• I migranti della #Open_Arms chiedono asilo dalla nave

    L’8 agosto per la prima volta nella storia dei soccorsi in mare, 89 migranti dei 121 soccorsi in due diverse operazioni dalla nave spagnola Open Arms nelle acque internazionali al largo della Libia hanno espresso la volontà di fare richiesta di asilo in Europa, mentre sono ancora a bordo della nave umanitaria. L’organizzazione non governativa spagnola Proactiva Open Arms ha consegnato queste richieste all’Alto commissariato delle Nazioni Unite per i rifugiati (Unhcr) e alla Centrale operativa della guardia costiera di Roma, in una mossa senza precedenti che potrebbe portare per vie legali al superamento del divieto di sbarco imposto dalle autorità italiane, dopo la conversione in legge del cosiddetto decreto sicurezza bis, che criminalizza il soccorso in mare e impedisce alle navi umanitarie di ricevere un porto di sbarco.

    I profughi – che provengono da Eritrea, Etiopia, Somalia e Costa d’Avorio – sono bloccati da otto giorni al largo di Lampedusa e non hanno ricevuto l’autorizzazione a sbarcare né in Italia né a Malta, nonostante i numerosi appelli della capomissione Anabel Montes Mier che ha denunciato una situazione critica a bordo. Il 9 agosto sono stati portati rifornimenti e a bordo è salito anche l’attore Richard Gere.
    Nel frattempo la nave norvegese Ocean Viking delle ong Medici senza frontiere e di Sos Méditerranée ha soccorso 85 persone, tra cui quattro bambini, a sessanta miglia dalle coste libiche. “Alcune donne hanno raccontato storie di violenza e di stupri, avevano sul corpo i segni di queste inenarrabili violenze”, ha raccontato Valentina Brinis, responsabile dei progetti di Proactiva Open Arms.

    “A bordo si è creato un clima tale per cui le persone si sono aperte e hanno raccontato le loro storie, ci siamo resi conto così che si trattava di persone che avevano bisogno di protezione in base alle leggi internazionali come la Convenzione di Ginevra del 1951”, continua Brinis. Per questo gli operatori legali e gli avvocati dell’organizzazione hanno raccolto le richieste di asilo da parte dei migranti e le hanno presentate all’Unhcr e all’Mrcc di Roma.

    Per la prima volta su una nave umanitaria i migranti hanno sottoscritto un documento in cui chiedono di poter fare domanda di asilo: questo procedimento apre una serie di questioni di diritto internazionale. “Di solito queste persone erano considerate soltanto naufraghi, invece sono in realtà dei richiedenti asilo. Questo significa che se fossero riportati indietro in Libia si tratterebbe di una violazione del principio di non respingimento sancito dalla Convenzione di Ginevra, ma anche dalla Convenzione europea dei diritti dell’uomo”, afferma l’operatrice, che insieme all’avvocato Arturo Salerni ha presentato le richieste. L’ong sottolinea che la richiesta dovrebbe sollecitare l’assegnazione di un porto sicuro di sbarco per persone che ne hanno diritto e che sono particolarmente vulnerabili.

    Ma il ministero dell’interno italiano ha risposto con una nota dicendo “che la Open Arms è spagnola” e in base alle convenzioni internazionali “è dovere dello stato di bandiera prendersi cura di coloro che si trovano a bordo, dopo essere stati raccolti o trasportati in acque internazionali: gli esperti del ministero dell’Interno stanno valutando la possibilità di richiamare pertanto la Spagna - anche in ambito giurisdizionale - al rispetto degli obblighi internazionali facendosi carico delle 89 persone”.

    L’organizzazione ribadisce di non essere interessata ad arrivare per forza in Italia, ma di voler chiedere con insistenza un porto sicuro di sbarco per i richiedenti asilo a bordo, tra loro 32 minori. “L’organizzazione aveva depositato un ricorso al tribunale di Palermo, competente su questa materia”, spiega l’ong. Anche il garante per i diritti delle persone private della libertà personale Mauro Palma ha sollecitato un intervento delle autorità italiane. Secondo Palma “la situazione in atto può e deve essere vista come ambito di competenza giurisdizionale del nostro paese, nonostante la sua presenza in acque internazionali”, in virtù del divieto d’ingresso nelle acque nazionali notificato dalle autorità italiane il primo agosto, per effetto del decreto sicurezza bis.

    “L’interdizione all’ingresso costituisce esercizio della sovranità e implica che ai migranti soccorsi e a bordo della nave debbano essere riconosciuti tutti i diritti e le garanzie (divieto di non respingimento, diritti dei minori stranieri non accompagnati, diritto di protezione internazionale) che spettano alle persone nei confronti delle quali l’Italia esercita la propria giurisdizione”, ha scritto Palma in una nota.

    A partire da queste premesse il garante ha denunciato “il duplice rischio di violazione del principio di non respingimento e del divieto di espulsioni collettive” da parte dell’Italia. E inoltre ha sottolineato che il divieto di ingresso può essere visto “come azione di respingimento collettivo delle persone soccorse, se esercitato senza un preventivo esame delle condizioni individuali delle stesse”.


    https://www.internazionale.it/bloc-notes/annalisa-camilli/2019/08/09/open-arms-richiedenti-asilo
    #sauvetage #ONG #Méditerranée #asile #migrations #réfugiés #droit_d'asile #demande_d'asile #UNHCR #HCR #alternative (à la fermeture des ports) #alternatives #voies_légales

    Je vais commencer, avec cet article, une nouvelle liste autour de la question des sauvetages en Méditerranée. La métaliste ici :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/706177#message767790

  • Témoignage [4/6] | “Je perds les meilleurs années de ma vie”
    https://asile.ch/2019/08/07/temoignage-4-6-je-perds-les-meilleurs-annees-de-ma-vie

    Le 26 juin 2019, la coordin’action Poya Solidaire a organisé une journée d’information et de mobilisation pour exiger la fin du statut dégradant de l’aide d’urgence et la régularisation des requérant-e-s le subissant depuis une longue durée. A cette occasion, plusieurs personnes concernées ont pris la parole. Leurs mots étaient forts et importants. En juillet […]

  • #Mau_Mau - #Con_chi_fugge

    Chi scappa perché c’è una guerra
    chi gli hanno preso la sua terra
    chi si è salvato da un inferno
    finendo in un C.I.E. moderno

    Non si vive non si vive così
    Che faresti se vivessi così?
    Per la gente di
    Mali Siria Eritrea
    Nigeria Senegal
    io griderò
    che con chi fugge io starò!

    Chi sarà sempre uno straniero
    chi sogna un lavoro vero
    chi cerca cibo e trova bombe
    e chi si è perso tra le onde

    Non si vive non si vive così
    che faresti se vivessi così?
    Per la gente di
    Gambia Palestina Bangladesh
    Egitto Libia
    urlerò
    che con chi fugge io starò!

    Chi comanda ha messo un muro 
    un confine immaginario
    si è spartito questa Terra
    l’esodo è planetario

    Attraverso i 7 mari
    c’è una schiavitù moderna
    gli interessi dei potenti
    e sangue sopra i continenti

    ma con chi fugge io starò

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XltxNObQ_lo


    #fuite #solidarité #asile #conflits #guerre #migrations #réfugiés #musique_et_politique #chanson #musique

    ping @sinehebdo

  • How the media contributed to the migrant crisis

    Disaster reporting plays to set ideas about people from ‘over there’.

    When did you notice the word “migrant” start to take precedence over the many other terms applied to people on the move? For me it was in 2015, as the refugee crisis in Europe reached its peak. While debate raged over whether people crossing the Mediterranean via unofficial routes should be regarded as deserving candidates for European sympathy and protection, it seemed as if that word came to crowd out all others. Unlike the other terms, well-meaning or malicious, that might be applied to people in similar situations, this one word appears shorn of context; without even an im- or an em- attached to it to indicate that the people it describes have histories or futures. Instead, it implies an endless present: they are migrants, they move, it’s what they do. It’s a form of description that, until 2015, I might have expected to see more often in nature documentaries, applied to animals rather than human beings.
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    But only certain kinds of human beings. The professional who moves to a neighbouring city for work is not usually described as a migrant, and neither is the wealthy businessman who acquires new passports as easily as he moves his money around the world. It is most often applied to those people who fall foul of border control at the frontiers of the rich world, whether that’s in Europe, the US, Australia, South Africa or elsewhere. That’s because the terms that surround migration are inextricably bound up with power, as is the way in which our media organisations choose to disseminate them.

    The people I met during the years I spent reporting on the experiences of refugees at Europe’s borders, for my book Lights in the Distance, were as keenly aware of this as any of us. There was the fixer I was introduced to in Bulgaria, a refugee himself, who was offering TV news crews a “menu” of stories of suffering, with a price range that corresponded with the value the media placed on them. Caesar, a young man from Mali I met in Sicily, told me he was shocked to find that Italian television would usually only show images of Africa in reports about war or poverty. Some refugees’ stories, he felt, were treated with more urgency than others because of what country they came from. Or there was Hakima, an Afghan woman who lived with her family in Athens, who confronted me directly: “We keep having journalists visit, and they want to hear our stories, but, tell me, what can you do?” Often, people I met were surprised at the lack of understanding, even indifference, they felt was being shown to them. Didn’t Europe know why people like them were forced to make these journeys? Hadn’t Europe played an intimate role in the histories and conflicts of their own countries?

    Europe’s refugee crisis, or more properly, a disaster partly caused by European border policies, rather than simply the movement of refugees towards Europe, was one of the most heavily mediated world events of the past decade. It unfolded around the edges of a wealthy and technologically developed region, home to several major centres of the global media industry. Scenes of desperation, suffering and rescue that might normally be gathered by foreign correspondents in harder-to-access parts of the world were now readily available to reporters, news crews, filmmakers and artists at relatively low cost.

    The people at the centre of the crisis were, at least for a time, relatively free to move around once they had reached safety and to speak to whoever they pleased. This gave certain advantages to the kind of media coverage that was produced. Most of all, it allowed quick and clear reporting on emergency situations as they developed. Throughout 2015, the crisis narrative was developed via a series of flashpoints at different locations within and around the European Union. In April, for example, attention focused on the smuggler boat route from Libya, after the deadliest shipwreck ever recorded in the Mediterranean. A month or so later focus shifted to Calais, where French and British policies of discouraging irregular migrants from attempting to cross the Channel had led to a growing spectacle of mass destitution. By the summer, the number of boat crossings from Turkey to Greece had dramatically increased, and images and stories of people stepping on to Aegean shores, or of piles of orange lifejackets, came to dominate. Then came the scenes of people moving through the Balkans, and so on, and so on.

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/2fe295c2e8dc7ea934d7091beaee84d9c5c3c804/42_649_3645_2186/master/3645.jpg?width=880&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=4029d3e00eba3245a92c5c

    In all of these situations the news media were able to do their basic job in emergency situations, which is to communicate what’s happening, who’s affected, what’s needed the most. But this is usually more than a matter of relaying dry facts and figures. “Human stories” have the greatest currency among journalists, although it’s an odd term if you think about it.

    What stories aren’t human? In fact, it’s most commonly used to denote a particular kind of human story; one that gives individual experience the greatest prominence, that tells you what an event felt like, both physically and emotionally. It rests on the assumption that this is what connects most strongly with audiences: either because it hooks them in and keeps them watching or reading, or because it helps them identify with the protagonist, perhaps in a way that encourages empathy, or a particular course of action in response. As a result, the public was able to easily and quickly access vivid accounts and images of people’s experiences as they attempted to cross the EU’s external borders, or to find shelter and welcome within Europe.

    The trade-off was that this often fit into predetermined ideas about what disasters look like, who needs protection, who is innocent and who is deserving of blame. Think, for example, about the most recognisable image of the refugee crisis in 2015: the picture of a Turkish police officer carrying the lifeless body of three-year-old Alan Kurdi away from the water’s edge on a beach near Bodrum.

    As the Dutch documentary Een zee van beelden – A Sea of Images – (Medialogica, 2016) asked: why did this image in particular strike such a chord? After all, many news editors see images of death on a daily basis, yet for the most part decide to exclude them. The documentary showed how the apparently viral spread of the Alan Kurdi photograph on social media was in large part the result of a series of decisions taken by senior journalists and NGO workers.

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/dae2df82cc5f6e0366d71f29daacfa5fdbc32e71/0_285_4500_2700/master/4500.jpg?width=880&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=08662beb01cdef62f0e718

    First, a local photo agency in Turkey decided to release the image to the wires because they were so fed up with the lack of political response to the crisis on their shores. The image was shared by an official at a global human rights NGO with a large Twitter following, and retweeted by several prominent correspondents for large news organisations. Picture editors at several newspapers then decided, independently of one another, to place the photo on the front pages of their next editions; only after that point did it reach its widest circulation online. The image gained the status it did for a mix of reasons – political, commercial, but also aesthetic. One of the picture editors interviewed in the documentary commented on how the position of the figures in the photo resembled that of Michelangelo’s Pietà, an iconography of suffering and sacrifice that runs deep in European culture.

    But if this way of working has its advantages, it also has its dark side. News media that rush from one crisis point to another are not so good at filling in the gaps, at explaining the obscured systems and long-term failures that might be behind a series of seemingly unconnected events. To return to the idea of a “refugee crisis”, for example, this is an accurate description in one sense, as it involved a sharp increase in the number of people claiming asylum in the European Union; from around 430,000 in 2013, according to the EU statistics agency Eurostat, to well over a million in 2015 and 2016 each. In global terms this was a relatively small number of refugees: the EU has a population of over 500 million, while most of the world’s 68.5 million forcibly displaced people are hosted in poorer parts of the world. But the manner of people’s arrival was chaotic and often deadly, while there was a widespread institutional failure to ensure that their needs – for basic necessities, for legal and political rights – were met. To stop there, however, risks giving the false impression that the crisis was a problem from elsewhere that landed unexpectedly on European shores.

    This impression is false on two counts. First, Europe has played a key role, historically, in the shaping of a world where power and wealth are unequally distributed, and European powers continue to pursue military and arms trading policies that have caused or contributed to the conflicts and instability from which many people flee. Second, the crisis of 2015 was a direct effect of the complex and often violent system of policing immigration from outside the EU that has been constructed in the last few decades.

    In short, this has involved the EU and its members signing treaties with countries outside its borders to control immigration on its behalf; an increasingly militarised frontier at the geographical edges of the EU; and an internal system for regulating the movement of asylum seekers that aims to force them to stay in the first EU country they enter. This, cumulatively, had the effect of forcing desperate people to take narrower and more dangerous routes by land and sea, while the prioritising of border control over safe and dignified reception conditions compounded the disaster. How well, really, did media organisations explain all this to their audiences?

    The effect, all too often, was to frame these newly arrived people as others; people from “over there”, who had little to do with Europe itself and were strangers, antagonistic even, to its traditions and culture. This was true at times, of both well-meaning and hostile media coverage. A sympathetic portrayal of the displaced might focus on some of those images and stories that matched stereotypes of innocence and vulnerability: children, women, families; the vulnerable, the sick, the elderly.

    Negative coverage, meanwhile, might focus more on the men, the able-bodied, nameless and sometimes faceless people massed at fences or gates. Or people from particular countries would be focused on to suit a political agenda. The Sun, one of Britain’s most widely read newspapers, for example, led with a picture of Alan Kurdi on its front page in September 2015, telling its readers that the refugee crisis was a matter of life and death, and that the immediate action required was further British military intervention in Syria. A few weeks later it gave another refugee boat story the front page, but in contrast to the earlier one the language was about “illegals” who were seeking a “back door”. This time, the refugees were from Iraq, and they had landed on the territory of a British air force base in Cyprus, which legally made them the responsibility of the UK.

    The fragmented and contradictory media coverage of the crisis left room for questions to go unanswered and myths to circulate: who are these people and what do they want from us? Why don’t they stop in the first safe country they reach? Why don’t the men stay behind and fight? How can we make room for everyone? Are they bringing their problems to our shores? Do they threaten our culture and values? The problem is made worse by those media outlets that have an active desire to stoke hostility and misunderstanding.

    One of the first people I met in the course of my reporting was Azad, a young Kurdish man from northern Syria, in a hastily constructed refugee camp in Bulgaria at the end of 2013. At the time, the inability of Bulgarian and EU authorities to adequately prepare for the arrival of a few thousand people – the camp, at Harmanli in southern Bulgaria, marked the first time Médecins sans Frontières had ever set up emergency medical facilities within Europe – seemed like an unusual development. Everyone was new to this situation, and the camp’s inhabitants, largely Syrians who had fled the war there but decided that Syria’s neighbouring countries could not offer them the security they needed, were shocked at what they found. Several of them told me this couldn’t possibly be the real Europe, and that they would continue moving until they found it. Azad was friendly and wanted to know lots about where I came from, London, and to find out what he could about the other countries in Europe, and where people like him might find a place to settle.

    I went back to meet Azad several times over the next two years, as he and his family made their way across Bulgaria, and then central Europe, to Germany. During that time, the backlash against refugees grew stronger, a fact Azad was keenly aware of. In Sofia, in the spring of 2014, he pointed out places in the city centre where homeless Syrians had been attacked by street gangs. Later that year, in eastern Germany, we walked through a town where lampposts were festooned with posters for a far-right political party.

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/fa2e141ab6724115920ad9c8da0a9a8f5062613a/178_3160_7900_4740/master/7900.jpg?width=880&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=f94d910248f1757de42634

    By the autumn of 2015, Azad and his family were settled in Germany’s Ruhr area, and he was much warier of me than he had been in our early meetings. He could see that hostility ran alongside the curiosity and welcome that had greeted the new arrivals to Europe; and he knew how giving too many details away to journalists could threaten what stability people in his situation had managed to find. Within a few months, a series of events – the Islamic State attack in Paris in November 2015, the robberies and sexual assaults in Cologne that New Year’s Eve – had provided the excuse for some media outlets to tie well-worn stereotypes about savage, dark foreigners and their alleged threat to white European purity to the refugees of today.

    The most brazen of these claims – such as the Polish magazine wSieci, which featured a white woman draped in the EU flag being groped at by the arms of dark-skinned men, under the headline The Islamic Rape of Europe – directly echoed the Nazi and fascist propaganda of Europe’s 20th century. But racist stereotyping was present in more liberal outlets too. The Süddeutsche Zeitung, in its coverage of the Cologne attacks, prominently featured an illustration of a woman’s legs silhouetted in white, with the space in between taken up by a black arm and hand. Racism is buried so deep in European history that at times like these it can remain unspoken yet still make its presence clear.

    Now, several years on from the peak of the refugee crisis, we are faced with a series of uncomfortable facts. The EU has tried to restore and strengthen the border system that existed before 2015 by extending migration control deep into Africa and Asia. The human rights of the people this affects, not least the many migrants trapped in horrendous conditions in Libya, are taking a back seat. Far right and nationalist movements have made electoral gains in many countries within the EU, and they have done this partly by promising to crack down on migration, to punish refugees for daring to ask for shelter from disasters that Europe was all too often the midwife to. Politicians of the centre are being pulled to the right by these developments, and a dangerous narrative threatens to push out all others: that European culture and identity are threatened by intrusions from outside. If we come to view culture in this way – as something fixed and tightly bounded by the ideologies of race and religion, or as a means for wealthy parts of the world to defend their privilege – then we are headed for further, greater disasters.

    The irony is that you can only believe in this vision if you ignore not only Europe’s history, but its present too. Movement, exchange, new connections, the making and remaking of tradition – these things are happening all around us, and already involve people who have been drawn here from other parts of the world by ties not just of conflict but of economics, history, language and technology. By the same token, displacement is not just a feature of the lives of people from elsewhere in the world; it’s been a major and recent part of Europe’s history too. And what has kept people alive, what has preserved traditions and allowed people to build identities and realise their potential, is solidarity: the desire to defend one another and work towards common goals.

    If there is a failure to recognise this, then the way people are represented by our media and cultural institutions has to be at fault, and setting this right is an urgent challenge. This isn’t only in terms of how people are represented and when, but who gets to participate in the decision-making; who gets to speak with authority, or with political intent, or with a collective voice rather than simply as an individual.

    All too often, the voices of refugees and other marginalised people are reduced to pure testimony, which is then interpreted and contextualised on their behalf. One thing that constantly surprised me about the reporting on refugees in Europe, for instance, was how little we heard from journalists who had connections to already settled diaspora communities. Immigration from Africa, Asia or the Middle East is hardly new to Europe, and this seems like a missed opportunity to strengthen bridges we have already built. Though it’s never too late.

    Any meaningful response to this has to address the question of who gets to tell stories, as well as what kinds of stories are told. The Refugee Journalism Project, a mentoring scheme for displaced journalists, based at London College of Communication – disclosure: I’m on the steering committee, and it is supported by the Guardian Foundation – focuses not only on providing people with a media platform, but helping them develop the skills and contacts necessary for getting jobs.

    All too often the second part is forgotten about. But although initiatives like these are encouraging, we also need to rethink the way our media organisations are run: who owns them, who makes the decisions, who does the work. This reminds me of what I heard Fatima, a women’s rights activist originally from Nigeria, tell an audience of NGO workers in Italy in 2016: “Don’t just come and ask me questions and sell my story or sell my voice; we need a change.”

    The more those of us who work in media can help develop the connections that already exist between us, the more I think we can break down the idea of irreconcilable conflict over migration. Because, really, there is no “over there” – just where we are.

    https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/aug/01/media-framed-migrant-crisis-disaster-reporting
    #médias #journalisme #presse #crise #terminologie #mots #vocabulaire #asile #migrations #réfugiés #crise_migratoire

  • Métaliste
    Les « #left-to-die in the Sahara desert »...

    (évidente référence à un rapport de Charles Heller et Lorenzo Pezzani sur le Left-to-die boat : https://forensic-architecture.org/investigation/the-left-to-die-boat)

    Essai de #métaliste sur les expulsions de migrants depuis les pays du #Maghreb (#Tunisie et #Algérie pour le moment) vers leur frontières méridionales, soit en plein #désert...

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #abandon #expulsions #renvois #déportation

    ping @isskein @_kg_ @visionscarto @pascaline @karine4

  • Jurisprudence | Déterminer l’âge d’un jeune, des procédures claires, des enjeux considérables. Prouver sa minorité, une loterie ?
    https://asile.ch/2019/08/05/jurisprudence-determiner-lage-dun-jeune-des-procedures-claires-des-enjeux-cons

    Alors qu’une solide jurisprudence existe sur la procédure à mettre en œuvre pour établir l’âge d’un jeune qui se déclare mineur, les auditeurs du Secrétariat d’État aux migrations (SEM) s’écartent régulièrement des principes à suivre lorsqu’ils rendent des décisions. Les conséquences pour le jeune et l’issue de sa procédure peuvent être considérables. Les juges du […]

  • Tunisia - 36 persone deportate al confine con la Libia

    La denuncia degli attivisti presenti a Zarzis. Nel pomeriggio manifestazione al porto per la libertà di movimento

    Un comunicato stampa di Europe Zarzis Afrique, Bergamo migrante antirazzista, Campagna Lasciatecientrare, Caravana Abriendo Fronteras, Carovane Migranti, Dossier Libia, Movimiento Migrante Mesoamericano, Progetto 20k, Progetto Melting Pot Europa e dei partecipanti alle giornate internazionali a Zarzis.

    –---------
    Aggiornamento 5 agosto ore 6.45, confine con la Libia.
    Da ieri pomeriggio stiamo cercando i migranti deportati e abbandonati dalla polizia nei pressi del confine con la Libia. Fonti attendibili locali ci confermano che i migranti sono detenuti in quella zona militare, sono privi di acqua e cibo. Ma la polizia di frontiera non ci fornisce né informazioni né ci permette di muoverci alla loro ricerca, intimandoci di andarcene. Noi da qui non ce ne andremo fino a quando non avremo trovato le persone e verificato il loro stato psico-fisico.
    Facciamo appello di fare pressione in tutti i modi possibili sul governo della Tunisia: le 36 persone sono in grave pericolo e hanno bisogno d’aiuto!

    –--------

    4 agosto - Ci troviamo a Zarzis, Tunisia del sud, e abbiamo da poco concluso con una manifestazione al porto per la libertà di movimento le giornate di iniziative e incontri promosso da «Europe Zarzis Afrique».

    In questo preciso momento, quattro attivisti italiani si trovano alla frontiera con la Libia per verificare una grave violazione dei diritti umani. Le associazioni per i diritti umani tunisine denunciano che un gruppo di 36 migranti ivoriani (21 uomini, 11 donne di cui una una incinta e quattro bambini molto piccoli) sono stati deportati dalla città di #Sousse al confine con la Libia e là abbandonati senza cibo ed acqua. L’area in cui si trovano è una zona militare ad alto rischio.

    Le associazioni tunisine hanno anche diramato un video che riprende l’abbandono dei migranti nel deserto e un comunicato di condanna.

    https://www.meltingpot.org/Tunisia-36-persone-deportate-al-confine-con-la-Libia.html
    #Libye #Tunisie #renvois #déportation #expulsion #réfugiés #asile #migrations #zone_militaire #expulsions #expulsion_collective #réfugiés_ivoiriens #abandon

    vidéo :
    https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=809496766111780

    ping @_kg_ @isskein

    • Tunisie : le SOS de migrants ivoiriens expulsés vers le #désert libyen

      Des dizaines de migrants ivoiriens arrêtés et conduits en plein désert libyen lancent un appel au secours sur les réseaux sociaux. Plusieurs associations tunisiennes ont dénoncé « une grave violation des droits des migrants ».

      « Aidez-nous ! S’il vous plaît, aidez-nous ! », c’est par ce cri détresse qu’un migrant ivoirien a conclu son appel au secours relayé le 4 août 2019 par le Forum Tunisien pour les Droits Economiques et Sociaux (FTDES) sur son compte Facebook. Des dizaines de migrants ivoiriens ont été arrêtés par les autorités tunisiennes et conduits en plein désert libyen, annonce l’association.
      Une violation du droit des migrants

      Dans un communiqué signé par plusieurs associations de défense des droits de l’homme, le FTDES a en effet révélé ce qu’il qualifie de « grave violation des droits des migrants » par les autorités tunisiennes.

      Des hommes en uniforme ont arrêté samedi 3 août à 10 heures du matin, dans une maison de Sfax, 36 migrants ivoiriens dont onze femmes, l’une d’entre elles enceinte et 3 nourrissons, sous prétexte qu’ils s’apprêtaient à une migration clandestine.

      Faux, se défendent-ils dans un témoignage vidéo racontant leur arrestation, diffusé par l’association tunisienne. Ils ne faisaient que préparer les festivités de la fête nationale ivoirienne (qui a lieu le 7 août NDLR) affirme la personne qui filme.

      Ils ont été conduits à Médenine dans le sud, puis derrière la frontière libyenne, où ils ont été lâchés dans des conditions climatiques torrides. « Ils savent que la Libye est un pays dangereux, ils nous jettent en Libye », peut-on entendre sur la bande son.

      « La situation ne fait qu’empirer. Avec le soleil, les enfants sont à bout de souffle, ils n’arrivent plus à tenir, ils sont tous faibles. Et nous aussi ! », témoigne un autre migrant sur un enregistrement audio diffusé également par le site Facebook du Forum.

      « L’armée tunisienne, en face de nous, menace de nous abattre si on s’aventure vers la frontière. Donc on ne sait plus quoi faire. Nous sommes en danger, nous sommes sur le territoire libyen. Supposez que des Libyens tombent sur nous ici, on ne connaît pas la suite », ajoute-t-il terrorisé.
      Les batteries des téléphones portables déchargées

      Outre le FTDES, l’Association Tunisienne pour la défense des droits de l’homme, Tunisie terre d’Asile, Des avocats sans frontières et le Comité pour le respect des libertés et des droits de l’Homme sont également signataires d’un appel aux autorités tunisiennes.

      Elles demandent le retour rapide des migrants sur le sol tunisien afin qu’ils soient pris en charge par des organisations humanitaires.

      Mettant en garde contre les violations commises à l’encontre des migrants en Tunisie, elles réclament une modernisation du règlement juridique de l’immigration dans le pays, ainsi que sa mise en conformité avec la Constitution qui garantit les droits et les libertés et avec le droit international.

      Aux dernières nouvelles communiquées par le FTDES, les migrants ivoiriens se trouvaient toujours le 5 août en territoire libyen à proximité de la frontière tunisienne et les batteries de leurs #téléphones_portables étaient pour la plupart totalement déchargées.

      https://www.francetvinfo.fr/monde/europe/migrants/tunisie-le-sos-de-migrants-ivoiriens-expulses-vers-le-desert-libyen_356
      #désert_libyen #smartphone

  • Caught in Sri Lanka’s anti-Muslim backlash, evicted refugees search for safe homes

    Hundreds of refugees and asylum seekers in Sri Lanka have spent the past three months searching for safety across the island nation after being swept up in an anti-Muslim backlash following the April terrorist attacks that killed more than 250 people.

    More than 1,000 refugees and asylum seekers were pushed from their rented homes after attackers struck six churches and hotels around the country.

    In the aftermath of the suicide blasts, rights groups say mobs in the coastal city of #Negombo – the site of one of April’s deadliest explosions – and elsewhere went door to door pressuring landlords to evict refugees, most of whom are religious minorities from #Pakistan and #Afghanistan, including members of persecuted sects.

    Local rights advocates and the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, describe a volatile situation where plans to temporarily resettle displaced refugees were met with protests. In some cases, refugee families have gone from safehouse to safehouse only to be pushed out by local authorities.

    “Every effort that was made to relocate people was received with a lot of hostility,” said Menique Amarasinghe, the head of UNHCR’s Sri Lanka office.

    Roughly 90 refugees and asylum seekers forced from their homes are now living at a government-run facility in Vavuniya, in northern Sri Lanka, where they are under armed military guard. More than 100 other refugees are still sheltering at crowded mosques in Negombo and in nearby Pasyala, afraid to return to the surrounding communities.

    Ruki Fernando, a human rights advocate with the Colombo-based Inform Human Rights Documentation Centre, called the Vavuniya facility “a de facto prison”.

    “We’ve never had this situation in our history that refugees have been so scared they’ve had to live in camps guarded by armed forces,” Fernando said.

    Of the 1,000 people originally displaced, the UNHCR said 228 people are still looking for safe homes, including the 90 remaining in Vavuniya.

    The threats facing refugees are part of a larger anti-Muslim backlash that has deepened ethnic divisions in Sri Lanka since the Easter Sunday attacks, which authorities blame on a small group of Islamist extremists claiming allegiance to the so-called Islamic State.

    Sri Lanka’s bloody 26-year civil war ended a decade ago, but analysts say the failure to reconcile wartime abuses has produced a culture of impunity that allows ethnic tensions to easily simmer today. Sri Lanka’s multiethnic society includes the mostly Buddhist Sinhalese majority, mostly Hindu Tamils, as well as large Muslim and Christian communities.

    Rights groups accuse Buddhist nationalists of stirring up anti-Muslim sentiment on social media, and Human Rights Watch says authorities have arbitrarily arrested hundreds of Sri Lankan Muslims using counterterrorism laws.
    Mosques become shelters

    In seaside Negombo, about 30 kilometres north of Colombo, a suicide bomber killed dozens of worshipers at the city’s St. Sebastian’s Church in April. The government declared days of curfews here in May after mobs attacked Muslim-owned businesses. Local landlords also evicted refugees and asylum seekers like Ahsan Mahmood, a 24-year-old Ahmadi Muslim from Pakistan.

    Mahmood fled to Sri Lanka two years ago. Along with 100 others, he has spent the last three months living inside the city’s Ahmadiyya mosque, which sits a few kilometres from the damaged church. Ahmadis are part of a Muslim sect that faces persecution in majority-Muslim countries like Pakistan; about 1,350 of the nearly 1,700 refugees or asylum seekers in Sri Lanka are Pakistani Ahmadis or Christians.

    Mahmood said he’s now too afraid to leave the mosque because his unkempt beard may raise suspicion. Like the others here, he relies on food donated by religious organisations and humanitarians.

    “When I go outside of the mosque I fear what will happen to me,” he said. “If the police stop me I have only two things to show them: my passport and refugee identification. If they don’t accept it, what would I do?”
    Refugees search for new homes

    With refugees like Mahmood evicted from their homes, the UNHCR said it had no option but to help relocate about 200 of the 1,000 displaced people to Vavuniya in mid-May. More than half have since returned to their communities or gone elsewhere.

    “We asked the government to provide a location with security to ensure they were kept safe during this time, with a clear understanding we weren’t looking for a place for them to be kept indefinitely,” Amarasinghe said.

    But finding more suitable refuge has been difficult.

    Amarasinghe said Vavuniya residents at first protested the decision to move refugees to the area until the UNHCR offered assurances it would be temporary. The government also guaranteed the facility would be under armed guard.

    The UNHCR is providing food and healthcare through a local NGO. But the refugees can’t receive visitors or move freely.

    Fernando said he tried to help evicted refugee families in Colombo, Sri Lanka’s commercial capital, move to safer areas in May, intending to place them with volunteer hosts in Jaffna in the north. But an attempt to move a single family was met with hostility there as well.

    “The host family registered them at the police on the day of the arrival, but the next day senior government officials opposed this,” Fernando said. “The distraught and exhausted refugee family was compelled to travel back to Colombo.”

    Rights activists and faith groups are still trying to protect refugees caught up in the backlash. Fernando said the Vavuniya facility is closed to visitors, but he’s trying to help a handful of residents there find better homes elsewhere in the country. In the last month, he said, a number of Sri Lankan families and a church have offered to host refugee families.

    The UNHCR is also meeting with police and local government officials in communities that had previously refused to register refugee families. It’s also meeting with local landlords to help more refugees return home or find new housing. The New Humanitarian was unable to reach government officials to comment on the issue.

    In Negombo, Sister Noel Christine, a Catholic nun, has become a defender of her hometown’s displaced asylum seekers and refugees.

    “These refugees have faced violence in their home countries and have come to Sri Lanka to seek asylum. Now they’ve had to leave their homes again,” Christine said.

    Each week, she brings food to dozens of men sheltering at the Ahmadiyya mosque, including Mahmood.

    The nun is also trying to heal the divided communities in Negombo. St. Sebastian’s Church re-opened its doors in late July, but the damage lingers for the city’s residents.

    “We’re all traumatised,” Christine said.

    She’s part of a local group – the Negombo United Citizens Alliance – created to help quell the hostility that followed the attack. “We come to the streets and we tell everyone not to resort to violence,” she said.

    But refugees like Mahmood describe a sharp contrast in their lives before and after the April attacks. He said local police and soldiers would occasionally harass him, but life was peaceful compared to the persecution he faced back home.

    Mahmood used to worry about his family still in Pakistan; now they fear for his safety as a refugee.

    “I pray for Sri Lanka,” he said. “I want it to be like it was before Easter Sunday.”

    https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2019/07/29/sri-lanka-anti-muslim-backlash-evicted-refugees-search-safe-home
    #réfugiés #Sri_Lanka #Sri-Lanka #religion #islam #anti-musulmans #terrorisme #réfugiés_afghans #réfugiés_pakistanais

  • Home Office rejects Human Rights Committee’s call for a time limit to immigration detention

    The #Home_Office has rejected the UK Parliament Human Rights Committee’s recommendation to introduce a time limit on immigration detention, despite the overwhelming cross-party support.

    https://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/joint-select/human-rights-committee/news-parliament-2017/time-limit-immigration-govt-response-published-17-19
    #rétention #asile #migrations #réfugiés #détention_administrative #UK #Angleterre #Home_Office #durée #durée_indéterminée

  • 506 Refugees Lose Their Lives in Occupational Homicides in 6 Years

    The Laborers’ Health and Occupational Safety (İSİG) Assembly has released its report on occupational homicides in July 2019. The report has shown that at least 163 workers lost their lives in occupational homicides last month.

    The report has also shared information regarding the refugees and migrants who lost their lives in occupational homicides in the last six years:

    In 2013, 22 immigrants/refugees (2 percent)
    In 2014, 53 immigrants/refugees (3 percent)
    In 2015, 67 immigrants/refugees (4 percent)
    In 2016, 96 immigrants/refugees (5 percent)
    In 2017, 88 immigrants/refugees (4 percent)
    In 2018, 110 immigrants/refugees (6 percent)
    In the first seven months of 2019, 70 immigrants/refugees (7 percent)

    Occupational homicides in the first seven months

    The report has also given details about the refugees and immigrants who died in occupational homicides in the first seven months of 2019.

    Accordingly, of the 1,004 workers who lost their lives in the first seven months, 26 workers were from Syria, 23 workers from Afghanistan, four workers from Turkmenistan, four workers from Ukraine, three workers from Uzbekistan, two from Azerbaijan, two from Iran, two from Georgia, one from Czechia, one from Italy, one from Colombia and one from Russia.

    According to the report, 17 of the occupational homicides occured in the sector of agriculture/forestry, eight in municipal/general affairs, eight in construction/road, eight in ships/dock, seven in textile/leather, five in tree/paper, four in chemistry, three in accomodation/entertainment, two in food, two in metal, one in mining, one in press and one in commerce.

    The most frequent causes of death were explosion/burning, being poisoned/suffocated or drowned, traffic/service bus accident, being crushed/trapped under debris and falling from a higher place. While six of the deceased workers were children, nine of them were women.

    The provinces where the highest number of occupational homicides occurred in the first seven months are Ankara, İstanbul and Kocaeli.
    163 occupational homicides in July

    The report has also shared the following information about the occupational homicides that occurred in July 2019:

    At least 163 workers lost their lives in July.
    In the first seven months of 2019, 1,004 workers lost their lives: 159 workers died in January, 127 workers in February, 114 workers in March, 153 workers in April, 163 workers in May, 125 workers in June and at least 163 workers in July.
    Of the 163 deceased workers, 120 workers were wage earners (workers and civil servants) and 43 workers were working on their own behalf (farmers and shop owners).
    While 10 of the deceased workers were women, 153 of them were men. The homicides of women took place in the sectors of agriculture, office, metal, healthcare, accommodation and municipality.
    In July 2019, six child workers, four of whom were younger than 14, lost their lives in occupational homicides. These homicides took place in the sectors of agriculture and commerce.
    Six immigrants/refugees died in occupational homicides. While two of them were from Syria and two of them were from Turkmenistan, two workers were from Italy and Georgia each.
    The sectors with the highest number of occupational homicides were agriculture, construction, transportation, municipal/general affairs, commerce/office, metal and mining.
    The most frequent causes of death were traffic/service bus accident, being crushed/trapped under debris, falling from a high place, heart attack, electric shock, being poisoned/suffocated and suicide.
    In July, occupational homicides took place in 52 provinces of Turkey, primarily in Kocaeli, Manisa, Aydın, Gaziantep, Ankara, İzmir, Mersin, Samsun, Van, Adıyaman, Konya and Muğla.
    Only one of the deceased was a member of a union.

    The names of the deceased workers

    Alper Kıransoy, İsa Dikme, Serkan Can, Bülent Bayramin, Selahattin Gökbel, Lokman Kahya, Erol Özdemir, Şakir İpek, Mehmet Ali Kubat, Ayhan Yaşar, Mehmet Ali Sönmez, Zeynel Bayazgül, Kazım Vural, Yunus Yıldırım, Şeref Doğramacı, Kazım Vural, İmdat Öz, Güler Adam, Muhammed Emir Bozanoğlu, İlhan Yılmaz, Mustafa Endes, Hasan İğircik, Hakan Kasırga, Hakan Tükkan, Saniye Çağlar, Şems Aybars, Hasan Şimşek, İsmail U., Metin Çomak, Ufuk Kıranlı, Kemal Baştuğ, Bayram Sarı, İbadullah Özdemir, Ahmet Boy, Enis Eken, Nafi Dişli, Nezir Ayvaz, Mustafa Akkaya, Yusuf Çırak, Halil Doğan Mıhçı, Mustafa Dilemen, Mehmet Hasçelik, Hamza Surani, Valid Youssef, Vahdettin Çelik, Hicabi Gül, Sefahattin Bozkurt, Osman Kocaman, Erol Kilit, Mehmet Yanar, Çınar Baysak, Şeref Öktem, Ahmet Yuca, Rahim Aydın, Ali Taş, İsmail Albayrak, Yılmaz Solgun, Metin Durmaz, Erol Güney, Erdoğan Aydın, Muharrem Külah, Ali Osman Güçlü, Zülfikar Can, Mehmet Eroğlu, Orhan Kartal, Osman Ersoy, Süleyman Şen, Mehmet Karataş, Ömer Kazancı, Sinan Erkut, Yahya Cahit Küçükşahin, S.A., Cengiz Yalman, Abdullah Özbey, Sabahattin Güngördü, Mustafa Şahin, Ömer Tepe, Ercan Akgül, Halil Donat, Ömer Koçak, Necati Er, Murat Güraras, İdris Koç, Şerif Özdilek, Ferhat Sertkaya, Şinasi Kurnaz, Mustafa Koç, Roberto Montegurdia, Özlem Çelik, Burhan Asan, Günay Gönülaçar, Ravil Geniyev, Osman Duran, Mehmet Çalar, Ercan Sarıtaş, Özgür Kaya, Ahmet Pekgöz, Adem Kavşut, Alişan Eşref, Mustafa Çelik, Harun Özay, Hüsniye Barutçu Türkdoğan, Aydın Yiğit, Renas Taşkıran, İlyas Yazgan, Musa Turunc, Hüseyin Yıldız, Şeref Doğan, Yunus Doğan, Şakir Koçer, Ali İhsan Yavuz, Hacı Demirkıran, Mustafa Ali Altuntaş, Hasan Akgül, Nizamettin Gürler, Ahmet Ataşlı, İbrahim Bozkurt, Rıdvan Tunç, Hasan Ali Gürsoy, Ramazan Karaduman, Şenol Yücel, Ramazan Kavuşduk, Nebi Saygı, Mesut Karakülah, Celal Şeneroğlu, Hasan Dede Solak, Osman Sezgin, Rabia Vural, Ramazan Gürel, Sadık Pektaş, Hüseyin Tavşan, Metin Parça, İsmail Derya, Ayaz Güloğlu, Nupelda Güloğlu, Mustafa Güngör, Serdar Şahin, Erkan Kurut, İrem Kurut, Gülbahar Akdeniz, Bekir Aydın, Abdurrahman Balcıoğlu, Hüseyin Barış, Bayram Türkmen, Tülin Türkmen, Abdülhakim Demir, Vali Çevik, Govsettin Türkmen, Furkan Diri, Demir Ali Tekin, Ali Akbaş, Zehra Aydın, Mustafa Nuri Uçar, A.Y., Erdoğan Hoplamaz, Seyfi Şanlı, Sıtkı Atille, Yasin Atille, Ömer İncecik, Mehmet Özsöz, Bülent Gültekin, Hikmet Akdemir and Mehmet Aykut.

    https://bianet.org/english/labor/211250-506-refugees-lose-their-lives-in-occupational-homicides-in-6-years
    #décès #mort #travail #Turquie #réfugiés #asile #migrations #statistiques #chiffres #travailleurs_étrangers #accidents_de_travail
    via @isskein

  • Myanmar’s Persecuted Rohingya Join Balkan Route into #Europe

    Persecuted for decades, members of Myanmar’s Rohingya ethnic group are now turning up on the Balkan route for migrants and refugees trying to reach Western Europe.

    “Army people were torturing my family,” Ali Mulla began his story. “That’s why I couldn’t live anymore in Myanmar.”

    Mulla, 17, spoke in a refugee and migrant camp near the northern Serbian town of Kikinda, some 7,000 kilometres from the home he fled in Southeast Asia.

    Stateless and persecuted in Myanmar, in 2017 some 700,000 Rohingya fled in the face of a military crackdown, joining many who fled earlier bouts of repression.

    Most are housed in sprawling refugee camps in neighbouring Bangladesh, but now a few have joined the long road to Western Europe carved through the Balkans by refugees and migrants from Asia, Africa and the Middle East since 2015.

    Mulla was one of three Rohingya in the Kikinda camp near Serbia’s northern borders with European Union members Hungary and Romania.

    Besides the three in Kikinda, Serbia’s Commissariat for Refugees says it has registered only four other Rohingya, in the summer of last year.

    The Rohingya themselves say they were among 30 who entered Serbia two months ago.

    Mulla left Myanmar in 2009, the 2017 crackdown only the latest chapter in decades of repression against the Rohingya, a mainly Muslim ethnic group effectively denied citizenship in Myanmar under a 1982 law.

    Mulla and his family first moved to Bangladesh before travelling through Pakistan and eventually reaching Turkey. There, he said, he lost touch last year with his family – his parents, four brothers and two sisters.

    “I was looking and searching for six months”, he said, without success. Someone told him they had perhaps gone to the EU. Mulla chose to try too. “Maybe I go,” he said. “Maybe I’ll get my family.”

    Long road to Europe

    Rights groups have documented mass killings, sexual violence and widespread arson among atrocities committed against the Rohingya by Myanmar’s security forces. The Myanmar government has dismissed the allegations, saying the army in 2017 was responding to attacks by Rohingya militants.

    In July, the United States imposed sanctions on Myanmar’s top general and three senior military officers, accusing them of human rights violations against the Rohingya.

    Mulla now shares the Kikinda camp with two other Rohingya – Omar Farur and Jahur Ahmed – and some 200 other refugees and migrants mainly from Afghanistan and Pakistan.

    Serbian authorities say roughly 20,000 migrants pass through Serbia every year. According to the latest figures, some 3,000 are living in Serbia waiting for their chance to reach the EU.

    Ahmed, 29, first became a refugee in 1994 when his family settled in Bangladesh. Seven years ago, he travelled to India but soon became a target of mafia racketeering.

    “I went then in Pakistan, but too much mafia,” he said.

    From Pakistan, Ahmed travelled to Iran and then Turkey. Like thousands of others trying to reach Europe, he crossed from Turkey to Greece by boat before heading north through North Macedonia and into Serbia.

    He estimated the journey had cost him between 1,700 and 2,000 euros.

    Ahmed and Mulla both said they hoped to reach Germany, but had yet to try their luck crossing the border between Serbia and Croatia that has become notorious for the heavy-handed tactics used by Croatian police to deter migrants and refugees.

    Their compatriot, 24-year-old Farur, broke down telling his own story.

    Farur said most of his family had been killed or detained in Myanmar. He fled in 2017, crossing India, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey and Greece. He worked for a couple of months in each country – for example in an oil factory in Turkey – to earn money for the next leg of the trip but that his funds were running low.

    Asked if he ever planned to return to Myanmar, Farur replied: “There is no home in Myanmar anymore. It is lost. Crashed. Army crashed it”.

    https://balkaninsight.com/2019/08/02/myanmars-persecuted-rohingya-join-balkan-route-into-europe

    #route_des_balkans #Balkans #réfugiés #réfugiés_rohingya #Rohingya #asile #migrations #réfugiés #parcours_migratoires #itinéraires_migratoires
    ping @reka

  • Richiedenti asilo ed esiti in Italia 2019, dati aggiornati dopo quattro mesi di interruzione. Gennaio-giugno: ipertrofia dinieghi, umanitaria all’1,6%

    Nel primo semestre di quest’anno sono stati registrati nel nostro Paese 18.047 richiedenti asilo, poco più della metà rispetto allo stesso periodo dell’anno scorso. Quanto agli esiti nelle Commissioni territoriali, confermata la semi-estinzione della protezione umanitaria (1,6% di tutte le domande di protezione esaminate) e l’ipertrofia dei dinieghi (81%). Intanto, secondo una stima il decreto immigrazione e sicurezza ha già “prodotto” 11 mila nuovi irregolari solo fino ad aprile.

    Dopo un’inspiegabile interruzione di quattro mesi, il Dipartimento Libertà civili e immigrazione del ministero dell’Interno ha ripreso a pubblicare i dati mensili nazionali su richieste d’asilo ed esiti.

    Nei primi sei mesi di quest’anno sono state presentate nel nostro Paese 18.047 richieste di protezione: poco più della metà di quelle presentate nello stesso periodo dell’anno scorso, 33.931.

    Sempre nel primo semestre ’19 le Commissioni territoriali hanno esaminato circa 48.900 richieste (come sempre il dato si riferisce alle domande di protezione esaminate nel periodo, indipendentemente dalla data di presentazione).

    Rispetto al 2018 si confermano, come già registrato nei mesi scorsi, sia la quasi-sparizione della protezione-umanitaria (1,6% di tutte le domande d’asilo esaminate contro il 21% di tutto il ’18: il dato ha toccato il minimo storico dell’1% lo scorso maggio e lo scorso giugno) sia l’ipertrofia di dinieghi (addirittura l’81% contando i casi di “irreperibilità” contro il 67% del ’18).

    Uniche note “positive”, il lieve aumento in percentuale delle concessioni dello status di rifugiato (11% circa delle domande d’asilo esaminate nei primi sei mesi di quest’anno contro il 7% del 2018) e l’ancor più lieve aumento delle protezioni sussidiarie (6% circa in questo 2019 contro 5% nel ’18).

    A margine ricordiamo che, secondo le stime sugli stranieri in situazione di irregolarità nel nostro Paese aggiornate dal ricercatore dell’ISPI Matteo Villa, fra giugno 2018 e aprile 2019 in Italia sono caduti nell’irregolarità circa 51 mila immigrati: «Di questi, circa 11 mila sono la conseguenza diretta del “decreto sicurezza”, oggi legge».

    http://viedifuga.org/richiedenti-asilo-ed-esiti-in-italia-2019-dati-aggiornati-dopo-quattro-me
    #protection_humanitaire #asile #migrations #réfugiés #statistiques #chiffres #Italie #clandestinisation #decreto_salvini #decrét_salvini #decreto_sicurezza

    v. métaliste sur le décret:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/739545

    Et plus précisément sur les conséquences du décret:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/739545#message766818

  • Sicilian fishermen risk prison to rescue migrants: ‘No human would turn away’

    A father and son describe what it’s like to hear desperate cries on the sea at night as Italy hardens its stance against incomers.

    Captain #Carlo_Giarratano didn’t think twice when, late last month, during a night-time fishing expedition off the coast of Libya, he heard desperate cries of help from 50 migrants aboard a dinghy that had run out of fuel and was taking on water. The 36-year-old Sicilian lives by the law of the sea. He reached the migrants and offered them all the food and drink he had. While his father Gaspare coordinated the aid effort from land, Carlo waited almost 24 hours for an Italian coastguard ship that finally transferred the migrants to Sicily.

    News of that rescue spread around the world, because not only was it kind, it was brave. Ever since Italy’s far-right interior minister, Matteo Salvini, closed Italian ports to rescue ships, the Giarratanos have known that such an act could land them with a hefty fine or jail. But if confronted with the same situation again, they say they’d do it all over 1,000 times.

    “No seaman would ever return to port without the certainty of having saved those lives,” says Carlo, whose family has sailed the Mediterranean for four generations. “If I had ignored those cries for help, I wouldn’t have had the courage to face the sea again.”

    I meet the Giarratanos at the port of #Sciacca, a fishing village on the southwestern coast of Sicily. I know the town like the back of my hand, having been born and raised there among the low-rise, colourful homes built atop an enormous cliff overlooking the sea. I remember the Giarratanos from the days I’d skip school with my friends and secretly take to the sea aboard a small fishing boat. We’d stay near the pier and wait for the large vessels returning from several days of fishing along the Libyan coast.

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/40f43502497ca769131cd927a804fd478c18bbc5/0_274_6720_4032/master/6720.jpg?width=880&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=e0e5c05662b6fb682bf3a5

    Those men were our heroes, with their tired eyes, sunburnt skin and ships overflowing with fish. We wanted to be like them, because in my hometown those men – heroic and adventurous like Lord Jim, rough and fearless like Captain Ahab, stubborn and nostalgic like Hemingway’s “Old Man” Santiago – are not simply fishermen; they are demigods, mortals raised to a divine rank.

    Fishermen in Sciacca are the only ones authorised to carry, barefoot, the one-tonne statue of the Madonna del Soccorso during religious processions. Legend has it that the statue was found at sea and therefore the sea has a divine nature: ignoring its laws, for Sicilian people, means ignoring God. That’s why the fishing boats generally bear the names of saints and apostles – except for the Giarratanos’, which is called the Accursio Giarratano.

    “He was my son,” says Gaspare, his eyes swelling with tears. “He died in 2002 from a serious illness. He was 15. Now he guides me at sea. And since then, with every rescue, Accursio is present.”

    Having suffered such a loss themselves, they cannot bear the thought of other families, other parents, other brothers, enduring the same pain. So whenever they see people in need, they rescue them.

    “Last November we saved 149 migrants in the same area,” says Carlo. “But that rescue didn’t make news because the Italian government, which in any case had already closed the ports to rescue ships, still hadn’t passed the security decree.”

    In December 2018 the Italian government approved a security decree targeting asylum rights. The rules left hundreds in legal limbo by removing humanitarian protection for those not eligible for refugee status but otherwise unable to return home, and were applied by several Italian cities soon afterwards. Then, in June, Rome passed a new bill, once again drafted by Salvini, that punished non-governmental organisation rescue boats bringing migrants to Italy without permission with fines of up to €50,000 and possible imprisonment for crew members.

    “I’d be lying if I told you I didn’t think I might end up in prison when I saw that dinghy in distress,” says Carlo. “But I knew in my heart that a dirty conscience would have been worse than prison. I would have been haunted until my death, and maybe even beyond, by those desperate cries for help.” It was 3am when Giarratano and his crew located the dinghy in the waters between Malta and Libya, where the Giarratanos have cast their nets for scabbard fish for more than 50 years. The migrants had left Libya the previous day, but their dinghy had quickly run into difficulty.

    “We threw them a pail to empty the water,” says Carlo. “We had little food – just melba toast and water. But they needed it more than we did. Then I alerted the authorities. I told them I wouldn’t leave until the last migrant was safe. This is what we sailors do. If there are people in danger at sea, we save them, without asking where they come from or the colour of their skin.”

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/fc15a50ae9797116761b7a8f379af4a644092435/0_224_6720_4032/master/6720.jpg?width=880&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=2af0085ebcf8bf6634dedc

    Malta was the nearest EU country, but the Maltese coastguard appears not to have responded to the SOS. Hours passed and the heat became unbearable. From land, Gaspare asked Carlo to wait while he contacted the press. Weighing on his mind was not only the duty to rescue the people, but also, as a father, to protect his son.

    “I wonder if even one of our politicians has ever heard desperate cries for help at high sea in the black of night,” Gaspare says. “I wonder what they would have done. No human being – sailor or not – would have turned away.” The Italian coastguard patrol boat arrived after almost 24 hours and the migrants were transferred to Sicily, where they disembarked a few days later.

    “They had no life vests or food,” says Carlo. “They ran out of fuel and their dinghy would have lost air in a few hours. If you decide to cross the sea in those conditions, then you’re willing to die. It means that what you’re leaving behind is even worse, hell.”

    Carlo reached Sciacca the following day. He was given a hero’s welcome from the townspeople and Italian press. Gaspare was there, too, eager to embrace his son. Shy and reserved, Carlo answered their questions.

    He doesn’t want to be a hero, he says, he was just doing his duty.

    “When the migrants were safely aboard the coastguard ship, they all turned to us in a gesture of gratitude, hands on their hearts. That’s the image I’ll carry with me for the rest of my life, which will allow me to face the sea every day without regret.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/03/sicilian-fishermen-risk-prison-to-rescue-migrants-off-libya-italy-salvi
    #sauvetage #pêcheurs #Sicile #pêcheurs_siciliens #délit_de_solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Italie #Méditerranée #mer_Méditerranée #Gaspare_Giarratano #Giarratano #témoignage

  • Interior minister says 92,000 Syrians granted Turkish citizenship

    A total of 92,280 Syrians have been naturalized in Turkey, according to a statement from Turkish Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu.

    The minister, who spoke to representatives from Turkish media outlets at the ministry on Friday, said 47,000 of the naturalized Syrians are adults while 45,280 of them are children.

    According to a statement from Soylu in February, 3,644,342 Syrians had fled to Turkey since the start of the civil war in the neighboring country.

    During Friday’s meeting the minister said most Syrians want to return to Syria the moment the country becomes a safe place to live.

    “Some 65 to 70 percent of Syrians, according to surveys, say they will return to Syria if the country becomes safe again. This shows that they will return. For those who want to stay in Turkey, I don’t think there will be a problems for them,” said Soylu.

    In recent weeks Turkish media have reported that some Syrian refugees in the country are being deported even if they are registered. These Syrians are allegedly being forced sign a document saying they are leaving Turkey of their own accord.

    In a move that unsettled Syrian refugees, the İstanbul Governor’s Office on July 22 directed Syrians who are not registered in İstanbul to leave the city by Aug. 20 and return to the cities where they registered and gained temporary protection status.

    The governor’s office said those who do not leave İstanbul by Aug. 20 will be sent back to the cities of their registration in line with an order from the Interior Ministry.

    On Wednesday, Abdullah Ayaz, who heads the Turkish Interior Ministry’s migration management department, denied reports about the deportation of some Syrians from Turkey, saying that such an act would be legally impossible.

    The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government is said to have tightened its policy on Syrian refugees following its loss of İstanbul in the mayoral election held in June to an opposition candidate. Many say the public’s unease with the Syrian refugees is one of the reasons for the AKP’s election loss in İstanbul and some other major cities.

    https://www.turkishminute.com/2019/08/02/interior-minister-says-92000-syrians-granted-turkish-citizenship
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés_syriens #nationalité #Turquie #citoyenneté

    v. aussi les annonces de Erdogan à partir de 2016 sur ce sujet :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/505950
    https://seenthis.net/messages/508084

    Et à mettre en lien avec les renvois de Syriens en Syrie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/617415

  • La Tête haute, au cœur de la vallée de #la_Roya

    C’est l’histoire d’une vallée magnifique, paisible, en bordure de l’Italie. Et puis un jour, surgit l’inattendu. Des dizaines, bientôt des centaines de migrants, font irruption sur la route, sur les chemins. Une fois retombés les feux de l’actualité, que reste-t-il de cette aventure extraordinaire qui voit l’engagement des uns, les doutes des autres, la désobéissance civile des plus motivés, la sourde hostilité des silencieux ? Oui, qu’en reste-t-il ? C’est là que commence ce film.


    http://www.film-documentaire.fr/4DACTION/w_fiche_film/55120_1
    #film #documentaire #frontière #Roya #frontière_sud-alpine #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Alpes #don #contre-don #ça_nous_est_tombé_dessus #résistance #solidarité #misère #responsabilité #colonisation #Vintimille #France #Italie #Roya_citoyenne #marche #marche_solidaire #solidarité #Cédric_Herrou #justice #humanitaire #action_politique #incertitude #délit_de_solidarité #montagne

    #mémoriel #plaque_commémorative #morts #mourir_aux_frontières #décès :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/786000)

    • Quelques citations tirées du film...

      Chamberlain, réfugié :

      « Je dis à certaines personnes qui s’intéresse à savoir mon parcours : ’Si tu trouves cela pathétique, moi ça me vexe, parce que c’est ça qui m’a construit, c’est tout ça qui fait de moi ce que je suis’. »

    • René Dahon, habitant de la vallée:

      « Ma famille pendant la guerre a été déportée, parce qu’ici c’était une #ligne_de_front : derrière c’était l’Italie et sur #Sospel c’était la ligne de front français. Entre les deux, en 1943-45, ça a été une espèce de couloir, un no man’s land. #Saorge a été dans ce couloir. Et ma famille a été déportée en Italie. Donc, moi l’idée de la solidarité, je l’ai tout connement connue sur un truc de rien du tout. Ma grand-mère m’a dit ’Quand on a marché de Saorge à Turin à pied, quand on a traversé certains villages du Piémont, il y a des gens qui ont ouvert leurs portes et qui ont donné quelque chose. Et moi j’ai ça d’idée de la solidarité. Moi j’ai l’idée que dans la vallée derrière, c’était des solidaires »

      –----
      Toujours René Dahon:

      « ça fait 40 ans que je suis dans l’associatif. Je me bagarre dans plein de domaines, mais on voulait bien que je sois gauchiste et que je défende le train ou la poste et les écoles, ça pose pas de problèmes, mais défendre du Black, c’est ça le problème. C’est drôle ! Alors qu’ils en ont jamais vu à Tendre. TEndre n’a jamais été envahi par les Noirs »

    • Suzel PRIO :

      "La Roya terre d’accueil, la Roya solidaire c’est vraiment un cliché. Ça plait beaucoup ça, mais c’est beaucoup plus complexe que ça. Il y a aussi tous ces réflexes de #peur, des gens ici qui ne sont pas contents qu’on voit la Roya comme ça, qu’elle soit célèbre avec ces valeurs-là. Au début, il y avait des gens qui étaient vraiment sur l’humanitaire. Donc ce débat entre politique ou humanitaire, on l’a eu à plusieurs reprises. Certaines personnes souhaitant au début qu’on fasse que de l’#humanitaire et petit à petit d’autres personnes qui souhaitaient qu’on fasse que du #politique. Cela voulait dire, je ne sais pas... arrêter d’acheter des couvertures, arrêter de faire à manger et ne faire que des communiqués et des soirées... Au final, notre positionnement a été arrêté sur : ’C’est les deux. C’est simple, il faut les deux !’

  • 1918, fuite des Suisses de Russie

    Dans les mois qui suivent la Révolution bolchévique d’octobre 1917, 8000 Suisses fuient la Russie dans le chaos des violences quotidiennes.

    De retour dans leur pays d’origine, nombre d’entre eux sont pris en charge par l’assistance publique. Deux familles, l’une romande et l’autre tessinoise, suivent aujourd’hui les traces de leurs ancêtres au destin si particulier.

    https://pages.rts.ch/docs/9849617-1918-fuite-des-suisses-de-russie.html
    #film #documentaire #réfugiés #octobre_1917 #Tessin #Suisse #révolution_d'octobre #Russie #révolution_russe #colonie_de_St.Nicolas #Mont_Chameau #migrations #restauration #viticulture #agriculture #colonie_italo-suisse #fuite #Michele_Raggi #collectivisation_des_terres #morire_di_crepacuore (#coeur_brisé)

  • Déclaration d’Al-Awda : Les réfugiés palestiniens au Liban en lutte pour la justice
    Publié le 30 juillet 2019 – Publié le 25/7/2019 sur Al Awda
    Traduction : Jean-Marie Flémal
    http://www.pourlapalestine.be/appel-a-laction-des-refugies-palestiniens-au-liban-en-lutte-pour-la-

    Al-Awda, la Coalition pour le droit au retour en Palestine, est unie à notre peuple, les réfugiés palestiniens au Liban engagés dans des actions de protestation et de grève pour leurs droits humains, sociaux et civiques. De même que les réfugiés palestiniens luttent pour le droit au retour qu’on leur refuse depuis 71 ans, ils sont aussi confrontés à la discrimination, à l’exclusion et à la marginalisation dans leurs pays d’accueil. C’est particulièrement le cas au Liban, qui héberge plus de 500 000 réfugiés palestiniens, juste de l’autre côté de la frontière de leur patrie, la Palestine, où ils ont longtemps été confrontés à des conditions de siège et d’exclusion.

    Les réfugiés palestiniens au Liban se voient refuser l’accès à plus de 70 professions réglementées, dont la médecine, les services publics, la pêche et l’agriculture. Ils ne peuvent acheter de propriété et, de plus, la pauvreté et les privations dans les camps palestiniens ont empiré, forçant une fois de plus de nombreux jeunes Palestiniens à
    l’exil afin de chercher la sécurité et un gagne-pain en Europe et ailleurs. Très récemment, des protestations, généralement dirigées par les jeunes Palestiniens, ont éclaté dans tout le pays en un « soulèvement des camps », suite aux ordonnances d’application de la nouvelle législation libanaise du travail annoncée par le ministre
    Kamil Abu Sleiman.

    Abu Sleiman, qui a ordonné aux autorités de rechercher et de fermer des magasins, boutiques, usines et ateliers dans le but d’empêcher l’emploi de « travailleurs étrangers illégaux », représente le parti de droite des Forces libanaises, bien connu pour ses incitations contre les réfugiés palestiniens et syriens au Liban. L’histoire des
    Forces libanaises commence par une milice d’extrême droite dirigée par des seigneurs de guerre, dont le plus célèbre fut Samir Geagea. La milice des Forces libanaises et les forces alliées ont un long passé de génocide à l’encontre des Palestiniens et de massacres de communautés alliées au mouvement libanais de libération nationale. Durant toute cette période de son histoire, la milice a reçu des formations, entraînements et armes de la part des sionistes. (...)

    #réfugiésPalestiniens #Liban

  • Témoignages [3/6] | “Depuis que je suis à l’aide d’urgence, je n’ai pas pu continuer”
    https://asile.ch/2019/07/31/temoignages-3-6-depuis-que-je-suis-a-laide-durgence-je-nai-pas-pu-continuer

    Le 26 juin 2019, la coordin’action Poya Solidaire a organisé une journée d’information et de mobilisation pour exiger la fin du statut dégradant de l’aide d’urgence et la régularisation des requérant-e-s le subissant depuis une longue durée. A cette occasion, plusieurs personnes concernées ont pris la parole. Leurs mots étaient forts et importants. En juillet […]

  • #Lampedusa è lo specchio dell’Italia

    Come racconta l’antropologo Marco Aime nel sul libro L’isola del non arrivo (Bollati Boringhieri 2018) i lampedusani hanno sempre denunciato la loro condizione d’isolamento e di abbandono da parte del governo, dovuta alla posizione remota dell’isola, più vicina alle coste nordafricane che a quelle italiane. Questo disinteresse è ciclicamente interrotto dall’improvviso emergere sulla scena di una nuova crisi, reale o strumentale, legata all’immigrazione e al controllo della frontiera. E ogni volta viene fatto un racconto dell’isola stereotipato in cui gli abitanti non si ritrovano. “Ognuno vive l’isola in maniera diversa, ma i mezzi d’informazione ne raccontano un solo volto, quello più spettacolare, più scenografico. Sì, perché Lampedusa è diventata l’isola degli sbarchi, e già il termine induce una certa ansia. ‘Sbarco’ evoca subito Normandia, Anzio, i garibaldini. A ‘sbarcare’ sono solitamente i nemici, gli eserciti. Invece qui la gente arriva, approda, naufraga, non sbarca”, scrive Aime nel suo libro.

    https://www.internazionale.it/opinione/annalisa-camilli/2019/07/05/lampedusa-italia-sea-watch
    #sbarco #sbarcare #terminologie #mots #peur #préjugés #terminologie #vocabulaire #débarquement #débarquement_de_Normandie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Italie

  • #CIVIPOL au #Soudan

    L’Union européenne a suspendu ses programmes liés au #contrôle_migratoire au Soudan, en raison de la situation politique. CIVIPOL était en charge des programmes coordonnés par la #France. Présentation.

    CIVIPOL est défini comme "l’opérateur de #coopération_technique_internationale du ministère de l’Intérieur". C’est une #société_anonyme dont 40% du capital son détenus par l’État et 60% par des acteurs privés comme #Airbus, #Safran, #Thalès et d’autres, ainsi que #Défense_Conseil_International, qui est la société privée équivalente de CIVIPOL pour le ministère de la défense.

    CIVIPOL a une action d’#expertise, de #conseil, de #formation. Elle est "financée quasi exclusivement par les bailleurs internationaux". Elle a aussi comme savoir-faire le "soutien à la filière des #industries_de_sécurité" : "Civipol soutient les acteurs de la filière des industries de sécurité. À travers le réseau international des salons #Milipol, Civipol permet aux États partenaires d’identifier, avec les industriels, les #solutions_technologiques les plus adaptées à leurs impératifs de protection. En proposant des offres intégrées issues de la filière européenne des industries de sécurité, Civipol contribue à la mise en place de #systèmes_opérationnels_interopérables au sein des États partenaires et, le cas échéant, avec les systèmes homologues européens."

    #CIVIPOL_Conseil, la société anonyme, est en effet associée dans #CIVIPOL_Groupe au Groupement d’Intérêt Économique Milipol, qui organise des #salons "de la sûreté et de la sécurité intérieure des États" à Paris, au Qatar et dans la zone Asie - Pacifique (on peut découvrir ici le message adressé par le ministre français de l’intérieur à l’ouverture du dernier salon).

    CIVIPOL a aussi racheté en 2016 la société #Transtec, qui a des activités de soutien, accompagnement, conseil, expertise, dans le domaine de la #gouvernance. Elle a par exemple mené deux programmes au Soudan, l’un « #Soutien_à_l'Analyse_Economique_et_à_la Planification_Sectorielle_à_l’Appui_de_la_République_du_Soudan » « afin de permettre à la délégation de l’UE au Soudan de mieux comprendre la situation économique du pays et de contribuer à une approche plus cohérente de la programmation de l’UE dans chaque secteur d’intervention » ; l’autre « #Programme_de_renforcement_des_capacités_des_organisations_de_la_société_civile_soudanaise », dont « l’objectif consistait à renforcer les capacités des bénéficiaires des #OSC locales dans le cadre du programme de l’#Instrument_Européen_pour_la_Démocratie_et_les_Droits_de_l'Homme (#IEDDH) afin d’améliorer leur gestion administrative et financière des projets financés par l’UE » (il ne s’agit donc pas de développer la démocratie, mais de permettre aux OSC – Organisations de la Société Civile – soudanaises de s’inscrire dans les programmes de financement de l’Union européenne.

    CIVIPOL intervient dans quatre programmes au Soudan, financés par l’Union européenne. L’un concernant le #terrorisme, « Lutte contre le blanchiment d’argent et le financement du terrorisme dans la grande Corne de l’Afrique (https://static.mediapart.fr/files/2019/07/26/lutte-contre-le-blanchiment-dargent-et-le-financement-du-terrorisme) », l’autre concernant l’application de la loi, « #Regional_law_enforcement_in_the_Greater_Horn_of_Africa_and_Yemen (https://static.mediapart.fr/files/2019/07/26/regional-law-enforcement-in-the-greater-horn-of-africa-and-yemen-rl) ». Notons que ces deux programmes concernent aussi le #Yémen, pays en proie à une guerre civile, et une intervention militaire extérieure par une coalition menée par l’Arabie saoudite, pays allié de la France et en partie armée par elle, coalition à laquelle participe plusieurs milliers de membres des #Forces_d’Action_Rapide soudanaises, ancienne milice de Janjawid, aussi reconvertie en garde-frontière dans le cadre de la politique de contrôle migratoire mise en place par le Soudan à la demande de l’Union européenne, Forces d’Action Rapide dont le chef est l’homme fort actuel de la junte militaire qui a succédé au dictateur Omar El-Béchir. CIVIPOL agit dans cette complexité.

    Les deux autres programmes concerne la politique de #contrôle_migratoire. L’un, sous l’intitulé de « #Meilleure_Gestion_des_Migrations (https://static.mediapart.fr/files/2019/07/26/better-migration-management-bmm.pdf) », implique différents intervenants pour le compte de plusieurs États membres de l’Union européenne et des agences de l’ONU, sous coordination allemande, l’#Allemagne cofinançant ce programme. « Dans cette contribution, CIVIPOL fournit des formations pour les unités spécialisés en charge de la lutte contre le trafic d’êtres humains, forme les agents de police dans les #zones_frontalières et aide les autorités chargées de la formation de la #police ». Compte-tenu du rôle des Forces d’Action Rapide, il semble difficile que CIVIPOL ne les ait pas croisées. Ce programme a été suspendu en mars 2019, l’Union européenne ayant donné une explication quelque peu sybilline : « because they require the involvement of government counterparts to be carried out » (« parce que leur mise en œuvre exige l’implication d’interlocuteurs gouvernementaux d’un niveau équivalent »).

    L’autre, mis en œuvre par CIVIPOL, est le #ROCK (#Centre_opérationnel_régional_d'appui_au_processus_de_Khartoum et à l’Initiative de la Corne de l’Afrique de l’Union africaine (https://static.mediapart.fr/files/2019/07/26/regional-operational-center-in-khartoum-in-support-of-the-khartoum-) – en anglais #Regional_Operational_Centre_in_Khartoum etc.) La stratégie du projet ROCK est de faciliter l’#échange_d'informations entre les services de police compétents. Ainsi, le projet consiste à mettre en place une plate-forme à Khartoum, le centre régional "ROCK", afin de rassembler les #officiers_de_liaison des pays bénéficiaires en un seul endroit pour échanger efficacement des #informations_policières. » Il a été suspendu en juin « until the political/security situation is cleared » (« jusqu’à ce que la situation politique/sécurtiaire soit clarifiée ») selon l’Union européenne.

    D’après la présentation qu’on peut télécharger sur le site de CIVIPOL, le premier « programme intervient en réponse aux besoins identifiés par les pays africains du #processus_Khartoum », tandis que le second a été « lancé dans le cadre du processus de Khartoum à la demande des pays de la #Corne_de_l'Afrique ». Il ne faut donc surtout pas penser qu’il puisse s’agir d’une forme d’externalisation des politiques migratoires européennes.

    Ces deux programmes concernent neuf pays africains. L’un d’eux est l’#Érythrée. Il n’est pas interdit de penser que les liens tissés ont pu faciliter la coopération entre autorités françaises et érythréennes qui a permis l’expulsion d’un demandeur d’asile érythréen de France en Érythrée le 6 juin dernier.

    https://blogs.mediapart.fr/philippe-wannesson/blog/260719/civipol-au-soudan
    #complexe_militaro-industriel #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #migrations #asile #réfugiés #suspension #Erythrée

  • #Dans_leurs_yeux

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=2932&v=2QK16KYziUs

    Description du film :

    Quelle passion secrète relie les hommes à l’océan qui à la fois les tue et les nourrit ? Du Super8 des années 30 aux pocket-films d’aujourd’hui, en passant par les images colorisées et les bandes vidéos des années 70, nous embarquons, à travers les films amateurs exclusivement réalisés par des marins, pour une Odyssée cinématographique et maritime.

    http://www.film-documentaire.fr/4DACTION/w_fiche_film/49824_1

    A partir de la minute 42’35, le capitaine d’un navire, Philippe Martinez, regarde les images qui avait été tournées lors du sauvetage d’environ 600 migrants en difficulté en mer.
    Très émouvant.

    #pêcheurs #sauvetage #Méditerranée #asile #migrations #réfugiés #mer #navire #vidéo #film #documentaire

    ping @reka

  • Militarisation des frontières en #Mer_Egée

    En Mer Egée c’est exactement la même stratégie qui se met en place, et notamment à #Samos, où une #zeppelin (#zeppelin_de_surveillance) de #Frontex surveillera le détroit entre l’île et la côte turque, afin de signaler tout départ de bateaux. L’objectif est d’arrêter « à temps » les embarcations des réfugiés en les signalant aux garde-corps turques. Comme l’a dit le vice-ministre de l’immigration Koumoutsakos « on saura l’heure de départ de l’embarcation, on va en informer les turques, on s’approcher du bateau... »
    S’approcher pourquoi faire, sinon, pour le repousser vers la côte turque ?
    Le fonctionnement de la montgolfière sera confié aux garde-cotes et à la police grecque, l’opération restant sous le contrôle de Frontex.

    –-> reçu via la mailing-list de Migreurop, le 30.07.2017

    #militarisation_des_frontières #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #Turquie #Grèce #migrations #réfugiés #asile #police #gardes-côtes #surveillance

    –-----------

    Commentaire de Martin Clavey sur twitter :

    Cynisme absolu : Frontex utilise des drones pour surveiller les migrants en méditerranée ce qui permet à l’Union européenne de ne pas utiliser de bateau de surveillance et donc ne pas être soumis au #droit_maritime et à avoir à les sauver

    https://twitter.com/mart1oeil/status/1158396604648493058

    • Σε δοκιμαστική λειτουργία το αερόσταστο της FRONTEX

      Σε δοκιμαστική λειτουργία τίθεται από σήμερα για 28 ημέρες το αερόστατο της FRONTEX στη Σάμο, μήκους 35 μέτρων, προσδεμένο στο έδαφος, εξοπλισμένο με ραντάρ, θερμική κάμερα και σύστημα αυτόματης αναγνώρισης, το οποίο θα επιτηρεί αδιάλειπτα και σε πραγματικό χρόνο το θαλάσσιο πεδίο.

      Σύμφωνα με ανακοίνωση του Λιμενικού, στόχος είναι η αστυνόμευση του θαλάσσιου πεδίου και η καταπολέμηση του διασυνοριακού εγκλήματος. Δημιουργείται ωστόσο το ερώτημα αν οι πληροφορίες που θα συλλέγει το αερόστατο θα χρησιμοποιούνται για την αναχαίτιση ή την αποτροπή των πλεούμενων των προσφύγων που ξεκινούν από τα τουρκικά παράλια για να ζητήσουν διεθνή προστασία στην Ευρώπη.

      « Πρώτα απ’ όλα ξέρεις τι ώρα φεύγει από τους διακινητές το σκάφος, ενημερώνεις την τουρκική πλευρά, πηγαίνεις εσύ κοντά, δηλαδή είναι ένα σύνολο ενεργειών » σημείωνε την περασμένη εβδομάδα σε συνέντευξή του στον ΑΝΤ1 ο αναπληρωτής υπουργός Μεταναστευτικής Πολιτικής Γιώργος Κουμουτσάκος, μιλώντας για τα αποτελέσματα που αναμένεται να έχει το αερόστατο στην ενίσχυση της επιτήρησης των συνόρων.

      Το Λιμενικό είναι η πρώτη ακτοφυλακή κράτους-μέλους της Ε.Ε. που χρησιμοποιεί αερόστατο για την επιτήρηση της θάλασσας, δέκα μήνες μετά την πρώτη παρόμοια πανευρωπαϊκή χρήση μη επανδρωμένου αεροσκάφους μεσαίου ύψους μακράς εμβέλειας.

      « Αυτό καταδεικνύει την ισχυρή και ξεκάθαρη βούληση του Λ.Σ.-ΕΛ.ΑΚΤ. να καταβάλει κάθε δυνατή προσπάθεια, χρησιμοποιώντας τη διαθέσιμη τεχνολογία αιχμής, για την αποτελεσματική φύλαξη των εξωτερικών θαλάσσιων συνόρων της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενωσης, την πάταξη κάθε μορφής εγκληματικότητας καθώς και την προστασία της ανθρώπινης ζωής στη θάλασσα », σημειώνει το Λιμενικό.

      Η λειτουργία του αερόστατου εντάσσεται στην επιχείρηση « Ποσειδών » που συντονίζουν το Λιμενικό και η ΕΛ.ΑΣ. υπό την επιτήρηση της FRONTEX.

      Παράλληλα, στο νησί θα τεθεί σε λειτουργία φορτηγό εξοπλισμένο με παρόμοια συστήματα, προκειμένου να μπορούν να συγκριθούν τα αποτελέσματα και η λειτουργία του επίγειου και του εναέριου συστήματος.

      https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/205553_se-dokimastiki-leitoyrgia-aerostasto-tis-frontex

    • Zeppelin over the island of Samos to monitor migrants trafficking

      Greek authorities and the Frontex will release a huge surveillance Zeppelin above the island of Samos to monitor migrants who illegally try to reach Greece and Europe. The installation of the ominous balloon will be certainly a grotesque attraction for the tourists who visit the island in the East Aegean Sea.

      Deputy Minister of Migration Policy Giorgos Koumoutsakos told private ANT1 TV that the Zeppelin will go in operation next week.

      “In Samos, at some point, I think it’s a matter of days or a week, a Zeppelin balloon will be installed in cooperation with FRONTEX, which will take a picture of a huge area. What does that mean? First of all, you know what time the ship moves away from the traffickers, inform the Turkish side, you go near, that is a set of actions,” Koumoutsakos said.

      The Zeppelin will be monitored by the GNR radar unit of the Frontext located at the port of Karlovasi, samiakienimerosi notes adding “It will give a picture of movements between the Turkish coast to Samos for the more effective guarding of our maritime borders.”

      The Deputy Minister did not elaborate on what exactly can the Greek Port Authority do when it comes “near” to the refugee and migrants boats.

      According to daily efimerida ton syntakton, the Norwegian NGO, Aegean Boat Report, revealed a video shot on July 17. The video shows how a Greek Coast Guard vessel approaches a boat with 34 people on board and leaves them at the open sea to be “collected” by Turkish authorities, while the passengers, among them 14 children, desperately are shouting “Not to Turkey!”

      It is not clear, whether the Greek Coast Guard vessel is in international waters as such vessels do not enter Turkish territorial waters. According to international law, the passengers ought to be rescued. The Greek Coast Guard has so far not taken position on the issue, saying it will need to evaluate the video first, efsyn notes.

      “There is no push backs. Everything will be done in accordance with the international law. Greece will do nothing beyond the international law,” Koumoutsakos stressed.

      PS I suppose, tourists will be cheered to have their vacation activities monitored by a plastic Big Brother. Not?

      https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2019/07/26/zeppelin-samos-migrants-refugees

    • Once migrants on Mediterranean were saved by naval patrols. Now they have to watch as #drones fly over
      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/8a92adecf247b04c801a67a612766ee753738437/0_109_4332_2599/master/4332.jpg?width=605&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=c0051d5e4fff6aff063c70

      Amid the panicked shouting from the water and the smell of petrol from the sinking dinghy, the noise of an approaching engine briefly raises hope. Dozens of people fighting for their lives in the Mediterranean use their remaining energy to wave frantically for help. Nearly 2,000 miles away in the Polish capital, Warsaw, a drone operator watches their final moments via a live transmission. There is no ship to answer the SOS, just an unmanned aerial vehicle operated by the European border and coast guard agency, Frontex.

      This is not a scene from some nightmarish future on Europe’s maritime borders but a present-day probability. Frontex, which is based in Warsaw, is part of a £95m investment by the EU in unmanned aerial vehicles, the Observer has learned.

      This spending has come as the EU pulls back its naval missions in the Mediterranean and harasses almost all search-and-rescue charity boats out of the water. Frontex’s surveillance drones are flying over waters off Libya where not a single rescue has been carried out by the main EU naval mission since last August, in what is the deadliest stretch of water in the world.

      The replacement of naval vessels, which can conduct rescues, with drones, which cannot, is being condemned as a cynical abrogation of any European role in saving lives.

      “There is no obligation for drones to be equipped with life-saving appliances and to conduct rescue operations,” said a German Green party MEP, Erik Marquardt. “You need ships for that, and ships are exactly what there is a lack of at the moment.” This year the death rate for people attempting the Mediterranean crossing has risen from a historical average of 2% to as high as 14% last month. In total, 567 of the estimated 8,362 people who have attempted it so far this year have died.

      Gabriele Iacovino, director of one of Italy’s leading thinktanks, the Centre for International Studies, said the move into drones was “a way to spend money without having the responsibility to save lives”. Aerial surveillance without ships in the water amounted to a “naval mission without a naval force”, and was about avoiding embarrassing political rows in Europe over what to do with rescued migrants.

      Since March the EU’s main naval mission in the area, Operation Sophia, has withdrawn its ships from waters where the majority of migrant boats have sunk. While Sophia was not primarily a search-and-rescue mission, it was obliged under international and EU law to assist vessels in distress. The switch to drones is part of an apparent effort to monitor the Mediterranean without being pulled into rescue missions that deliver migrants to European shores.

      Marta Foresti, director of the Human Mobility Initiative at the Overseas Development Institute, an influential UK thinktank, said Europe had replaced migration policy with panic, with potentially lethal consequences. “We panicked in 2015 and that panic has turned into security budgets,” she said. “Frontex’s budget has doubled with very little oversight or design. It’s a knee-jerk reaction.”

      The strategy has seen Frontex, based in Warsaw, and its sister agency, the European Maritime Safety Agency, based in Lisbon, invest in pilotless aerial vehicles. The Observer has found three contracts – two under EMSA and one under Frontex – totalling £95m for drones that can supply intelligence to Frontex.

      The models include the Hermes, made by Elbit Systems, Israel’s biggest privately owned arms manufacturer, and the Heron, produced by Israel Aerospace Industries, a state-owned company. Both models were developed for use in combat missions in the occupied Palestinian territory of Gaza. Frontex said its drone suppliers met all “EU procurement rules and guidelines”.

      There is mounting concern both over how Frontex is spending EU taxpayers’ money and how it can be held accountable. The migration panic roiling Europe’s politics has been a boon for a once unfashionable EU outpost that coordinated national coastal and border guards. Ten years ago Frontex’s budget was £79m. In the latest budget cycle it has been awarded £10.4bn.

      Demand from member states for its services have largely been driven by its role in coordinating and carrying out deportations. The expansion of the deportation machine has caused concern among institutions tasked with monitoring the forced returns missions: a group of national ombudsmen, independent watchdogs appointed in all EU member states to safeguard human rights, has announced plans to begin its own independent monitoring group. The move follows frustration with the way their reports on past missions have been handled by Frontex.

      Andreas Pottakis, Greece’s ombudsman, is among those calling for an end to the agency policing itself: “Internal monitoring of Frontex by Frontex cannot substitute for the need for external monitoring by independent bodies. This is the only way the demand for transparency can be met and that the EU administration can effectively be held into account.”
      Acting to extradite helpless civilians to the hands of Libyan militias may amount to criminal liability

      The Frontex Consultative Forum, a body offering strategic advice to Frontex’s management board on how the agency can improve respect for fundamental rights, has also severely criticised it for a sloppy approach to accountability. An online archive of all Frontex operations, which was used by independent researchers, was recently removed.

      The switch to drones in the Mediterranean has also led to Frontex being accused of feeding intelligence on the position of migrant boats to Libya’s coast guards so they can intercept and return them to Libya. Although it receives EU funds, the Libyan coast guard remains a loosely defined outfit that often overlaps with smuggling gangs and detention centre owners.

      “The Libyan coast guard never patrols the sea,” said Tamino Böhm of the German rescue charity Sea-Watch. “They never leave port unless there is a boat to head to for a pullback. This means the information they have comes from the surveillance flights of Italy, Frontex and the EU.”

      A Frontex spokesperson said that incidents related to boats in distress were passed to the “responsible rescue coordination centre and to the neighbouring ones for situational awareness and potential coordination”. Thus the maritime rescue coordination centre in Rome has begun to share information with its Libyan counterpart in Tripoli, under the instructions of Italy’s far-right interior minister, Matteo Salvini.

      The EU is already accused of crimes against humanity in a submission before the International Criminal Court for “orchestrating a policy of forced transfer to concentration camp-like detention facilities [in Libya] where atrocious crimes are committed”.

      The case, brought by lawyers based in Paris, seeks to demonstrate that many of the people intercepted have faced human rights abuses ranging from slavery to torture and murder after being returned to Libya.

      Omer Shatz, an Israeli who teaches at Sciences Po university in Paris, and one of the two lawyers who brought the ICC case, said Frontex drone operators could be criminally liable for aiding pullbacks. “A drone operator that is aware of a migrant boat in distress is obliged to secure fundamental rights to life, body integrity, liberty and dignity. This means she has to take actions intended to search, rescue and disembark those rescued at safe port. Acting to extradite helpless vulnerable civilians to the hands of Libyan militias may amount to criminal liability.”

      Under international law, migrants rescued at sea by European vessels cannot be returned to Libya, where conflict and human rights abuses mean the UN has stated there is no safe port. Under the UN convention on the law of the sea (Unclos) all ships are obliged to report an encounter with a vessel in distress and offer assistance. This is partly why EU naval missions that were not mandated to conduct rescue missions found themselves pitched into them regardless.

      Drones, however, operate in a legal grey zone not covered by Unclos. The situation for private contractors to EU agencies, as in some of the current drone operations, is even less clear.

      Frontex told the Observer that all drone operators, staff or private contractors are subject to EU laws that mandate the protection of human life. The agency said it was unable to share a copy of the mission instructions given to drone operators that would tell them what to do in the event of encountering a boat in distress, asking the Observer to submit a freedom of information request. The agency said drones had encountered boats in distress on only four occasions – all in June this year – in the central Mediterranean, and that none had led to a “serious incident report” – Frontex jargon for a red flag. When EU naval vessels were deployed in similar areas in previous years, multiple serious incidents were reported every month, according to documents seen by the Observer.

      https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/04/drones-replace-patrol-ships-mediterranean-fears-more-migrant-deaths

      #Méditerranée #mer_Méditerranée #Libye

    • L’uso dei droni per guardare i migranti che affogano mette a nudo tutta la disumanità delle pratiche di controllo sui confini

      In troppi crediamo al mito di una frontiera dal volto umano, solo perché ci spaventa guardare in faccia la realtà macchiata di sangue.

      “Se avessi ignorato quelle grida di aiuto, non avrei mai più trovato il coraggio di affrontare il mare”.

      Con queste parole il pescatore siciliano Carlo Giarratano ha commentato la sua decisione di sfidare il “decreto sicurezza” del Governo italiano, che prevede sanzioni o l’arresto nei confronti di chiunque trasporti in Italia migranti soccorsi in mare.

      La sua storia è un esempio della preoccupante tensione che si è creata ai confini della “Fortezza Europa” in materia di leggi e regolamenti. Secondo il diritto internazionale, il capitano di un’imbarcazione in mare è tenuto a fornire assistenza alle persone in difficoltà, “a prescindere dalla nazionalità o dalla cittadinanza delle persone stesse”. Al contempo, molti paesi europei, e la stessa UE, stanno cercando di limitare questo principio e queste attività, malgrado il tragico bilancio di morti nel Mediterraneo, in continua crescita.

      L’Agenzia di Confine e Guardia Costiera Europea, Frontex, sembra aver escogitato una soluzione ingegnosa: i droni. L’obbligo legale di aiutare un’imbarcazione in difficoltà non si applica a un veicolo aereo senza pilota (UAV, unmanned aerial vehicle). Si può aggirare la questione, politicamente calda, su chi sia responsabile di accogliere i migranti soccorsi, se questi semplicemente non vengono proprio soccorsi. Questo principio fa parte di una consolidata tendenza a mettere in atto politiche finalizzate a impedire che i migranti attraversino il Mediterraneo. Visto l’obbligo di soccorrere le persone che ci chiedono aiuto, la soluzione sembra essere questa: fare in modo di non sentire le loro richieste.

      Jean-Claude Juncker sostiene che le politiche europee di presidio ai confini sono concepite per “stroncare il business dei trafficanti”, perché nella moralità egocentrica che ispira la politica di frontiera europea, se non ci fossero trafficanti non ci sarebbero migranti.

      Ma non ci sono trafficanti che si fabbricano migranti in officina. Se le rotte ufficiali sono bloccate, le persone vanno a cercare quelle non ufficiali. Rendere la migrazione più difficile, ha fatto aumentare la richiesta di trafficanti e scafisti, certamente non l’ha fermata. Invece che stroncare il loro business, queste politiche lo hanno creato.

      Secondo la logica della foglia di fico, l’UE sostiene di non limitarsi a lasciare affogare i migranti, ma di fornire supporto alla guardia costiera libica perché intercetti le imbarcazioni che tentano la traversata e riporti le persone nei campi di detenzione in Libia.

      Ma il rapporto del Global Detention Project, a proposito delle condizioni in questi campi, riferisce: “I detenuti sono spesso sottoposti a gravi abusi e violenze, compresi stupri e torture, estorsioni, lavori forzati, schiavitù, condizioni di vita insopportabili, esecuzioni sommarie.” Human Rights Watch, in un rapporto intitolato Senza via di fuga dall’Inferno, descrive situazioni di sovraffollamento e malnutrizione e riporta testimonianze di bambini picchiati dalle guardie.

      L’Irish Times ha riportato accuse secondo cui le milizie associate con il GNA (Governo Libico di Alleanza Nazionale, riconosciuto dall’ONU), starebbero immagazzinando munizioni in questi campi e userebbero i rifugiati come “scudi umani”. Sembra quasi inevitabile, quindi, la notizia che il 3 luglio almeno 53 rifugiati sono stati uccisi durante un attacco dei ribelli appartenenti all’Esercito Nazionale Libico, nel campo di detenzione di Tajura, vicino a Tripoli.

      Secondo una testimonianza riportata dall’Associated Press, a Tajura i migranti erano costretti a pulire le armi delle milizie fedeli al GNA, armi che erano immagazzinate nel campo. Secondo i racconti di testimoni oculari dell’attacco, riportati dalle forze ONU, le guardie del campo avrebbero aperto il fuoco su chi tentava di scappare.

      Nel mondo occidentale, quando parliamo di immigrazione, tendiamo a focalizzarci sul cosiddetto “impatto sulle comunità” causato dai flussi di nuovi arrivati che si muovono da un posto all’altro.

      Nelle nostre discussioni, ci chiediamo se i migranti portino un guadagno per l’economia oppure intacchino risorse già scarse. Raramente ci fermiamo a guardare nella sua cruda e tecnica realtà la concreta applicazione del controllo alle frontiere, quando si traduce davvero in fucili e filo spinato.

      Ci ripetiamo che i costi vanno tutti in un’unica direzione: secondo la nostra narrazione preferita, i controlli di confine sono tutti gratis, è lasciare entrare i migranti la cosa che costa. Ma i costi da pagare ci sono sempre: non solo il tributo di morti che continua a crescere o i budget multimilionari e sempre in aumento delle nostre agenzie di frontiera, ma anche i costi morali e sociali che finiamo con l’estorcere a noi stessi.

      L’ossessione per la sicurezza dei confini deve fare i conti con alcune delle più antiche e radicate convinzioni etiche proprie delle società occidentali. Prendersi cura del più debole, fare agli altri quello che vogliamo sia fatto a noi, aiutare chi possiamo. Molti uomini e donne che lavorano in mare, quando soccorrono dei naufraghi non sono spinti solo da una legge che li obbliga a prestare aiuto, ma anche da un imperativo morale più essenziale. “Lo facciamo perché siamo gente di mare”, ha detto Giarratano al Guardian, “in mare, se ci sono persone in pericolo, le salviamo”.

      Ma i nostri governi hanno deciso che questo non vale per gli europei. Come se fosse una perversa sfida lanciata a istinti morali vecchi di migliaia di anni, nell’Europa moderna un marinaio che salva un migrante mentre sta per affogare, deve essere punito.

      Infrangere queste reti di reciproche responsabilità fra gli esseri umani, ha dei costi: divisioni e tensioni sociali. Ed è un amaro paradosso, perché proprio argomenti di questo genere sono in testa alle nostre preoccupazioni percepite quando si parla di migrazioni. E mentre l’UE fa di tutto per respingere un fronte del confine verso i deserti del Nord Africa, cercando di tenere i corpi dei rifugiati abbastanza lontani da non farceli vedere da vicino, intanto l’altro fronte continua a spingere verso di noi. L’Europa diventa un “ambiente ostile” e quindi noi diventiamo un popolo ostile.

      Ci auto-ingaggiamo come guardie di confine al nostro interno. Padroni di casa, infermiere, insegnanti, manager – ogni relazione sociale deve essere controllata. Il nostro regime di “frontiera quotidiana” crea “comunità sospette” all’interno della nostra società: sono persone sospette per il solo fatto di esistere e, nei loro confronti, si possono chiamare le forze dell’ordine in ogni momento, “giusto per dare un’occhiata”.

      Il confine non è solo un sistema per tenere gli estranei fuori dalla nostra società, ma per marchiare per sempre le persone come estranee, anche all’interno e per legittimare ufficialmente il pregiudizio, per garantire che “l’integrazione” – il Sacro Graal della narrazione progressista sull’immigrazione – resti illusoria e irrealizzabile, uno scherzo crudele giocato sulla pelle di persone destinate a rimanere etichettate come straniere e sospette. La nostra società nel suo insieme si mette al servizio di questo insaziabile confine, fino a definire la sua vera e propria identità nella capacità di respingere le persone.

      Malgrado arrivino continuamente immagini e notizie di tragedie e di morti, i media evitano di collegarle con le campagne di opinione che amplificano le cosiddette “legittime preoccupazioni” della gente e le trasformano in un inattaccabile “comune buon senso”.

      I compromessi che reggono le politiche di controllo dei confini non vengono messi in luce. Questo ci permette di guardare da un’altra parte, non perché siamo crudeli ma perché non possiamo sopportare di vedere quello che stiamo facendo. Ci sono persone e gruppi che, come denuncia Adam Serwer in un articolo su The Atlantic, sono proprio “Focalizzati sulla Crudeltà”. E anche se noi non siamo così, viviamo comunque nel loro stesso mondo, un mondo in cui degli esseri umani annegano e noi li guardiamo dall’alto dei nostri droni senza pilota, mentre lo stato punisce chi cerca di salvarli.

      In troppi crediamo nel mito di una frontiera dal volto umano, solo perché ci spaventa guardare in faccia la tragica e insanguinata realtà del concreto controllo quotidiano sui confini. E comunque, se fosse possibile, non avremmo ormai risolto questa contraddizione? Il fatto che non lo abbiamo fatto dovrebbe portarci a pensare che non ne siamo capaci e che ci si prospetta una cruda e desolante scelta morale per il futuro.

      D’ora in poi, il numero dei migranti non può che aumentare. I cambiamenti climatici saranno determinanti. La scelta di non respingerli non sarà certamente gratis: non c’è modo di condividere le nostre risorse con altri senza sostenere dei costi. Ma se non lo facciamo, scegliamo consapevolmente i naufragi, gli annegamenti, i campi di detenzione, scegliamo di destinare queste persone ad una vita da schiavi in zone di guerra. Scegliamo l’ambiente ostile. Scegliamo di “difendere il nostro stile di vita” semplicemente accettando di vivere a fianco di una popolazione sempre in aumento fatta di rifugiati senza patria, ammassati in baracche di lamiera e depositi soffocanti, sfiniti fino alla disperazione.

      Ma c’è un costo che, alla fine, giudicheremo troppo alto da pagare? Per il momento, sembra di no: ma, … cosa siamo diventati?

      https://dossierlibia.lasciatecientrare.it/luso-dei-droni-per-guardare-i-migranti-che-affogano-m

  • Création de zones frontalières (au lieu de lignes de frontière) en vue de refoulements

    Je viens de lire dans un compte-rendu de réunion qui a eu lieu à Milan en juin 2019, ce commentaire, sur la situation à la #frontière italo-slovène :

    Gianfranco Schiavone :

    «Quello che sicuramente dovrebbe diventare una questione delicata é l’annunciato avvio delle pattuglie italo slovene in frontiera con l’obiettivo dichiarato alla stampa di bloccare gli arrivi. Con riammissione senza formalita’ delle persone irregolari intercettate nella fascia dei 5 km dalla frontiera . Queste sono le dichiarazioni pubbliche di questi giorni»

    Une #zone_frontalière de #5_km dans laquelle ont lieu des #refoulements directs.

    #Italie #Slovénie #frontière_sud-alpine #migrations #réfugiés #asile #frontière_mobile #bande_frontalière #frontières_mobiles

    Ceci me rappelle d’autres cas, en Europe et ailleurs, dans lesquels des procédures semblables (la frontière n’est plus une #ligne, mais une #zone) ont été mises en place, j’essaie de les mettre sur ce fil de discussion.
    Si quelqu’un a d’autres cas à signaler, les contributions sont bienvenues...

    #métaliste

    ping @reka @simplicissimus @karine4 @isskein

  • #Lifeboat

    In 2015 our team produced 50 Feet from Syria - focused on the civilian impact of the Syrian conflict. This was the first of a triad of films focused on one of the great humanitarian crises of our time – the plight of refugees in a global and interconnected world.

    In a political environment increasingly hostile to immigrants and refugees, documenting the real-life plight of those fleeing war and oppression is more vital and important than ever.

    LIFEBOAT bears witness to refugees desperate enough to risk their lives in rubber boats leaving Libya in the middle of the night, despite a high probability of drowning. With few resources but certain that civil society must intervene, volunteers from a German non-profit risk the waves of the Mediterranean to pluck refugees from sinking rafts.

    In a real-life context with dire consequences, LIFEBOAT puts a human face on one of the world’s greatest contemporary, global crises and provides a spark of hope surrounding how civil society can intervene in the refugee crisis in a meaningful way.


    https://www.lifeboatdocumentary.com
    #film #documentaire #décès #cadavre #mourir_en_mer #Méditerranée #Libye #prostitution #viol #kidnapping #sauvetage #ONG #Sea_Watch #Sea-Watch #migrations #asile #réfugiés

  • Procédures accélérées et accès aux soins. L’équation impossible ? | Prise en considération de l’état de santé : des procédures bâclées
    https://asile.ch/2019/07/29/procedures-accelerees-et-acces-aux-soins-lequation-impossible-prise-en-conside

    Depuis le mois d’août 2018, dans le cadre de la nouvelle procédure d’asile, le Tribunal administratif fédéral (TAF) a renvoyé une dizaine d’affaires au Secrétariat d’État aux migrations (SEM) pour compléments d’instruction[1]. En cause : une prise en compte insuffisante de l’état de santé des requérant.e.s et des manquements dans l’encadrement médical des centres fédéraux […]