECEPTIVE MARKETING

    Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey in June became the first attorney general to sue not just Purdue but Sackler family members. Records in her case, which Purdue has asked a judge to dismiss, accused Sackler family members of directing deceptive marketing of opioids for years while enriching themselves to the tune of $4.2 billion.

    Some other states have since also sued the Sacklers. The Sacklers are currently discussing creating a nonprofit backed by family financial contributions to combat addiction and drug abuse, a person familiar with their deliberations said.

    The drugmaker downplayed the possibility of a bankruptcy filing in a Feb. 22 court filing in the Oklahoma case. “Purdue is still here - ready, willing and eager to prove in this Court that the State’s claims are baseless,” the company said in court papers.

    Sales of OxyContin and other opioids have fallen amid public concern about their addictive nature, and as restrictions on opioid prescribing have been enacted. OxyContin generated $1.74 billion in sales in 2017, down from $2.6 billion five years earlier, according to the most recent data compiled by Symphony Health Solutions.

    Purdue Chief Executive Officer Craig Landau has cut hundreds of jobs, stopped marketing opioids to physicians and moved the company toward developing medications for sleep disorders and cancer since taking the helm in 2017.

    In July, Purdue appointed a new board chairman, Steve Miller, a restructuring veteran who previously held leadership positions at troubled companies including auto-parts giant Delphi and the once-teetering insurer American International Group Inc.

    Mortimer D.A. Sackler no longer sits on Purdue’s board, according to a filing the company made with the Connecticut secretary of state late Monday.

    The Oklahoma case and other lawsuits seek damages from Purdue and other pharmaceutical companies accused of fueling the opioid crisis. In addition to lawsuits consolidated in an Ohio federal court, more than 300 cases are pending in state courts, and dozens of state attorneys general have sued manufacturers, including Purdue.

    Settlement discussions have not yet resulted in a deal.

    Purdue and three executives in 2007 pleaded guilty to federal charges related to the misbranding of OxyContin and agreed to pay a total of $634.5 million in penalties, according to court records.

    (Reporting by Mike Spector and Jessica DiNapoli in New York and Nate Raymond in Boston; Editing by Bill Berkrot)

    Copyright 2019 Thomson Reuters.

    #Opioides #Sackler #Bankruptcy

  • Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG
    http://www.transatlanticperspectives.org/entry.php?rec=133
    Des fois que vous nauriez jamais compris pourquoi l’Allemagne est le meilleur ami des USA en Europe voici le résumé de la thèse d’Anne Zetsche

    Transatlantic institutions organizing German-American elite networking since the early 1950s

    Author » Anne Zetsche, Northumbria University Published: November 28, 2012 Updated: February 28, 2013

    The Cold War era witnessed an increasing transnational interconnectedness of individuals and organizations in the cultural, economic and political sphere. In this period, two organizations, the Atlantik-Brücke and the American Council on Germany, established themselves as influential facilitators, enabling German-American elite networking throughout the second half of the twentieth century and beyond. The two organizations brought together influential politicians and businesspeople, as well as representatives of the media and the academic world.

    Efforts in this regard commenced in the early days of the Cold War, only a few years after the end of World War II. In 1949, two American citizens and two Germans began developing the plan to found the Atlantik-Brücke in West Germany and a sister organization, the American Council on Germany (ACG), in the United States. Their plan was to use these two organizations as vehicles to foster amicable relations between the newly founded Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America. Only a few years prior, Americans and Germans had faced each other as enemies during World War II and many segments of German society, including West German elites, held strong, long-standing anti-American sentiments. The U.S. public in turn was skeptical as to whether Germans could indeed be denazified and convinced to develop a democratic system. Thus, in order to forge a strong Western alliance against Soviet Communism that included West Germany it was critical to overcome mutual prejudices and counter anti-Americanism in Western Europe. It was to be one of the central tasks of the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG to achieve this in West Germany.

    Individuals at the Founding of the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG

    One of the founders of the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG was Eric M. Warburg. He was a Jewish-American banker originally from Hamburg where his ancestors had founded the family’s banking house in 1798. Due to Nazi Aryanisation and expropriation policies, the Warburg family lost the company in 1938 and immigrated to the United States, settling in New York. In spite of the terror of the Nazi regime, Eric Warburg was very attached to Hamburg. He became a vibrant transatlantic commuter after World War II, living both in Hamburg and in New York. In the intertwined histories of the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG, Warburg played a special role, becoming their leading facilitator and mediator.

    Not long after his escape from the Nazis, Warburg met Christopher Emmet, a wealthy publicist and political activist who shared Warburg’s strong anti-communist stance and attachment to pre-Nazi Germany. On the German side of this transatlantic relationship, Warburg and Emmet were joined by Marion Countess Dönhoff, a journalist at the liberal West German weekly Die Zeit, and by Erik Blumenfeld, a Christian Democratic politician and businessmen. There were two main characteristics shared by the original core founders of the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG: firstly, each one of the founding quartet belonged to an elite – economic, social or political – and was therefore well-connected with political, diplomatic, business and media circles in both the United States and Germany. Secondly, there was a congruence of basic dispositions among them, namely a staunch anti-communist stance, a transatlantic orientation, and an endorsement of Germany’s integration into the West.

    The Western powers sought the economic and political integration of Western Europe to overcome the devastation of Europe, to revive the world economy, and to thwart nationalism and militarism in Europe after World War II. Germany was considered Europe’s economic powerhouse and thus pivotal in the reconstruction process. West Germany also needed to be on board with security and defense policies in order to face the formidable opponent of Soviet Communism. Since the Federal Republic shared a border with the communist bloc, the young state was extremely vulnerable to potential Soviet aggression and was at the same time strategically important within the Western bloc. Elite organizations like the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG were valuable vehicles to bring West Germany on board for this ambitious Cold War project.

    Thus, in 1952 and 1954 respectively, the ACG and the Atlantik-Brücke were incorporated and granted non-profit status with the approval of John J. McCloy, U.S. High Commissioner to Germany (1949-1952). His wife Ellen McCloy was one of signatories of the ACG’s certificate of incorporation and served as its director for a number of years. The Atlantik-Brücke (originally Transatlantik-Brücke) was incorporated and registered in Hamburg.

    Transatlantic Networking

    The main purpose of both organizations was to inform Germans and Americans about the respective other country, to counter mutual prejudices, and thus contributing to the development of amicable relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States in the postwar era. This was to be achieved by all means deemed appropriate, but with a special focus on arranging personal meetings and talks between representatives of both countries’ business, political, academic, and media elites. One way was to sponsor lectures and provide speakers on issues relating to Germany and the United States. Another method was organizing visiting tours of German politicians, academics, and journalists to the United States and of American representatives to West Germany. Among the Germans who came to the U.S. under the sponsorship of the ACG were Max Brauer, a former Social Democratic mayor of Hamburg, Willy Brandt, the first Social Democratic Chancellor and former mayor of West Berlin, and Franz Josef Strauss, a member of the West German federal government in the 1950s and 1960s and later minister president of the German federal state of Bavaria. American visitors to the Federal Republic were less prominent. Annual reports of the Atlantik-Brücke explicitly mention George Nebolsine of the New York law firm Coudert Brothers and member of the International Chamber of Commerce, and the diplomats Henry J. Tasca, William C. Trimble, and Nedville E. Nordness.

    In the late 1950s the officers of the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG sought ways of institutionalizing personal encounters between key Americans and Germans. Thus they established the German-American Conferences modeled on the British-German Königswinter Conferences and the Bilderberg Conferences. The former brought together English and German elites and were organized by the German-English Society (later German-British Society). The latter were organized by the Bilderberg Group, founded by Joseph Retinger, Paul van Zeeland and Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands. Those conferences began in 1954 and were informal, off-the-record meetings of American and West European representatives of business, media, academia and politics. Each of these conference series was important for the coordination of Western elites during the Cold War era. Bilderberg was critical in paving the way for continental European integration and the German-British effort was important for reconciling the European wartime enemies.

    From 1959 onwards, the German-American Conferences took place biennially, alternating between venues in West Germany and the United States. At the first conference in Bonn, 24 Americans came together with 27 Germans, among them such prominent individuals as Dean Acheson, Henry Kissinger, and John J. McCloy on the American side, and Willy Brandt, Arnold Bergstraesser (considered to be one of the founding fathers of postwar political science in Germany), and Kurt Georg Kiesinger (third Christian Democratic Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany and former minister president of the federal state Baden-Württemberg) on the German side. By 1974 the size of the delegations had increased continuously, reaching 73 American and 63 German participants.

    A central goal in selecting the delegations was to arrange for a balanced, bipartisan group of politicians, always including representatives of the Social and Christian Democrats (e.g. Fritz Erler, Kurt Birrenbach) on the German side and both Democratic and Republican senators and representatives (e.g. Henry S. Reuss, Jacob Javits) on the American side, along with academics, journalists, and businessmen. Prominent American academics attending several of the German-American conferences included Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski. Representatives of major media outlets were Marion Countess Dönhoff of Germany’s major liberal weekly Die Zeit, Kurt Becker, editor of the conservative daily newspaper Die Welt, and Hellmut Jaesrich, editor of the anticommunist cultural magazine Der Monat. The business community was prominently represented by John J. McCloy, the president of the Chase Manhattan Bank, and Herman Georg Kaiser, an oil producer from Tulsa, Oklahoma. From Germany, Gotthard von Falkenhausen and Eric Warburg represented the financial sector and Alexander Menne, a member of the executive board of Farbwerke Hoechst, represented German industry.

    Officers of the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG were mainly in charge of selecting the delegates for the conferences. However, Shepard Stone of the Ford Foundation also had an influential say in this process. In the late 1950s and 1960s he was director of the foundation’s international program and thus responsible for allocating funds to the ACG to facilitate the German-American conferences. Shepard Stone was deeply attached to Germany as he had pursued graduate studies in Berlin in the Weimar period, earning a doctoral degree in history. After World War II he returned to Germany as a public affairs officer of the U.S. High Commission. Stone’s continuing interest in German affairs and friendship with Eric Warburg and Marion Dönhoff regularly brought him to Germany, and he was a frequent participant in the German-American conferences.

    The German-American Conferences and Cold War Politics

    All matters discussed during the conferences stood under the headline “East-West tensions” in the earlier period and later “East-West issues” signaling the beginning of détente, but always maintaining a special focus on U.S.-German relations. The debates from the late 1950s to the early/mid-1970s can be categorized as follows: firstly, bilateral relations between the U.S. and the FRG; secondly, Germany’s relation with the Western alliance; thirdly, Europe and the United States in the Atlantic Alliance; and last but not least, relations between the West, the East, and the developing world. The conferences served three central purposes: firstly, developing a German-American network of elites; secondly, building consensus on key issues of the Cold War period; and thirdly, forming a common Western, transatlantic identity among West Germans and Americans.

    Another emphasis of both groups’ activities in the United States and Germany was the production of studies and other publications (among others, The Vanishing Swastika, the Bridge, Meet Germany, a Newsletter, Hans Wallenberg’s report Democratic Institutions, and the reports on the German-American Conferences). Studies aimed at informing Germans about developments in the United States and American international policies on the one hand, and at informing the American people about West Germany’s progress in denazification, democratization, and re-education on the other. The overall aim of these activities was first and foremost improving each country’s and people’s image in the eyes of the counterpart’s elites and wider public.

    The sources and amounts of available funds to the ACG and the Atlantik-Brücke differed considerably. Whereas the latter selected its members very carefully by way of cooptation especially among businessmen and CEOs to secure sound funding of its enterprise, the former opened membership or affiliation to basically anyone who had an interest in Germany. As a result, the ACG depended heavily, at least for its everyday business, on the fortune of the organization’s executive vice president Christopher Emmet. Emmet personally provided the salaries of ACG secretaries and set up the organization’s offices in his private apartment in New York’s upper Westside. In addition, the ACG relied on funds granted by the Ford Foundation especially for the biannual German-American conferences as well as for the publication of a number of studies. The Atlantik-Brücke in turn benefitted immensely from public funds for its publications and the realization of the German-American conferences. The Federal Press and Information Agency (Bundespresse- und Informationsamt, BPA) supported mainly publication efforts of the organization and the Federal Foreign Office (Auswärtiges Amt) regularly granted funds for the conferences.

    Politics, Business and Membership Growth

    Membership of the Atlantik-Brücke grew from 12 in 1954 to 65 in 1974. Among them were representatives of companies like Mannesmann, Esso, Farbwerke Hoechst, Daimler Benz, Deutsche Bank, and Schering. Those members were expected to be willing and able to pay annual membership fees of 3000 to 5000 DM (approx. $750 to $1,250 in 1955, equivalent to approx. $6,475 to $10,793 today). Since the business community always accounted for the majority of Atlantik-Brücke membership compared to members from academia, media and politics, the organization operated on secure financial footing compared to its American counterpart. The ACG had not even established formal membership like its German sister organization. The people affiliated with the ACG in the 1950s up to the mid-1970s were mostly academics, intellectuals, and journalists. It posed a great difficulty for ACG officers to attract business people willing and able to contribute financially to the organization at least until the mid-1970s. When Christopher Emmet, the ACG’s “heart and soul,” passed away in 1974, the group’s affiliates and directors were mostly comprised of Emmet’s circle of friends and acquaintances who shared an interest in U.S.-German relations and Germany itself. Emmet had enlisted most of them during his frequent visits to the meeting of the Council on Foreign Relations. Another group of prominent members represented the military. Several leading figures of the U.S. occupying forces and U.S. High Commission personnel joined the ACG, in addition to ranking politicians and U.S. diplomats. The ACG’s long term president, George N. Shuster had served as Land Commissioner for Bavaria during 1950-51. In 1963, Lucius D. Clay, former military governor of the U.S. zone in Germany, 1947-49, joined the ACG as honorary chairman. George McGhee, the former ambassador to Germany prominently represented U.S. diplomacy when he became director of the organization in 1969.

    Although the Atlantik-Brücke had initially ruled out board membership for active politicians, they were prominently represented. Erik Blumenfeld, for example, was an influential Christian Democratic leader in Hamburg. In 1958 he was elected CDU chairman of the federal city state of Hamburg and three years later he became a member of the Bundestag.In the course of the 1960s and 1970s more politicians joined the Atlantik-Brücke and became active members of the board: Kurt Birrenbach (CDU), Fritz Erler (SPD), W. Alexander Menne (FDP), and Helmut Schmidt (SPD). Thus, through their members and affiliates both organizations have been very well-connected with political, diplomatic, and business elites.

    Besides individual and corporate contributions, both organizations relied on funding from public and private institutions and agencies. On the German side federal agencies like the Foreign Office, the Press and Information Agency, and the Chancellery provided funding for publications and supported the German-American conferences. On the American side additional funds were provided almost exclusively by the Ford Foundation.

    Although both groups were incorporated as private associations with the objective of furthering German-American relations in the postwar era, their membership profile and sources of funding clearly illustrate that they were not operating at great distance from either public politics or official diplomacy. On the contrary, the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG represent two prominent actors in a transnational elite networking project with the aim of forging a strong anti-communist Atlantic Alliance among the Western European states and the United States of America. In this endeavor to back up public with private authority, the Atlantik-Brücke and the ACG functioned as major conduits of both transnational and transcultural exchange and transfer processes.

    #Europe #Allemagne #USA #politique #guerre #impérialisme #élites

  • January 10 strike date set for 33,000 Los Angeles teachers - World Socialist Web Site
    https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2018/12/24/laus-d24.html

    Le gouvernement des États Unis est en train de remplacer l’école publique par des charter schools privées. Les enseignants et parents d’élèves mènent un mouvement de résistance contre le démantèlement de l’institution publique.

    Last week, the United Teachers of Los Angeles (UTLA) announced that it had set a strike date of January 10 for 33,000 teachers after failing to reach an agreement with the district after more than 18 months of negotiations.

    The announcement came a few days after as many as 50,000 educators and their supporters marched in the nation’s second largest school district to demand increased wages, a reduction in class sizes and the hiring of nurses and other critical staff. Teachers in Oakland, Fremont and other California cities are also pressing for strike action as part of the resumption of teachers’ strikes, which saw statewide walkouts earlier this year in West Virginia, Oklahoma, Arizona and other states.

    Virginia teachers plan statewide protest to demand school funding - World Socialist Web Site
    https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2018/12/24/virg-d24.html

    The teachers’ movement that began last February in West Virginia—spreading to Kentucky, Oklahoma, Arizona, Colorado, North and South Carolina and Washington state—is clearly expanding in the face of the continued assault on public education. Charter school teachers have joined the growing number of walkouts as well, with a recent strike against Acero in Chicago.

    Meeting on Oakland school closure expresses hostility to attacks on public education - World Socialist Web Site
    https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2018/12/24/oakl-d24.html

    Last Tuesday, over 150 parents, students, educators and community members attended a public meeting to protest the planned closure of Roots International Academy, a middle school that serves low-income youth in East Oakland, California. After listening to district representatives attempt to justify the closure, numerous attendees spoke out forcefully against it and in favor of expanding public education funding and resources.

    Roots is one of 24 public schools in Oakland Unified School District (OUSD) that are slated to be closed or merged with other public schools over the next five years as part of the district’s and state’s savage assault on public education, which includes district budget cuts of $60 million over the next two years. All 24 schools slated for closure or merger are located in the “flatlands” regions of East and West Oakland, where poverty and crime are far more prevalent than in the rest of the city.

    In response to this unprecedented attack on education in Oakland, the city’s working class residents are beginning to mobilize. Among Oakland teachers, who have been working without a contract since July 2017, there is growing sentiment for a statewide teachers strike to unite with Los Angeles teachers, who last week announced that they will begin striking on January 10.

    Two weeks ago, roughly 100 Oakland teachers engaged in a wildcat “sickout” strike, largely out of frustration over the stalled negotiations and lack of initiative from the Oakland Education Association (OEA) teachers union.

    #USA #éducation #privatisation

  • Who writes history? The fight to commemorate a massacre by the Texas #rangers

    In 1918, a state-sanctioned vigilante force killed 15 unarmed Mexicans in #Porvenir. When their descendants applied for a historical marker a century later, they learned that not everyone wants to remember one of Texas’ darkest days.

    The name of the town was Porvenir, or “future.” In the early morning hours of January 28, 1918, 15 unarmed Mexicans and Mexican Americans were awakened by a state-sanctioned vigilante force of Texas Rangers, U.S. Army cavalry and local ranchers. The men and boys ranged in age from 16 to 72. They were taken from their homes, led to a bluff over the Rio Grande and shot from 3 feet away by a firing squad. The remaining residents of the isolated farm and ranch community fled across the river to Mexico, where they buried the dead in a mass grave. Days later, the cavalry returned to burn the abandoned village to the ground.

    These, historians broadly agree, are the facts of what happened at Porvenir. But 100 years later, the meaning of those facts remains fiercely contested. In 2015, as the centennial of the massacre approached, a group of historians and Porvenir descendants applied for and was granted a Texas Historical Commission (THC) marker. After a three-year review process, the THC approved the final text in July. A rush order was sent to the foundry so that the marker would be ready in time for a Labor Day weekend dedication ceremony planned by descendants. Then, on August 3, Presidio County Historical Commission Chair Mona Blocker Garcia sent an email to the THC that upended everything. Though THC records show that the Presidio commission had been consulted throughout the marker approval process, Garcia claimed to be “shocked” that the text was approved. She further asserted, without basis, that “the militant Hispanics have turned this marker request into a political rally and want reparations from the federal government for a 100-year-old-plus tragic event.”

    Four days later, Presidio County Attorney Rod Ponton sent a follow-up letter. Without identifying specific errors in the marker text, he demanded that the dedication ceremony be canceled and the marker’s production halted until new language could be agreed upon. Ponton speculated, falsely, that the event was planned as a “major political rally” for Beto O’Rourke with the participation of La Raza Unida founding member José Ángel Gutiérrez, neither of whom was involved. Nonetheless, THC History Programs Director Charles Sadnick sent an email to agency staff the same day: “After getting some more context about where the marker sponsor may be coming from, we’re halting production on the marker.”

    The American Historical Association quickly condemned the THC’s decision, as did the office of state Senator José Rodríguez, a Democrat whose district includes both Presidio County and El Paso, where the ceremony was to be held. Historians across the country also spoke out against the decision. Sarah Zenaida Gould, director of the Museo del Westside in San Antonio and cofounder of Latinos in Heritage Conservation, responded in an email to the agency that encapsulates the views of many of the historians I interviewed: “Halting the marker process to address this statement as though it were a valid concern instead of a dog whistle is insulting to all people of color who have personally or through family history experienced state violence.”

    How did a last-gasp effort, characterized by factual errors and inflammatory language, manage to convince the state agency for historic preservation to reverse course on a marker three years in the making and sponsored by a young Latina historian with an Ivy League pedigree and Texas-Mexico border roots? An Observer investigation, involving dozens of interviews and hundreds of emails obtained through an open records request, reveals a county still struggling to move on from a racist and violent past, far-right amateur historians sowing disinformation and a state agency that acted against its own best judgment.

    The Porvenir massacre controversy is about more than just the fate of a single marker destined for a lonely part of West Texas. It’s about who gets to tell history, and the continuing relevance of the border’s contested, violent and racist past to events today.

    Several rooms in Benita Albarado’s home in Uvalde are almost overwhelmed by filing cabinets and stacks of clipboards, the ever-growing archive of her research into what happened at Porvenir. For most of her life, Benita, 74, knew nothing about the massacre. What she did know was that her father, Juan Flores, had terrible nightmares, and that in 1950 he checked himself in to a state mental hospital for symptoms that today would be recognized as PTSD. When she asked her mother what was wrong with him, she always received the same vague response: “You don’t understand what he’s been through.”

    In 1998, Benita and her husband, Buddy, began tracing their family trees. Benita was perplexed that she couldn’t find any documentation about her grandfather, Longino Flores. Then she came across the archival papers of Harry Warren, a schoolteacher, lawyer and son-in-law of Tiburcio Jáquez, one of the men who was murdered. Warren had made a list of the victims, and Longino’s name was among them. Warren also described how one of his students from Porvenir had come to his house the next morning to tell him what happened, and then traveled with him to the massacre site to identify the bodies, many of which were so mutilated as to be virtually unrecognizable. Benita immediately saw the possible connection. Her father, 12 at the time, matched Warren’s description of the student.

    Benita and Buddy drove from Uvalde to Odessa, where her father lived, with her photocopied papers. “Is that you?” she asked. He said yes. Then, for the first time in 80 years, he began to tell the story of how he was kidnapped with the men, but then sent home because of his age; he was told that the others were only going to be questioned. To Benita and Buddy’s amazement, he remembered the names of 12 of the men who had been murdered. They were the same as those in Harry Warren’s papers. He also remembered the names of the ranchers who had shown up at his door. Some of those, including the ancestors of prominent families still in Presidio County, had never been found in any document.

    Talking about the massacre proved healing for Flores. His nightmares stopped. In 2000, at age 96, he decided that he wanted to return to Porvenir. Buddy drove them down an old mine road in a four-wheel-drive truck. Flores pointed out where his old neighbors used to live, even though the buildings were gone. He guided Buddy to the bluff where the men were killed — a different location than the one commonly believed by local ranchers to be the massacre site. His memory proved to be uncanny: At the bluff, the family discovered a pre-1918 military bullet casing, still lying on the Chihuahuan desert ground.

    Benita and Buddy began advocating for a historical marker in 2000, soon after their trip to Porvenir. “A lot of people say that this was a lie,” Buddy told me. “But if you’ve got a historical marker, the state has to acknowledge what happened.” Their efforts were met by resistance from powerful ranching families, who held sway over the local historical commission. The Albarados had already given up when they met Monica Muñoz Martinez, a Yale graduate student from Uvalde, who interviewed them for her dissertation. In 2013, Martinez, by then an assistant professor at Brown University, co-founded Refusing to Forget, a group of historians aiming to create broader public awareness of border violence, including Porvenir and other extrajudicial killings of Mexicans by Texas Rangers during the same period. The most horrific of these was La Matanza, in which dozens of Mexicans and Mexican Americans were murdered in the Rio Grande Valley in 1915.

    In 2006, the THC created the Undertold Markers program, which seemed tailor-made for Porvenir. According to its website, the program is designed to “address historical gaps, promote diversity of topics, and proactively document significant underrepresented subjects or untold stories.” Unlike the agency’s other marker programs, anyone can apply for an undertold marker, not just county historical commissions. Martinez’s application for a Porvenir massacre marker was accepted in 2015.

    Though the approval process for the Porvenir marker took longer than usual, by the summer of 2018 everything appeared to be falling into place. On June 1, Presidio County Historical Commission chair Garcia approved the final text. (Garcia told me that she thought she was approving a different text. Her confusion is difficult to understand, since the text was attached to the digital form she submitted approving it.) Martinez began coordinating with the THC and Arlinda Valencia, a descendant of one of the victims, to organize a dedication ceremony in El Paso.
    “They weren’t just simple farmers. I seriously doubt that they were just killed for no reason.”

    In mid-June, Valencia invited other descendants to the event and posted it on Facebook. She began planning a program to include a priest’s benediction, a mariachi performance and brief remarks by Martinez, Senator Rodríguez and a representative from the THC. The event’s climax would be the unveiling of the plaque with the names of the 15 victims.

    Then the backlash began.

    “Why do you call it a massacre?” is the first thing Jim White III said over the phone when I told him I was researching the Porvenir massacre. White is the trustee of the Brite Ranch, the site of a cross-border raid by Mexicans on Christmas Day 1917, about a month before the Porvenir massacre. When I explained that the state-sanctioned extrajudicial execution of 15 men and boys met all the criteria I could think of for a massacre, he shot back, “It sounds like you already have your opinion.”

    For generations, ranching families like the Brites have dominated the social, economic and political life of Presidio County. In a visit to the Marfa & Presidio County Museum, I was told that there were almost no Hispanic surnames in any of the exhibits, though 84 percent of the county is Hispanic. The Brite family name, however, was everywhere.

    White and others in Presidio County subscribe to an alternative history of the Porvenir massacre, centering on the notion that the Porvenir residents were involved in the bloody Christmas Day raid.

    “They weren’t just simple farmers,” White told me, referring to the victims. “I seriously doubt that they were just killed for no reason.” Once he’d heard about the historical marker, he said, he’d talked to everyone he knew about it, including former Texas Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson and Mona Blocker Garcia.

    I visited Garcia at her Marfa home, an 1886 adobe that’s the same age as the venerable Marfa County Courthouse down the street. Garcia, 82, is Anglo, and married to a former oil executive whose ancestry, she explained, is Spanish and French Basque. A Houston native, she retired in the 1990s to Marfa, where she befriended the Brite family and became involved in local history. She told me that she had shared a draft text of the marker with the Brites, and they had agreed that it was factually inaccurate.

    Garcia cited a story a Brite descendant had told her about a young goat herder from Porvenir who purportedly witnessed the Christmas Day raid, told authorities about the perpetrators from his community and then disappeared without a trace into a witness protection program in Oklahoma. When I asked if there was any evidence that the boy actually existed, she acknowledged the story was “folklore.” Still, she said, “the story has lasted 100 years. Why would anybody make something like that up?”

    The actual history is quite clear. In the days after the massacre, the Texas Rangers commander, Captain J.M. Fox, initially reported that Porvenir residents had fired on the Rangers. Later, he claimed that residents had participated in the Christmas Day raid. Subsequent investigations by the Mexican consulate, the U.S. Army and state Representative J.T. Canales concluded that the murdered men were unarmed and innocent, targeted solely because of their ethnicity by a vigilante force organized at the Brite Ranch. As a result, in June 1918, five Rangers were dismissed, Fox was forced to resign and Company B of the Texas Rangers was disbanded.

    But justice remained elusive. In the coming years, Fox re-enlisted as captain of Company A, while three of the dismissed lawmen found new employment. One re-enlisted as a Ranger, a second became a U.S. customs inspector and the third was hired by the Brite Ranch. No one was ever prosecuted. As time passed, the historical records of the massacre, including Harry Warren’s papers, affidavits from widows and other relatives and witness testimony from the various investigations, were largely forgotten. In their place came texts like Walter Prescott Webb’s The Texas Rangers: A Century of Frontier Defense, which played an outsize role in the creation of the heroic myth of the Texas Rangers. Relying entirely on interviews with the murderers themselves, Webb accepted at face value Fox’s discredited version of events. For more than 50 years, Webb’s account was considered the definitive one of the massacre — though, unsurprisingly, he didn’t use that word.

    An Observer review of hundreds of emails shows that the state commission was aware of potential controversy over the marker from the very beginning. In an email from 2015, Executive Director Mark Wolfe gave John Nau, the chair of the THC’s executive committee, a heads-up that while the marker was supported by historical scholarship, “the [Presidio County Historical Commission] opposes the marker.” The emails also demonstrate that the agency viewed the claims of historical inaccuracies in the marker text made by Mona Blocker Garcia and the county commission as minor issues of wording.

    On August 6, the day before the decision to halt the marker, Charles Sadnick, the history programs director, wrote Wolfe to say that the “bigger problem” was the ceremony, where he worried there might be disagreements among Presidio County residents, and which he described as “involving some politics which we don’t want a part of.”

    What were the politics that the commission was worried about, and where were these concerns coming from? Garcia’s last-minute letter may have been a factor, but it wasn’t the only one. For the entire summer, Glenn Justice, a right-wing amateur historian who lives in a rural gated community an hour outside San Angelo, had been the driving force behind a whisper campaign to discredit Martinez and scuttle the dedication ceremony.

    “There are radicals in the ‘brown power’ movement that only want the story told of Rangers and [the] Army and gringos killing innocent Mexicans,” Justice told me when we met in his garage, which doubles as the office for Rimrock Press, a publishing company whose catalog consists entirely of Justice’s own work. He was referring to Refusing to Forget and in particular Martinez, the marker’s sponsor.

    Justice has been researching the Porvenir massacre for more than 30 years, starting when he first visited the Big Bend as a graduate student. He claims to be, and probably is, the first person since schoolteacher Harry Warren to call Porvenir a “massacre” in print, in a master’s thesis published by the University of Texas at El Paso in 1991. Unlike White and Garcia, Justice doesn’t question the innocence of the Porvenir victims. But he believes that additional “context” is necessary to understand the reasons for the massacre, which he views as an aberration, rather than a representatively violent part of a long history of racism. “There have never been any problems between the races to speak of [in Presidio County],” he told me.

    In 2015, Justice teamed up with former Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson and Sul Ross State University archaeologist David Keller on a privately funded excavation at the massacre site. He is working on a new book about the bullets and bullet casings they found — which he believes implicate the U.S. Army cavalry in the shooting — and also partnered with Patterson to produce a documentary. But they’d run out of money, and the film was taken over by noted Austin filmmaker Andrew Shapter, who pitched the project to PBS and Netflix. In the transition, Justice was demoted to the role of one of 12 consulting historians. Meanwhile, Martinez was given a prominent role on camera.

    Justice was disgruntled when he learned that the dedication ceremony would take place in El Paso. He complained to organizer Arlinda Valencia and local historical commission members before contacting Ponton, the county attorney, and Amanda Shields, a descendant of massacre victim Manuel Moralez.

    “I didn’t want to take my father to a mob scene,” Shields told me over the phone, by way of explaining her opposition to the dedication ceremony. She believed the rumor that O’Rourke and Gutiérrez would be involved.

    In August, Shields called Valencia to demand details about the program for the ceremony. At the time, she expressed particular concern about a potential Q&A event with Martinez that would focus on parallels between border politics and violence in 1918 and today.

    “This is not a political issue,” Shields told me. “It’s a historical issue. With everything that was going on, we didn’t want the ugliness of politics involved in it.” By “everything,” she explained, she was referring primarily to the issue of family separation. Benita and Buddy Albarado told me that Shields’ views represent a small minority of descendants.

    Martinez said that the idea of ignoring the connections between past and present went against her reasons for fighting to get a marker in the first place. “I’m a historian,” she said. “It’s hard to commemorate such a period of violence, in the midst of another ongoing humanitarian crisis, when this period of violence shaped the institutions of policing that we have today. And that cannot be relegated to the past.”

    After communicating with Justice and Shields, Ponton phoned THC Commissioner Gilbert “Pete” Peterson, who is a bank investment officer in Alpine. That call set in motion the sequence of events that would ultimately derail the marker. Peterson immediately emailed Wolfe, the state commission’s executive director, to say that the marker was becoming “a major political issue.” Initially, though, Wolfe defended the agency’s handling of the marker. “Frankly,” Wolfe wrote in his reply, “this might just be one where the [Presidio County Historical Commission] isn’t going to be happy, and that’s why these stories have been untold for so long.” Peterson wrote back to say that he had been in touch with members of the THC executive committee, which consists of 15 members appointed by either former Governor Rick Perry or Governor Greg Abbott, and that an email about the controversy had been forwarded to THC chair John Nau. Two days later, Peterson added, “This whole thing is a burning football that will be thrown to the media.”

    At a meeting of the Presidio County Historical Commission on August 17, Peterson suggested that the executive board played a major role in the decision to pause production of the marker. “I stopped the marker after talking to Rod [Ponton],” Peterson said. “I’ve spent quite a bit of time talking with the chairman and vice-chairman [of the THC]. What we have said, fairly emphatically, is that there will not be a dedication in El Paso.” Through a spokesperson, Wolfe said that the executive committee is routinely consulted and the decision was ultimately his.

    The spokesperson said, “The big reason that the marker was delayed was to be certain about its accuracy. We want these markers to stand for generations and to be as accurate as possible.”

    With no marker to unveil, Valencia still organized a small commemoration. Many descendants, including Benita and Buddy Albarado, chose not to attend. Still, the event was described by Jeff Davis, a THC representative in attendance, as “a near perfect event” whose tone was “somber and respectful but hopeful.”

    Most of THC’s executive committee members are not historians. The chair, John Nau, is CEO of the nation’s largest Anheuser-Busch distributor and a major Republican party donor. His involvement in the Porvenir controversy was not limited to temporarily halting the marker. In August, he also instructed THC staff to ask the Presidio historical commission to submit applications for markers commemorating raids by Mexicans on white ranches during the Mexican Revolution, which Nau described as “a significant but largely forgotten incident in the state’s history.”

    Garcia confirmed that she had been approached by THC staff. She added that the THC had suggested two specific topics: the Christmas Day raid and a subsequent raid at the Neville Ranch.

    The idea of additional plaques to provide so-called context that could be interpreted as justifying the massacre — or at the very least setting up a false moral equivalence — appears to have mollified critics like White, Garcia and Justice. The work on a revised Porvenir massacre text proceeded quickly, with few points of contention, once it began in mid-September. The marker was sent to the foundry on September 18.
    “It’s hard to commemorate such a period of violence, in the midst of another ongoing humanitarian crisis, when this period of violence shaped the institutions of policing that we have today.”

    In the end, the Porvenir descendants will get their marker — but it may come at a cost. Martinez called the idea of multiple markers “deeply unsettling” and not appropriate for the Undertold Marker program. “Events like the Brite Ranch raid and the Neville raid have been documented by historians for over a century,” she said. “These are not undertold histories. My concern with having a series of markers is that, again, it casts suspicion on the victims of these historical events. It creates the logic that these raids caused this massacre, that it was retribution for these men and boys participating.”

    In early November, the THC unexpectedly announced a dedication ceremony for Friday, November 30. The date was one of just a few on which Martinez, who was still planning on organizing several public history events in conjunction with the unveiling, had told the agency months prior that she had a schedule conflict. In an email to Martinez, Sadnick said that it was the only date Nau could attend this year, and that it was impossible for agency officials to make “secure travel plans” once the legislative session began in January.

    A handful of descendants, including Shields and the Albarados, still plan to attend. “This is about families having closure,” Shields told me. “Now, this can finally be put to rest.”

    The Albarados are livid that the THC chose a date that, in their view, prioritized the convenience of state and county officials over the attendance of descendants — including their own daughters, who feared they wouldn’t be able to get off work. They also hope to organize a second, unofficial gathering at the marker site next year, with the participation of more descendants and the Refusing to Forget historians. “We want people to know the truth of what really happened [at Porvenir],” Buddy told me, “and to know who it was that got this historical marker put there.”

    Others, like Arlinda Valencia, planned to stay home. “Over 100 years ago, our ancestors were massacred, and the reason they were massacred was because of lies that people were stating as facts,” she told me in El Paso. “They called them ‘bandits,’ when all they were doing was working and trying to make a living. And now, it’s happening again.”

    #mémoire #histoire #Texas #USA #massacre #assassinat #méxicains #violence #migrations #commémoration #historicisation #frontières #violence_aux_frontières #violent_borders #Mexique

  • Shale Surge Crashes Into Bottlenecks From Pipelines to Ports - Bloomberg
    https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-05-29/shale-s-surge-crashes-into-bottlenecks-from-pipelines-to-ports

    The U.S. shale surge is crashing headlong into a barrage of bottlenecks.

    From West Texas pipelines to Oklahoma storage centers and Gulf Coast export terminals, the delivery system for American crude is straining to keep up with soaring production. That’s limiting the industry’s ability to take full advantage of growing worldwide demand, with U.S. barrels forced to take an a $9-a-barrel price discount to international crude.

    Barclays Plc analysts on Tuesday predicted “a new shock" for energy markets as a dearth of pipeline capacity near a key Oklahoma storage hub threatens the flow of oil. Pipeline shortages in Texas’ Permian basin, meanwhile, may not clear until late 2019. The problems undercut hopes American output will stabilize global prices as crude from Venezuela and Iran is increasingly at risk.
    […]
    Pipelines aren’t the only problem. The U.S. currently has only one export terminal that can accommodate the 2 million-barrel supertankers preferred by Asian and European customers, and expansions at other ports aren’t expected to be complete before 2020, according to Sandy Fielden, director of oil research at Chicago-based Morningstar Inc.

  • Environnement : le bras armé de Trump, Scott Pruitt, sur la sellette

    http://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2018/04/10/environnement-le-bras-arme-de-trump-scott-pruitt-conteste-mais-pas-coule_528

    Les dépenses du patron de l’EPA font scandale, mais il reste soutenu par le président. Et continue à détricoter méthodiquement les réglementations de l’ère Obama


    A Washington, le 6 avril, une affiche fait référence à l’affaire de location de l’appartement dans laquelle est impliqué Scott Pruitt, le directeur de l’Agence américaine pour l’environnement.

    Cela aurait dû être un couronnement pour Scott Pruitt, l’administrateur de l’Agence de protection de l’environnement américaine (EPA). Mais les affaires ont tout gâché : le bras armé du président Donald Trump en matière d’environnement a dû faire ses annonces en catimini en raison des scandales qui le poursuivent pour avoir dépensé plus de 100 000 dollars (80 000 euros) en avion en première classe aux frais du contribuable américain, et loué son appartement de Washington à une amie mariée à un lobbyiste pétrolier au prix dérisoire de 50 dollars la nuit.

    Il n’empêche, Scott Pruitt poursuit son travail de détricotage des régulations adoptées par Barack Obama. Mardi 3 avril, il a annoncé son intention de lever l’obligation pour les constructeurs automobiles américains de mettre sur le marché, d’ici à 2025, des automobiles consommant en moyenne 4,35 litres aux 100 kilomètres.

    Avec des cours du pétrole bas et des routes souvent en mauvais état, l’heure n’est pas aux moteurs électriques (2 % du marché) et aux petites cylindrées, mais aux voitures de sport et autres pick-up, qui engloutissent du pétrole, surtout dans les terres républicaines du Midwest. « L’objectif des dernières années a été de faire faire aux constructeurs des voitures que les gens ne veulent pas acheter. Notre objectif devrait être de rendre plus efficientes les voitures que les gens achètent », a déclaré M. Pruitt.

    Selon l’EPA, seuls 5 % des véhicules auraient respecté les futures normes en 2025, tandis que les pick-up devraient représenter à cette date 45 % du marché américain, bien plus que les 33 % prévus en 2012 lorsque fut instaurée la régulation. Pour les modèles 2016, onze des dix-sept constructeurs présents aux Etats-Unis ont vu l’empreinte carbone de leur véhicule se dégrader, les cancres étant General Motors et Ford. « C’était la bonne décision, et nous soutenons le gouvernement », a logiquement déclaré l’Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers, organisation qui regroupe douze constructeurs internationaux qui opèrent aux Etats-Unis. Tandis que Volkswagen, encore sous le choc de ses tricheries sur le diesel, a salué « un meilleur alignement des régulations sur les conditions de marché ».

    John Bozzella, président de l’Association of Global Automakers, qui représente les constructeurs japonais, coréens et quelques européens comme Ferrari, a été beaucoup plus mitigé : « Le marché mondial évolue vers un transport économe en carbone, et les Etats-Unis ont besoin de rester compétitifs », a-t-il déclaré dans un communiqué.

    « Mythe des retours en arrière »

    La décision est en contradiction avec le discours global de Donald Trump, qui se plaint que les Européens n’achètent pas de voitures américaines : l’affaire sera encore plus délicate si les règles sont assouplies excessivement et s’éloignent de la norme mondiale. Elle se heurte à la Californie, qui a le droit de fixer ses propres normes de pollution de l’air. Un privilège que M. Pruitt entend remettre en cause mais auquel l’Etat ne compte pas renoncer. Enfin, la décision de M. Pruitt n’est que le début d’un long processus réglementaire, qui risque d’être contesté en justice, d’autant que le rapport justifiant la décision de M. Pruitt a été expédié : 38 pages contre 1 217 pour celle prise sous l’administration Obama.

    C’est là qu’on trouve la limite de la méthode Pruitt. Alors que ce républicain est sur le fil du rasoir – d’autres ministres de l’équipe Trump ont été limogés pour moins que cela, et le chef de cabinet de la Maison Blanche, John Kelly, a demandé sa tête à Donald Trump, sans succès pour l’instant –, Washington débat sur son bilan réel. Le New York Times, à la ligne éditoriale anti-Trump, voit en lui celui qui rêve de passer à la postérité comme « le plus grand éradicateur de régulation sur l’industrie américaine » tandis que Politico dénonce « le mythe des retours en arrière de l’Agence de protection de l’environnement américaine sous Scott Pruitt ».

    En fait, les deux ont raison. Politiquement, l’impact de M. Pruitt est majeur. C’est lui qui a convaincu Donald Trump de sortir de l’accord de Paris sur le climat, même si cette mesure ne sera effective qu’en 2020. Cet ancien procureur de l’Oklahoma, climatosceptique lié aux lobbys pétrochimiques, est haï par la gauche, les organisations non gouvernementales et les fonctionnaires de son administration, dont il se défie : bureau insonorisé, service de sécurité draconien, intimidations professionnelles.

    Chaque jour, M. Pruitt défraie la chronique, plus trumpien que Donald Trump. Il a lancé une remise en cause de la régulation de la pollution de l’eau, nommé des proches de l’industrie dans les comités scientifiques, cherche à assouplir toutes les contraintes. Bref, une immense dérégulation, qui aurait épargné un milliard de dollars au contribuable, selon son mentor, le sénateur républicain de l’Oklahoma James Inhofe.

    Bon soldat

    Mais bien souvent, comme le note Politico, M. Pruitt se contente de bloquer des mesures annoncées par Obama mais non mises en œuvre, tandis que l’application de ses mesures de déréglementation est lente. Faute de majorité solide au Sénat, M. Pruitt passe par voie réglementaire, ce qui l’expose à des contestations en justice : « Vous ne pouvez pas gouverner uniquement par communiqué de presse. Vous devez aussi faire le dur labeur qui consiste à développer une règle qui peut résister à la contestation en justice, même si cela n’est pas sexy », a déclaré à Politico David Hayes, un ancien des administrations Clinton et Obama.

    Un moratoire sur les émissions de méthane des puits de pétrole a été suspendu par la justice fédérale, car la décision était jugée « non raisonnable » et « non autorisée ». Il a été condamné pour ne pas avoir publié des données sur l’ozone en temps voulu. Visiblement, M. Pruitt ne sait pas jusqu’où aller. Le Congrès n’a pas accepté de sabrer dans le budget de l’EPA, ce qui eût conduit à son quasi-démantèlement. A l’automne 2017, il a tenté d’organiser des débats publics sur le réchauffement climatique dans l’idée de décrédibiliser le consensus scientifique, avant d’être stoppé net par John Kelly, chef de cabinet de Donald Trump.

    Le président apprécie l’engagement de Scott Pruitt, auquel on prête l’ambition de devenir sénateur ou gouverneur de l’Oklahoma, voire ministre de la justice ou encore président des Etats-Unis en 2024. Si M. Trump le garde, c’est aussi parce que, à l’approche des élections de mi-mandat, le locataire de la Maison Blanche aura le plus grand mal à faire valider par le Sénat, où la majorité n’est actuellement que d’une voix, un aussi bon soldat pour le remplacer. Le vent tournera-t-il ? M. Pruitt était lundi à la Maison Blanche pour la réunion de cabinet. Mais le bureau de l’éthique gouvernementale est saisi du dossier.

  • Les mille et une vies des profs de l’Oklahoma
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/080418/les-mille-et-une-vies-des-profs-de-l-oklahoma

    L’Oklahoma, un État dirigé par la #droite dure, a tout misé sur l’extraction pétrolière et sacrifié ses services publics. Pour la première fois 3 avril, #Oklahoma City. Les profs manifestent au Capitole, le siège du Parlement de l’État © Reuters depuis près de 30 ans, les profs se rebiffent. Ils sont si mal payés qu’en plus des cours, ils doivent conduire pour Uber ou donner des cours à distance à des enfants chinois. Leur grève est très suivie : ils n’ont plus rien à perdre.

    #International #conservateurs #Donald_Trump #école #éducation #enseignants #Etats-Unis #Républicains #Scott_Pruitt #Tea_party

  • ’You don’t sound American’, TV host tells Muslim blogger from Oklahoma | US news | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/feb/14/muslim-blogger-hoda-katebi-chicago-wgn-news

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fNwzxPpRVoA&feature=youtu.be

    Invitée pour parler de son livre sur la mode vestimentaire à Téhéran, une fille musulmane est brusquement sommée de condamner l’Iran pour prouver son appartenance à « l’identité étasunienne ».

    Hoda Katebi, 23, was invited onto Chicago’s WGN News morning show to speak about her book, Tehran Streetstyle, but [...] one of the presenters made a sharp turn to geopolitics, and asked: “Let’s talk about nuclear weapons. Some of our viewers may say we cannot trust Iran. What are your thoughts?”

    Mais la réaction a été contraire,

    Katebi responded: “I don’t think we can trust this country [the US]. When we see the legacy of this country and the violence that it has not only created but also created the capacity for, a lot of these weapons in the Middle East are completely brought in by the Unites States.”

    This exchange prompted the presenter to tell Katebi: “A lot of Americans might take offence to that. You’re an American, you don’t sound like an American when you say [this] … you know what I mean.”

    [...]

    Katebi, who studied international relations and Middle Eastern politics at University of Chicago, shrugged off the comment with a laugh – which she told the Guardian was prompted by the “absurdity” of the question.

    “I don’t think I would have gotten the same question if I was white – despite being born and raised in this country,” she said.

    Katebi said she had sensed a shift in attitudes towards Muslims in the US since the election of Donald Trump. “ People now feel very confident in being able to voice Islamophobic opinions that might have kept to themselves before, ” she said.

    A WGN spokesperson said: “WGN-TV anchor Robin Baumgarten spoke with Hoda Katebi this morning. Robin apologized to Hoda and they had a constructive dialogue about micro-aggressions. WGN, Robin and Hoda will be working together to use this as a teachable moment to encourage education and a deeper understanding of race, religion and identity struggles.”

    #racisme_décomplexé

  • Dorothea Lange’s “Migrant Mother” Photographs in the Farm Security Administration Collection: An Overview (Library of Congress)
    http://www.loc.gov/rr/print/list/128_migm.html

    The photograph that has become known as “Migrant Mother” is one of a series of photographs that Dorothea Lange made of Florence Owens Thompson and her children in February or March of 1936 in Nipomo, California. Lange was concluding a month’s trip photographing migratory farm labor around the state for what was then the Resettlement Administration. In 1960, Lange gave this account of the experience:

    I saw and approached the hungry and desperate mother, as if drawn by a magnet. I do not remember how I explained my presence or my camera to her, but I do remember she asked me no questions. I made five exposures, working closer and closer from the same direction. I did not ask her name or her history. She told me her age, that she was thirty-two. She said that they had been living on frozen vegetables from the surrounding fields, and birds that the children killed. She had just sold the tires from her car to buy food. There she sat in that lean- to tent with her children huddled around her, and seemed to know that my pictures might help her, and so she helped me. There was a sort of equality about it. (From: Popular Photography, Feb. 1960).

    The images were made using a Graflex camera. The original negatives are 4x5" film. It is not possible to determine on the basis of the negative numbers (which were assigned later at the Resettlement Administration) the order in which the photographs were taken.

    There are no known restrictions on the use of Lange’s “Migrant Mother” images. A rights statement for the Farm Security Administration/Office of War Information black-and-white negatives is available online at: http://www.loc.gov/rr/print/res/071_fsab.html.

    The Story of the “Migrant Mother” | Antiques Roadshow | PBS
    http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/roadshow/stories/articles/2014/4/14/migrant-mother-dorothea-lange

    There are few images as deeply ingrained in the national consciousness as Migrant Mother. Yet for decades, no one knew what had become of this woman and her family. No one even knew her name: Lange never asked, and by the time the photo appeared in a local newspaper, the woman and her family had moved on to the next town.

    Finally, in 1978, a reporter from the Modesto Bee found the Migrant Mother, tracking her down to a trailer park outside Modesto, California. Her name was Florence Owens Thompson; she was 75 years old. Lange had promised Thompson that her name would never be published — Thompson wanted to spare her children the embarrassment — but once she was discovered, she revealed her name and told her story.

    Thompson was born Florence Leona Christie, a Cherokee, in a teepee in Indian Territory, Oklahoma, in 1903. She married at 17, then moved to California for farm- and millwork. When she was 28 years old and pregnant with her sixth child, her husband died of tuberculosis. Thereafter Thompson worked odd jobs of all kinds to keep her children fed. For most of the 1930s, she was an itinerant farmhand, picking whatever was in season.

    During cotton harvests, as she described in interviews, she would put her babies in bags and carry them along with her as she worked down the rows. She earned 50 cents per hundred pounds picked and says she “generally picked around 450, 500 [pounds a day]. I didn’t even weigh a hundred pounds.” For a while, she and her children lived under a bridge. “When Steinbeck wrote in The Grapes of Wrath about those people living under the bridge at Bakersfield — at one time we lived under that bridge. It was the same story. Didn’t even have a tent then, just a ratty old quilt.”
    Dorothea Lange sitting on top of a car with her camera, ca. 1936.

    One day in 1936, while driving from Los Angeles to Watsonville, Thompson’s car broke down. She managed to get the car towed into the Nipomo pea-pickers camp, had it repaired, and was just about to leave when Dorothea Lange appeared. Thompson was not eager to have her family photographed and exhibited as specimens of poverty, but there were people starving in that camp, one of Thompson’s daughters later recalled, and Lange convinced her that the image would educate the public about the plight of hardworking but poor people like herself. Within days, the photo was being published in papers across the country — an instant classic of American photography. In the years to follow, the Thompson family kept their identities to themselves, but the photograph was a continual subject of conversation. “It always stayed with her,” said Katherine Thompson McIntosh of her mother. “She always wanted a better life, you know.”

    Thompson moved to Modesto in 1945 and went to work in a hospital there. She had one of the most famous faces in the United States, yet, to keep her family together, she had to work 16 hours a day, seven days a week. “I worked in hospitals,” Thompson told NBC in 1979, “I tended bar, I worked in the field, so I done a little bit of everything to make a living for my kids.” Thompson profited nothing from Migrant Mother. “I can’t get a penny out of it,” she once said, but she wasn’t exactly bitter. She had posed for the photo to help others, not herself, yet the disparity between her high profile and low status couldn’t help but bother her.

    Meanwhile, Migrant Mother made Dorothea Lange’s reputation, helped earn her a Guggenheim fellowship, and conferred fame and a permanent place in the canon of American photographers. Lange certainly deserved her success; she had an eye, talent, training, and drive. Yet it seems unjust that Migrant Mother, one of the most successful photographs in American history, should have helped so many, but done nothing for the woman whose face and body were able to express so much. Thompson was a model; she was posing, and she knew why. She was to represent the very Figure of Poverty. So she organized her posture and set her expression just so for Lange’s camera. And that is a talent, too. Thompson and Lange, for an instant in 1936, were collaborators. Yet the gulf between their fortunes, already colossal, would only grow wider as years passed.

    The Thompson clan, which eventually grew to 10 children, worked their way into the middle class, but Florence Thompson never felt comfortable in a conventional home. Even after her children bought her a house, she chose to live in a trailer. “I need to have wheels under me,” she said.

    In 1983, Thompson had a stroke. Her children, unable to pay the hospital, used her identity as the Migrant Mother to raise $15,000 in donations. The money helped to defray Thompson’s medical bills, but Thompson herself gained nothing. She died soon after her stroke.

    A few years earlier, a reporter had asked Thompson about the life she eked out for her family. She spoke plainly, with no sentimentality. “We just existed,” she said. “Anyway, we lived. We survived, let’s put it that way.” During the Great Depression, that was never a guarantee. “We never had a lot,” said McIntosh, her daughter, “but she always made sure we had something. She didn’t eat sometimes, but she made sure us children ate.”

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Florence_Owens_Thompson

    #USA #photographie #crise #histoire