• « Au Rwanda, on ne voit pas l’obscurité dans l’avenir »
    https://usbeketrica.com/article/au-rwanda-pas-obscurite-avenir-katharsis

    Paul Kagamé, dirige le pays sans interruption depuis 25 ans. Leader d’exception pour les uns, dictateur pour les autres, le personnage fait débat à l’échelle internationale : porteur d’une vision ambitieuse qui a su faire ses preuves, ses accomplissements sont régulièrement salués. Mais sa réélection en 2017, après déjà 23 ans au pouvoir, et la disparition régulière de ses opposants politiques suscitent un malaise grandissant. [Néanmoins] lutte contre l’ethnicisme, promotion de l’égalité homme-femme, protection de l’environnement, émancipation vis-à-vis de l’héritage colonial : le Rwanda s’est doté au cours des deux dernières décennies d’un nouveau socle de valeurs. Aux plans de développement ambitieux se superpose une reconstruction idéologique portée par de nouvelles institutions et de nouveaux récits fondateurs. Ainsi, la Constitution de 2003 abroge la carte d’identité ethnique et prohibe toute discrimination ou revendication politique de cette nature. Le texte garantit des quotas de représentation des femmes dans les instances de l’État, à tel point qu’elles occupent aujourd’hui 63% des sièges à l’Assemblée...

    #Rwanda #Afrique #reconstruction #avenir #katharsis

  • Je ne me réduis pas à une paire de seins, je suis tout aussi femme
    Marie-Claude Belzile, Journal des Alternatives, le 4 septembre 2019
    https://journal.alternatives.ca/Je-ne-me-reduis-pas-a-une-paire-de-seins-je-suis-tout-aussi-fem

    JDA : D’après toi, quelles sont les raisons qui peuvent pousser une femme à ne pas subir de mammoplastie ?

    MCB : Il y a plusieurs raisons. D’abord, je suis féministe, je considère que les seins ne sont pas la seule manière de se sentir femme et féminine. Je savais que les seins sont hypersexualisés dans notre société, et je ne me réduisais donc pas à une paire de seins. Par contre, plusieurs femmes ne se sentent plus « femmes » après l’ablation. Personnellement, je n’ai jamais eu l’impression de perdre ma féminité. Elle n’a jamais passé par les seins. Peut-être parce qu’ils étaient petits, je ne saurais dire. L’autre raison, c’est que toutes les photos de reconstruction que j’ai vues ne me plaisaient pas, ça ne ressemble pas à des seins, c’est une forme qui fait penser à des seins, mais c’est beaucoup trop loin de la forme naturelle. J’avais aussi un besoin d’authenticité avec mon histoire, j’ai subi une double mastectomie et voilà, c’est mon corps maintenant. On change tous avec le temps, penser que l’on gardera toujours le même corps, qu’il sera toujours jeune et beau, c’est impossible. On nous vend toutes sortes de choses pour essayer de rester jeune et « beau » à tout prix, mais je ne peux me laisser emporter par cette culture. Un corps n’est pas fixe, il évolue et change continuellement. Alors, j’accepte ainsi ce qu’il vit, et je tente de m’y adapter. Finalement, je dirais que c’était aussi pour des raisons plus pratiques, ne pas se faire reconstruire comporte des avantages. L’opération est la moins invasive. Il y a aussi moins de chances de complications possibles. Il s’agit d’une courte opération en ambulatoire et la convalescence et la guérison sont plus rapides. J’avais envie qu’on laisse mon corps tranquille, qu’il guérisse au plus vite.

    JDA : Est-ce qu’il y a beaucoup de femmes qui font ce choix ?

    MCB : Oui, près de 70 % à 80 % des femmes ne se font pas reconstruire. Cependant, on ne les voit pas parce qu’elles portent des prothèses mammaires externes. Celles qui décident de vivre poitrine plate sans prothèses sont très rares par contre. Sur les groupes Facebook pour femmes plates, nous sommes des milliers, mais de partout en Amérique du Nord, alors c’est difficile à dire quel est le nombre de femmes qui vivent réellement poitrine plate. Je sais seulement qu’on n’en voit que très rarement.

    et

    JDA : Pourquoi cette pression des médecins d’après toi ? Quand et comment est-ce qu’elle se manifeste ?

    MCB : Selon moi, cette pression part du « male gaze », de l’hypersexualisation du corps des femmes et d’une norme culturelle qui demande de régir le corps des femmes. La plupart des hommes et des femmes pensent en termes de « beauté conventionnelle » quand on parle du corps des femmes. Une femme se doit d’être belle, et si non, elle doit au moins tenter par plusieurs moyens d’y aspirer. Les chirurgien·nes veulent redonner aux femmes ce qu’ils et elles leur enlèvent lors de la mastectomie. Ils ont besoin que leur idée de ce qu’est une femme soit cohérent avec ce désir culturel et social de la femme idéale. Cette pression se fait malgré eux et malgré elles. Je dirais que les médecins projettent leur peur sur la patiente et se disent qu’il faut reconstruire, puisque le service existe et que c’est gratuit.

    Tout Aussi Femme :
    https://www.facebook.com/toutaussifemme

    #femmes #cancer #seins #mastectomie #reconstruction #poitrine_plate #féminisme #male_gaze

  • Disaster recovery and violence in neoliberal times: community and spatial fragmentation in #L’Aquila

    The purpose of this paper is to examine the disruption and reconfiguration of the territorial organisation of the central Italian town of L’Aquila resulting from actions taken by the special commissioner, a plenipotentiary official appointed by the central government, during the ten-month emergency period following the 2009 earthquake. The study attempts to determine how during the commissioner’s short tenure the territory of L’Aquila was restructured for many years to come.

    https://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/abs/10.1108/DPM-01-2018-0032?journalCode=dpm
    #Italie #tremblement_de_terre #reconstruction #néolibéralisme #violence
    ping @albertocampiphoto

  • China eyes Lebanese port to launch investments in Syria, region
    https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2019/03/china-lebanon-tripoli-port-investments-syria-reconstruction.html

    Last December, the Chinese state-owned COSCO shipping company docked in Tripoli, inaugurating a new maritime route connecting China to the Mediterranean Sea. Located less than 30 kilometers (18 miles) from the Syrian border, Tripoli benefits from a key strategic position in the eyes of investors looking for fast access to Syria’s war-damaged cities.

    “China is testing Tripoli as a potential location for investment,” Tamer added. Having secured an $86 million loan from the Islamic Development Bank, the port is preparing for large-scale investment. “The Chinese won’t look at anything under half a billion,” Tamer told Al-Monitor. “If they invest in the port, it’s because of their interest in the whole region.”

    Keeping its embassy in Damascus open throughout the conflict, Beijing has provided steady diplomatic support to Bashar al-Assad’s regime, vetoing most resolutions against Damascus at the UN Security Council.

    (à noter le dernier paragraphe politiquement correct !)

    #syrie #reconstruction

  • #Fortapàsc

    En 1985, Giancarlo Siani est tué de dix balles de revolver. Il avait 26 ans. Il était journaliste au quotidien "Il Mattino" et avait le défaut de s’informer, de vérifier les nouvelles, d’enquêter sur les faits. Nous le suivons ici dans les quatre derniers mois de sa vie : son dernier été, quand il descendait tous les jours dans l’enfer de Torre Annunziata, règne du boss mafieux #Valentino_Gionta. A cette période, tout tournait autour des intérêts pour la reconstruction de l’après-tremblement de terre de 1980. Au milieu des « camorristes », des politiciens corrompus, des magistrats craintifs et des carabiniers impuissants, Giancarlo voyait. Il comprenait.


    http://www.allocine.fr/film/fichefilm_gen_cfilm=174715.html
    #film #journalisme #presse #médias #meurtre #assassinat #Naples #mafia #Italie #Torre_Annunziata #camorra #appels_d'offre #reconstruction #tremblement_de_terre #catastrophes_naturelles #Giancarlo_Siani #corruption

  • ‘It’s an Act of Murder’: How Europe Outsources Suffering as Migrants Drown

    This short film, produced by The Times’s Opinion Video team and the research groups #Forensic_Architecture and #Forensic_Oceanography, reconstructs a tragedy at sea that left at least 20 migrants dead. Combining footage from more than 10 cameras, 3-D modeling and interviews with rescuers and survivors, the documentary shows Europe’s role in the migrant crisis at sea.

    On Nov. 6, 2017, at least 20 people trying to reach Europe from Libya drowned in the Mediterranean, foundering next to a sinking raft.

    Not far from the raft was a ship belonging to Sea-Watch, a German humanitarian organization. That ship had enough space on it for everyone who had been aboard the raft. It could have brought them all to the safety of Europe, where they might have had a chance at being granted asylum.

    Instead, 20 people drowned and 47 more were captured by the Libyan Coast Guard, which brought the migrants back to Libya, where they suffered abuse — including rape and torture.

    This confrontation at sea was not a simplistic case of Europe versus Africa, with human rights and rescue on one side and chaos and danger on the other. Rather it’s a case of Europe versus Europe: of volunteers struggling to save lives being undercut by European Union policies that outsource border control responsibilities to the Libyan Coast Guard — with the aim of stemming arrivals on European shores.

    While funding, equipping and directing the Libyan Coast Guard, European governments have stymied the activities of nongovernmental organizations like Sea-Watch, criminalizing them or impounding their ships, or turning away from ports ships carrying survivors.

    More than 14,000 people have died or gone missing while trying to cross the central Mediterranean since 2014. But unlike most of those deaths and drownings, the incident on Nov. 6, 2017, was extensively documented.

    Sea-Watch’s ship and rescue rafts were outfitted with nine cameras, documenting the entire scene in video and audio. The Libyans, too, filmed parts of the incident on their mobile phones.

    The research groups Forensic Architecture and Forensic Oceanography of Goldsmiths, University of London, of which three of us — Mr. Heller, Mr. Pezzani and Mr. Weizman — are a part, combined these video sources with radio recordings, vessel tracking data, witness testimonies and newly obtained official sources to produce a minute-by-minute reconstruction of the facts. Opinion Video at The New York Times built on this work to create the above short documentary, gathering further testimonials by some of the survivors and rescuers who were there.

    This investigation makes a few things clear: European governments are avoiding their legal and moral responsibilities to protect the human rights of people fleeing violence and economic desperation. More worrying, the Libyan Coast Guard partners that Europe is collaborating with are ready to blatantly violate those rights if it allows them to prevent migrants from crossing the sea.

    Stopping Migrants, Whatever the Cost

    To understand the cynicism of Europe’s policies in the Mediterranean, one must understand the legal context. According to a 2012 ruling by the European Court of Human Rights, migrants rescued by European civilian or military vessels must be taken to a safe port. Because of the chaotic political situation in Libya and well-documented human rights abuses in detention camps there, that means a European port, often in Italy or Malta.

    But when the Libyan Coast Guard intercepts migrants, even outside Libyan territorial waters, as it did on Nov. 6, the Libyans take them back to detention camps in Libya, which is not subject to European Court of Human Rights jurisdiction.

    For Italy — and Europe — this is an ideal situation. Europe is able to stop people from reaching its shores while washing its hands of any responsibility for their safety.

    This policy can be traced back to February 2017, when Italy and the United Nations-supported Libyan Government of National Accord signed a “memorandum of understanding” that provided a framework for collaboration on development, to fight against “illegal immigration,” human trafficking and the smuggling of contraband. This agreement defines clearly the aim, “to stem the illegal migrants’ flows,” and committed Italy to provide “technical and technological support to the Libyan institutions in charge of the fight against illegal immigration.”

    Libyan Coast Guard members have been trained by the European Union, and the Italian government donated or repaired several patrol boats and supported the establishment of a Libyan search-and-rescue zone. Libyan authorities have since attempted — in defiance of maritime law — to make that zone off-limits to nongovernmental organizations’ rescue vessels. Italian Navy ships, based in Tripoli, have coordinated Libyan Coast Guard efforts.

    Before these arrangements, Libyan actors were able to intercept and return very few migrants leaving from Libyan shores. Now the Libyan Coast Guard is an efficient partner, having intercepted some 20,000 people in 2017 alone.

    The Libyan Coast Guard is efficient when it comes to stopping migrants from reaching Europe. It’s not as good, however, at saving their lives, as the events of Nov. 6 show.

    A Deadly Policy in Action

    That morning the migrant raft had encountered worsening conditions after leaving Tripoli, Libya, over night. Someone onboard used a satellite phone to call the Italian Coast Guard for help.

    Because the Italians were required by law to alert nearby vessels of the sinking raft, they alerted Sea-Watch to its approximate location. But they also requested the intervention of their Libyan counterparts.

    The Libyan Coast Guard vessel that was sent to intervene on that morning, the Ras Jadir, was one of several that had been repaired by Italy and handed back to the Libyans in May of 2017. Eight of the 13 crew members onboard had received training from the European Union anti-smuggling naval program known as Operation Sophia.

    Even so, the Libyans brought the Ras Jadir next to the migrants’ raft, rather than deploying a smaller rescue vessel, as professional rescuers do. This offered no hope of rescuing those who had already fallen overboard and only caused more chaos, during which at least five people died.

    These deaths were not merely a result of a lack of professionalism. Some of the migrants who had been brought aboard the Ras Jadir were so afraid of their fate at the hands of the Libyans that they jumped back into the water to try to reach the European rescuers. As can be seen in the footage, members of the Libyan Coast Guard beat the remaining migrants.

    Sea-Watch’s crew was also attacked by the Libyan Coast Guard, who threatened them and threw hard objects at them to keep them away. This eruption of violence was the result of a clash between the goals of rescue and interception, with the migrants caught in the middle desperately struggling for their lives.

    Apart from those who died during this chaos, more than 15 people had already drowned in the time spent waiting for any rescue vessel to appear.

    There was, however, no shortage of potential rescuers in the area: A Portuguese surveillance plane had located the migrants’ raft after its distress call. An Italian Navy helicopter and a French frigate were nearby and eventually offered some support during the rescue.

    It’s possible that this French ship, deployed as part of Operation Sophia, could have reached the sinking vessel earlier, in time to save more lives — despite our requests, this information has not been disclosed to us. But it remained at a distance throughout the incident and while offering some support, notably refrained from taking migrants onboard who would then have had to have been disembarked on European soil. It’s an example of a hands-off approach that seeks to make Libyan intervention not only possible but also inevitable.

    A Legal Challenge

    On the basis of the forensic reconstruction, the Global Legal Action Network and the Association for Juridical Studies on Immigration, with the support of Yale Law School students, have filed a case against Italy at the European Court of Human Rights representing 17 survivors of this incident.

    Those working on the suit, who include two of us — Mr. Mann and Ms. Moreno-Lax — argue that even though Italian or European personnel did not physically intercept the migrants and bring them back to Libya, Italy exercised effective control over the Libyan Coast Guard through mutual agreements, support and on-the-ground coordination. Italy has entrusted the Libyans with a task that Rome knows full well would be illegal if undertaken directly: preventing migrants from seeking protection in Europe by impeding their flight and sending them back to a country where extreme violence and exploitation await.

    We hope this legal complaint will lead the European court to rule that countries cannot subcontract their legal and humanitarian obligations to dubious partners, and that if they do, they retain responsibility for the resulting violations. Such a precedent would force the entire European Union to make sure its cooperation with partners like Libya does not end up denying refugees the right to seek asylum.

    This case is especially important right now. In Italy’s elections in March, the far-right Lega party, which campaigned on radical anti-immigrant rhetoric, took nearly 20 percent of the vote. The party is now part of the governing coalition, of which its leader, Matteo Salvini, is the interior minister.

    His government has doubled down on animosity toward migrants. In June, Italy took the drastic step of turning away a humanitarian vessel from the country’s ports and has been systematically blocking rescued migrants from being disembarked since then, even when they had been assisted by the Italian Coast Guard.

    The Italian crackdown helps explain why seafarers off the Libyan coast have refrained from assisting migrants in distress, leaving them to drift for days. Under the new Italian government, a new batch of patrol boats has been handed over to the Libyan Coast Guard, and the rate of migrants being intercepted and brought back to Libya has increased. All this has made the crossing even more dangerous than before.

    Italy has been seeking to enact a practice that blatantly violates the spirit of the Geneva Convention on refugees, which enshrines the right to seek asylum and prohibits sending people back to countries in which their lives are at risk. A judgment by the European Court sanctioning Italy for this practice would help prevent the outsourcing of border control and human rights violations that may prevent the world’s most disempowered populations from seeking protection and dignity.

    The European Court of Human Rights cannot stand alone as a guardian of fundamental rights. Yet an insistence on its part to uphold the law would both reflect and bolster the movements seeking solidarity with migrants across Europe.

    https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/12/26/opinion/europe-migrant-crisis-mediterranean-libya.html
    #reconstruction #naufrage #Méditerranée #Charles_Heller #Lorenzo_Pezzani #asile #migrations #réfugiés #mourir_en_mer #ONG #sauvetage #Sea-Watch #gardes-côtes_libyens #Libye #pull-back #refoulement #externalisation #vidéo #responsabilité #Ras_Jadir #Operation_Sophia #CEDH #cour_européenne_des_droits_de_l'homme #justice #droits_humains #droit_à_la_vie

    ping @reka

    • È un omicidio con navi italiane” L’accusa del Nyt

      Video-denuncia contro Roma e l’Ue per un naufragio di un anno fa: botte dei libici ai migranti, 50 morti.

      Patate scagliate addosso ai soccorritori della Sea Watch invece di lanciare giubbotti e salvagente ai naufraghi che stavano annegando. E poi botte ai migranti riusciti a salire sulle motovedette per salvarsi la vita. Ecco i risultati dell’addestramento che l’Italia ha impartito ai libici per far fuori i migranti nel Mediterraneo. È un video pubblicato dal New York Times che parte da una delle più gravi tra le ultime stragi avvenute del Canale di Sicilia, con un commento intitolato: “‘È un omicidio’: come l’Europa esternalizza sofferenza mentre i migranti annegano”.

      Era il 6 novembre 2017 e le operazioni in mare erano gestite dalla guardia costiera libica, in accordo con l’allora ministro dell’Interno, Marco Minniti. Il dettaglio non è secondario, lo stesso video mostra la cerimonia di consegna delle motovedette made in Italy ai partner nordafricani. Una delle imbarcazioni, la 648, la ritroviamo proprio al centro dell’azione dove, quel giorno, cinquanta africani vennero inghiottiti dal mare. Al tempo era consentito alle imbarcazioni di soccorso pattugliare lo specchio di mare a cavallo tra le zone Sar (Search and rescue, ricerca e soccorso) di competenza. Al tempo i porti italiani erano aperti, ma il comportamento dei militari libici già al limite della crudeltà. Il video e le foto scattate dal personale della Sea Watch mostrano scene durissime. Un migrante lasciato annegare senza alcun tentativo da parte dei libici di salvarlo: il corpo disperato annaspa per poi sparire sott’acqua, quando il salvagente viene lanciato è tardi. Botte, calci e pugni a uomini appena saliti a bordo delle motovedette, di una violenza ingiustificabile. Il New York Times va giù duro e nel commento, oltre a stigmatizzare attacca i governi italiani. Dalla prova delle motovedette vendute per far fare ad altri il lavoro sporco, al nuovo governo definito “di ultradestra” che “ha completato la strategia”. Matteo Salvini però non viene nominato. L’Italia, sottolinea il Nyt, ha delegato alle autorità della Tripolitania il pattugliamento delle coste e il recupero di qualsiasi imbarcazione diretta a nord. Nulla di nuovo, visto che la Spagna, guidata dal socialista Sanchez e impegnata sul fronte occidentale con un’ondata migratoria senza precedenti, usa il Marocco per “bonificare” il tratto di mare vicino allo stretto di Gibilterra da gommoni e carrette. Gli organismi europei da una parte stimolano il blocco delle migrazioni verso il continente, eppure dall’altra lo condannano. Per l’episodio del 6 novembre 2017, infatti, la Corte europea dei diritti umani sta trattando il ricorso presentato dall’Asgi (Associazione studi giuridici sull’immigrazione) contro il respingimento collettivo. Sempre l’Asgi ha presentato due ricorsi analoghi per fatti del dicembre 2018 e gennaio 2018; infine altri due, uno sulla cessione delle motovedette e l’altro sull’implementazione dell’accordo Italia-Libia firmato da Minniti.

      https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/premium/articoli/e-un-omicidio-con-navi-italiane-laccusa-del-nyt

    • Comment l’Europe et la Libye laissent mourir les migrants en mer

      Il y a un peu plus d’un an, le 6 novembre 2017, une fragile embarcation sombre en mer avec à son bord 150 migrants partis de Tripoli pour tenter de rejoindre l’Europe. La plupart d’entre eux sont morts. Avec l’aide de Forensic Oceanography – une organisation créée en 2011 pour tenir le compte des morts de migrants en Méditerranée – et de Forensic Architecture – groupe de recherche enquêtant sur les violations des droits de l’homme –, le New York Times a retracé le déroulement de ce drame, dans une enquête vidéo extrêmement documentée.

      Depuis l’accord passé en février 2017 entre la Libye et l’Italie, confiant aux autorités libyennes le soin d’intercepter les migrants dans ses eaux territoriales, le travail des ONG intervenant en mer Méditerranée avec leurs bateaux de sauvetage est devenu extrêmement difficile. Ces dernières subissent les menaces constantes des gardes-côtes libyens, qui, malgré les subventions européennes et les formations qu’ils reçoivent, n’ont pas vraiment pour but de sauver les migrants de la noyade. Ainsi, en fermant les yeux sur les pratiques libyennes régulièrement dénoncées par les ONG, l’Europe contribue à aggraver la situation et précipite les migrants vers la noyade, s’attache à démontrer cette enquête vidéo publiée dans la section Opinions du New York Times. Un document traduit et sous-titré par Courrier international.

      https://www.courrierinternational.com/video/enquete-comment-leurope-et-la-libye-laissent-mourir-les-migra

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=10&v=dcbh8yJclGI

    • How We Made an Invisible Crisis at Sea Visible

      An ambitious Opinion Video project produced across three continents — in collaboration with a pioneering forensic research group — shines a spotlight on the more than 16,000 migrants who have died trying to cross the Mediterranean since 2014.

      Forensic Oceanography had created a report and a minute-by-minute reconstruction of the episode (http://www.forensic-architecture.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/2018-05-07-FO-Mare-Clausum-full-EN.pdf) intended partly to support a case that was about to be filed on behalf of survivors at the European Court of Human Rights.

      Their reporting was deep, but it was very technical. We wanted to build on the original research to create a short film that would sharpen the story while still embracing complexity.

      https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/23/reader-center/migrants-mediterranean-sea.html
      #visibilité #invisibilité #in/visiblité #Mare_clausum

  • Envisaging #L’Aquila. Strategies, spatialities and sociabilities of a recovering city

    L’Aquila, a city of about 70,000 inhabitants located in central Italy, was hit by a devastating earthquake on April 6th, 2009. The disaster killed 309 people, left 50,000 homeless and shut down entire areas of its sprawling urban system.

    The public debate and policy interventions that followed the disaster raised the question of what kind of city should be rebuilt. Which new visions for the city could be put forward?

    Envisaging L’Aquila brings together the results of a large and articulated research project carried out at the Gran Sasso Science Institute to document the reconstruction process.

    The book provides a broad overview of the emerging visions and spatial strategies unfolding at the local level, documenting the everyday life public spaces, civil society movements, and the relaunch of the knowledge economy in the local territorial system.


    http://www.professionaldreamers.net/?p=3821
    #tremblement_de_terre #reconstruction #post-disaster #urban_matter #villes #désastre #catastrophe

    cc @albertocampiphoto

  • Outsourcing Risk. Investigating the Ali Enterprises Factory Fire on 11 September 2012

    Forensic Architecture was asked by the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR) to carry out an architectural analysis of the fire that destroyed the Ali Enterprises textile factory on 11 September 2012 in Karachi, Pakistan. Inadequate fire safety measures at the company, a supplier for the German clothes retailer #KiK, led to the deaths of 260 factory workers. This investigation uncovers the many ways in which design and management decisions not only failed to prevent injury and casualties, but in fact augmented the death toll.

    Our findings have now been submitted to the Regional Court in Dortmund, Germany, where legal action against KiK is ongoing. Since March 2015, the Court has been examining a civil claim against KiK filed by four Pakistanis – one survivor and three relatives of workers killed in the fire – with support from the ECCHR and medico international.


    https://www.forensic-architecture.org/case/outsourcing-risk

    #risques #externalisation #Karachi #Pakistan #délocalisation #travail #industrie_textile #forensic_architecture #reconstruction_du_désastre

    cc @reka

  • En Syrie, réhabiliter le chemin de fer pour reconstruire le pays
    https://fr.news.yahoo.com/syrie-r%C3%A9habiliter-chemin-fer-reconstruire-pays-060713712.html
    Maher AL MOUNES - AFP - 9 septembre 2018

    Damas (AFP) - Près de Damas, dans sa locomotive, Abou Abdou déborde d’enthousiasme à l’idée de tester des rails fraîchement installés. En Syrie, le gouvernement de Bachar al-Assad veut réhabiliter des centaines de kilomètres de chemins de fer.

    L’initiative doit contribuer aux efforts de reconstruction dans un pays ravagé par la guerre depuis 2011, mais aussi relancer le commerce régional, assurent les autorités, au moment où le pouvoir d’Assad a consolidé son emprise sur près des deux tiers du territoire.

    Avant le conflit, les voyageurs pouvaient parcourir en train des centaines de kilomètres en Syrie, de Damas jusqu’à Homs, Alep, Lattaquié ou encore Deir Ezzor. Mais, dès 2012, les combats dans un pays morcelé ont mis les locomotives à l’arrêt.

    « Quand je conduis un train, j’ai l’impression de piloter un avion ! », se réjouit Abou Abdou, cheminot de 42 ans qui a retrouvé son bleu de travail.

    « J’attends ce jour depuis six ans », s’exclame-t-il en pianotant sur le tableau de commande devant lui pour man ?uvrer sa locomotive.(...)

  • Genoa Bridge Collapse: The Road to Tragedy - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/09/06/world/europe/genoa-italy-bridge.html

    The bridge he was driving across, a viaduct designed by Riccardo Morandi, collapsed that day, Aug. 14, leaving 43 people dead as dozens of cars fell some 150 feet onto the riverbed, railroad tracks and gritty streets below.

    The collapse of the bridge — a signature of the port city, a source of deep civic pride, and an indispensable daily transportation link for thousands — has scarred Genoa and set off a bitter debate in Italy about who bears responsibility for the disaster and precisely what caused it.

    Those questions remain under investigation by the chief magistrate of the region, Francesco Cozzi, and a team of engineers, security and government officials.

    #morandi #pont

  • L’activité du port de Tripoli va quadrupler à partir d’août - Philippe HAGE BOUTROS - L’Orient-Le Jour

    La direction du terminal conteneurs mise sur le déblocage de la frontière syro-jordanienne pour accélérer son développement à long terme.

    Août sera sans doute marqué d’une pierre blanche pour Gulftainer Lebanon, la société chargée de la gestion du terminal conteneurs du port de Tripoli, le deuxième port du pays après Beyrouth.
    Selon son président, Antoine E. Amatouri, la filiale libanaise de l’opérateur portuaire émirati s’attend à voir l’activité dans le port quadrupler, passant d’une moyenne de 1000 à 2000 conteneurs équivalents 20 pieds (EVP, unité standard) par mois à environ de 8000 dès le mois prochain.
    Une hausse qui va être principalement liée, selon lui, à la décision de CMA CGM de renforcer sa présence dans ce port, en l’intégrant dans son offre de services reliant l’Europe du Nord à l’Asie du Sud-Est (SEANE) à partir du 16 août. Le transporteur n’a pas encore communiqué sur cette décision, qui a également été révélée lundi au site d’informations businessnews.com.lb par le directeur du port de Tripoli, Ahmad Tamer.
    CMA CGM, qui s’est positionné à Tripoli à partir de 2016 et qui détient 20 % du capital de Gulftainer Lebanon, assure déjà une escale hebdomadaire depuis octobre dernier dans le port de la ville, qui fait partie des destinations desservies via son service Wemed reliant les pays de l’Est de la Méditerranée à ceux de l’Ouest.

    (...) Gulftainer Lebanon prévoit également le démarrage d’un service de navires collecteurs (feeder ships en anglais) pour répartir les conteneurs entre les ports de Tripoli et Lattaquié, en Syrie.

    L’opérateur libanais a enfin estimé que la perspective de la réouverture prochaine de la frontière syro-jordanienne allait renforcer l’attractivité du terminal conteneurs auprès des transporteurs mondiaux. Le 6 juillet, le régime syrien avait repris le contrôle du poste-frontière de Nassib au sud du pays aux rebelles qui l’occupaient depuis avril 2015. Ce nouvel épisode du conflit syrien qui a éclaté en 2011 doit en principe permettre le déblocage des voies d’exportations terrestres entre le Liban et les pays du Golfe, et faciliter le transit vers l’Irak. La fermeture de la frontière avait particulièrement pénalisé les agriculteurs libanais qui destinaient une importante partie de leur production aux marchés du Golfe, obligeant l’État à subventionner l’acheminement de leurs produits vers l’Arabie saoudite en roulier (navires équipés pour transporter des camions) via le canal de Suez.

    #liban #syrie #reconstruction

    • Concernant la réouverture prochaine de la frontière syro-jordanienne, la l’avenir proche n’est pas vraiment rose pour les libanais selon Al Akhbar :
      جريدة الأخبار
      https://al-akhbar.com/Politics/254488

      أما بشان البند الآخر المتعلق بالمعابر الحدودية مع الأردن والعراق، فقد علمت «الأخبار» أن دمشق لا تفكر في فتح المعابر قريباً مع العراق والأردن، وأن الخطوة إن حصلت ستكون محدودة جداً ومحصورة بالتجار السوريين، وأنه لا يمكن الصادرات اللبنانية العبور إلى الدول العربية عبر سوريا إلا بعد اتفاق رسمي يحصل بين الحكومتين اللبنانية والسورية. ونقلت مصادر سورية عن مرجع كبير في دمشق أن سوريا لن تقدم خدمات مجانية لأحد بعد اليوم، وأن الحكومة اللبنانية والقوى السياسية اللبنانية والسلطات اللبنانية كافة، من الرئاسات إلى الوزارات إلى الجهات الأخرى، يتحملون المسؤولية الكاملة عن أي أضرار تصيب المزارعين والتجار في لبنان، وقال المرجع إن صادرات دمشق الحالية محصورة جداً في هذه الفترات، وبالتالي إذا كان لبنان أو غيره من الدول العربية يحتاجون هذه المعابر، «فليجدوا الطريقة الأنسب للتواصل مع الحكومة السورية».

  • La #ville au #Japon : découverte par l’#expérience, la #pop-culture et la #photographie : Partie 1

    Pour découvrir les #villes #japonaises #empiriquement, différentes approches peuvent être envisagées.

    Tout d’abord , une approche plutôt #historique que nous pouvons envisager par le #témoignage de Ada Flores-Vidal qui évoque la #psycho-géographie avec la possibilité d’errer à travers les différentes #strates du #palimpseste de la ville de #Tokyo grâce à l’application 今昔散歩 (« promenades du passé et du présent ») sur Google Street View. L’#application permet de comparer les #topographies de la ville avec celles des cartes plus anciennes et d’accéder à des estampes (ukyo-e) indiquant les lieux #historiques, ce qui dans cette ville faite de #reconstruction et qui est en changement constant (économique, #culturel et #spatial), est très instructif et permet de comprendre mieux les #conceptions japonaises de la ville.

    La ville – ce mot ne convient sans doute plus – est sans doute plus encore qu’une autre marquée par l’impermanence (en japonais hakanai, 儚い, caractère formé par la combinaison des caractères de l’homme et du rêve). Tokyo : comme antithèse de la ville-musée. » / « Le professeur d’architecture Livio Sacchi, inspiré par le nom de la live house japonaise « Liquid Room », a pu ainsi parler avec une jubilation futuriste un peu suspecte d’espace liquide”, susceptible de “transformations continuelles”. De la même manière, Yoshinobu Ashihara insistait sur le caractère amibien de la ville, et sa géométrie fractale - Ada Flores-Vidal

    https://www.pop-up-urbain.com/halluciner-le-passe-multiple-et-voyager-dans-le-present-de-tokyo
    Publié le 28/01/2014

    • ’National day of shame’ : #David_Lammy criticises treatment of Windrush generation

      Labour MP says situation has come about because of the hostile environment that begun under Theresa May, as he blames a climate of far-right rhetoric. People who came to the UK in the 1950s and 60s are now concerned about whether they have a legal right to remain in the country. The government has admitted that some people from the Windrush generation had been deported in error, as Theresa May appeared to make a U-turn on the issue Some Windrush immigrants wrongly deported, UK admits.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kfy1mDdNtEQ

    • Amber Rudd’s resignation letter in full and the Prime Minister’s response

      Amber Rudd has resigned as home secretary amid increasing pressure over the way the Home Office handled immigration policy.

      Her resignation came after leaked documents undermined her claims she was unaware of the deportation targets her officers were using.

      Downing Street confirmed Theresa May had accepted Ms Rudd’s resignation on Sunday night. She is the fifth cabinet minister to have left their position since the Prime Minister called the snap election in June 2017.

      https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/amber-rudd-resignation-letter-full-transcript-windrush-scandal-theres

    • Black history is still largely ignored, 70 years after Empire Windrush reached Britain

      Now, 70 years and three to four generations later, the legacy of those who arrived on the Windrush and the ships that followed is being rightly remembered – albeit in a way which calls into question how much their presence, sacrifices and contributions are valued in Britain.

      https://theconversation.com/black-history-is-still-largely-ignored-70-years-after-empire-windru
      #histoire #mémoire

    • Chased into ’self-deportation’: the most disturbing Windrush case so far

      As Amelia Gentleman reflects on reporting one of the UK’s worst immigration scandals, she reveals a new and tragic case.

      In the summer of 2013, the government launched the peculiarly named Operation Vaken, an initiative that saw vans drive around six London boroughs, carrying billboards that warned: “In the UK illegally? Go home or face arrest.” The billboards were decorated with pictures of handcuffs and the number of recent immigration arrests (“106 arrests last week in your area”). A line at the bottom adopted a softer tone: “We can help you to return home voluntarily without fear of arrest or detention.”

      The Conservatives’ 2010 manifesto promise to reduce migration to the tens of thousands had been going badly. It was time for ministers to develop new ways of scaring immigrants into leaving and for the government’s hostile environment policy to get teeth. More than 170,000 people, many of them living in this country legally, began receiving alarming texts, with warnings such as: “Message from the UK Border Agency: you are required to leave the UK as you no longer have the right to remain.”

      The hope was that the Home Office could get people to “self-deport”, frightening them into submission. In this, politicians appeared to have popular support: a YouGov poll at the time showed that 47% of the public approved of the “Go home” vans. The same year, Home Office vehicles began to be marked clearly with the words “Immigration Enforcement”, to alert people to the hovering presence of border guards.

      Operation Vaken ran for just one month, and its success was limited. A Home Office report later found that only 11 people left the country as a result; it also revealed that, of the 1,561 text messages sent to the government’s tip-off hotline, 1,034 were hoaxes – taking up 17 hours of staff time.

      Theresa May’s former adviser Nick Timothy later tried to argue that the vans had been opposed by the prime minister and were only approved while she was on holiday. But others who worked on the project insisted that May had seen the wording on the vans and requested that the language be toughened up. Meanwhile, the Immigration Enforcement vehicles stayed, with their yellow fluorescent stripes and black-and-white checks, a sinister presence circling areas of high migration. Gradually, the broader strategy of intimidation began to pay off. Some people were frightened into leaving.
      Guardian Today: the headlines, the analysis, the debate - sent direct to you
      Read more

      In my two years of reporting on what became known as the Windrush scandal, Joycelyn John’s experience was the most disturbing case I came across. Joycelyn arrived in London in 1963 at the age of four, travelling with her mother on a Grenadian passport as a British subject. She went to primary and secondary school in Hammersmith, west London, before working in hotels in the capital – including the Ritz and a Hilton.

      Some time around 2009, she lost her Grenadian passport, which contained the crucial stamp giving her indefinite leave to remain. She had trouble getting a new passport, because her mother had married and changed her daughter’s surname from Mitchell to John. Because she never registered the change, there was a discrepancy between Joycelyn’s birth certificate and the name she had used all her adult life. She spent several years attempting to sort out her papers, but by 2014, aged 55, she had been classified as living in Britain illegally. She lost her job and was unable to find new work. For a while, she lived in a homeless hostel, but she lost her bed, because the government does not normally fund places for people classified as illegal immigrants. She spent two years staying with relatives, sleeping on sofas or the floor.

      In that time, Joycelyn managed to gather 75 pages of evidence proving that she had spent a lifetime in the UK: bank statements, dentists’ records, medical files, tax records, letters from her primary school, letters from friends and family. But, inexplicably, this was not enough. Every letter she received from the Home Office warned her that she was liable to be deported to Grenada, a country she had left more than 50 years ago. She began to feel nervous about opening the door in case immigration officers were outside.

      A Home Office leaflet encouraging people to opt for a voluntary departure, illustrated with cheerful, brightly coloured planes and published about the same time as the “Go Home” vans were launched, said: “We know that many people living in the UK illegally want to go home, but feel scared of approaching the Home Office directly. They may fear being arrested and detained. For those returning voluntarily, there are these key benefits: they avoid being arrested and having to live in detention until a travel document can be obtained; they can leave the UK in a more dignified manner than if their removal is enforced.” This appeal to the desire for a dignified departure was a shrewd tactic; the idea of being forcibly taken away terrified Joycelyn, who saw the leaflets and knew of the vans. “There’s such stigma... I didn’t want to be taken off the plane in handcuffs,” she says. She was getting deeper into debt, borrowing money from a younger brother, and felt it was no longer fair to rely on him.

      When the hostile environment policy is working well, it exhausts people into submission. It piles up humiliations, stress and fear until people give up. In November 2016, Joycelyn finally decided that a “voluntary” departure would be easier than trying to survive inside the ever-tightening embrace of Home Office hostility. Officials booked her on a flight on Christmas Day; when she asked if she could spend a last Christmas with her brother and five sisters, staff rebooked her for Boxing Day. She was so desperate that she felt this was the best option. “I felt ground down,” she says. “I lost the will to go on fighting.”

      By that point, she estimated she must have attempted a dozen times to explain to Home Office staff – over the phone, in person, in writing – that they had made a mistake. “I don’t think they looked at the letters I wrote. I think they had a quota to fill – they needed to deport people.” She found it hard to understand why the government was prepared to pay for her expensive flight, but not to waive the application fee to regularise her status. A final letter told her: “You are a person who is liable to be detained... You must report with your baggage to Gatwick South Virgin Atlantic Airways check-in desk.” The letter resorted to the favoured Home Office technique of scaring people with capital letters, reminding her that in her last few weeks: “YOU MAY NOT ENTER EMPLOYMENT, PAID OR UNPAID, OR ENGAGE IN ANY BUSINESS OR PROFESSION.” It also informed her that her baggage allowance, after a lifetime in the UK, was 20kg – “and you will be expected to pay for any excess”.

      How do you pack for a journey to a country you left as a four-year-old? “I was on autopilot,” Joycelyn recalls. “I was feeling depressed, lonely and suicidal. I wasn’t able to think straight; at times, I was hysterical. I packed the morning I left, very last-minute. I’d been expecting a reprieve. I didn’t take a lot – just jeans and a few T-shirts, a toothbrush, some Colgate, a towel – it didn’t even fill the whole suitcase.” She had £60 to start a new life, given to her by an ex-boyfriend. She had decided not to tell her sisters she was going; she confided only in her brother. “I just didn’t want any fuss.” She didn’t expect she would ever be allowed to return to Britain.

      In Grenada, she found everything unfamiliar. She had to scrub her clothes by hand and struggled to cook with the local ingredients. “It’s just a completely different lifestyle. The culture is very different.” She was given no money to set her up and found getting work very difficult. “You’re very vulnerable if you’re a foreigner. There’s no support structure and no one wants to employ you. Once they hear an English accent – forget it. They’re suspicious. They think you must be a criminal if you’ve been deported.”

      Joycelyn recounts what happened to her in a very matter-of-fact way, only expressing her opinion about the Home Office’s consistent refusal to listen when I ask her to. But her analysis is succinct: “The way I was treated was disgusting.” I still find it hard to accept that the government threatened her until she felt she had no option but to relocate to an unfamiliar country 4,300 miles away. The outcome – a 57-year-old Londoner, jettisoned to an island off the coast of Venezuela, friendless and without money, trying to make a new life for herself – is as absurd as it is tragic.

      *

      In April 2018, the leaders of 52 countries arrived in London for the Commonwealth heads of government meeting. The Mall was decorated with flags; caterers at Buckingham Palace prepared for tea parties and state dinners. In normal times, this summit would have been regarded as a routine diplomatic event, heavy with ceremony and light on substance. But, with Brexit looming, the occasion was seen as an important opportunity to woo the countries on which Britain expected to become increasingly reliant.

      A week before the event, however, the 12 Caribbean high commissioners had gathered to ask the British government to adopt a more compassionate approach to people who had arrived in the UK as children and were never formally naturalised. “I am dismayed that people who gave their all to Britain could be discarded so matter-of-factly,” said Guy Hewitt, the Barbados high commissioner. “Seventy years after Windrush, we are again facing a new wave of hostility.”

      Hewitt revealed that a formal request to meet May had been declined. The rebuff convinced the Caribbean leaders that the British government had either failed to appreciate the scale and seriousness of what was happening or, worse, was aware, but did not view it as a priority. It smacked of racism.

      By then, I had been covering cases such as Joycelyn’s for six months. I had written about Paulette Wilson, a 61-year-old grandmother who had been detained by the Home Office twice and threatened with deportation to Jamaica, a country she had left half a century earlier; about Anthony Bryan, who after 50 years in the UK was wrongly detained for five weeks; and about Sylvester Marshall, who was denied the NHS radiotherapy he needed for prostate cancer and told to pay £54,000 for treatment, despite paying taxes here for decades. Yet no one in the government had seemed concerned.

      I contacted Downing Street on 15 April to ask if they could explain the refusal to meet the Caribbean delegation. An official called back to confirm that a meeting had not been set up; there would be other opportunities to meet the prime minister and discuss this “important issue”, she said.

      It was a huge mistake. An article about the diplomatic snub went on the Guardian’s front page and the political response was instantaneous. Suddenly, ministers who had shown no interest were falling over themselves to express profound sorrow. The brazen speed of the official turnaround was distasteful to watch. Amber Rudd, then the home secretary, spoke in parliament to express her regret. The Home Office would establish a new team to help people gather evidence of their right to be here, she announced; fees would be waived. The prime minister decided that she did, after all, need to schedule a meeting with her Caribbean colleagues.

      There were a number of factors that forced this abrupt shift. The campaigner Patrick Vernon, whose parents emigrated from Jamaica in the 50s, had made a critical connection between the scandal and the upcoming 70th anniversary of the arrival of the Empire Windrush at Tilbury Docks. A fortnight earlier, he had launched a petition that triggered a parliamentary debate, calling for an immigration amnesty for those who had arrived as British subjects between 1948 and 1971. For months, I had been describing these people as “Caribbean-born, retirement-age, long-term British residents”, a clunky categorisation that was hard to put in a headline. But Vernon’s petition succinctly called them the “Windrush generation” – a phrase that evoked the emotional response that people feel towards the pioneers of migration who arrived on that ship. Although it was a bit of a misnomer (those affected were the children of the Windrush generation), that branding became incredibly potent.

      After months of very little coverage, the BBC and other media outlets began to report on the issue. On 16 April, the Guardian reprinted the photographs and stories of everyone we had interviewed to date. The accounts were undeniable evidence of profound and widespread human suffering. It unleashed political chaos.

      *

      It was exciting to see the turmoil caused by the relentless publication of articles on a subject that no one had previously wanted to think about. Everyone has moments of existential doubt about whether what they do serves a purpose, but, for two weeks last April, the government was held to account and forced to act, demonstrating the enormous power of journalism to trigger change.

      At the Guardian’s offices in London, a team of reporters was allocated to interview the huge number of emerging Windrush voices. Politicians were contacted by constituents who had previously been nervous about giving their details to officials; they also belatedly looked through their constituency casebooks to see if there were Windrush people among their immigration caseload; finally, they began to speak up about the huge difficulties individuals were facing as a result of Home Office policy.

      Editors put the story on the front page, day after day. Any hope the government might have had of the issue quickly exhausting itself was dashed repeatedly by damaging new revelations. For a while, I was unable to get through my inbox, because there were too many unhappy stories about the government’s cruel, bureaucratic mishandling of cases to be able to read and process. Caroline Bannock, a senior journalist who runs the Guardian’s community team, created a database to collect people’s stories, and made sure that everyone who emailed got an answer, with information on where to go for advice and how to contact the Windrush Taskforce, set up by Rudd.

      I found the scale of the misery devastating. One morning, I came into work to find 24 messages on my answerphone from desperate people, each convinced I could help. I wanted to cry at my desk when I opened a letter from the mother of a young woman who had arrived in Britain from Jamaica in 1974, aged one. In 2015, after being classified as an illegal immigrant and sent to Yarl’s Wood detention centre, she had taken an overdose and died. “Without the time she spent in Yarl’s Wood, which we understand was extremely unpleasant, and the threat of deportation, my daughter would be alive today,” she wrote. The government had been aiming to bring down immigration at any cost, she continued. “One of the costs, as far as I am concerned, was my daughter’s life.”

      Alongside these upsetting calls and letters, there were many from readers offering financial support to the people we interviewed, and from lawyers offering pro bono assistance. A reader sent a shoebox full of chocolate bars, writing that he wanted to help reporters keep their energy levels up. At a time when the reputation of journalism can feel low, it was rewarding to help demonstrate why independent media organisations are so important.

      If the scene at the office was a smooth-running model of professionalism, at home it was chaos. I wrote until 2am and got up at 5am to catch up on reading. I tapped out so many articles over two weeks that my right arm began to ache, making it hard to sleep. My dictaphone overheated from overuse and one of its batteries exploded. I had to retreat entirely from family life, to make sure I poured out every bit of information I had. Shoes went missing, homework was left undone, meals were uncooked. There was an unexpected heatwave and I was aware of the arrival of a plague of ants, flies and fleas (and possibly nits), but there was no time to deal with it.

      I am married to Jo Johnson, who at the time was a minister in May’s government. As a news reporter, I have to be politically independent; I let him get on with his job and he doesn’t interfere in mine. Life is busy and mostly we focus on the day-to-day issues that come with having two children. Clearly, there are areas of disagreement, but we try to step around anything too contentious for the sake of family harmony.

      But the fact did not go unnoticed. One Sunday morning, Jo had to go on television to defend Rudd, returning home at lunchtime to look after the children so I could talk on the radio about how badly the government had got it wrong. I can see why it looks weird from the outside; that weekend it felt very weird. I had only one brief exchange about the issue with his brother Boris, who was then the foreign secretary, at a noisy family birthday party later in the year. He said: “You really fucked the Commonwealth summit.”

      *

      On 25 April, Rudd appeared in front of the home affairs select committee. She told MPs she had been shocked by the Home Office’s treatment of Paulette and others. Not long into the session, Rudd was thrown off course by a question put to her by the committee’s chair, Yvette Cooper. “Targets for removals. When were they set?”

      “We don’t have targets for removals,” she replied with easy confidence. It was an answer that ended her career as home secretary.

      In an earlier session, Lucy Moreton, the head of the Immigration Service Union, had explained how the Home Office target to bring net migration below 100,000 a year had triggered challenging objectives; each region had a removal target to meet, she said. Rudd’s denial seemed to indicate either that she was incompetent and unaware of how her own department worked, or that she was being dishonest. Moreton later told me that, as Rudd was giving evidence, colleagues were sending her selfies taken in front of their office targets boards.

      Rudd was forced back to parliament the next day. This time, she admitted that the Home Office had set local targets, but insisted: “I have never agreed there should be specific removal targets and I would never support a policy that puts targets ahead of people.” But, on 29 April, the Guardian published a private memo from Rudd to May, sent in early 2017, that revealed she had set an “ambitious but deliverable” target for an increase in enforced deportations. Later that evening, she resigned.

      When I heard the news, I felt ambivalent; Rudd hadn’t handled the crisis well, but she wasn’t responsible for the mess. She seemed to be resigning on a technicality, rather than admitting she had been negligent and that her department had behaved atrociously on her watch. The Windrush people I spoke to that night told me Rudd’s departure only shifted attention from the person who was really responsible: Theresa May.

      *

      Joycelyn John was issued with a plane ticket from Grenada to England in July 2018. “A bit of me was ecstatic, a bit of me was angry that no one had listened to me in the first place,” she told me when we met at her still-bare flat in June this year. She had been rehoused in September, but the flat was outside London, far from her family and empty; council officials didn’t think to provide any furniture. Friends gave her a bed and some chairs, but it was months before she was able to get a fridge.

      In late 2018, she received a letter of apology from the then home secretary, Sajid Javid. “People of the Windrush generation who came to Britain from the Commonwealth, as my parents did, have helped make this country what it is today,” he wrote. “The experiences faced by you and others have been completely unacceptable.” The letter made her cry, but not with relief. “I thought: ‘What good is a letter of apology now?’ They ruined my life completely. I came back to nothing. I have had to start rebuilding my life from scratch at the age of 58.”

      She still has nightmares that she is back in Grenada. “I can feel the heat, I can smell the food, I can actually taste the fish in the dream – in a good way. But mostly they are bad memories.” The experience has upended her sense of who she is. “Before this I felt British – I just did. I’m the sort of person who would watch every royal wedding on television. I feel less British now. I feel I don’t belong here, and I don’t belong there.”

      While a government compensation scheme has been announced, Joycelyn, like most of the Windrush generation, has yet to receive any money. Since the government apologised for its “appalling” treatment, 6,000 people have been given documents confirming their right to live in the UK. Joycelyn is one of them. But, although her right to be here is now official, she hasn’t yet got a passport – because she can’t afford the fee. And she remains frightened. “I’m still looking over my shoulder all the time. I’m a nervous wreck.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/sep/14/scale-misery-devastating-inside-story-reporting-windrush-scandal?CMP=sh

  • Le collectif renaît toujours
    Pose d’une halle de marché et d’assemblée au Gourbi sur la ZAD

    https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Le-collectif-renait-toujours-Pose-d-une-halle-de-marche-et-d-assembl

    Mercredi, Gourbi 4 a été détruit par des tractopelles après une nouvelle offensive des gendarmes. C’est un des nombreux lieux de la ZAD qui a été attaqué la semaine dernière. Comme les autres, cet espace avait une histoire belle et singulière. Gourbi était un des lieux les plus partagés de la ZAD : il ne s’agissait pas d’un habitat individuel mais d’un espace dédié au commun. C’est là que se tenait le non-marché, tous les vendredis, ainsi que de nombreuses réunions des habitant·e·s de la ZAD.

    Ce dôme géodésique de terre, de paille et de métal était un des nombreux exemples de la créativité architecturale qui a surgi ici. Cette dernière version du Gourbi avait été construite à un moment décisif du mouvement, lors d’un grand chantier, le 30 juin 2016. Cette construction était notre réponse d’alors à la manipulation par laquelle le gouvernement essaya d’imposer ce projet sous couvert de démocratie, via une consultation publique. Nous y opposions un espace dédié à notre propre façon de nous organiser : à la base, avec les personnes concernées, dans des assemblées et des mises en pratique concrètes. (...)

    #Notre-Dame-des-Landes #ZAD #halle #reconstruction #collectif

  • SyrianObserver.com: Assad Confiscates Properties of Absentees Through Legislation
    http://syrianobserver.com/EN/News/34055


    Apr 5th, 2018 by Al-Hal (opposition website)

    Syrian lawyer and rights activist Michel Shammas said that Decree 10 for the year 2018, which was issued by the Syrian regime’s President Bashar al-Assad, “opened the door wide for demographic change and legitimizing the confiscation of the properties of millions of displaced and expelled people.”

    Shammas said on his Facebook page that the decree had a basic aim of preventing displaced and refugees from returning to their homes. He called on all Syrians living in countries of refuge and those in contact with the authorities with whom Syrians have taken refuge to inform them of the decree which deprives refugees of their properties and will therefore prevent them from returning to Syria.

    The lawyer said that the timing of the decree’s issuance will deprive millions of refugees and displaced from establishing their ownership, as most of them are wanted by security forces, adding, “The decree must be stopped from being implemented now, because a safe and calm environment is required after the return of every refugee and displaced person to their homes and areas is ensured and they are able to exercise their rights.”

    Assad issued a decree last Monday which stipulated allowing “for the establishment of one or more organizational zone within the general organizational plans for administrative units by a decree based on the proposal of the minister of local administration and environment and the amendment of some articles of legislative Decree No. 66 for the year 2012.”

    According to experts the new decree will allow for new organizational zones to be established in any province the regime government wants, like the Khalaf al-Razi zone in Damascus, or what is known as the Marotta City project.

    #RECONSTRUCTION #réfugiés #spoliation

  • l’histgeobox: François and the Atlas Mountain: “Royan”
    http://lhistgeobox.blogspot.com/2018/04/francois-and-atlas-mountain-royan.html

    Royan, ville deux fois détruite, trois fois construite, est un champ de découvertes architecturales particulièrement fécond, fruit d’époques et de styles successifs.

  • Paris Breast Rendez-Vous Congress | Free paper session
    http://www.parisbreastrendezvous.com/free-paper-session

    The next«Paris Breast Rendez-vous» will be held from May 24th to 26th 2018 in Paris.

    The aims of “Paris Breast Rendez-Vous” is to encourage surgeons to share their knowledge and experience in breast surgery. We welcome you to submit your abstract for the free paper session of the next Paris Breast Rendez-Vous; The two best communications will receive a special Award from the Scientific Committee.

    Abstracts are invited under the following themes:

    Oncological Breast Surgery - Reconstructive Breast Surgery - Aesthetic Breast Surgery

    Abstract submission deadline on april 1, 2018

    #reconstruction_mammaire
    #chirurgie
    #cancer_du_sein

  • Un « Solidere syrien » en préparation dans la banlieue de Damas ? - Soraya Riachi - L’Orient-Le Jour
    https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1099709/un-solidere-syrien-en-preparation-dans-la-banlieue-de-damas-.html

    Si les combats ne sont pas finis, le régime s’y attelle déjà. Dès fin 2016, un important projet immobilier a ainsi été lancé dans le sud de Damas, rapporte à L’Orient-Le Jour Joseph Daher, maître de conférences à l’Université de Lausanne. Présenté comme le symbole de la reconstruction du pays, le projet a déjà attiré les investissements d’hommes d’affaires syriens proches du pouvoir, Samir Foz et Mazen al-Tarazi, selon plusieurs médias syriens.

    Décret n° 66

    Ce projet a pu voir le jour grâce au décret n° 66 de 2012. Signé par Bachar el-Assad, il permet « le développement de quartiers (comprenant de nombreuses constructions) illégales ». Deux zones dans Damas ou sa banlieue sud sont concernées : la première, où les travaux ont déjà été lancés, englobe Mazzé, quartier résidentiel proche du palais présidentiel, et Kafr Soussa. La superficie de la seconde zone, qui inclut aussi Mazzé et Kafr Soussa, mais également Kanawat, Bassatine, Daraya et Kadam, atteint 880 hectares, soit 10 % de la superficie de Damas, rapportait en décembre l’agence de presse officielle, SANA. L’expropriation de ses habitants est annoncée pour 2018.

    #solidere #syrie #reconstruction

  • Taste of Cement - film 2017

    http://www.allocine.fr/film/fichefilm_gen_cfilm=259577.html

    Chaudement recommandé par Eric Verdeil alias @rumor

    Chaque jour, des ouvriers syriens construisent un gratte-ciel dans le ciel de Beyrouth. Chaque nuit, un couvre-feu leur impose de s’enfoncer dans leurs entrailles de ciment. Au même moment, la guerre détruit leurs maisons, en Syrie. Peu à peu, les sons et les images de destruction et de reconstruction se mélangent dans une cacophonie onirique : un essai éblouissant sur le sens d’une vie en exil.