#racisme

Becoming Full Professor While Black
Marlene L. Daut, The Chronicle, le 29 juillet 2019
▻https://chroniclevitae.com/news/2231-becoming-full-professor-while-black

https://theglobepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Marlene-L.-Daut.png

From the outside, being a mother probably seemed like the greatest challenge on my path to full professor (the most common reply to my text was some version of “I can’t believe you did that with two kids!”). In fact, the biggest obstacle was actually race.

#Université #Racisme #Noirs #USA

The truth about Jessica Yaniv is beginning to emerge - The Post Millennial
▻https://www.thepostmillennial.com/the-truth-about-jessica-yaniv-is-beginning-to-emerge

https://www.thepostmillennial.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/yaniv1-1140x570.jpg

In 2018, Yaniv filed 16 human rights complaints with the British Columbia Human Rights Tribunal, charging various waxing and esthetic salon workers with transphobic discrimination for declining to provide waxing and other beautification services to her male genitals.

Each of these salons or salon workers had specifically indicated they only provided intimate area services to female clients, or had challenged Yaniv on her gender due to her then-male name being used on social media, and male presenting photograph. It is worth noting that Yaniv used male pronouns and her male name on her LinkedIn and various social media as late as November of 2018.

Maintenant, une youtubeuse tente de faire la lumière sur cette personne et ses comportements, et surtout sa manière de manipuler et opposer des principes d’émancipation féministes et trans, comme armes de harcèlement massif contre les femmes, mais pas seulement.

Exposing Jessica Yaniv : Trans Predator
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MI_lXO7zrAQ

Heated Debate w/ Jessica Yaniv : Trans Predator
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bnhnShhxfhQ

I Got Jessica Yaniv To Confess On Tape
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VbINkdXvQfs

#racisme #misogynie #pédocriminalité

Un héros américain. L’histoire de #Colin_Kaepernick

Le combat de Colin Kaepernick, star du football américain, devenu un porte-drapeau de la communauté noire, afin de dénoncer les violences policières aux États-Unis. Un engagement politique qui signe la fin de sa carrière sportive.

Le 1er septembre 2016, alors que les joueurs et les spectateurs du stade de San Diego se lèvent pendant l’hymne national, la star du football américain Colin Kaepernick pose un #genou_à_terre. Ce geste de protestation contre les violences policières et les injustices à l’encontre des #Afro-Américains suffit pour le propulser sur le devant de la scène médiatique. Le pays bascule dans un débat sur les #discriminations_raciales, ne laissant personne indifférent, pas même Donald Trump, qui critique vertement le sportif lors de ses discours de campagne. Paria pour les uns, Colin Kaepernick devient un #héros pour les autres. Mais cet engagement politique signe la fin de la carrière sportive du #quarterback des 49ers de San Francisco, exclu de la ligue professionnelle de football américain. Il continuera à propager son appel à l’égalité en devenant le visage de Nike en septembre 2018. Cette histoire rappelle celle de #Tommie_Smith et de #John_Carlos, médaillés d’or et de bronze aux Jeux olympiques de Mexico en 1968 et exclus de toutes les compétitions pour avoir levé le poing, en signe de protestation contre la ségrégation. Grâce à de nombreuses interviews, notamment celle de Lilian Thuram, ce film retrace le combat mené par un sportif prêt à sacrifier sa #carrière pour ses idéaux.

https://cdn.radiofrance.fr/s3/cruiser-production/2018/09/2f01c735-14e5-4ae4-b20d-98a4337a9db1/640_epalivethree366555.jpg

https://timedotcom.files.wordpress.com/2016/09/kaepernick-final.jpg?quality=85&w=840#.jpg

23 Ways You Could Be Killed If You Are Black in America

Beyoncé, Alicia Keys, Rihanna, Jennifer Hudson, Pink, Bono, and others explain why it’s time to take action to heal the long history of systemic racism in America.

►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U_VaNhI4CLo

vidéo qui date de 2016

Israël : hommes et femmes séparés au concert d’un chanteur ultra-orthodoxe
Par RFI Publié le 15-08-2019 - Avec notre correspondant à Jérusalem,Michel Paul
▻http://www.rfi.fr/moyen-orient/20190815-israel-hommes-femmes-separes-concert-chanteur-ultra-orthodoxe

C’est une nouvelle bataille juridique entre religieux et laïcs. Cette fois-ci, il s’agit d’un concert de musique ultra-orthodoxe organisé dans un parc public de la ville d’Afula, dans le nord d’Israël. Le débat a porté sur la séparation entre hommes et femmes dans l’audience.

Inconnu jusque là du grand public, le chanteur Motty Steinmetza réussi à remplir le parc municipal d’Afula. Face à lui des dizaines de milliers d’ultra-orthodoxes. Autre particularité : les hommes et les femmes étaient séparés par une paroi de deux mètres de haut.

Ce concert a suscité un véritable débat en Israël, et aussi des décisions judiciaires contradictoires en série. La dernière d’entre elle est tombée alors que le spectacle était déjà bien entamé. La loi israélienne interdit ce genre de discrimination dans les lieux publics.

Au Nunavik, pas de profs, pas d’école _ Sandrine Vieira - 13 Aout 2019 - Le devoir
▻https://www.ledevoir.com/societe/education/560552/au-nunavik-pas-de-profs-pas-d-ecole

Taux de sorties sans diplôme ni qualification (décrochage annuel), parmi les sortants, en formation générale des jeunes, selon le sexe, commission scolaire Kativik, 2016‐2017 :
• Garçons : 89,8 %
• Filles : 81,4 %
• Total : 85,7 %

Au Nunavik, quand un enseignant est absent, les cours sont annulés et les enfants restent à la maison. Et la rentrée qui approche s’annonce pire, avec 84 postes qui ne sont toujours pas pourvus à la commission scolaire Kativik Ilisarniliriniq.

« C’est pire cette année parce que c’est très difficile d’embaucher du monde quand les autres commissions scolaires en manquent aussi », reconnaît Harriet Keleutak, directrice générale de la commission scolaire.

Elle espère qu’à la mi-septembre, elle aura trouvé tout le personnel manquant. Elle assure que les élèves ne manqueront pas leurs cours, car les directions d’écoles ont pris les mesures nécessaires pour recruter des personnes de la communauté et des enseignants à la retraite pour remplacer temporairement les enseignants titulaires à embaucher.

https://media1.ledevoir.com/images_galerie/nwd_743201_581662/image.jpg?ts=1565749066

Photo : Jean-François Nadeau Le Devoir Une sculpture en granit réalisée par « Peter Boy » Ittukallak se dresse devant l’école Iguarsivik, à Puvirnituq.

L’an dernier pourtant, lorsque Mathieu (nom fictif), qui enseigne depuis quelques années à Inukjuak, s’est absenté du travail pendant plus d’un mois, il n’a pas été remplacé un seul jour. Ses élèves sont restés à la maison durant toute cette période. Ce n’est pas un cas isolé, selon les informations obtenues par Le Devoir : il y a deux ans, deux classes de 1re secondaire ont commencé l’année scolaire avec un mois de retard, alors que la commission scolaire peinait à trouver un enseignant.

« Il y a deux ans, il manquait entre 10 et 12 enseignants à mon école. C’est énorme. Tous les jours que les élèves perdent sont des jours qu’ils ne rattraperont jamais », souligne de son côté Rémi Guitard, qui a accumulé une quinzaine d’années d’expérience en tant qu’enseignant et directeur au Nunavik.

La commission scolaire n’a pas été en mesure d’offrir les statistiques reliées à l’absence des élèves, faute d’un système informatique adéquat. Elle assure qu’un système opérationnel sera mis en place cette année. « Ce n’est pas acceptable comme situation, avoue Mme Keleutak. On essaie de trouver d’autres moyens pour que [les élèves] puissent rester à l’école tous les jours. C’est sûr que, des fois, c’est très dur de trouver des remplaçants ».

Par ailleurs, la commission scolaire Kativik Ilisarniliriniq n’est pas soumise au même régime pédagogique que les commissions scolaires francophones et anglophones au Québec, puisqu’elle est assujettie à la Loi sur l’instruction publique pour les autochtones cris, inuit et naskapis. Le minimum de 180 jours de services éducatifs n’est pas aussi tranché que dans les autres commissions scolaires de la province.

Conditions de travail difficiles
L’isolement est un facteur qui explique la difficulté de recrutement, le Nunavik étant une région seulement accessible par avion. Les personnes qui sont habituées à vivre dans les villes ont de la difficulté à s’adapter à l’isolement, remarque la directrice générale.

Les conditions de travail difficiles pourraient également expliquer les difficultés de recrutement et de rétention du personnel. « Les enseignants disent souvent qu’ils n’arrivent pas à se dépasser, car il y a un problème de langue, de compréhension [chez les élèves] et de ressources psychosociales », explique M. Guitard.

Si le recrutement de personnel est déjà difficile, le bond démographique dans les écoles pose un problème supplémentaire. En effet, le nombre moyen d’enfants au Nunavik atteint 3,2 enfants par femme contre 1,6 au Québec pour la période 2004-2008. « Cette année, on se retrouve avec une cinquantaine d’élèves en plus, ça va donc prendre deux ou trois ressources supplémentaires [à mon école] », dit M. Guitard.

Même lorsque les enseignants sont engagés, les écoles peinent à les garder en poste. Pour la période allant de 2013-2014 à 2017-2018, la commission scolaire a estimé le taux de rétention des enseignants titulaires d’un poste permanent à temps plein à 53 %. Parmi les enseignants recrutés à l’extérieur du Nunavik — qui représentent 63 % du personnel enseignant —, la majorité d’entre eux ne s’établissent pas dans la région.

Même si les enseignants reçoivent des primes d’éloignement et de rétention, Mathieu juge qu’elles ne sont pas suffisantes. Il les évalue à environ 12 000 $ par année. « Sur un salaire de 50 000 $, une fois les impôts passés, il ne reste plus grand-chose. Même s’il y a des primes, on ne les sent pas vraiment passer, et on les mérite, car on est vraiment très loin. »

Une éducation « couci-couça »
Mathieu s’inquiète de la situation, qu’il considère comme périlleuse pour la réussite des élèves, qui ont déjà un haut taux de décrochage. Au Nunavik, il est de 85,7 %, comparativement à 13,1 % pour l’ensemble du Québec.

« C’est malheureux à bien des égards. D’abord, pour le temps d’enseignement perdu, qui vient très certainement jouer un rôle dans la faible diplomation des élèves du Nunavik, mais aussi pour des enjeux de responsabilité civile. Les parents nous confient leurs enfants, de la maternelle à la 5e secondaire, pendant qu’ils sont au travail, et on les renvoie dans la rue, simplement », déplore-t-il.

M. Guitard note que le recrutement de personnel non qualifié accentue le problème. « Quand on forme des élèves avec des enseignants qui n’ont pas de prérequis pédagogiques, on se retrouve avec des élèves qui, finalement, ont une éducation couci-couça. »

Il en vient à mettre en doute la réelle valeur des diplômes remis aux élèves de la région : « On remet des diplômes, oui, mais à des gens qui ont encore de la difficulté à lire et à écrire. Si on parle de qualité [de diplôme] entre le Sud et le Nord, il n’y a aucune comparaison. Nos élèves sont en retard. »

Une fois le diplôme d’études secondaires obtenu, les difficultés des élèves les suivent jusqu’à leur parcours collégial. La plupart d’entre eux doivent faire des années préparatoires et des mises à niveau lorsqu’ils arrivent au cégep. « Ça devient extrêmement périlleux pour eux d’obtenir un diplôme d’études collégiales, car les années préparatoires sont trop longues et les élèves se découragent », indique M. Guitard.

Mesures en place
Plusieurs mesures pourraient être mises en place pour attirer davantage de personnel, dont l’augmentation du salaire, l’amélioration des conditions de vie et l’apport d’un soutien psychologique aux enseignants, selon M. Guitard. En effet, la crise de suicides qui sévit au Nunavik constitue une réalité difficile pour plusieurs enseignants. « En juin, j’ai perdu deux étudiants sur un groupe de dix. J’ai donc perdu 20 % de mes élèves en un mois », souligne Mathieu.

L’année dernière, la commission scolaire Kativik Ilisarniliriniq a reçu l’approbation du ministère de l’Éducation pour la création de postes de professeurs suppléants à temps plein dans chaque école. « La pénurie actuelle d’enseignants ne nous permettra probablement pas de profiter pleinement de ces nouvelles ressources, mais il s’agit d’un développement positif, dont nous espérons pouvoir faire bénéficier toutes nos écoles », a indiqué la commission scolaire dans un document envoyé au Devoir.

Pour sa part, la directrice générale de la commission scolaire espère que davantage d’Inuits poursuivront des études universitaires pour devenir enseignants en langue seconde, alors que seulement 38 % de l’ensemble de ses enseignants sont Inuits. « Ce serait une des choses qu’on voudrait voir, parce que ça voudrait dire qu’ils resteraient dans la communauté plus longtemps. »

De son côté, le ministère de l’Éducation dit être au courant des enjeux et « travailler avec [la commission scolaire] pour remédier à la situation ».

La commission scolaire Kativik Ilisarniliriniq en chiffres
• 17 écoles primaires et secondaires
• 3460 élèves au primaire et secondaire
• 420 élèves inscrits à des cours offerts par le service de l’éducation des adultes et de la formation professionnelle
 
Données de l’année scolaire 2018-2019 :
• 950 employés permanents, dont 432 enseignants.
• 38 % des enseignants sont Inuits, et près de 40 % d’entre eux ont une certification d’enseignement.

#école #canada #peuples_autochtones #arctique #inuit #inuits #nations_premières #autochtones #racisme #peuples_premiers #discriminations #enfants #colonialisme
 

#Toula_Drimonis : Nous avons un problème de racisme.
▻https://tradfem.wordpress.com/2019/08/14/toula-drimonis-nous-avons-un-probleme-de-racisme

Il y a quelques semaines, deux vidéos ont atteint le stade viral au Québec. Dans l’une d’elles, un musulman raconte l’attaque au couteau dont il a été victime à Québec — un crime présumé haineux. La seconde vidéo montre une femme harcelée verbalement par un homme, alors qu’elle venait de récupérer de la garderie sa fille de trois ans.

Le fait d’avoir parlé en arabe à sa fille aurait provoqué la colère de l’homme. On voit dans la vidéo l’homme s’approcher de l’enfant en pleurs et se pencher vers elle en lui disant : « Demande à ta mère si je peux la fourrer. »

Les deux vidéos ont beaucoup circulé et la seconde s’est rapidement propagée à l’international pour une foule de raisons évidentes. Le harcèlement saute aux yeux. Non seulement cette attaque est injustifié et gratuite envers cette femme et son enfant, mais elle est également extrêmement troublante à regarder.

Bien que la vue de ce pleutre terrorisant une mère et sa fillette soit dérangeante, ce qui m’a perturbée davantage, ce sont les efforts qui ont été déployés dans les médias sociaux pour nier les faits et en pervertir le sens. La plupart des gens ont heureusement condamné le geste et dit espérer que le service de police de Montréal (avec l’aide des internautes) trouve rapidement le coupable, mais beaucoup de gens ont aussi immédiatement opté pour le déni.

« Cet homme ne peut pas être d’ici », ont dit certains. Cette vidéo a-t-elle été trafiquée ? » a demandé quelqu’un d’autre. « On n’a pas vu la cause de la dispute et ce qui a pu être dit pour l’énerver », ont rétorqué d’autres personnes, faisant écho à ce qu’affirmait Trump, après que des néo-nazis portant des torches Tiki aient défilé dans les rues de Charlottesville : « il y a des gens bien des deux côtés ». Comme s’il était possible de justifier de terroriser une enfant et de la faire fondre en larmes.

Traduction : Johanne Heppell et #TRADFEM
Version originale : ▻https://cultmtl.com/2019/07/quebec-racism
#racisme #agression_raciste #agression_sexiste #violence_masculine #québec

“How Does It Feel To Be a White Man?”: William Gardner Smith’s Exile in Paris | The New Yorker
▻https://www.newyorker.com/books/page-turner/how-does-it-feel-to-be-a-white-man-william-gardner-smiths-exile-in-paris

https://media.newyorker.com/photos/5d38a91df44ee80008cc740f/16:9/w_1200,h_630,c_limit/Shatz--William-Gardner-Smith.jpg

In 1951, the novelist Richard Wright explained his decision to settle in Paris after the war. “It is because I love freedom,” he wrote, in an essay titled “I Choose Exile,” “and I tell you frankly that there is more freedom in one square block of Paris than in the entire United States of America!”

[...]

Baldwin, who moved to Paris in 1948, two years after Wright, embraced the gift at first but came to distrust it.

While blacks “armed with American passports” were rarely the target of racism, Africans and Algerians from France’s overseas colonies, he realized, were not so lucky. In his essay “Alas, Poor Richard,” published in 1961, just after Wright’s death, Baldwin accused his mentor of celebrating Paris as a “city of refuge” while remaining silent about France’s oppressive treatment of its colonial subjects: “It did not seem worthwhile to me to have fled the native fantasy only to embrace a foreign one.”

Baldwin recalled that when an African joked to him that Wright mistook himself for a white man, he had risen to Wright’s defense. But the remark led him to “wonder about the uses and hazards of expatriation”:

[...]

#exil #racisme #liberté #France

Leaked FBI Documents Reveal Bureau’s Priorities Under Trump - TYT.com
▻https://tyt.com/stories/4vZLCHuQrYE4uKagy0oyMA/mnzAKMpdtiZ7AcYLd5cRR

... although the FBI last month reportedly assured Senate Democrats that it had dropped the term “Black Identity Extremist” in favor of one that isn’t race-specific, the documents suggest that this was misleading. Despite changing the name, the Bureau retained much of the original definition and still targeted black people.

So grave did the Bureau consider the threat of black extremists that from 2019 to 2020, using new designations, it listed the threat at the very top of its counterterrorism priorities — above even terror groups like Al Qaeda.

#racisme #persécution #etats-unis

The Mississippi Delta’s History of Black Land Theft - The Atlantic
▻https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2019/09/this-land-was-our-land/594742

https://cdn.theatlantic.com/assets/media/img/2019/07/WEL_Newkirk_Opener/facebook.jpg?1565200354

Major audits and investigations of the USDA have found that illegal pressures levied through its loan programs created massive transfers of wealth from black to white farmers, especially in the period just after the 1950s. In 1965, the United States Commission on Civil Rights uncovered blatant and dramatic racial differences in the level of federal investment in farmers. The commission found that in a sample of counties across the South, the FmHA provided much larger loans for small and medium-size white-owned farms, relative to net worth, than it did for similarly sized black-owned farms—evidence that racial discrimination “has served to accelerate the displacement and impoverishment of the Negro farmer.”

#agriculture #terres #Delta_du_Mississippi #racisme #discrimination #vol_de_terres #Louisiane

Pouvoir, Racisme, lutte des classes

Picoré sur twitter (ou FB, je me souviens plus)



https://dl.dropbox.com/s/d7a8r2x2hb8to1j/68445700_693279914430114_4557443789819478016_n.jpg?dl=0

spécialement pour @kassem ...

« Malik Oussekine n’a pas reçu de coups de la police » : la fake news d’un directeur du Figaro - Acrimed | Action Critique Médias
►https://www.acrimed.org/Malik-Oussekine-n-a-pas-recu-de-coups-de-la

https://www.acrimed.org/IMG/png/buissons.png

Du « Falasha » juif éthiopien à l’israélien noir, indésirable : une des trajectoires de l’apartheid israélien
dimanche 4 août 2019 par Coordination nationale de l’UJFP
▻http://www.ujfp.org/spip.php?article7320

L’un d’ eux vient d’ être tué.

Ils n’acceptent pas d’être la cible de violences policières érigées en système.
et nous les comprenons.

Quoique juif israélien le jeune Solomon Tekah, 19 ans, n’avait pas la bonne couleur de peau.

Quand l’enquête sur le meurtre est menée, aucun policier n’est jamais inculpé. L’affaire est classée et l’officier toujours acquitté.

Aucune des promesses du gouvernement à leurs parents et frères aînés pour mettre fin aux discriminations dont ils font l’objet, à la violence policière, au contrôle au faciès, aux meurtres à répétition n’a été tenue.

Aussi
De tout le pays les jeunes soldats et lycéens sont descendus dans la rue. Ils sont résolus et ils continueront. Ils sont prêts à ce que cette protestation dure.
Ils ont peur pour leur avenir, se révoltent contre l’injustice, ils sont dans l’insécurité. Ils espèrent être écoutés et que des « Blancs » se joindront à eux.
Nous les soutenons. (...)

►https://seenthis.net/messages/790716

Françoise Vergès : « Toni Morrison a attaqué le racisme dans sa structure profonde »
▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/culture-idees/060819/francoise-verges-toni-morrison-attaque-le-racisme-dans-sa-structure-profon

Pour la politologue Françoise Vergès, l’œuvre de la récipiendaire du prix Nobel de littérature 1993, décédée dans la nuit de lundi 5 à mardi 6 août, a permis d’entrer dans « l’intimité complexe des personnes réduites en esclavage ». Sa pensée irrigue aujourd’hui la jeune génération de la gauche américaine.

#LITTÉRATURE #racisme,_Françoise_Vergès,_Littérature,_Toni_Morrison,_esclavage,_Afro_American

https://static.mediapart.fr/etmagine/default/files/2018/05/04/morrison-t-c-mathieu-bourgois-2009-2.jpg

Attacks by White Extremists Are Growing. So Are Their Connections.

https://i.imgur.com/wK3bfvd.png

In a manifesto posted online before his attack, the gunman who killed 50 last month in a rampage at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, said he drew inspiration from white extremist terrorism attacks in Norway, the United States, Italy, Sweden and the United Kingdom.

His references to those attacks placed him in an informal global network of white extremists whose violent attacks are occurring with greater frequency in the West.

An analysis by The New York Times of recent terrorism attacks found that at least a third of white extremist killers since 2011 were inspired by others who perpetrated similar attacks, professed a reverence for them or showed an interest in their tactics.

The connections between the killers span continents and highlight how the internet and social media have facilitated the spread of white extremist ideology and violence.

In one instance, a school shooter in New Mexico corresponded with a gunman who attacked a mall in Munich. Altogether, they killed 11 people.

https://i.imgur.com/y607Vlg.png

One object of fascination for the Christchurch killer and at least four other white extremists was Anders Behring Breivik, the far-right extremist who killed 77 in a bombing and mass shooting in Norway in 2011.

Mr. Breivik’s lengthy manifesto offered a litany of grievances about immigration and Islam — and the attacks became a model for future ones.

“I think that Breivik was a turning point, because he was sort of a proof of concept as to how much an individual actor could accomplish,” said J.M. Berger, author of the book “Extremism” and a research fellow with VOX-Pol, a European academic initiative to study online extremism.

“He killed so many people at one time operating by himself, it really set a new bar for what one person can do.”

Shortly after the Norway massacre, a prominent American white supremacist named Frazier Glenn Miller wrote on a white supremacist forum that Mr. Breivik had “inspired young Aryan men to action.” Mr. Miller opened fire on a Jewish retirement home and community center in Kansas a few years later, killing three.

Mr. Breivik was not the only mass killer to inspire copycats. The Christchurch shooter also paid tribute to a Canadian man who opened fire inside a Quebec City mosque in 2017, writing his name on one of the guns used in his attack.

That Canadian gunman read extensively about Dylann Roof, the American who killed nine worshipers at a black church in South Carolina in 2015.

At least four white extremist killers made statements online praising Elliot Rodger, a racist and misogynist who targeted women in a 2014 spree, before carrying out their own attacks.

All these attacks occurred amid a surge of white supremacist and xenophobic terrorism in the West that has frequently targeted Muslims, immigrants and other minority groups, the Times analysis found.

https://i.imgur.com/JTyTHXd.png

The analysis was based on data from the Global Terrorism Database and identified nearly 350 white extremist terrorism attacks in Europe, North America and Australia from 2011 through 2017, the latest year of available data. We also examined preliminary data on attacks in the United States in 2018.

The database is a project of the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism at the University of Maryland. It relies on news reports and other records to capture episodes that meet its definition of terrorism: the use of violence by a non-state actor to attain a political or social goal.

Over this period, white extremism — an umbrella term encompassing white nationalist, white supremacist, neo-Nazi, xenophobic, anti-Muslim and anti-Semitic ideologies — accounted for about 8 percent of all attacks in these regions and about a third of those in the United States.

Erin Miller, who manages the database, said the increase in white extremist terrorism parallels a rise in hate crimes and bias episodes in the West and that deadly attacks are occurring more often.

“There’s a common framing of far-right terrorism or domestic terrorism as being ‘terrorism lite’ and not as serious,” she said. “It’s an interesting question given that far-right attacks can be quite devastating.”

Xenophobia Drives Violence in Europe

In recent years, Europe has seen a surge in far-right and xenophobic violence amid an influx of migrants and refugees from conflicts in the Middle East and Africa.

The Global Reach of White Extremism

There were five white extremist attacks in Australia from 2011 through 2017, all of which were attacks on mosques and Islamic centers. There were no such attacks in New Zealand during that same period.

Then the massacre of worshippers at two mosques in Christchurch on March 15 — the deadliest shooting in modern New Zealand history — helped put the global nature of white extremism into relief. The shooter was an Australian man who said he was radicalized during his travels in Europe and designed his attack to draw an American audience.

Experts say the same broad motives are at play whether the target is a mosque in Perth or an asylum seekers’ shelter in Dresden or a synagogue in Pittsburgh. Attackers who identify as white, Christian and culturally European see an attack on their privileged position in the West by immigrants, Muslims and other religious and racial minorities.

The difference now is that it is easier than ever for extremists to connect both domestically and across continents, according to Mr. Berger, the “Extremism” author. The entry point for radicalization is less narrow than it was during earlier waves of white supremacist action, when finding ideological fellow travelers typically required meeting in person.

“This is a particularly strong wave,” Mr. Berger said, “and I think it’s being fueled by a lot of political developments and also by the sort of connective tissue that you get from the Internet that wasn’t there before that’s really making it easier for groups to be influenced and to coordinate, or not necessarily coordinate but synchronize over large geographical distances.”

Heidi Beirich, director of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligence Project, said that given these international connections, it’s important to reconsider the nature of the threat. “We conceive of this problem as being a domestic one,” she said. “But that’s not the case.”

The challenge for law enforcement will be to buck a sometimes myopic focus on Islamic extremism as the only driver of international terrorism.

It may also require rethinking the legal framework for what constitutes terrorism: from violence that arises from a command and control structure to a looser definition that can account for a wider range of violent actors who share a common ideology.

“They don’t see themselves as Americans or Canadians, very much like the Christchurch killer didn’t see himself as an Australian; he saw himself as part of a white collective,” Dr. Beirich said.

“It has never been the case that these people didn’t think in a global way. They may have acted in ways that looked domestic but the thinking was always about building an international white movement.”

▻https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/04/03/world/white-extremist-terrorism-christchurch.html?smid=tw-nytimes&smtyp=cur
#cartographie #visualisation #connections #réseau #suprématistes_blancs #extrême_droite #attaques #terrorisme #xénophobie #racisme #extrémisme_blanc
intéressant la #terminologie #mots #vocabulaire

ping @visionscarto @fil

How to Think About #Empire

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Boston Review speaks with #Arundhati_Roy on censorship, storytelling, and her problem with the term ‘postcolonialism.’

In her second novel, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness (2017), Arundhati Roy asks, “What is the acceptable amount of blood for good literature?” This relationship between the imagination and the stuff of real life—violence, injustice, power—is central to Roy’s writing, dating back to her Booker Prize–winning debut novel The God of Small Things (1997). For the twenty years between the release of her first and second novels, the Indian writer has dismayed many—those who preferred that she stick to storytelling and those who were comfortable with the turn of global politics around 9/11—by voicing her political dissent loudly and publicly.

Her critical essays, many published in major Indian newspapers, take on nuclear weapons, big dams, corporate globalization, India’s caste system, the rise of Hindu nationalism, the many faces of empire, and the U.S. war machine. They have garnered both acclaim and anger. In India Roy has often been vilified by the media, and accused of sedi- tion, for her views on the Indian state, the corruption of the country’s courts, and India’s brutal counterinsurgency in Kashmir. She has, on one occasion, even been sent to prison for committing “contempt of court.” In spite of this, Roy remains outspoken. In this interview, she reflects on the relationship between the aesthetic and the political in her work, how to think about power, and what it means to live and write in imperial times.

Avni Sejpal: In your book, An Ordinary Person’s Guide to Empire (2004), you identify a few different pillars of empire: globalization and neoliberalism, militarism, and the corporate media. You write, “The project of corporate globalization has cracked the code of democracy. Free elections, a free press and an independent judiciary mean little when the free market has reduced them to commodities on sale to the highest bidder.” How would you update this today?

Arundhati Roy: That was fourteen years ago! The updates now would include the ways in which big capital uses racism, caste-ism (the Hindu version of racism, more elaborate, and sanctioned by the holy books), and sexism and gender bigotry (sanctioned in almost every holy book) in intricate and extremely imaginative ways to reinforce itself, protect itself, to undermine democracy, and to splinter resistance. It doesn’t help that there has been a failure on the part of the left in general to properly address these issues. In India, caste—that most brutal system of social hierarchy—and capitalism have fused into a dangerous new alloy. It is the engine that runs modern India. Understanding one element of the alloy and not the other doesn’t help. Caste is not color-coded. If it were, if it were visible to the untrained eye, India would look very much like a country that practices apartheid.
Another “update” that we ought to think about is that new technology could ensure that the world no longer needs a vast working class. What will then emerge is a restive population of people who play no part in economic activity—a surplus population if you like, one that will need to be managed and controlled. Our digital coordinates will ensure that controlling us is easy. Our movements, friendships, relationships, bank accounts, access to money, food, education, healthcare, information (fake, as well as real), even our desires and feelings—all of it is increasingly surveilled and policed by forces we are hardly aware of. How long will it be before the elite of the world feel that almost all the world’s problems could be solved if only they could get rid of that surplus population? If only they could delicately annihilate specific populations in specific ways—using humane and democratic methods, of course. Preferably in the name of justice and liberty. Nothing on an industrial scale, like gas chambers or Fat Men and Little Boys. What else are smart nukes and germ warfare for?

AS: How does the rise of ethnonationalisms and populisms change your diagnosis?

AR: Ethno-nationalism is only a particularly virulent strain of nationalism. Nationalism has long been part of the corporate global project. The freer global capital becomes, the harder national borders become. Colonialism needed to move large populations of people—slaves and indentured labor—to work in mines and on plantations. Now the new dispensation needs to keep people in place and move the money—so the new formula is free capital, caged labor. How else are you going to drive down wages and increase profit margins? Profit is the only constant. And it has worked to a point. But now capitalism’s wars for resources and strategic power (otherwise known as “just wars”) have destroyed whole countries and created huge populations of war refugees who are breaching borders. The specter of an endless flow of unwanted immigrants with the wrong skin color or the wrong religion is now being used to rally fascists and ethno-nationalists across the world. That candle is burning at both ends and down the middle, too. It cannot all be laid at the door of resource-plundering or strategic thinking. Eventually it develops a momentum and a logic of its own.

As the storm builds, the ethno-nationalists are out harnessing the wind, giving each other courage. Israel has just passed a new bill that officially declares itself to be the national homeland of Jewish people, making its Arab citizenry second class. Unsurprising, but still, even by its own standards, pretty brazen. In the rest of the Middle East, of course, Israel and the United States are working hard at sharpening the Sunni–Shia divide, the disastrous end of which could be an attack on Iran. There are plans for Europe, too. Steve Bannon, a former aide of President Donald Trump, has started an organization, The Movement, headquartered in Brussels. The Movement aims to be “a clearing house for populist, nationalist movements in Europe.” It says it wants to bring about a “tectonic shift” in European politics. The idea seems to be to paralyze the European Union. A disintegrated EU would be a less formidable economic bloc, easier for the U.S. government to bully and bargain with. Yet, at the same time, uniting white supremacists in Europe and the United States is an attempt to help them to retain the power they feel is slipping away from them.

Enough has been said about Trump’s immigration policies—the cages, the separation of infants and young children from their families—all of it just a little worse than what Barack Obama did during his presidency, to the sound of deafening silence. In India, too, the pin on the immigration grenade has just been pulled. In the spirit of the globalization of fascism, U.S. alt-right organizations are good friends of Hindu nationalists. Look to India, if you want to understand the world in microcosm. On July 30, 2018, the state of Assam published a National Register of Citizens (NRC). The register comes in lieu of a virtually nonexistent immigration policy. The NRC’s cut-off date of eligibility for Indian citizenship is 1971—the year that saw a massive influx of refugees from Bangladesh after the war with Pakistan. Most of them settled in Assam, which put enormous pressure on the local population, particularly on the most vulnerable indigenous communities. It led to escalating tensions, which have in the past boiled over into mass murder. In 1983 at least 2,000 Muslims were killed, with unofficial estimates putting the figure at five times that number. Now, at a time when Muslims are being openly demonized, and with the Hindu nationalist BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) in power, the unforgiveable policy lapse of half a decade is going to be addressed. The selection process, sifting through a population of millions of people who don’t all have “legacy papers”—birth certificates, identity papers, land records, or marriage certificates—is going to create chaos on an unimaginable scale. Four million people who have lived and worked in Assam for years, have been declared stateless—like the Rohingya of Burma were in 1982. They stand to lose homes and property that they have acquired over generations. Families are likely to be split up in entirely arbitrary ways. At best, they face the prospect of becoming a floating population of people with no rights, who will serve as pools of cheap labor. At worst, they could try and deport them to Bangladesh, which is unlikely to accept them. In the growing climate of suspicion and intolerance against Muslims, they could well suffer the fate of the Rohingya.

The BJP has announced its plans to carry out this exercise in West Bengal, too. If that were ever to happen, tens of millions of people would be uprooted. That could easily turn into yet another Partition. Or even, heaven forbid, another Rwanda. It doesn’t end there. In the Muslim-majority State of Jammu and Kashmir, on the other hand, the BJP has declared that it wants to abrogate Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which gives the state autonomous status and was the only condition under which it would accede to India in 1947. That means beginning a process of overwhelming the local population with Israeli-type settlements in the Kashmir Valley. Over the past thirty years, almost 70,000 people have died in Kashmir’s struggle for self-determination. Any move to eliminate Article 370 would be simply cataclysmic.

Meanwhile vulnerable communities that have been oppressed, exploited, and excluded because of their identities—their caste, race, gender, religion, or ethnicity—are organizing themselves, too, along those very lines, to resist oppression and exclusion.
While it is easy to take lofty moral positions, in truth, there is nothing simple about this problem. Because it is not a problem. It is a symptom of a great churning and a deep malaise. The assertion of ethnicity, race, caste, nationalism, sub-nationalism, patriarchy, and all kinds of identity, by exploiters as well as the exploited, has a lot—but of course not everything—to do with laying collective claim to resources (water, land, jobs, money) that are fast disappearing. There is nothing new here, except the scale at which its happening, the formations that keep changing, and the widening gap between what is said and what is meant. Few countries in the world stand to lose more from this way of thinking than India—a nation of minorities. The fires, once they start, could burn for a thousand years. If we go down this warren and choose to stay there, if we allow our imaginations to be trapped within this matrix, and come to believe there is no other way of seeing things, if we lose sight of the sky and the bigger picture, then we are bound to find ourselves in conflicts that spiral and spread and multiply and could very easily turn apocalyptic.

AS: You once wrote that George W. Bush “achieved what writers, scholars, and activists have striven to achieve for decades. He has exposed the ducts. He has placed on full public view the working parts, the nuts and bolts of the apocalyptic apparatus of the American empire.” What did you mean by this, and ten years and two presidents later, is the American empire’s apocalyptic nature still so transparent?

AR: I was referring to Bush’s unnuanced and not very intelligent commentary after the events of 9/11 and in the run-up to the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq. It exposed the thinking of the deep state in the United States. That transparency disappeared in the Obama years, as it tends to when Democrats are in power. In the Obama years, you had to ferret out information and piece it together to figure out how many bombs were being dropped and how many people were being killed, even as the acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize was being eloquently delivered. However differently their domestic politics plays out on home turf, it is a truism that the Democrats’ foreign policy has tended to be as aggressive as that of the Republicans. But since 9/11, between Bush and Obama, how many countries have been virtually laid to waste? And now we have the era of Trump, in which we learn that intelligence and nuance are relative terms. And that W, when compared to Trump, was a serious intellectual. Now U.S. foreign policy is tweeted to the world on an hourly basis. You can’t get more transparent than that. The Absurd Apocalypse. Who would have imagined that could be possible? But it is possible—more than possible—and it will be quicker in the coming if Trump makes the dreadful mistake of attacking Iran.

AS: There is a marked stylistic difference between your two novels, The God of Small Things and The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, published two decades apart. While both speak of politics and violence, the former is written in a style often described as lyrical realism. Beauty is one of its preoccupations, and it ends on a hopeful note. The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, on the other hand, is a more urgent, fragmented, and bleak novel, where the losses are harder to sustain. Given the dominance of lyrical realism in the postcolonial and global novel, was your stylistic choice also a statement about the need to narrate global systems of domination differently? Is the novel an indirect call to rethink representation in Indian English fiction?

AR: The God of Small Things and The Ministry of Utmost Happiness are different kinds of novels. They required different ways of telling a story. In both, the language evolved organically as I wrote them. I am not really aware of making “stylistic choices” in a conscious way. In The God of Small Things, I felt my way toward a language that would contain both English and Malayalam—it was the only way to tell that story of that place and those people. The Ministry of Utmost Happiness was a much riskier venture. To write it, I had to nudge the language of The God of Small Things off the roof of a very tall building, then rush down and gather up the shards. The Ministry of Utmost Happiness is written in English but imagined in many languages—Hindi, Urdu, English... I wanted to try and write a novel that was not just a story told through a few characters whose lives play out against a particular backdrop. I tried to imagine the narrative form of the novel as if it were one of the great metropoles in my part of the world—ancient, modern, planned and unplanned. A story with highways and narrow alleys, old courtyards, new freeways. A story in which you would get lost and have to find your way back. A story that a reader would have to live inside, not consume. A story in which I tried not to walk past people without stopping for a smoke and a quick hello. One in which even the minor characters tell you their names, their stories, where they came from, and where they wish to go.

I agree, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness is fragmented, urgent—I love the idea of a novel written over almost ten years being urgent—but I wouldn’t call it bleak. Most of the characters, after all, are ordinary folks who refuse to surrender to the bleakness that is all around them, who insist on all kinds of fragile love and humor and vulgarity, which all thrive stubbornly in the most unexpected places. In the lives of the characters in both books, love, sorrow, despair, and hope are so tightly intertwined, and so transient, I am not sure I know which novel of the two is bleaker and which more hopeful.

I don’t think in some of the categories in which your question is posed to me. For example, I don’t understand what a “global” novel is. I think of both my novels as so very, very local. I am surprised by how easily they have traveled across cultures and languages. Both have been translated into more than forty languages—but does that make them “global” or just universal? And then I wonder about the term postcolonial. I have often used it, too, but is colonialism really post-? Both novels, in different ways, reflect on this question. So many kinds of entrenched and unrecognized colonialisms still exist. Aren’t we letting them off the hook? Even “Indian English fiction” is, on the face of it, a pretty obvious category. But what does it really mean? The boundaries of the country we call India were arbitrarily drawn by the British. What is “Indian English”? Is it different from Pakistani English or Bangladeshi English? Kashmiri English? There are 780 languages in India, 22 of them formally “recognized.” Most of our Englishes are informed by our familiarity with one or more of those languages. Hindi, Telugu, and Malayalam speakers, for example, speak English differently. The characters in my books speak in various languages, and translate for and to each other. Translation, in my writing, is a primary act of creation. They, as well as the author, virtually live in the language of translation. Truly, I don’t think of myself as a writer of “Indian English fiction,” but as a writer whose work and whose characters live in several languages. The original is in itself part translation. I feel that my fiction comes from a place that is more ancient, as well as more modern and certainly less shallow, than the concept of nations.
Is The Ministry of Utmost Happiness an indirect call to rethink representation in the Indian English novel? Not consciously, no. But an author’s conscious intentions are only a part of what a book ends up being. When I write fiction, my only purpose is to try and build a universe through which I invite readers to walk.

AS: Toward the end of The Ministry of Utmost Happiness a character asks: “How to tell a shattered story?” The novel is teeming with characters whose lives have, in some way, been curtailed or marginalized by the limits of national imaginaries. And yet their stories are rich with humor, rage, agency, and vitality. How do you approach storytelling at a time when people are constantly being thwarted by the narratives of neo-imperial nation-states?

AR: National imaginaries and nation-state narratives are only one part of what the characters in The Ministry of Utmost Happiness have to deal with. They also have to negotiate other stultified and limited kinds of imaginations—of caste, religious bigotry, gender stereotyping. Of myth masquerading as history, and of history masquerading as myth. It is a perilous business, and a perilous story to try to tell. In India today, storytelling is being policed not only by the state, but also by religious fanatics, caste groups, vigilantes, and mobs that enjoy political protection, who burn cinema halls, who force writers to withdraw their novels, who assassinate journalists. This violent form of censorship is becoming an accepted mode of political mobilization and constituency building. Literature, cinema, and art are being treated as though they are policy statements or bills waiting to be passed in Parliament that must live up to every self-appointed stakeholders’ idea of how they, their community, their history, or their country must be represented. Not surprisingly, bigotry of all kinds continues to thrive and be turned against those who do not have political backing or an organized constituency. I recently saw a Malayalam film in the progressive state of Kerala called Abrahaminde Santhathikal (The Sons of Abraham). The vicious, idiot-criminal villains were all black Africans. Given that there is no community of Africans in Kerala, they had to be imported into a piece of fiction in order for this racism to be played out! We can’t pin the blame for this kind of thing on the state. This is society. This is people. Artists, filmmakers, actors, writers—South Indians who are mocked by North Indians for their dark skins in turn humiliating Africans for the very same reason. Mind-bending.

Trying to write, make films, or practice real journalism in a climate like this is unnerving. The hum of the approaching mob is like a permanent background score. But that story must also be told.
How to tell a shattered story? is a question that one of the main characters in The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, Tilo—Tilotamma—who lives in an illegal Guest House in a Delhi graveyard, has scribbled in her notebook. She answers it herself: By slowly becoming everybody? No. By slowly becoming everything. Tilo is an architect, an archivist of peculiar things, a deathbed stenographer, a teacher, and the author of strange, unpublished tales. The scribble in her notebook is a contemplation about the people, animals, djinns, and spirits with whom she has ended up sharing her living quarters. Considering the debates swirling around us these days, Tilo would probably be severely rebuked for thinking in this way. She would be told that “slowly becoming everyone,” or, even worse, “everything,” was neither practical nor politically correct. Which is absolutely true. However, for a teller of stories, perhaps all that doesn’t matter. In times that are as crazy and as fractured as ours, trying “to slowly become everything” is probably a good place for a writer to start.

AS: In addition to writing novels, you are also a prolific essayist and political activist. Do you see activism, fiction, and nonfiction as extensions of each other? Where does one begin and the other end for you?

AR: I am not sure I have the stubborn, unwavering relentlessness it takes to make a good activist. I think that “writer” more or less covers what I do. I don’t actually see my fiction and nonfiction as extensions of each other. They are pretty separate. When I write fiction, I take my time. It is leisurely, unhurried, and it gives me immense pleasure. As I said, I try to create a universe for readers to walk through.

The essays are always urgent interventions in a situation that is closing down on people. They are arguments, pleas, to look at something differently. My first political essay, “The End of Imagination,” was written after India’s 1998 nuclear tests. The second, “The Greater Common Good,” came after the Supreme Court lifted its stay on the building of the Sardar Sarovar Dam on the Narmada River. I didn’t know that they were just the beginning of what would turn out to be twenty years of essay writing. Those years of writing, traveling, arguing, being hauled up by courts, and even going to prison deepened my understanding of the land I lived in and the people I lived among, in ways I could not have imagined. That understanding built up inside me, layer upon layer.
Had I not lived those twenty years the way I did, I would not have been able to write The Ministry of Utmost Happiness. But when I write fiction, unlike when I write political essays, I don’t write from a place of logic, reason, argument, fact. The fiction comes from years of contemplating that lived experience, turning it over and over until it appears on my skin like sweat. I write fiction with my skin. By the time I started to write The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, I felt like a sedimentary rock trying to turn itself into a novel.

AS: In Power Politics (2001), you wrote: “It’s as though the people of India have been rounded up and loaded onto two convoys of trucks (a huge big one and a tiny little one) that have set off resolutely in opposite directions. The tiny convoy is on its way to a glittering destination somewhere near the top of the world. The other convoy just melts into the darkness and disappears. . . . For some of us, life in India is like being suspended between two of the trucks, one in each convoy, and being neatly dismembered as they move apart, not bodily, but emotionally and intellectually.” For nations around the world that have had abrupt and accelerated introductions to globalization and neoliberalism, would you say the convoy headed for the top of the world has crashed? And what has become of those who are being slowly dismembered?

AR: It has not crashed yet. But its wheels are mired, and the engine is overheating.

As for those who are being slowly pulled apart, they have been polarized and are preparing to dismember each other. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the personification of what you could call corporate Hindu nationalism. Like most members of the BJP, he is a member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Hindu nationalist cultural guild that is the most powerful organization in India today. The BJP is really just the political arm of the RSS. The aim of the RSS, which was founded in 1925, has long been to change the Indian constitution and to officially declare India a Hindu nation. Modi began his mainstream political career in October 2001, when his party installed him (unelected) as Chief Minister of the state of Gujarat. In February 2002 (at the height of post 9/11 international Islamophobia) came the Gujarat pogrom in which Muslims were massacred in broad daylight by mobs of Hindu vigilantes, and tens of thousands were driven from their homes. Within months of this, several heads of India’s major corporations publicly backed Modi, a man with no political track record, as their pick for prime minister. Perhaps this was because they saw in him a decisive and ruthless politician who could ram through new economic policies and snuff out the protests and the restlessness in the country that the Congress Party government seemed unable to deal with (meanwhile delaying the implementation of the hundreds of memorandums of understanding signed by the government with various corporate entities). It took twelve years; in May 2014, Modi became prime minister with a massive political majority in Parliament. He was welcomed onto the world’s stage by the international media and heads of state who believed he would make India a dream destination for international finance.

Although his few years in power have seen his favorite corporations and the families of his close allies multiply their wealth several times over, Modi has not been the ruthless, efficient free marketeer that people had hoped for. The reasons for this have more to do with incompetence than with ideology. For example, late one night in November 2016, Modi appeared on TV and announced his policy of “demonetization.” From that moment, 80 percent of Indian currency notes were no longer legal tender. It was supposed to be a lightning strike on hoarders of “black money.” A country of more than a billion people ground to a halt. Nothing on this scale has ever been attempted by any government before. It was an act of hubris that belonged in a totalitarian dictatorship. For weeks together, daily wage workers, cab drivers, small shop keepers stood in long lines, hour upon hour, hoping to get their meager savings converted into new bank notes. All the currency, almost to the last rupee, “black” as well as “white,” was returned to the banks. Officially at least, there was no “black money.” It was a big-budget, razzle-dazzle flop.

Demonetization and the chaotic new Goods and Services Tax have knocked the wind out of small businesses and ordinary people. For big investors, or for the most ordinary person, this sort of caprice on the part of a government that says it is “business-friendly” is lethal. It’s a bald declaration that its word cannot be trusted and is not legally binding.

Demonetization also emptied the coffers of almost all political parties, since their unaccounted-for wealth is usually held in cash. The BJP, on the other hand, has mysteriously emerged as one of the richest, if not the richest, political party in the world. Hindu nationalism has come to power on mass murder and the most dangerously bigoted rhetoric that could—and has—ripped through the fabric of a diverse population. A few months ago, four of the most senior judges of the Supreme Court held a press conference in which they warned that democracy in India was in grave danger. Nothing like it has ever happened before. As hatred is dripped into peoples’ souls, every day, with sickened hearts we wake up to Muslim-lynching videos put up on YouTube by gloating vigilantes, news of Dalits being publicly flogged, of women and infants being raped, of thousands marching in support of people who have been arrested for rape, of those convicted for mass murder in the Gujarat pogrom being let out of jail while human rights defenders and thousands of indigenous people are in jail on charges of sedition, of children’s history textbooks being written by complete fools, of glaciers melting and of water tables plummeting just as fast as our collective IQ.
But it is all OK, because we are buying more weapons from Europe and the United States than almost anyone else. So, India, which has the largest population of malnutritioned children in the world, where hundreds of thousands of debt-ridden farmers and farm laborers have committed suicide, where it is safer to be a cow than it is to be a woman, is still being celebrated as one of the fastest growing economies in the world.

AS: The word “empire” has often been invoked as a uniquely European and U.S. problem. Do you see India and other postcolonial nations as adapting older forms of empire in new geopolitical clothing? In The Ministry of Utmost Happiness, you show us how the Indian government has developed strategies of surveillance and counterterrorism that are, to put it mildly, totalitarian in their scope. How can we think of empire now in the Global South, especially at a time when postcolonial nations are emulating the moral calculus of their old colonial masters?

AR: It is interesting that countries that call themselves democracies— India, Israel, and the United States—are busy running military occupations. Kashmir is one of the deadliest and densest military occupations in the world. India transformed from colony to imperial power virtually overnight. There has not been a day since the British left India in August 1947 that the Indian army and paramilitary have not been deployed within the country’s borders against its “own people”: Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, Assam, Kashmir, Jammu, Hyderabad, Goa, Punjab, Bengal, and now Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkhand. The dead number in the tens or perhaps hundreds of thousands. Who are these dangerous citizens who need to be held down with military might? They are indigenous people, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, communists. The pattern that emerges is telling. What it shows quite clearly is an “upper”-caste Hindu state that views everyone else as an enemy. There are many who see Hinduism itself as a form of colonialism—the rule of Aryans over Dravidians and other indigenous peoples whose histories have been erased and whose deposed rulers have been turned into the vanquished demons and asuras of Hindu mythology. The stories of these battles continue to live on in hundreds of folktales and local village festivals in which Hinduism’s “demons” are other peoples’ deities. That is why I am uncomfortable with the word postcolonialism.

AS: Talk of dissent and social justice has become mainstream in the age of Trump—but social media hashtags often stand in for direct action, and corporations frequently use the language of uplift and social responsibility while doubling down on unethical business practices. Has protest been evacuated of its potential today? And in such an environment, what kind of dissent is capable of cracking the edifice of empire?

AR: You are right. Corporations are hosting happiness fairs and dissent seminars and sponsoring literature festivals in which free speech is stoutly defended by great writers. Dissent Is the Cool (and Corporate) New Way To Be. What can we do about that? When you think about the grandeur of the civil rights movement in the United States, the anti–Vietnam War protests, it makes you wonder whether real protest is even possible any more. It is. It surely is. I was in Gothenburg, Sweden, recently, when the largest Nazi march since World War II took place. The Nazis were outnumbered by anti-Nazi demonstrators, including the ferocious Antifa, by more than ten to one. In Kashmir, unarmed villagers face down army bullets. In Bastar, in Central India, the armed struggle by the poorest people in the world has stopped some of the richest corporations in their tracks. It is important to salute people’s victories, even if they don’t always get reported on TV. At least the ones we know about. Making people feel helpless, powerless, and hopeless is part of the propaganda.

But what is going on in the world right now is coming from every direction and has already gone too far. It has to stop. But how? I don’t have any cure-all advice, really. I think we all need to become seriously mutinous. I think, at some point, the situation will become unsustainable for the powers that be. The tipping point will come. An attack on Iran, for example, might be that moment. It would lead to unthinkable chaos, and out of it something unpredictable would arise. The great danger is that, time and time again, the storm of rage that builds up gets defused and coopted into yet another election campaign. We fool ourselves into believing that the change we want will come with fresh elections and a new president or prime minister at the helm of the same old system. Of course, it is important to bounce the old bastards out of office and bounce new ones in, but that can’t be the only bucket into which we pour our passion. Frankly, as long as we continue to view the planet as an endless “resource,” as long as we uphold the rights of individuals and corporations to amass infinite wealth while others go hungry, as long as we continue to believe that governments do not have the responsibility to feed, clothe, house, and educate everyone—all our talk is mere posturing. Why do these simple things scare people so much? It is just common decency. Let’s face it: the free market is not free, and it doesn’t give a shit about justice or equality.

AS: The vexed question of violent struggle against domination has come up at different moments in history. It has been debated in the context of Frantz Fanon’s writing, Gandhi, Black Lives Matter, Palestine, and the Naxalite movement, to name a few. It is a question that also comes up in your fiction and nonfiction. What do you make of the injunction against the use of violence in resistance from below?

AR: I am against unctuous injunctions and prescriptions from above to resistance from below. That’s ridiculous, isn’t it? Oppressors telling the oppressed how they would like to be resisted? Fighting people will choose their own weapons. For me, the question of armed struggle versus passive resistance is a tactical one, not an ideological one. For example, how do indigenous people who live deep inside the forest passively resist armed vigilantes and thousands of paramilitary forces who surround their villages at night and burn them to the ground? Passive resistance is political theater. It requires a sympathetic audience. There isn’t one inside the forest. And how do starving people go on a hunger strike?

In certain situations, preaching nonviolence can be a kind of violence. Also, it is the kind of terminology that dovetails beautifully with the “human rights” discourse in which, from an exalted position of faux neutrality, politics, morality, and justice can be airbrushed out of the picture, all parties can be declared human rights offenders, and the status quo can be maintained.

AS: While this volume is called Evil Empire, a term borrowed from Ronald Reagan’s description of the Soviet Union, there are many who think of empire as the only sustainable administrative and political mechanism to manage large populations. How might we challenge dominant voices, such as Niall Ferguson, who put so much faith in thinking with the grain of empire? On the flipside, how might we speak to liberals who put their faith in American empire’s militarism in a post–9/11 era? Do you see any way out of the current grip of imperial thinking?

AR: The “managed populations” don’t necessarily think from Ferguson’s managerial perspective. What the managers see as stability, the managed see as violence upon themselves. It is not stability that underpins empire. It is violence. And I don’t just mean wars in which humans fight humans. I also mean the psychotic violence against our dying planet.

I don’t believe that the current supporters of empire are supporters of empire in general. They support the American empire. In truth, captalism is the new empire. Capitalism run by white capitalists. Perhaps a Chinese empire or an Iranian empire or an African empire would not inspire the same warm feelings? “Imperial thinking,” as you call it, arises in the hearts of those who are happy to benefit from it. It is resisted by those who are not. And those who do not wish to be.

Empire is not just an idea. It is a kind of momentum. An impetus to dominate that contains within its circuitry the inevitability of overreach and self-destruction. When the tide changes, and a new empire rises, the managers will change, too. As will the rhetoric of the old managers. And then we will have new managers, with new rhetoric. And there will be new populations who rise up and refuse to be managed.

►http://bostonreview.net/literature-culture-global-justice/arundhati-roy-avni-sejpal-challenging-%E2%80%9Cpost-%E2%80%9D-postcolo
#post-colonialisme #terminologie #mots #vocabulaire

The Racist Origins of Computer Technology
▻https://yasha.substack.com/p/the-racist-origins-of-computer-technology

https://res.cloudinary.com/hhsslviub/image/fetch/h_600/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c4e2bc4-e3c1-4471-b99f-36e9f68de746_2000x2800.png

Medium’s One Zero magazine just published my big historical-investigative article about the US census and the racist origins of modern computer technology.

It’s a forgotten history that starts in the 1880s, when the first commercial computer was invented by an American engineer named Herman Hollerith (that’s him up there on business trip in St. Petersburg). It takes you on journey through the racial politics of early 20th century America and ends up in Nazi Germany and the Holocaust, while making a brief stop at Steven Bannon and Donald Trump’s nativist palace.

la big investigation historique en question (pas lu)
►https://onezero.medium.com/the-racist-and-high-tech-origins-of-americas-modern-census-44ba984c2

L’orientation politique des gays, des bis et des lesbiennes à la veille des élections européennes de 2019 - IFOP
▻https://www.ifop.com/publication/lorientation-politique-des-gays-des-bis-et-des-lesbiennes-a-la-veille-des-elec

https://francknoir.files.wordpress.com/2019/05/20190523_213620559134074.png

L’orientation politique des gays, des bis et des lesbiennes à la veille des élections européennes de 2019

À quelques jours du scrutin, le magazine Têtu publie une enquête exclusive sur l’orientation politique et le vote des gays, des bis et des lesbiennes aux élections européennes, qui montre notamment un désenchantement à l’égard du macronisme, dans un contexte toujours marqué par le non-respect du président de sa promesse de loi ouvrant la PMA aux couples de femmes.

LES PRINCIPAUX ENSEIGNEMENTS

Premières concernées par la loi sur la PMA, les lesbiennes votent en effet massivement pour des listes de gauche ou d’extrême gauche (54 %) : seuls 12 % des homosexuelles déclarent avoir l’intention de voter pour la liste LREM-MoDem, 15% pour une liste de droite (LR, UDI) et 17 % pour liste de droite radicale ou souverainiste (DLF, RN, LP, UPR).

En cela, les affinités politiques des lesbiennes se distinguent assez nettement de celles des gays, qui restent encore attachés au macronisme : 30 % des homosexuels voteraient pour la liste conduite par Loiseau, soit un peu moins de 10 points de plus que l’ensemble de l’électorat. On observe cependant une baisse significative de proximité aux forces politiques soutenant l’action du président : seul un quart des gays exprime sa sympathie pour un parti centriste (24 %), contre plus d’un tiers (37%) lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2017.

Le vote des bisexuels est quant à lui très genré :

les femmes bisexuelles ont un vote très similaire à celui des lesbiennes, c’est-à-dire très ancré à gauche et à l’extrême gauche.
les hommes bisexuels votent nettement plus que la moyenne pour la droite radicale (39%, contre 27% des gays et 17% des lesbiennes) : le choix pour certains de ne pas assumer une homosexualité à part entière pouvant sans doute les rendre moins sensibles à la défense des droits LGBT portés par les forces progressistes.

#masculinité #hommerie #LGBT #racisme #libéralisme #misogynie #fascisme

J’ai trouvé ce sondage via un blog sur mediapart : ▻https://blogs.mediapart.fr/franck-noir/blog/010819/sondage-ifop-pour-tetu-2019-les-gays-sont-ils-dextreme-droite-1
Le mec qui écrit ce blog est très probablement un bourgeois blanc misogyne. A ses yeux si les gays votent fascistes et racistes c’est de la faute des féministes et des orgas de la LGBTpride qui n’ont pas mis assez d’hommes blancs en tête de cortège l’année dernière... Par contre il a rien à dire sur Sens commun, son problème c’est les féministes et les gays et bis non blancs. Il compare les féminismes aux masculinismes et recommande de les exclure du mouvement LGBT. Il m’a l’air bien en marche pour le vote RN ce blogueur.

J’ai d’autres hypothèses à proposer :
– Si les gay et hommes bi votent fasciste et raciste, c’est que les gays et hommes bis de gauche et ceux qui ne sont pas racistes ont été plus touchés par l’épidémie de #Sida .
– On peu aussi supposé que la forte fréquentation de milieu très masculin blanc et bourgeois favorise les comportement masculinistes.
– Mais l’hypothèse qui me semble la plus forte est l’influence du discours islamophobe du RN auprès de ces hommes. Ce qu’on appel l’ #homonationalisme

#GPA #masculinisme #islamophobie

Nouvel album de Keb’ Mo’ - Oklahoma (2019), avec plusieurs chansons politisées

This is My Home
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Irip5pIRb4

A rajouter sur la compilation de chansons anti-#Donald_Trump :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/727919

Put a Woman in Charge
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FciQeRGYFlw

#Féministe, à rajouter sur la liste de chansons féministes chantées par des #hommes de @mad_meg :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/710091

Oklahoma
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fEoKAMpth54

A propos de l’histoire méconnue de l’émeute raciste de Tulsa, Oklahoma, la destruction le 1er juin 1921 du quartier noir le plus florissant des Etats-Unis (sur Greenwood Avenue, entre Archer et Pine, le « Black Wall Street »), un danger et un affront pour les blancs aux alentours qui n’ont pas fait de quartier : 300 Noirs furent massacrés, 800 blessés, 10.000 sans abris, plus de 40 bâtiments détruits, et des milliers endommagés... Voir par exemple ici :

Le massacre de BLACK WALL STREET
B. World Connection,
▻http://www.bworldconnection.tv/grandeur-noire/le-massacre-de-black-wall-street

#Musique #Musique_et_politique #USA #Keb_Mo #blues
#Tulsa #Racisme #Massacre #Black_Wall_Street

Sly Johnson - Skin (2018)
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U9OslkUYggo

Pour son expérience du racisme dans l’enfance, mais aussi pour certaines victimes historiques du #racisme qu’il cite : Saartjie (Baartman, « la Vénus Hottentote »), Kunta (Kinte, le héros de « Racines »), Théo, Bouna (deux victimes de la brutalité policière en France), King (Martin Luther ou Rodney ?), Benga (Ota ?)...

Encore une chanson pour ma compil consacrée à la #brutalité_policière et à la #violence_policière :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/576637

#Musique #Musique_et_politique #France #Sly_Johnson #soul #rap

Bercy ordonne aux contrôleurs du fisc d’être accommodants avec les entreprises
▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/economie/300719/bercy-ordonne-aux-controleurs-du-fisc-d-etre-accommodants-avec-les-entrepr

Une note du 12 juillet du nouveau patron de l’administration fiscale, que révèle Mediapart, a choqué les syndicats de Bercy. Elle ordonne aux agents du fisc de se montrer accommodants avec les entreprises jugées « de bonne foi », en favorisant remises et transactions. Sollicité, Bercy assume une approche « pragmatique ».

#FISCALITÉ #Impôts,_Gérald_Darmanin,_DGFIP,_fiscalité,_Jérôme_Fournel

https://static.mediapart.fr/etmagine/default/files/2019/07/30/note.jpg

Fraudes aux prestations : la Sécu va former ses agents à la détection des mensonges
▻http://www.leparisien.fr/economie/fraudes-aux-prestations-la-secu-va-former-ses-agents-a-la-detection-des-m

Le centre de formation de la Sécurité sociale vient de lancer un appel d’offres original. Objectif : renforcer la lutte contre la fraude en identifiant les assurés menteurs. C’est un étonnant appel d’offres qu’a lancé le 9 juillet dernier l’Institut 4.10 sur la plateforme des marchés publics. Centre de formation des personnels de la sécurité sociale, l’Institut, créé en 2016, propose un marché en deux lots, et c’est le second qui nous a interpellés. Son objet ? « Conception et animation de formation dans le (...)

#biométrie #émotions #surveillance #pauvreté #Sécu

##pauvreté

https://arc-anglerfish-eu-central-1-prod-leparisien.s3.amazonaws.com/public/O3HNBWMXBVMOAB3TEZXBYZIMVQ.jpg

Fraude : la Sécu veut former ses agents à repérer les assurés menteurs
▻http://www.lefigaro.fr/social/fraude-la-secu-veut-former-ses-agents-a-reperer-les-assures-menteurs-201907

Dans un appel d’offre repéré par Le Parisien, le centre de formation de la Sécurité sociale indique vouloir apprendre à ses agents à repérer les assurés menteurs pour mieux lutter contre la fraude.

C’est un appel d’offre original qu’ont repéré nos confrères du Parisien ce dimanche. Dans celui-ci, l’Institut 4.10, qui forme depuis 2016 le personnel de la protection sociale lance un appel d’offre pour la « conception et l’animation de formations » pour des « techniques d’audition et/ou de détection de mensonge ». En d’autres termes, apprendre à déterminer quand un interlocuteur ment. D’une valeur estimée à « un maximum de 749.999 euros HT sur l’ensemble de sa durée, éventuelles reconductions comprises », le marché doit permettre de former les agents de la sécu, pour qu’ils soient capables de déterminer quand un assuré leur ment durant un entretien.

Les outils apportés par les formations doivent permettre aux agents de mener « des entretiens et des auditions permettant de caractériser la fraude et l’intentionnalité des faits constatés ». Autrement dit, « déceler le mensonge dans les dires verbaux, les écrits et de savoir décrypter le langage non-verbal ». Tout un programme. Les formateurs, de leur côté, « devront avoir une bonne connaissance de la lutte contre la fraude et contre le travail dissimulé ainsi que des métiers de contrôle et d’Officier de Police Judiciaire », afin que les leçons soient les plus « efficaces » possibles.

Toujours selon Le Parisien, l’objectif est de former les personnels de l’Assurance maladie, des caisses d’allocation familiale, de la caisse de retraite et de la branche accidents du travail et maladies professionnelles. Les formations doivent avoir lieu par groupe de huit à douze personnes, sur des sessions de deux ou trois jours. Elles visent notamment à aider les agents à interpréter le langage corporel, à identifier les émotions et à détecter des signes de mensonge dans les voix des assurés.
Des sommes importantes en jeu

Les montants mis sur la table pour améliorer le contrôle et la recherche des fraudeurs prouvent que le sujet est pris au sérieux par la Sécu. Les sommes en jeu sont importantes : un rapport de la Délégation nationale à la lutte contre la fraude souligne que la fraude aux prestations sociales a coûté 586,9 millions d’euros en 2017. En avril, la Caf révélait de son côté avoir identifié 44.897 cas de fraude aux prestations sociales en 2018, pour un impact financier de 304,6 millions d’euros.

Les cas emblématiques se sont multipliés ces dernières années : en octobre dernier, les forces de l’ordre ont interpellé les responsables d’un vaste réseau d’escroquerie aux allocations sociales, qui étaient soupçonnés d’avoir établi près de 1200 dossiers d’indemnisation auprès de la caisse d’allocation familiale et du régime social des indépendants. Bilan : 1,7 million d’euros d’allocations sociales détournées vers la Roumanie.

Les fraudes réelles, quant à elles, restent difficilement chiffrables. Le magistrat Charles Prat estimait en décembre dernier que la fraude aux faux numéros de Sécu pouvait coûter jusqu’à 14 milliards d’euros, un chiffre bien au-dessus des estimations du Sénat, qui parle lui plutôt de 200 à 802 millions d’euros.

#guerre_au_pauvres #fraude #fumisterie #racisme

Texte d’#Achille_Mbembe à l’occasion de l’#occupation du #Panthéon, 12 juillet 2019

« Tout se passe comme si chaque fois que l’on ouvre les yeux, il y a des personnes humaines d’origine africaine quelque part dans notre monde en train d’être brutalises par une autorité ou une autre.

Ailleurs, loin de chez eux, hors d’Afrique.

Mais en Afrique aussi, entre les mains des leurs - des coups, surtout des coups, la brutalité avec laquelle tout #corps de nègre (simple gisement musculaire) est traité !

Et cela fait très longtemps que ça dure.

Ça dure depuis tant de temps que cela n’étonne plus personne.

Les #Nègres, on s’attend a ce qu’ils soient brutalisés, et c’est le contraire qui est anormal.

Il y a quelques semaines, un camp de prisonniers (car c’est de cela qu’il s’agit) en majorité africains a été littéralement bombardé en Libye. Plusieurs dizaines d’entre eux ont été tues.

D’autres périssent presque chaque semaine, noyés dans les eaux de la Méditerranée.

On ne compte plus ceux dont les sables du Sahara recouvrent de leur linceul les dépouilles.

Pas un seul mot de nos Chefs d’Etat.

Pas un seul mot des représentants des peuples africains. Pas un seul mot des organisations continentales, encore moins de nos intellectuels, artistes, footballeurs, hommes et femmes d’Église ou entrepreneurs.

Après deux jours, la nouvelle a disparu des grands médias occidentaux. Et tout a recommence comme si rien n’avait jamais eu lieu. De telles vies comptent-elles seulement ?

La Libye est un pays où existent des marches d’#esclaves africains en plein XXIe siècle. Tout le monde le sait.

Elle est un pays ravagé par le #racisme_anti-nègre qui menace de plus en plus la plupart des États maghrébins. Tout le monde le sait.

Tout le monde le sait par ailleurs, certaines puissances européennes revendiquant le statut d’"amies des Africains" procurent des #armes sophistiquées a l’une ou l’autre des milices qui se disputent le pouvoir a Tripoli.

L’Europe, qui a joue un role determinant dans la destruction de la #Libye, leur procure d’énormes sommes d’argent.

L’objectif est d’empêcher la migration des Nègres en Europe. Pour ce faire, il faut transformer l’Afrique en un immense #Bantoustan.

En réalité, il s’agit de subsides a la #chasse de captifs nègres que l’on entasse dans des prisons qui ne disent pas leur nom, et que l’on revend a l’encan sur les marchés locaux. Un commerce ignominieux est en cours dont les corps d’ébène servent une fois de plus de monnaie.

Ceci, l’Europe prétend ne pas le voir, tout comme elle s’échine à rendre invisible la saignée en cours en #Méditerranéenne.

Au sujet de ce scandale, nos Chefs d’Etat n’ont aucun mot a dire. Nos intellectuels, nos artistes, nos footballeurs, nos hommes et femmes d’Église et nos entrepreneurs non plus.

Hier, le Président Emmanuel #Macron a réuni a l’Élysée des individus choisis au hasard par son gouvernement. Ces individus de son choix sont supposes représenter "la #diaspora_africaine" en #France. Le Président Macron, nous dit-on, est un grand intellectuel. Il serait un disciple de Paul Ricoeur et aurait suivi des séminaires avec Etienne Balibar.

Mais quand il s’agit de l’#Afrique, il évite soigneusement de discuter avec des intellectuels africains critiques. Ils risquent de le démaquiller, de lui poser toutes les questions qui gênent, de lui opposer des arguments sérieux auxquels il n’a aucune réponse plausible. Ils risquent de remettre publiquement en cause les trois piliers de la politique française - le #militarisme, le #mercantilisme et le #paternalisme mâtiné, comme toujours, de #racisme.

Et, naturellement, le soutien sans condition a des régimes corrompus qui militent activement contre les intérêts bien compris du Continent.

Le President Macron leur préfére des gens choisis par ses diverses cellules de communication et autres conseils présidentiels - de pauvres étudiants d’une pauvre université qui ne savent pas comment formuler des questions pertinentes et qu’il se fait fort de ridiculiser ; des quidam qui n’ont étudié aucun dossier en profondeur et se contentent de généralités ; des Nègres de pacotille assoiffés de vanité et en quête de selfies, hilares et bon enfant, trop heureux de servir le Maitre lorsqu’il ne s’agit pas d’opportunistes peu scrupuleux en quête de prébendes.

Tout heureux de se retrouver sous les lambris, hier ils lui ont en effet servi la soupe et ont soigneusement évité de traiter des vrais dilemmes - ceux qui font des rapports entre la France et l"Afrique le paradigme même du scandale néocolonial.

Bal des cyniques, en vérité, et des deux côtés !

Ce soir, cette comédie s’est révélée être ce qu’elle a toujours été.

Des centaines d’Africains #sans-papiers ont occupe le Pantheon pour exposer aux yeux du monde le traitement qu’ils subissent en France.

La réponse ne s’est pas fait attendre. Ils ont été "évacués" sans ménagement, à la manière exacte dont ils sont traités dans leurs pays respectifs par leurs propres gouvernements.

Quant prendra fin ce scandale ? Quand apprendrons-nous a gagner de nouveau ? Quand est-ce que les vies nègres compteront enfin ?

Tant que l’Afrique ne deviendra pas son centre propre, tant qu’elle ne se reconstituera pas en tant que vaste espace de circulation, tant qu’aucun Africain ne sera traité comme étranger en Afrique même, la #brutalisation des corps nègres se poursuivra.

Pour le reste, le salut ne viendra pas de la France. Il n’y a strictement rien a attendre d’elle que nous ne puissions nous offrir a nous-mêmes. Le salut ne viendra pas non plus des diasporas. Il viendra d’abord de l’Afrique elle-même.

Il faut donc réapprendre a faire corps et reprendre la #lutte. Il faut l’intensifier là où elle est déjà en cours. Il faut puiser dans la #mémoire, la #créativité et les énergies souterraines de nos peuples pour aller de l’avant.

Nul ne nous libérera à notre place ou malgré nous. Les vies des nôtres disperses dans les quatre coins du monde ne compteront véritablement que le jour ou l’Afrique sera #debout sur ses propres jambes.

Et c’est a travailler à reconquérir cette initiative historique que nous sommes appelés. Tout le reste n’est que diversion. »

▻https://www.facebook.com/gildas.ledem/posts/10157313594073610?__tn__=H-R

Texte signalé par @isskein

#Mbembe #France #Paris #migrations #résistance #néo-colonialisme #néocolonialisme #Afrique

RTL info - Vive émotion en Italie après le meurtre sordide d’un gendarme : il a été tué de 8 coups de couteau par deux jeunes touristes (vidéo)
▻https://www.rtl.be/info/monde/europe/vive-emotion-en-italie-apres-le-meurtre-sordide-d-un-gendarme-il-a-ete-tue-de-8-

« Vive émotion » tant qu’on pensait que les assassins étaient des « Maghrébins »,

Alors que les médias italiens décrivaient les suspects comme maghrébins, une partie de la classe politique a embrayé et les internautes se sont déchaînés.

[...]

Un déferlement qui s’est nettement atténué après l’annonce de l’arrestation des suspects dans l’hôtel quatre étoiles où ils séjournaient.

Selon un communiqué diffusé samedi matin par les carabiniers, il s’agit de deux Américains de 19 ans qui s’apprêtaient à rentrer aux Etats-Unis le soir même.

#émotion_frelatée #racisme #air_du_temps #sans_vergogne