publishedmedium:international herald tribune

  • Thatcher’s funeral: nauseating, obscene, provocative.

    Pomp in the service of political reaction - World Socialist Web Site

    http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/04/18/pers-a18.html

    Thatcher’s funeral: Pomp in the service of political reaction

    18 April 2013

    https://dl.dropbox.com/s/xzkr7xpg9da82sa/funeralthatcher.jpg
    Pool Photo by Karl Court, International Herald Tribune, 18 Avril 2013.

    « Je ne suis pas content de payer pour ton enterrement ! »

    Adjectives to describe yesterday’s funeral of former Conservative prime minister Margaret Thatcher are not hard to find: nauseating, obscene, provocative.

    She was, after all, the most hated political figure in recent British history—an admirer of the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile and the racist apartheid regime in South Africa, who wrought destruction on working class communities throughout the UK.

  • 13 août 2011
    International Herald Tribune
    Robert Zaretsky HOUSTON, TEXAS is a professor of history at the University of Houston, Honors College, and the author of ‘‘Albert Camus: Elements of a Life.’’

    *For Camus, a last brush with the absurd

    "A nonsensical theory about the existentialist author’s fatal car crash says much about his times, and ours.

    How absurd. What better response to the news that, a half century after the death of Albert Camus, an Italian scholar claims that the car accident that took his life was not an accident at all, but instead the work of the K.G.B.? According to the account, a well-known Czech poet confided to his diary that he had learned that Camus, a consistent and courageous critic of Communism, died after Soviet spies punctured a tire of the car he was traveling in, which then swerved off the road and wrapped itself around a plane tree.

    It may be surprising that no such rumors existed at the time. In the bleak atmosphere of the Cold War, the incredible seemed all too credible. The Soviet Union had recently tested its first atomic bomb. The French Communist Party, loyal to Moscow, was the dominant opposition in France. Few doubted it when the philosopher Roger Garaudy predicted, ‘‘Without any doubt, the 20th century will go down in history as the century of the victory of Communism.’’

    Conspiracy theories abounded in this hothouse atmosphere. Communists accused the government of allowing the Coca-Cola Company to buy the Cathedral of Notre-Dame in order to transform it into a billboard.

    The government arrested a Communist leader, Jacques Duclos, whose car contained two pigeons — carriers, the police claimed, for flying messages to Moscow. That Duclos, whose stomach remained French even while his heart had gone over to Moscow, meant those pigeons to go no further than his dinner table was, of course, overlooked in the passions of the moment.

    It would have been perfectly normal, in that context, for a rumor of Soviet malfeasance to flare once news of Camus’s death flashed across France. Instead, most people latched on to a different contemporary obsession à la française: fast cars and spectacular accidents.

    From the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s, a deep preoccupation with cars throbbed through French popular culture. When novelists, musicians and film directors were not busy using the car and road as metonyms or signifiers, they were instead busy dying, or being maimed, in real cars on real roads. The ‘‘French James Dean,’’ the novelist Roger Nimier, predicted he would die on a highway and fulfilled this forecast in a spectacular accident in 1962; Françoise Sagan, author of ‘‘Bonjour Tristesse,’’ nearly said au revoir la vie after she demolished her Aston Martin in 1957; the adventurer André Malraux’s two sons died in a car accident in 1961. Even Roland Barthes, who rhapsodized over the cathedral-like nature of the Citroen DS, was eventually taken down in 1980 Paris by a laundry van run amok.

    By the early 1960s, France’s yearly toll of traffic fatalities dwarfed those of comparable countries.

    It was in the midst of this piston-driven devastation that the sporty Facel Vega, driven by Camus’s close friend Michel Gallimard, veered off the road. Who needed Moscow to explain the event? An engine with too much horsepower on a road designed not for cars, but horses, sufficed.

    ‘‘There is grim philosophical irony in the fact that Albert Camus should have died in a senseless automobile accident,’’ an article in The New York Times following his death began, ‘‘victim of a chance mishap.’’ But to those Camus left behind, death by car was not exactly senseless. While his contemporaries were turning to religion or ideologies to escape the absurd, they were also turning to, well, cars. Going fast — going too fast — in slim cars with seductive names like Citroën’s ‘‘The Goddess’’ seemed to offer a ticket to eternity, and to many onlookers, a high-speed death seemed a sensible, almost poetic, end for the era’s brightest stars.

    In its allusion to the absurd nature of Camus’s death, The Times got it only half right. A death, Camus noted, is not absurd or meaningless because it results from chance or a mishap, but instead because we refuse to accept the very possibility of senselessness. We insist upon meaning, even when we invent or impose it. It is our confrontation with the universe, not something inherent to the universe itself, that leads to absurdity. ‘‘The absurd,’’ he insisted, ‘‘depends as much on man as on the world.’’ It occurs when one combines the world’s silence with our need for understanding.

    And it can occur at any moment, even or perhaps especially in cars. ‘‘At any street corner,’’ Camus warned, ‘‘the feeling of absurdity can strike any man in the face.’’ When a friend warned him about driving on highways, he replied, ‘‘Don’t worry, I hate speed and don’t like automobiles.’’ Owner of a rarely used Citroën, his attitude to speed matched his attitude to religious or ideological faith: They were false methods of relieving ourselves of the weight of our lives. Life, he believed, precisely because it is absurd, is our most precious and weighty possession.

    When the police reached the wrecked Facel Vega, they found Camus’s briefcase flung several yards from his body. Inside was the unfinished manuscript for his autobiographical novel, ‘‘The First Man.’’ In its pages we discover neither faith nor Facel Vegas. ‘‘Life,’’ he wrote, ‘‘so vivid and mysterious, was enough to occupy his entire being.’’

    As we near the centenary of Camus’s birth, we should listen to him and ignore the cloak and dagger theory now spackling the Web. Life, thank the silent heavens, holds mystery enough.

    ROBERT ZARETSKY

  • 10 août 2011
    International Herald Tribune
    * David Clay Large BOZEMAN, MONTANA is a professor of history at Montana State University, and the author of ‘‘Nazi Games’’ and the forthcoming ‘‘Munich 1972.’’
    The games the Nazis played

    “‘Hitler’s Olympics’ disprove the notion that the Games have a salutary effect on repressive regimes.

    Few Olympics are as famous as the 1936 Berlin Games, whose 75th anniversary falls this month. The publicity that accompanied the competition, held under the watchful eye of Adolf Hitler, supposedly tamed the Nazi regime, if only temporarily — a story that has since justified awarding the Games to places like Soviet Moscow, Beijing and Sochi, Russia, host of the 2014 Winter Olympics.”

    “But much of that story is myth. Indeed, the Olympics gave the Nazis a lesson in how to hide their vicious racism and anti-Semitism, and should offer today’s International Olympic Committee a cautionary tale when considering the location of future events.

    When the committee awarded the Olympics to Berlin in 1931, Hitler was not yet in power. But by 1936 there was little question that anti-Semitism and racism lay at the heart of the Nazi ideology: the so-called Nuremberg Laws, which codified policies to isolate Jews and other minorities from German life, had been approved the year before.

    The committee soon came under pressure from Jewish and leftist groups, which threatened to boycott the Games if they remained in Germany. The committee held firm, but promised that the Games would ‘‘open up’’ the Third Reich, that international attention would force it to tone down its repressive measures.

    While it’s clear that the Games failed to ‘‘open up’’ the Third Reich, it remains widely believed that, to placate visitors, Hitler’s government cut back its persecution of Jews during the summer — in other words, that the Games achieved some of what the committee promised.

    But the truth is more nuanced. Although the regime did discourage open anti-Semitism, this directive pertained only to Berlin. Outside the capital, the Nuremberg Laws remained in full effect.”

    “The Games were even counterproductive in this respect: not only did such cosmetic steps assuage criticism of the Nazis, but they taught the regime how easy it was to mislead the global public.

    Perhaps the most famous myth involves Jesse Owens, the black American track-and-field athlete. In popular mythology, the impressive performances of America’s blacks, especially Owens, so infuriated Hitler that he refused to shake Owens’s hand after his victory in the 100-meter dash.

    It’s a good story, and one widely disseminated at the time to show that the Olympic spirit had triumphed over Nazi racism. The problem is, it never happened. Before Owens even stepped onto the track, the Olympic committee president, Henri de Baillet-Latour, had told Hitler to stop congratulating victors in the stadium, something he had been doing repeatedly, unless he congratulated every winner. Fearing that Owens might be one of those winners, and determined never to press the flesh with a black man, Hitler stopped inviting athletes to his box for a public handshake.

    But Owens didn’t mind — he claimed that Hitler, whom he called ‘‘a man of dignity,’’ treated him to a friendly wave. In fact, Owens said it was not Hitler but President Franklin D. Roosevelt who had snubbed him by neglecting to send him a congratulatory telegram.

    Of more lasting importance than the Owens fable is the contention, still widely propagated today, that the African-American victories in 1936 forced people everywhere to rethink their assumptions about black inferiority in high-level track-and-field athletics. Supposedly even German commentators conceded the superiority of America’s ‘‘ black auxiliaries’’ on the athletic field.

    In reality, the publicity surrounding black athletes’ success simply taught the Nazis how to refine existing stereotypes. Instead of arguing that those athletes were physically inferior, they disparaged them as freaks who, because of their ‘‘jungle inheritance,’’ were able to jump high and run fast.

    But it was not just the Nazis who held such views. Many American commentators put forth similar explanations. While certain ‘‘inherited physical advantages’’ might make blacks good sprinters and jumpers, the thinking went, they could never compete successfully with whites in disciplines requiring strategy, teamwork or stamina. Thus, the experts assured America, blacks could never play quarterback, or excel in sports like long-distance running or basketball.

    The truth behind the 1936 Games casts a harsh light on the notion that the Olympics can have a salutary effect on repressive regimes. Indeed, there is little evidence so far that the 2008 Beijing Olympics did anything but show the Chinese government how to maintain its clamp on freedom while supposedly opening its doors to the world.

    This is not to say that the Games should be held only in politically ‘‘clean’’ countries. But instead of blindly celebrating the alleged openness of repressive regimes that host the event, the international community should use it as an opportunity to hold them to the values that the Olympics claim to represent.”

    DAVID CLAY LARG