• The massive Danish discrimination

    Most Danes do not realize how extensive the negative discrimination of foreigners in Denmark has become. Here is a short overview.

    Denmark has just become a member of UN Council of Human Rights. As a Dane, I should be proud of this, and it could be a nice opportunity to be a good example for other countries. Our society is known as a place where equality and respect for individual freedom is highly acknowledged, and where a stable democracy and a trusted legal system does not accept unfair treatment and discrimination.

    This is unfortunately not the reality. An increasing amount of complaints against Denmark is taken to the UN Human Rights Committees, and many end up voting against the Danish state. Also, the European Court on Human Rights in Strasbourg has several times found Danish laws to be in breach of the articles, lately the special 26-year rule in family reunification cases. The reaction form the Danish government and the Social Democrats is: then we must re-write the conventions or diminish the power of the court. In the preparation files for some of the new laws it has been directly mentioned that we are aware of a certain risk of violating human rights. We insist on the right to discriminate – especially against foreigners living in Denmark.

    The World Declaration on Human Rights has its 70 years anniversary this year, and the first two articles go like this – you judge, if they are out of tune with our time and should be revised:

    Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

    Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

    The UN Convention on Refugees says that refugees should have same rights and same opportunities as the country’s own citizens.

    The European Convention on Human Rights says that it’s illegal to discriminate because of gender, ethnicity, religion, age etc.

    The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child says that children must be protected against discrimination.

    The UN Convention on Women’s Rights says that women must not be discriminated.
    Discriminating legislation against refugees/immigrants

    Changes and tightenings of the Danish Alien Act have been done since 2001, with small and large steps. Some have been discussed vigorously, others have passed unnoticed. The result is a patchwork of rules which when interacting with each other make everyday life basically different for Aisha than for Anja.

    In my everyday work as a legal counsellor for refugees, I am often contacted by Danes who are not aware of how these tight rules work in practice – and they usually get quite shocked when they stumble upon them. Based on this, I question whether there really is a broad, public support to the present policy on foreigners? Yes, there is a broad support to demands on learning Danish language and becoming self-supporting – also from refugees and immigrants themselves. But not everyone is able to do that, no matter how hard they try. And I don’t believe that the majority supports direct discrimination and unfair treatment.

    The list below is not a picture of a ‘fair but tight policy’, it is a division of people into ‘them and us’, where we are met by a different set of rules and opportunities depending on whether we are natives or not. A few rules will also affect a small number of ‘us’, but that’s clearly unwanted collateral damage. There are Danes receiving the low integration benefits, yes – but they only make up 2%.

    Family reunification: Two Danes can marry and move together as they like – and their children can of course stay with them. But this is not the situation for all the people who happen to have foreign background or fall in love with one who has – in that case, a long line of requirements must be met, concerning economy (bank guarantee of 100,000 DKR), education and language skills at a certain level for both, own place of residence above a certain size, permanent job, and you must undertake the economic support of your foreign spouse. For some refugees, there is even a 3 years quarantine period before you can apply to be reunited with your spouse and children. Many children are rejected on questionable arguments of being ‘not possible to integrate’, or on the grounds that the child can stay with a grandparent, aunt or others. As family reunified you are totally dependent on your partner – you can’t move or get a divorce without the consequence of leaving the country.

    Education: Refugees and family reunified normally have the right to free education and government study grant (SU). But one third of the refugees who have been granted asylum in Denmark after 2015 (around 4,000) must pay for their education. They have the special article 7(3) status which is used mainly for women – and in this way presents a double discrimination in practice.

    Unemployment insurance: A new law has just been passed. It holds a new demand for 7 years stay in Denmark to be eligible for unemployment insurance benefit, including new graduates – even if you fulfil the criteria and paid to the insurance for years. And the alternative to this is not ‘kontanthjælp’, the normal social benefit, but the much lower integration benefit.

    Integration benefit: An unemployed person who has not been living in Denmark for 9 out of the last 10 years will only receive half of the normal social benefit. The law even has certain exceptions for Danes who have been living abroad. New tightenings are cutting down the amount for parents after 3 years. The Danish Institute of Human Rights has recently published a report, documenting that a large part of the families living on this benefit lacks money for food, medicine and other basic needs. This is in contradiction to the Danish Constitution as well as illegal discrimination.

    Children’s benefit: Newly arrived refugees and immigrants do not have the right to full children’s benefit but will earn the right gradually over 6 years – though their children cost exactly the same as Danish children. Combined with the integration benefit, this leads to many more foreign children than Danish children grow up in severe poverty, percentage wise. At the same time, there are only two rates: provider or non-provider, so families with many children have much less per child.

    Old-age pension: The right to old-age pension from the state is only acquired after 40 years stay in Denmark – which refugees and immigrants can’t live up to if they arrive as adults. As a consequence, they are facing a retirement in poverty, though they might have worked many years and paid their taxes in Denmark. Refugees used to be exempt from this demand, but this has been changed some years ago.

    Self-payment for translation in the health sector: After 3 years in the country, foreigners must pay for a translator, if their Danish is not sufficiently good – which only few are after this period. Many elderly refugees/immigrants will never be good enough to have an advanced dialogue with a doctor. In relation to an operation, the expense for translation is typically around 1,400 DKR. According to the Danish Medical Association this poses a risk for wrong treatment of everybody who are not fluent in Danish and do not have the money to pay for translation. The law is new but has already led to several cancelled operations. Ethnic minorities do not have equal access to health as a result of this law.

    Women exposed to violence: Foreign women who are beaten up by their husbands, risk losing their residence permit if they get divorced or move out, and ethnic minorities are even overrepresented at crisis centres. So here we see a double discrimination, ethnic and gender-wise.

    Permanent residence and citizenship: As a native Dane you never have to worry about being thrown out of your own country, and it’s easy to get a passport so you can go on vacation or school trips. But a large number of children and young ones who have grown up in Denmark (maybe even born here) only have temporary permits to stay and foreigner’s passport. This means that they often have trouble travelling abroad, and they may lose their residence permit one day. Adults without Danish citizenship risk expulsion even for minor offences, and a refugee status can be revoked even after many years.

    Democracy: Without Danish citizenship (one of the hardest to get in the world) you can’t vote at national elections and you can’t hold a job as e.g. police officer or civil servant. The requirements to get permanent residence and citizenship are very difficult to meet, and a rising part of the population therefore has no security and no democratic influence, though they have lived here a large part of their lives. Today only one out of four immigrants/refugees have Danish citizenship, and on average it has taken 16 years to achieve it.

    Crime: Even minor offences as speeding tickets, possession of marihuana or shop lifting leads to many years of quarantine from permanent residence and citizenship, on top of the actual sentence. The new, double sentence system for appointed ‘ghetto areas’ mainly affect ethnic minorities, as one of the criteria to get on that list is a large percentage of ethnic minorities. More serious offences lead to eternal exclusion from permanent residence permit or citizenship, and even a sentence for being part of a bar fight can lead to expulsion from the country or many years in a deportation camp. For a Dane, it has no consequences apart from the actual sentence to commit a crime – except for the fact that it might be hard to find a job afterwards, which also is true for a foreigner. A Danish member of an MC gang comes out of prison one day, but a member of an ethnic street gang is thrown out of Denmark, even if he was born here. A man who was a gang member in his young days and now works in a social project, trying to get others out of it, is excluded from Danish citizenship.

    The ‘ghetto deal’: One of the criteria for a residential area to get on the so-called ghetto list is the number of persons from non-western countries. The new deal gives double sentence for crimes committed in the area, residents are excluded from family reunification, and the bi-lingual children lose their children’s benefit if they are not enrolled in nursery from the age of 1 year. These rules are especially targeting ethnic minorities.

    Religion: Christianity (protestant) is state religion in Denmark. Church tax is charged from the state, all new-born children had to be registered in the local church office until 2010, public schools teach Christianity instead of religion, the parliament has its own church where all members attend service when it opens once a year, only Christian holidays are official days off work/school, there is only a state approved education for Christian priests, the ministry dealing with this is called Church Ministry. In the new media agreement for Danish state radio and television, the word ‘integration’ has been replaced with ‘Christianity’. All these things give an advantage to Christian protestants, and a more difficult situation for other religions. Sweden is for instance a secular country, where the church is not favoured.
    Social discrimination

    All the areas that I have mentioned are directly managed by the law makers and the administration. In this way, it is a formal and more or less deliberate kind of discrimination. It limits access to family life, health, education, income, democratic influence, and it means tougher consequences of crimes and less freedom.

    But on top of this almost all refugees and immigrants are also met by the discrimination which all of us expose others to in our daily life. Many research results have shown that you will be last in line for both jobs, apprenticeship, apartment and discos if your name does not sound native Danish or you don’t look like your ancestors were Vikings.

    A few examples: My friend Isam from Sudan was together with one other dark-skinned class mate the only two who were not able to find apprenticeship during their vocational training education. My friend John from Uganda has been called a monkey by a colleague in a large metal workshop during an argument on where the crane should go. I have personally been rejected in the door to a Copenhagen night club in the company of 5 Eritrean friends. Telemarketing companies advise their salesmen with ethnic minority background to use a Danish sounding name instead of their own when calling customers. Most refugees and immigrants hold jobs far below their level of education, because they have trouble finding jobs within their field.

    As a refugee/migrant you are constantly met by negative references in the media and prejudiced attitudes from many Danes, not least politicians. Parts of it is not meant to be harmful, but the experience as a total becomes very tough. Several of my refugee friends have stopped watching the news because they can’t stand the negative image of themselves.

    Everybody now agrees that ‘integration has failed’. The proof to support this idea is the fact that our new citizens are less educated, less employed, have lower living standard, lower income, poorer health, the young men are more criminal. Roughly speaking and on a short sight this is correct. But the only solution politicians can come up with is “demanding things” from refugees and migrants. Somebody forgot that integration goes both ways.

    The combination of structural and social discrimination is an important part of the explanation for why so many of our new citizens are still in many ways on the lowest shelve in society. When looking at all the areas where foreigners have poorer opportunities than Danes, it should not come as a surprise that they perform a little bit lower in general? We should also add to the picture that many refugees carry traumatic experiences and a deep sorrow with them, and they were forced to leave their home country – something a Dane can’t possibly imagine. And as a newcomer, logically you are disadvantaged when it comes to language, culture, network etc. On that background it is quite impressive that young women from ethnic minorities have surpassed Danish women when it comes to education, and that more than half of new refugees are fulltime employed after 3 years. But the government does no longer wish to integrate refugees, now it’s all about sending them back “home” as soon as possible.

    Many of the refugees I know, say to me: ‘We are grateful to be here, and we want to work hard, but we feel like we never get a fair chance. No matter what we do, it’s never good enough – and we will always be treated worse than Danes.’

    Are they right?

    #discriminations #Danemark #asile #migrations #réfugiés #regroupement_familial #éducation #chômage #assurance_chômage #retraite #ghetto_deal #religion #étrangers

  • The number of EU residence permits issued to Northern and Western African nationals for work purposes fell by 46% and 58% respectively during a period of increasing irregular arrivals on the Central Mediterranean Route

    –-> Evidemment... le lien entre les deux faits (baisse des permis de séjour et augmentation des #arrivées_irrégulières) que l’OIM souligne est très tenu... c’est en réalité le coeur du problème : les personnes passent par des #routes_illégalisées via la #Méditerranée parce qu’ils n’ont pas de possibilités de prendre l’#avion... car l’accès leur est interdit via le non-octroi de #visas...

    #illégalisation #routes_migratoires #routes_illégalisées #permis_de_travail #UE #EU #Afrique_de_l'Ouest #permis_de_séjour #statistiques #chiffres #contextualisation

    Le #rapport d’où l’OIM sort ces chiffres :

    Contrary to common perceptions, migration from Northern and Western Africa to the EU between 2011 and 2017 has been primarily regular. Numbers of African nationals settling legally in the EU – proxied by first residence permits issued for family reunification, education or work purposes – have exceeded irregular sea arrivals for most of the top ten countries of origin of irregular migrants arriving in Italy over the period considered.

    At the same time, both total regular and irregular entries of African nationals to the EU have fallen since 2016, based on available data. First EU residence permits to nationals of countries in Northern and Western Africa have mostly been issued for family reunification over the years. While these have remained stable on average, residence permits granted for work purposes have fallen sharply in the period considered.


    #préjugés #regroupement_familial

    ping @reka @isskein @karine4 @_kg_

  • The European benchmark for refugee integration: A comparative analysis of the National Integration Evaluation Mechanism in 14 EU countries

    The report presents a comparative, indicator-based assessment of the refugee integration frameworks in place in 14 countries: Czechia, France, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden.

    Conclusions cover the full range of integration dimensions, such as housing, employment, education and aspects of legal integration, and refer to recognized refugees and beneficiaries of subsidiary protection.

    Legal and policy indicators are the focus of analysis, as well as indicators on mainstreaming, coordination and efforts to involve refugees and locals.

    Results are presented in terms of concrete steps that policymakers need to take in order to establish a refugee integration framework in line with the standards required by international and EU law.


    #rapport #intégration #France #Grèce #République_Tchèque #Hongrie #Italie #Lettonie #Lituanie #Pays-Bas #Pologne #Portugal #Roumanie #Slovénie #Espagne #Suède #réfugiés #migrations #asile #regroupement_familial #citoyenneté #logement #hébergement #emploi #travail #intégration_professionnelle #éducation #santé #sécurité_sociale
    ping @karine4

  • Les Européens qui souhaitent vivre avec leur famille palestinienne doivent affronter la puissante bureaucratie israélienne
    Amira Hass, Haaretz, le 10 juin 2019

    La question étant encore d’actualité, la demande courtoise présentée au département consulaire par les auteurs de la lettre reste également valide : ils souhaitent que les missions soient informées de façon claire, complète et transparente de toutes règles applicables aux citoyens européens pour l’octroi de visas leur permettant de vivre, de travailler ou d’étudier à Jérusalem ou en Cisjordanie.

    1. Les citoyens européens mariés à des Palestiniens ne reçoivent habituellement pas de visas de regroupement familial de longue durée même lorsqu’ils vivent de façon permanente avec leur famille à Jérusalem ou en Cisjordanie. Les personnes mariées à des Palestiniens résidants permanents en Cisjordanie font face à des difficultés lorsqu’elles entrent en Israël et/ou arrivent en Cisjordanie. Elles reçoivent un visa B-2 avec un tampon « Permis de visite en Judée et Samarie ».

    Il existe maintenant une nouvelle exigence relative aux visas : les demandeurs de visas de regroupement familial doivent signer une déclaration selon laquelle ils n’ont pas l’intention d’entrer en Israël. À l’occasion, des demandeurs ont été priés de démissionner de leur emploi avant de présenter leur demande. De plus, alors que les visas de cette catégorie étaient auparavant émis pour une durée allant jusqu’à un an, on a vu récemment des cas de visas d’une durée de deux semaines à six mois.

    2. Les citoyens européens bénévoles ou employés en Cisjordanie, notamment dans le cadre d’organisations sans but lucratif, se heurtent également à des difficultés quant à l’obtention de visas auprès des autorités israéliennes. Il semble que le personnel étranger employé par des ONG ne bénéficie plus de visas de travail B-1 mais de visas de tourisme B-2. Dans le cas de ces bénévoles ou employés, souvent engagés pour des périodes longues, il semble qu’on ne peut accéder à d’une information transparente et facilement disponible sur la réglementation des demandes.

    3. Des étudiants européens, y compris des étudiants Erasmus dans des universités palestiniennes, nous ont informés qu’ils sont maintenant empêchés de prolonger leur séjour au-delà de trois mois parce qu’ils ne peuvent ni obtenir un visa pour une période plus longue ni renouveler le visa qu’ils ont déjà.

    Les raisons pour lesquelles les Européens s’impliquent dans cette question sont diverses et évidentes : il s’agit de leurs citoyens et de pratiques que ceux-ci subissent et considèrent comme abusives.

    #Palestine #Jérusalem #Cisjordanie #Territoires_occupés #Europe #Union_Européenne #visa #regroupement_familial #ONG #étudiants #injustice

  • Child refugees in limbo for 16 months waiting to reunite with family members

    A new report by the child refugee charity Safe Passage and Greek NGO PRAKSIS has identified serious problems with the family reunification procedure for unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors arriving in Europe, exposing children to significant physical and mental harm as a result of lengthy separation from loved ones.

    The EU Dublin III Regulation sets out the family reunification rules by which asylum seekers arriving in the EU can apply to be transferred to another member state where they have family. 17,199 unaccompanied minors were recorded as having arrived in Greece between January 2016 and November 2018 and made up 37% of all arrivals in the first quarter of 2018. The report’s findings indicate that unaccompanied children arriving in Greece and applying for family reunion are waiting an average of 16 months from arrival until transfer, far exceeding the maximum of 11 months provided for in the Dublin Regulation. In some cases, children have been made to wait for over a year and a half.

    The report, based on extensive analysis of the experiences of 80 children who arrived in Greece and applied to reunite with family between December 2015 and November 2017, identified significant challenges impeding the process, among which the most striking is a lack of cooperation and information sharing between national authorities handling the children’s cases. Though the best interests of the child were prioritised in some instances, researchers found that many cases involved lengthy setbacks, unnecessary administrative hurdles and demands for proof of a family link far exceeding that required under EU law. The majority of cases first rejected on the grounds of lack of evidence were ultimately accepted, causing unnecessary and traumatic delays in children being reunited with their loved ones.

    The report concludes that delays, unjustified evidentiary requirements and a consistent failure to prioritise the best interests of the child have resulted in severe harm to many of the children’s physical and mental health. It highlights in particular the ten percent of cases where children lose faith in the process and abscond, often following a rejection despite submitting substantial and sufficient evidence.

    Speaking on the European release of the report, Safe Passage’s CEO Eleanor Harrison OBE said:

    “The Dublin III Regulation makes clear that the best interests of the child must be prioritised throughout any family reunification application. Children need to be treated as children first and then as asylum seekers. Yet in too many cases, children’s own stories are doubted and their relationship with loved ones are disbelieved. Many are subjected to invasive medical exams, questioned over the truth of their statements and some are forced to undergo DNA tests that may not actually be necessary.

    “Placing these unreasonable requirements on vulnerable, often traumatised children, only serves to further compound their distress. Whilst some instances of good practice were observed, the reality is that the system let most of these children down.”

    The report includes key recommendations for improving family reunification for children at EU and national level. These include a more creative and efficient approach to cooperation between EU Member States, which would allow more children to be reunited smoothly with their families. The report recommends a EU-wide review of guidance on establishing the proof of family connection, as well as a standardised approach for collecting and evaluating evidence.

    The report also suggests the establishment of an independent body to monitor and improve cooperation and information sharing between Member States handling family reunification applications and calls on all Member States to fully preserve and implement safeguarding principles within the Dublin III Regulation. Further recommendations include a refocus of policy-making, placing the rights of children at the heart of any future legislative reform of asylum legislation at EU and national levels.

    Speaking about his own experiences of waiting over one year for family reunification in Greece, an unaccompanied minor now reunited with his brother in the UK said:

    “I loved the weather in Greece, but it was one of the most difficult memories as I was homeless. Than safe passage found me a shelter. The waiting was unbearable, as I didn’t have any family in Greece.

    My brother and others kept telling me that they are working hard on my transfer case, but each day felt like forever. I am so glad I am here now and I love going to college. I am getting top grades in my speaking and written tests every week, but I still have to get used to this weather.”

    #Grèce #enfants #mineurs #regroupement_familial #attente #limbe #asile #migrations #réfugiés #rapport

  • The Administrative Arrangement between Greece and Germany

    The Administrative Arrangement between Ministry of migration Policy of the Hellenic Republic and the Federal Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Germany has been implemented already to four known cases. It has been the product of bilateral negotiations that occurred after German Chancellor Merkel faced another political crisis at home regarding the handling of the refugee issue.

    The document which has been the product of undisclosed negotiations and has not been made public upon its conclusion is a brief description of the cooperation of Greek and German authorities in cases of refusal of entry to persons seeking protection in the context of temporary checks at the internal German-Austrian border, as defined in its title. It essentially is a fast track implementation of return procedures in cases for which Dublin Regulation already lays down specific rules and procedures. The procedures provided in the ‘Arrangement’ skip all legal safeguards and guarantees of European Legislation.

    RSA and PRO ASYL have decided to publicize the document of the Arrangement for the purpose of serving public interest and transparency. The considerable secrecy that the two member states kept on a document of such importance is a scandal itself. There are two first underlying observations which incur/ result from studying the document. First, the Arrangement has the same institutional (or by institutional) features with the EU-Turkey deal, it is the product of negotiations which intend to regulate EU policy procedures without having been the product of an EU level institutional procedure. It circumvents European law (the Dublin regulation) in order to serve the interests of a group of particular member states. As a result its status within the legal apparatus of the EU and international law is obscure.

    Secondly, the ‘Arrangement’ introduces a grey zone (intentionally if not geographically) where a bilateral deal between two countries gains supremacy over European (Dublin regulation) and international legislation (Geneva convention). It is therefore an important document that should be critically and at length studied by all scholars and experts active in the field of refugee protection as it deprives asylum seekers of their rights and is a clear violation of EU law.

    Last but not least as Article 15-ii of the ‘Arrangement’ notes “This Administrative Arrangement will also discontinue upon entry into force of the revised Common European Asylum System”. Still as everyone in Brussels already admits the CEAS reform has been declared dead. So if nothing occurs to reconstitute the defunct CEAS policy and the arrangement remains as the only channel/form of cooperation between Greece and Germany in order to establish responsibility for asylum seekers arriving in Germany after coming through Greece, then could Greece and Germany, in their irregular bilateral efforts to circumvent the European process, have actually produced one of the first post EU legal arrangements?


    #accord #Allemagne #Grèce #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Dublin #Règlement_Dublin #renvois #expulsions #accord_bilatéral #regroupement_familial #liaison_officers #officiers_de_liaison #Eurodac #refus_d'entrée #renvois #expulsions #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #Autriche #réadmission #avion #vol

    ping @isskein

    • Germany – Magdeburg Court suspends return of beneficiary of international protection to Greece

      On 13 November 2018, the Administrative Court of Magdeburg granted an interim measure ordering the suspensive effect of the appeal against a deportation order of an international protection beneficiary to Greece.

      The case concerned a Syrian national who applied for international protection in Germany. The Federal Office of Migration and Refugees (BAMF) rejected the application based on the fact that the applicant had already been granted international protection in Greece and ordered his deportation there.

      The Administrative Court held that there were serious doubts regarding the conformity of the BAMF’s conclusion that there were no obstacles to the deportation of the applicant to Greece with national law, which provides that a foreign national cannot be deported if such deportation would be in violation of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The Court found that there are substantial grounds to believe that the applicant would face a real risk of inhuman and degrading treatment within the meaning of Article 3 ECHR if returned to Greece.

      The Court based this conclusion, inter alia, on the recent reports highlighting that international protection beneficiaries in Greece had no practical access to accommodation, food distribution and sanitary facilities for extended periods of time after arrival. The Court further observed that access of international protection beneficiaries to education, health care, employment, accommodation and social benefits under the same conditions as Greek nationals is provided in domestic law but is not enforced. Consequently, the ensuing living conditions could not be considered adequate for the purposes of Article 3 ECHR.

      Finally, the Court found that the risk of destitution after return could be excluded in cases where individual assurances are given by the receiving authorities, clarifying, however, that any such guarantees should be specific to the individual concerned. In this respect, guarantees given by the Greek authorities that generally refer to the transposition of the Qualification Directive into Greek law, as a proof that recognised refugees enjoy the respective rights, could not be considered sufficient.


    • Germany Rejects 75% of Greek Requests for Family Reunification

      In 2019, the German Federal Office for Asylum and Migration (BAMF) rejected three quarters of requests for family reunification under the Dublin III regulation from Greece. The high rejection rate draws criticism from NGOs and MPs who say the BAMF imposes exceedingly harsh requirements.

      The government’s response to a parliamentary question by the German left party, Die Linke, revealed that from January until May 2019 the BAMF rejected 472 of 626 requests from Greece. Under the Dublin III Regulation, an EU Member State can file a “take-charge request” to ask another EU member state to process an asylum application, if the person concerned has family there. Data from the Greek Asylum Service shows that in 2018 less than 40% of “take-charge requests” were accepted, a stark proportional decrease from 2017, when over 90% of requests were accepted. The German government did not provide any reasons for the high rejection rate.

      Gökay Akbulut, an MP from Die Linke, noted that often family reunification failed because the BAMF imposes exceedingly strict requirements that have no basis in the regulation. At the same time people affected have limited access to legal advice needed to appeal illegitimate rejections of their requests. For people enduring inhuman conditions on Greek Islands family reunifications were often the last resort from misery, Akbulut commented.

      In 2018, 70% of all Dublin requests from Greece to other EU Member states related to family reunification cases. Germany has been the major country of destination for these request. An estimate of over 15,000 live in refugee camps on Greek islands with a capacity of 9000.


  • Regroupement familial à Melun : des délais à rallonge et des vies de couple en suspens - Libération

    « Libération » vous propose une série dans laquelle vous pouvez suivre au long cours les parcours d’étrangers en France. Aujourd’hui, on revient sur les cas de Ahmadu F., Mouad B. et Fatima Z., tous en attente de la décision favorable ou défavorable de la préfecture de Melun à leur demande de regroupement familial. Une décision qui se fait attendre bien au-delà des délais standards et dans l’absence de communication.

    « Le plus dur c’est d’être dans le flou total. J’aimerais comprendre quels sont les critères de la préfecture pour traiter les dossiers : s’il y a des nationalités prioritaires à d’autres, des profils privilégiés… On ne sait pas comment c’est géré alors qu’on dépend quand même du département le plus important d’Ile-de-France », pointe Ahmadu F., 31 ans, de nationalité sénégalaise, en attente de la décision de la préfète de #Melun (Seine-et-Marne) depuis treize mois. Comme lui, ils sont plusieurs dizaines à se plaindre, notamment sur des groupes Facebook privés, des retards conséquents pris par la préfecture en question pour répondre à leur demande de regroupement familial avec leur conjoint ou conjointe.
    Une fois l’attestation de dépôt du dossier reçue par le demandeur de regroupement familial, c’est l’Office français de l’immigration et de l’intégration (Ofii) du département qui prend les devants en menant des investigations sur le logement et les ressources dans un délai fixé officiellement à deux mois, avant de le transmettre à la préfecture pour qu’une décision soit prise au bout de six mois.

    Ahmadu F. : « Si c’est un non, je veux pouvoir prendre mes dispositions rapidement »

    Installé en France depuis huit ans, Ahmadu F. a reçu son attestation de dépôt de la demande de regroupement familial en décembre 2017. L’Ofii a pris le relais et transmis en avril 2018, après cinq mois, tous les éléments à la préfecture de Melun qui garde depuis huit mois son dossier, sans lui donner la moindre nouvelle. Or toute préfecture s’engage à notifier la décision du préfet dans un délai de six mois à compter du dépôt du dossier complet à l’Ofii. Sinon, la préfecture estime qu’il s’agit d’un refus implicite. Ce qui n’est nullement avéré vu l’accumulation de retards conséquents dans les dossiers.

    Ahmadu F. est cadre supérieur consultant senior en CDI depuis 2014 et touche un salaire mensuel net équivalent à 3,5 fois le SMIC, sans compter sa prime. Côté logement, il habite un appartement de 68 m2, seul. Il dispose largement des ressources exigées par la préfecture pour le regroupement familial : avoir un Smic pour deux voire trois personnes et une surface habitable de 22 m2 (un critère qui peut changer selon les zones géographiques). Mais ce qui provoque sa colère c’est, au-delà du non-respect des délais, le manque de communication de la préfecture de Melun : « A cause de cette instance de regroupement familial, j’ai des missions professionnelles à l’étranger en suspens, je n’ai aucune possibilité de me projeter avec ma femme, restée au Sénégal, qui me demande des nouvelles tous les jours et qui ne peut pas venir me voir car toute demande de visa est bloquée quand on est en instance de regroupement familial. Si la réponse est un oui, je veux savoir quand elle tombe. Si c’est un non, c’est que je n’ai pas ma place en France et, dans ce cas, je veux pouvoir prendre mes dispositions rapidement. J’ai besoin de renseignements. »

    Mouad B. : « Impossible non plus de se confronter à eux physiquement car "pas de guichet et pas de ticket" »

    Mouad B., 33 ans, de nationalité algérienne et résident en France depuis neuf ans, a reçu son attestation de dépôt de dossier en janvier 2018 : il en est à son onzième mois d’attente après sept mois d’enquête de l’Ofii et cinq mois à la préfecture pendant que son épouse est en Algérie. « Au lieu des six mois d’attente, on atteint vite quatorze, seize, dix-sept mois », s’indigne-t-il en ciblant directement la préfecture et pas l’Ofii qui, d’après lui, « répond au moins aux questions des gens ».

    Comme Ahmadu F., il est sans nouvelles de la préfecture, ne reçoit aucun retour à ses mails ou aux formulaires qu’il remplit sur le site de la préfecture de Seine-et-Marne alors que celle-ci s’engage à y répondre dans un délai maximum de cinq jours ouvrables. Il se heurte au silence au bout du fil et les rares fois où il intercepte quelqu’un, il se retrouve transféré vers le service compétent qui s’avère saturé. « Impossible non plus de se confronter à eux physiquement car "pas de guichet et pas de ticket" » comme on le lui répète à l’envi. Sur ce type de dossier, tout se fait par voie postale, avec des délais à rallonge et sans aucune interaction. « Ce qui m’exaspère plus que les délais c’est cette absence de visibilité, de transparence et d’interlocuteur… » Mouad B. est un ingénieur informaticien en CDI depuis 2010 qui gagne 2 500 euros net par mois hors primes et habite un 32 m2.

    Fatima Z. : « Le pire que c’est tous ces retards peuvent aboutir à un non, ce qui impliquerait un recours et donc encore plus de temps en suspens »

    De son côté, Fatima Z., Marocaine âgée de 28 ans, a attendu cinq mois juste entre le dépôt de son dossier en août 2017 et son transfert à l’Ofii, en décembre 2017, qui marque le commencement de la procédure. Et depuis le lancement de l’enquête de l’Ofii en janvier, Ezz guette le moindre signe de la préfecture de Melun. En tout, elle en est à dix-sept mois d’attente. Selon elle, qui a eu plusieurs fois affaire à cette préfecture ces dernières années, ces retards inexpliqués sont récents et indiquent un manque criant d’effectif. Elle ajoute : « J’appelle tous les jours à 9 heures, heure d’ouverture du standard, et le poste est déjà saturé ou alors les agents n’ont pas le niveau d’accréditation pour me répondre. J’ai fini par tomber sur un agent – à force de me rendre à la préfecture et de multiplier les prises de contact – qui a bien voulu me renseigner. C’est comme ça que j’ai appris que mon dossier n’a été enregistré à la préfecture qu’en août [c’est-à-dire rentré dans le système mais pas encore traité, ndlr]… Ce qui veut dire que mon dossier est resté en stand-by pendant sept mois. »

    En France depuis dix ans, Fatima Z. ne comprend pas non plus pourquoi elle a autant de mal à faire venir son mari, resté en Egypte. Elle est assistante administratrice dans une société de bâtiment et entreprend des activités parallèles dans le secrétariat. Son salaire net dépasse les 2 000 euros et son appartement a une superficie de 26 m2. « Je déprime, il ne s’agit pas de n’importe quelle démarche, on parle d’une vie de couple. Le pire que c’est tous ces retards peuvent aboutir à un non, ce qui impliquerait un recours et donc encore plus de temps en suspens », regrette-t-elle.

    Pour l’heure, la préfecture de Melun n’a pas répondu à nos sollicitations.
    Dounia Hadni

    #regroupement_familial #préfecture #ofii #administration #immigration #racisme

  • #Les_Mohamed

    #Jérôme_Ruillier nous fait (re)découvrir l’#histoire de l’#immigration maghrébine à travers des témoignages poignants (en trois parties : les pères, les mères, les enfants), qui rendent compte de la quête d’identité et des effets au quotidien du racisme.

    – Comme il y a un après Maus d’Art Spiegelman qui a révolutionné les consciences, il y aura désormais un après Les Mohamed
    – Une réflexion sur la France d’aujourd’hui, ses évolutions, son métissage, ses peurs, ses nouvelles revendications d’égalité et de justice sociale
    – Un regard d’auteur courageux dans lequel Ruillier n’hésite pas à se mettre en scène avec ses propres doutes, ses interrogations

    #BD #livre #migrations #Algérie #guerre_d'Algérie #France #accords_d'Evian #travailleurs_immigrés #enracinement #contingents #OS #ouvriers_spécialisés #boucs_émissaires #colonialisme #colonialisme #regroupement_familial #solitude #Renault #industrie_automobile #île_Seguin #chaîne_de_montage #syndicat #alphabétisation #analphabétisme #indifférence #retraite #aide_au_retour #nationalité #citoyenneté #second@s #Algérie #Maroc #Douai #Houillère #extractivisme #charbon #mines #Sagenorpa #logement #baraquements #baraques #travail #accidents_de_travail #souffrance #solitude #Givors #guerre_d'Algérie #loi_Stoléru #identité #ZUP #foyer #foyer_de_célibataires #Montfermeil #violence_domestique #sexualité #liberté #arabophobie #discriminations #racisme #xénophobie #mariage_forcé #alphabétisation #cours_d'alphabétisation #cité_de_transit #barbelé #frontières_urbaines #frontières_intra-urbaines #brigade_spéciale #HLM #Nanterre #bidonville #voile #aide_au_retour #17_octobre #police #violences_policières #marche_des_beurs #résistance

  • Femmes érythréennes victimes de #traite ?

    Nous vous contactons en tant que Caritas Luxembourg.

    Nous sommes fortement préoccupés par la situation de plusieurs femmes érythréennes dont le #regroupement_familial a été accepté par nos autorités.

    Ces femmes ont pris l’avion mais ont ensuite « disparu » de manière un peu rocambolesque. Soit à l’aéroport (pendant, par ex, que le mari effectuait des achats), soit elles n’ont pas pris l’avion les emmenant à #Luxembourg dans leur aéroport de transit en Europe.

    Les maris ne sont pas tous inquiets et certains n’ont même pas déposé plainte à la police pour #disparition. La police n’enquête pas vraiment, arguant que ces femmes n’ont pas de résidence légale au Luxembourg.

    S’agit-il de disparitions volontaires et organisées ?
    Sont-elles victimes de traite ?

    Nous cherchons à comprendre ces situations très inquiétantes qui se répètent.

    Des cas similaires sont-ils signalés dans d’autres pays européens ?

    Il faudrait savoir si ces femmes déposent une demande de protection dans d’autres pays (en cas de disparition volontaire). Car sinon, que font-elles ?

    –-> Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop

    #traite_d'êtres_humains #réfugiés #asile #migrations #réfugiés_érythréens #Erythrée #femmes #disparitions

  • ECRE/ELENA | Dublin III : regroupement familial pour les enfants devenus majeurs

    Le European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE) et le European Legal Network on Asylum (ELENA) ont publié une note juridique importante concernant le regroupement familial selon le droit européen (Dublin III). La note est émise à partir d’un récent jugement C-550/16 A and S rendu par la Cour de Justice de l’Union Européenne, considéré […]

    Hier matin (17 mai), les polices lucernoises et vaudoises sont venues chercher une femme nigériane et son bébé de 3 mois (assignés au canton de Lucerne) afin de procéder à leur renvoi en Italie selon les Accords Dublin.
    Les polices cantonales se sont mobilisées pour aller chercher cette femme et son bébé jusqu’à Renens (Canton de Vaud), débarquant au domicile du compagnon de Madame et père de l’enfant, lui-même en possession d’un permis B de réfugié, érythréen et vivant en Suisse depuis 3 ans ! Une véritable traque…
    Une demande de reconsidération auprès du Secrétariat d’Etat aux Migrations (SEM) et une démarche de reconnaissance en paternité sont pourtant en cours pour faire valoir leur droit à rester auprès de leur compagnon et père… Mais cela n’a pas empêché les autorités cantonales et fédérales en matière de migration de faire exécuter cette déportation immonde et cela n’a pas empêché non plus les 8 policiers d’emmener Madame et de les mettre elle et son bébé dans un avion à destination de Florence, tout en précisant qu’elle pourrait revenir en Suisse une fois la #reconnaissance_de_paternité avérée... !
    Selon les dernières informations, Madame et son fils sont arrivés à Florence et ont été placés dans un camp, partageant une chambre avec trois autres personnes. Le bébé se porte bien.
    Cependant des questions subsistent face à la violence de ces pratiques et de ces agissements :
    Comment le SEM, le SPOP, Mme Sommaruga, etc. justifient-ils cette violence d’Etat ?
    Comment justifient-il de séparer cette famille, d’arracher ce bébé de 3 mois et cette femme à leur compagnon/père ?
    Comment les autorités justifient-elles d’aller jusqu’à traquer ce bébé et sa mère jusqu’au domicile du père pour effectuer un tel renvoi et de passer outre les démarches juridiques en cours ??
    Pourquoi cet acharnement, y compris sur des personnes extrêmement vulnérables ?
    Dans quelques mois, la reconnaissance en paternité sera terminée, le regroupement familial sera validé et Madame pourra revenir vivre en Suisse. Mais le trauma de son arrestation par 8 policiers, de sa déportation et de son placement dans un camp à Florence se sera ajouté aux autres horreurs subies lors de son parcours migratoire et restera indélébile. Violence gratuite, #violence d’Etat. Envers des hommes, des femmes et enfants. Au nom de quoi ?
    Nous n’avons que très peu de mots pour dire…
    Les lois suisses semblent devenues des passe-droit pour violer les droits humains en toute impunité ! Par leurs pratiques, Le SEM, le SPOP, Sommaruga, et la police, sont aujourd’hui des criminel.le.s !
    Ces décisions, ces pratiques et ces violences ne font que nourrir notre révolte. Nous résisterons ! Nous continuerons sans cesse de porter la voix d’une société civile qui se veut solidaire !
    Le collectif R

    –-> Reçu par email via le collectif R : http://desobeissons.ch

    #renvois #expulsions #réfugiés #asile #migrations #renvoi_Dublin #Italie #Suisse #Vaud #vie_familiale #it_has_begun #déshumanisation #regroupement_familial #vulnérabilité
    cc @isskein

    • Y., arrêté dans les locaux du Service de la Population en vue d’une deuxième expulsion vers l’Italie

      L’acharnement n’a pas de limite dans un contexte de guerre sans complexe contre des êtres humains qui osent franchir des frontières

      Y. est d’origine érythréenne et a déposé une demande d’asile fin 2016. Il a reçu rapidement une décision de renvoi vers l’Italie : la machine Dublin employée par les autorités comme un « bon débarras ». Au même moment, beaucoup de compatriotes venus de l’Italie dans le cadre de contingents – que Y. côtoie et à qui il donne quelques coups de main, pour des traductions par exemple - reçoivent des statuts de séjour en Suisse ( La situation la plus symptomatique de ces absurdités est celle de Mme S. qui a été traquée par la police et a dû vivre cachée pendant de longs mois avec son fils pour fuir un renvoi vers l’Italie alors que son frère était au même moment relocalisé en Suisse par un programme de l’UE et recevait un permis de réfugié !). Absurdités bureaucratiques qui nourrissent notre rage. Y. passe alors un moment au refuge du collectif R.
      Fin 2017, après un an passé en Suisse dans l’espoir de voir sa procédure d’asile ré-ouverte, il est arrêté et mis en détention pour être renvoyé vers l’Italie. Une arrestation qui le marquera pour toujours. Des traitements dégradants… l’argent qu’il a sur lui est saisi sans reçu, il est menotté aux mains et aux pieds lors de chacun des transferts effectués (malgré les engagements des autorités cantonales vaudoises à ne plus procéder ainsi, après quelques scandales similaires), déshabillé intégralement à plusieurs reprises sans explication dans les locaux de la police cantonale (bien connue pour ses pratiques immondes) puis renvoyé comme un sac poubelle à Rome

      Sa compagne, au bénéfice d’un permis B (vivant en Valais), ses proches et ses amis habitent tou.te.s dans le canton de Vaud, où il s’était installé et où il a appris et enseigné le français. Il a créé des amitiés fortes avec des familles suisses grâce à son envie d’intégration sans failles. Peu de temps après son renvoi, début 2018, Y. revient évidemment en Suisse, puisque c’est là qu’il a construit des liens et un petit bout de vie… Il dépose une nouvelle demande d’asile. Sans surprise, les autorités n’en ont rien à faire de sa situation personnelle et prononcent une nouvelle décision de renvoi, suite à quoi il est arrêté par la police, le vendredi 8 juin au SPOP. Il est à nouveau menotté et emmené en détention. Un nouveau renvoi en perspective, aveugle, violent comme toujours, et absurde.

      Y. se trouve extrêmement traumatisé et affecté psychologiquement, en lien avec les humiliations qu’il a vécues et qu’il vit à répétition entre les mains de la police. Il n’en dort plus et décrit à quel point il se sent atteint au plus profond de son humanité : ces traitements et cette négation de sa situation, la perspective d’un nouveau renvoi malgré les liens créés ici, la si longue durée de sa lutte personnelle (survie dans l’attente d’une régularisation).

      Sa situation nous rappelle celle de bien d’autres personnes rencontrées, renvoyées à plusieurs reprises et victimes d’une violence sans relâche de la part des autorités. Par exemple, I., un jeune afghan qui a de la famille en Suisse et qui survit depuis 2012 à la violence d’état : les autorités fédérales ont toujours refusé d’examiner ses motifs d’asile, rejetant indéfiniment la responsabilité de sa prise en charge à l’Italie. Les autorités vaudoises ont exécuté 3 fois son renvoi de Suisse, dont deux par vols spéciaux (entraves intégrales et lourds effectifs policiers) !!! Il est anéanti psychologiquement.

      Ces vols spéciaux et ces renvois sont des non-sens évidents, ils ont des conséquences énormes sur des êtres humains. Ils détruisent des personnes qui, en l’espace de quelques jours et malgré l’intensité de cette violence, sont pourtant de retour en Suisse car la force de leurs aspirations est plus forte. Parce qu’elles demandent l’asile ici et non ailleurs, parce qu’elles ont de la famille ici et non ailleurs, parce qu’elle se sont enfin posées, ici et non ailleurs.

      Quand est-ce que ces calvaires et ces acharnements meurtriers s’arrêteront-ils ? Quand est-ce que cet entêtement absurde et contraire à toute logique responsable et humaine s’arrêtera-t-il ?

      Nous sommes extrêmement inquiet.e.s de cette violence raciste et impérialiste croissante un peu partout en Europe et de la manière dont la Suisse, le Canton, la ville, à chaque échelon, y contribuent.

      Ces énormes souffrances et ces dégâts humains subis par Y. et les autres sont graves et leur portée est immense.

      Dans cette chaîne, chacun.e est responsable et nous appelons à refuser de tolérer les dangereux « nous devons exécuter les décisions » ,« nous ne faisons que notre travail » et autres « nous ne disposons d’aucune marge de manœuvre ».

      Nous ne cesserons de témoigner et de dénoncer le caractère colonialiste, impérialiste et raciste de ces frontières et de ces politiques qui détruisent des vies sans limite. Car dans ce système où l’argent à plus de valeur que la vie (des non-blancs), la mort des un.e.s n’est que la conséquence logique du maintien des privilèges des autres.

      Reçu via mail du Collectif R, le 18.06.2018

  • Desperate Journeys - January 2017 to March 2018

    This report provides a brief overview of trends of movements by refugees and migrants to and through Europe in 2017, highlights some of the key protection challenges associated with these desperate journeys and concludes with recommendations.

    #rapport #asile #migrations #réfugiés #chiffres #statistiques #EU #Europe #UE #2017

    • Viaggi Disperati: nel rapporto dell’UNHCR una panoramica del cambiamento nei flussi misti verso l’Europa

      Nonostante sia diminuito il numero di rifugiati e migranti che lo scorso anno sono entrati in Europa, i pericoli che molti affrontano durante il viaggio sono in alcuni casi aumentati, secondo un nuovo rapporto pubblicato dall’Alto Commissariato delle Nazioni Unite per i Rifugiati (UNHCR), che illustra il cambiamento dei modelli dei flussi.

      Il rapporto Viaggi Disperati rileva come gli arrivi via mare in ​​Italia, provenienti principalmente dalla Libia, siano drasticamente diminuiti dal luglio 2017. Questa tendenza è continuata nei primi tre mesi del 2018, con un calo del 74% rispetto allo scorso anno.

      Il viaggio verso l’Italia si è dimostrato sempre più pericoloso: nei primi tre mesi del 2018 il tasso di mortalità tra coloro che partono dalla Libia è salito a 1 decesso ogni 14 persone, rispetto a 1 decesso ogni 29 persone nello stesso periodo del 2017.

      Negli ultimi mesi si è inoltre registrato un deterioramento molto preoccupante della salute dei nuovi arrivati ​​dalla Libia: un numero crescente di persone infatti sbarca in precarie condizioni di salute, mostrando segni di estrema debolezza e magrezza.

      Mentre il numero complessivo di traversate del Mediterraneo è rimasto molto al di sotto dei livelli del 2016, il rapporto dell’UNHCR rileva anche un aumento degli arrivi in ​​Spagna e in Grecia nell’ultima parte del 2017.

      Lo scorso anno, la Spagna ha registrato un aumento del 101% rispetto al 2016, con 28.000 nuovi arrivi. I primi mesi del 2018 mostrano una tendenza simile, con un incremento degli arrivi del 13% rispetto allo scorso anno. A detenere il primato dei flussi migratori sono marocchini e algerini, ma i siriani rimangono il gruppo più numeroso che attraversa le frontiere terrestri della Spagna.

      In Grecia, il numero totale di arrivi via mare è diminuito rispetto al 2016; tuttavia si è registrato un aumento del 33% tra maggio e dicembre di quest’anno con 24.600 arrivi rispetto ai 18.300 nello stesso periodo del 2016. La maggior parte proveniva da Siria, Iraq e Afghanistan, compreso un elevato numero di famiglie con bambini. I richiedenti asilo sbarcati in Grecia hanno affrontato lunghi periodi di permanenza sulle isole greche in condizioni drammatiche e di sovraffollamento.

      A causa delle maggiori restrizioni imposte in Ungheria, molti rifugiati e migranti ricorrono a rotte alternative per spostarsi all’interno dell’Europa. Ad esempio, alcuni entrano in Romania dalla Serbia, mentre altri partono dalla Grecia e attraversano l’Albania, il Montenegro e la Bosnia-Erzegovina per arrivare in Croazia.

      “Per rifugiati e migranti viaggiare verso l’Europa e al suo interno continua a essere molto pericoloso,” ha riferito Pascale Moreau, Direttrice dell’Ufficio per l’Europa dell’UNHCR. Si stima che oltre 3.100 persone abbiano perso la vita in mare l’anno scorso lungo le rotte verso l’Europa, rispetto alle 5.100 del 2016. Altre 501 persone sono morte o risultano disperse dall’inizio del 2018.

      Oltre ai decessi in mare, nel 2017 ci sono state almeno altre 75 persone lungo le rotte terrestri che hanno perso la vita alle frontiere esterne dell’Europa o durante il viaggio in Europa, insieme a continue e preoccupanti segnalazioni di respingimenti.

      “L’accesso al territorio e a procedure di asilo rapide, eque ed efficienti per chi cerca protezione internazionale sono fondamentali. Gestire le frontiere e garantire protezione ai rifugiati in conformità agli obblighi internazionali degli Stati non si escludono a vicenda né sono incompatibili,” ha dichiarato Moreau.

      Il rapporto dell’UNHCR sottolinea anche gli abusi e le estorsioni subite da rifugiati e migranti per mano di trafficanti, contrabbandieri o gruppi armati lungo varie rotte verso l’Europa.

      Le donne, soprattutto quelle che viaggiano da sole, e i minori non accompagnati rimangono particolarmente esposti al rischio di violenza sessuale e di genere lungo le rotte verso l’Europa e in alcune località all’interno dell’Europa.

      Nel 2017, oltre 17.000 minori non accompagnati sono entrati in Europa. La maggior parte è arrivata via mare in Italia, dove il 13% di tutti gli arrivi è costituito da bambini che viaggiano da soli, una tendenza simile al 2016.

      Il rapporto dell’UNHCR mostra tuttavia alcuni progressi positivi nel numero di persone reinsediate in Europa lo scorso anno, con un aumento del 54% dal 2016. La maggior parte di questi 26.400 rifugiati erano di nazionalità siriana (84%) e sono stati reinsediati dalla Turchia, dal Libano e dalla Giordania. Tra i Paesi europei, il Regno Unito, la Svezia e la Germania hanno accolto il maggior numero di rifugiati attraverso il programma del reinsediamento.

      Un altro sviluppo positivo si è registrato alla fine dello scorso anno, quando l’UNHCR ha iniziato a favorire l’evacuazione dei rifugiati vulnerabili dalla Libia al Niger e dalla Libia verso l’Italia.

      “Le operazioni di evacuazione dalla Libia e le maggiori opportunità di reinsediamento che abbiamo visto l’anno scorso sono ottime notizie. Restano ancora seri ostacoli che limitano l’accesso a percorsi sicuri e legali, incluso il ricongiungimento familiare, per le persone bisognose di protezione internazionale e chiediamo pertanto più solidarietà,” ha dichiarato Pascale Moreau.

      Il rapporto fornisce infine raccomandazioni supplementari in merito alla necessità di rafforzare la solidarietà tra gli Stati in Europa e con i Paesi di primo asilo e di transito, per migliorare la qualità dell’accoglienza, specialmente nel caso di minori non accompagnati e separati e persone sopravvissute a violenza sessuale e di genere, e per garantire una migliore protezione dei bambini.

      #mixed_migration #santé #femmes #réinstallation

      Sur la #mortalité en #Méditerranée:

      nei primi tre mesi del 2018 il tasso di mortalità tra coloro che partono dalla Libia è salito a 1 decesso ogni 14 persone, rispetto a 1 decesso ogni 29 persone nello stesso periodo del 2017.

      Si stima che oltre 3.100 persone abbiano perso la vita in mare l’anno scorso lungo le rotte verso l’Europa, rispetto alle 5.100 del 2016. Altre 501 persone sono morte o risultano disperse dall’inizio del 2018.

      #mourir_aux_frontières #morts #décès

      Sur les #MNA, #mineurs_non_accompagnés:

      Nel 2017, oltre 17.000 minori non accompagnati sono entrati in Europa. La maggior parte è arrivata via mare in Italia, dove il 13% di tutti gli arrivi è costituito da bambini che viaggiano da soli, una tendenza simile al 2016.

  • Minori non accompagnati, diritto al ricongiungimento familiare anche dopo i 18 anni

    Lo dice una sentenza della Corte europea di giustizia a partire dal caso di una ragazza eritrea arrivata da minorenne nei Paesi Bassi. Chiesto ricongiungimento con i familiari, ma la sua domanda era stata respinta perché nel frattempo è diventata maggiorenne. Il Tribunale dell’Aia sottopone questione pregiudiziale alla Corte: vale età di ingresso nel paese Ue, non età al momento del riconoscimento dell’asilo

    #MNA #âge #regroupement_familial #18_ans #mineurs #jurisprudence

  • Intégration | Sans famille

    Un rapport juridique publié par le Centre suisse pour la défense des droits des migrants (CSDM) et le HCR présente quelques recommandations à prendre en compte dans le cadre de litiges stratégiques sur le regroupement familial des réfugiés, écrit la présidente du CSDM, Jasmine Caye

  • VE 166 | Défenseur des droits. Un rempart contre l’arbitraire

    Alors que la thématique de l’aide juridique a été sur toutes les lèvres lors du dernier scrutin fédéral sur l’asile, nous proposons dans cette nouvelle édition de la revue Vivre Ensemble, un dossier consacré au rôle des juristes dans la procédure d’asile et dans le respect du droit des réfugiés. Également au sommaire, un dossier […]

  • CSDM | Les obstacles au regroupement familial des réfugiés freinent leur intégration

    Un rapport juridique publié par le Centre suisse pour la défense des droits des migrants (CSDM) et le HCR présente quelques recommandations à prendre en compte dans le cadre de litiges stratégiques sur le regroupement familial des réfugiés, écrit la présidente du CSDM, Jasmine Caye

  • Unaccompanied minors and secondary migration between Italy and the UK

    • There are important differences in the reception
    policies for unaccompanied children in Italy and the UK
    shaped by different welfare regimes and labour market
    set-ups; the scale and type of migration; and by the
    social networks of different national and ethnic groups
    in each country.
    • Young people are often aware of these differences and
    make decisions accordingly.
    • These differences undermine the idea of a Common
    EU asylum system or Common EU action plan for
    unaccompanied children.
    Dublin III family reunification procedures are not
    working effectively which means unaccompanied
    children who could under certain conditions be legally
    transferred from Italy to the UK and other EU states
    end up turning to irregular means and going ‘missing’.
    • Italy’s system for unaccompanied non-asylum
    seeking children, despite its problems, does provide
    pathways to legality and labour market integration for

    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #UK #Italie #MNA #Dublin #disparitions #regroupement_familial #Angleterre

    • Uprooted and unprotected. A multi-agency approach to safeguarding children forced into migration through northern France

      The NSPCC’s Child Trafficking Advice Centre (CTAC) advises professionals in the UK on child trafficking cases and works with agencies around the world to prevent child trafficking.

      This report highlights learning from CTAC’s work with the Refugee Youth Service (RYS), safeguarding children who had lived in the Calais ’Jungle’. RYS refers children to CTAC when it suspects they have moved from France to the UK. CTAC then shares child protection information with relevant UK agencies and tries to establish the children’s whereabouts.

      This report is accompanied by a workbook for professionals to use with young people who have been forced into migration and may have stayed in camps in northern France. The resource is now available to social workers to help them better understand the needs of children who’ve been trafficked or are at risk of being trafficked.

      The questions in the workbook aim to help practitioners understand a young person’s journey from their home country to the UK, supporting practitioners to identify abuse, exploitation and trafficking.

      #France #Calais

    • Increase in number of missing migrant children possibly trafficked into UK

      A report from the UK’s National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) highlights the growing number of migrant children who are unaccounted for by authorities in France and the UK, despite having been identified in the Calais camp as particularly vulnerable to trafficking.

      The NSPCC’s Child Trafficking Advice Centre (CTAC) began collecting referrals from the Refugee Youth Service (RYS) in 2016 to monitor the well-being of unaccompanied migrant children in Calais’ former ‘Jungle’ camp, due to their vulnerability to being trafficked into the UK. However, there was no formal way to confirm if any of the children had made it into the UK and were safe, as neither the French nor the UK authorities had registered and reported the absent children as missing, or conducted any enquiries to locate them to ascertain their welfare.

      Between August 2016 and November 2017, 196 children who were in northern France without parents or carers were referred to the CTAC and the organisation managed to locate 68 of them by conducting checks on Home Office databases, confirming that they were either in local authority care or living with family members. The remaining 128 children remain unaccounted for, with the NSPCC stating that the ‘primary concern’ is the possibility of the children living in the UK without being known to services there. According to the report, “This would render them vulnerable to abuse, exploitation and trafficking with no wider network to safeguard and protect them.”

      The report illustrates the risks to which unaccompanied children are exposed by giving examples of children subjected to violence from police and from adults in the camps, children who experienced sexual abuse and a child who was forced to take heroin and criminally exploited by adults in Calais.

      The NSPCC highlights the need for stronger cross-border cooperation, especially as the UK prepares to leave the EU, recommending that “a commitment must be made to ensure continued access to cross-border mechanisms for child safeguarding and protection, such as Europol and Eurojust.”

      While the ‘Jungle’ camp at Calais was dismantled in 2016, with former residents relocated to reception centres across France, the number of migrants making their way to the region has been rising in recent months. As the NSPCC report states, “The geographical appeal of Calais and Kent will not change, and dismantling the ‘Jungle’ has not ended the movement of people across the border. As children continue to cross into the UK, a formal referral system to share information must be developed between France and the UK that prioritises child safeguarding.”


  • Festival du droit d’asile de Cannes - par CRS (Collectif Roya Solidaire) - YouTube

    Lundi 24 Juillet j’ai été mis en garde à vue puis mis en examen pour « aide à l’entrée et a la circulation de personnes en situation irrégulière » alors que je suivais des demandeurs d’asile en train jusqu’en gare de Cannes afin d’être témoin d’éventuelles interpellations illégales et violations de leur droit.

    Le collectif CRS dont je fais partie avait pour projet de réaliser un film documentaire retraçant le parcours chaotique d’un demandeur d’asile dans les Alpes-Maritimes.

    Ce projet a du être précipité à cause de mon arrestation. Le présent film a été tourné en caméra cachée avec des téléphones portables et des caméras professionnelles.

    Il démontre les violations des droits des demandeurs d’asile qui se sont vus interpellés et reconduits à la frontière au mépris de leurs statut de demandeur d’asile, sans examen de leur demande, sans accès à des interprètes ni à leurs avocats.

  • A right to family reunification for persons granted international protection? The Strasbourg case-law, state sovereignty and EU harmonisation

    For a long time, the European Court of Human Rights showed great respect for state sovereignty in the field of migration and was very reluctant to affirm a right of aliens to enter a Convention State to reunite with family members living there. Only in very rare cases has the Court found violations of the European Convention on Human Rights when migrants or refugees have been denied reunification with their children or spouses in the state of residence. However, recent case-law points to an increasing shift from respect for states’ prerogatives in the field of immigration to a strengthening of the human rights of aliens. On the one hand, the Court has adjusted its approach under Article 8 ECHR giving increased weight to the interests of refugees and beneficiaries of subsidiary protection to be reunited with their loved ones (1) and on the other hand, applicants have been successful in utilising the Article 14 prohibition of discrimination to claim a right to family reunification (2).

    #unité_familiale #regroupement_familiale #asile #migrations #réfugiés #CEDH #CourEDH #jurisprudence #famille


    In the context of our project on legal assistance to asylum seekers, we deal with hundreds of cases of asylum seekers who are in Greece and have applied for family reunification under the Dublin III Regulation.

    During the last months we have noted that there is a serious problem concerning the completion of the family reunification cases in Germany. More specifically we have found that in cases of asylum seekers for which Germany has accepted responsibility, the transfer to Germany has not been carried out despite the fact that the six-month time-limit provided by the Regulation has expired. So far our organization is aware of 21 such cases of asylum seekers, including particularly vulnerable people such as an eight-member family waiting to be reunited with the seriously ill father as well as unaccompanied minors.

    #Allemagne #famille #regroupement_familial #unité_familiale #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Dublin

    • Reçu via la mailing-list de Migreurop:

      27 organisations de défense des droits de l’homme et d’’assistance aux réfugiés ont signé une lettre ouverte dans laquelle ils demandent le respect du droit communautaire en ce qui concerne le droit des réfugiés au regroupement familial. Leur appel concerne surtout les réfugiés que se trouvent bloqués en Grèce et qui ont déposé une demande afin de rejoindre leur famille en Allemagne. La lettre a été adressée à l’ONU, à différentes instances internationales, aux institutions de l’UE, mais aussi aux ministères compétents en Allemagne en en Grèce.

      Les organisations signataires expriment de sérieuses préoccupations au sujet de la violation de facto du droit au regroupement familial, et la violation des dispositions relatives du règlement (UE) 604/2013 (Dublin règlement III) en ce qui concerne le transfert des demandeurs d’asile de Grèce en Allemagne, dans le cadre du processus de regroupement familial.


      En fait même les réfugiés dont la demande de regroupement familial a été acceptée doivent attendre bien au-delà du délai réglementaire de six mois. Ils restent bloqués en Grèce parfois des années dans une situation précaire, à cause d’un quota de 70 personnes par mois que l’Allemagne a imposé aux regroupements familiales en provenance de la Grèce. Ce plafond a été instauré par un accord officieux entre l’Allemagne et la Grèce au mois d’avril, tandis qu’au moins 2.500 réfugiés résidant en Grèce et dont la demande de regroupement fut acceptée étaient déjà en attente de transfert. Ce dernier mois les réfugiés en attente d’être transférés en Allemagne pour y rejoindre leur famille se sont rassemblés à plusieurs reprises devant le Consulat Allemand à Salonique afin de protester contre la violation de leur droit au regroupement familial.


  • Conseil de l’Europe | Réaliser le droit au regroupement familial des réfugiés en Europe

    Les États membres sont soumis à l’obligation juridique et morale de garantir le regroupement familial. En vertu des normes internationales des droits de l’homme, les les personnes en quête de protection doivent pouvoir se faire rejoindre par leur famille de manière effective et dans un délai raisonnable. Les États doivent lever les nombreux obstacles au […]

  • Livre | L’expérience de l’exil au travers du regroupement familial

    Cet ouvrage retrace des parcours migratoires contemporains à partir des récits des enfants et de leurs parents. Si toute migration porte en elle des espérances et des projections, les personnes se heurtent, tôt ou tard, aux attentes interminables des procédures administratives et aux contraintes dictées par le politique. Au fil des rencontres, les mots libèrent […]