Les lettres du Printemps arabe
▻http://www.laviedesidees.fr/Les-lettres-du-Printemps-arabe.html
Comment s’écrivent les Printemps arabes ? Entre textes de fiction, témoignages et analyses littéraires et artistiques, un recueil cherche à penser l’inattendu des révolutions. Au risque, peut-être, d’ignorer les disparités politiques et socioculturelles des pays où fleurirent ces printemps.
Livres & études
/ #révolution, #langue, #évènement
Borderlands - Power and Peripheries :
▻http://prisms.delma.io/borderlands/en
Signalé ce matin par l’ami @alaingresh que je remercie beaucoup
http://delma.io/website/addons/v2/images/6.png 
http://delma.io/website/addons/borderlands/sharing/en/landing.png 
“A dynasty is stronger at its centre than it is at its border regions,” wrote the 14th-century Maghrebi scholar and statesman Ibn Khaldun.
Today, his observation continues to inform our understanding of the challenges facing states and societies in the Maghreb.
Sharing a history of trans-Saharan trading, a patchwork of ethnicities, and modern borders that define post-colonial states, the borderlands between Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya are at the nexus of the national and transnational.
Well before the first ripples of upheaval in Tunisia scattered across the region in 2011, smuggling, extremism, and conflict challenged the perception of these borders as fixed and inviolable. The uprisings that subsequently engulfed the region amplified these powerful transnational currents.
What follows is the story of borderlands, the often overlooked stage in this regional drama.
The Egyptians : A Radical History of Egypt’s Unfinished Revolution - Afterword
▻http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/25934/the-egyptians_a-radical-history-of-egypt’s-unfinis
Regeni’s murder, and the architecture of state terror from which it emerged, has helped illuminate the west’s own uneasy tightrope walk over the Nile and exposed points of vulnerability in the relationship between Sisi and his international backers. Just as importantly, it has underlined how profoundly unstable Egypt’s status quo is, and the extent to which the underlying dynamics of Egyptian authoritarianism have been churned into crisis by successive years of revolt. Mubarak would not have allowed a white European to be tortured to death in such a prominent manner, inviting needless controversy; in the wilds of today’s Egypt, Sisi lacks both the choice and control to follow suit. The counter-revolution’s arsenal of defences is more ferocious, and more fragmented, than that held by the state before 2011, precisely because the landscape beneath its feet has been so thoroughly rearranged by revolution.
Jadaliyya publie l’épilogue d’un livre qui semble mériter le détour :
Jack Shenker, The Egyptians : A Radical History of Egypt’s Unfinished Revolution.
La liste des entorses à la loi lors de la saisie des poissons de Mouhcine Fikri | Telquel.ma
▻http://telquel.ma/2016/11/02/la-liste-des-entorses-a-la-loi-lors-de-la-saisie-des-poissons-de-mouhcine-fi
Si la procédure réglementaire avait été conforme à la loi, l’affaire de Mouhcine Fikri aurait dû se conclure par le paiement d’une amende et la distribution de sa marchandise aux orphelinats.
Mouhcine Fikri a enfreint la loi en achetant un poisson dont la pêche est interdite en cette période (l’espadon). Cette pratique, bien qu’illégale, est répandue dans le secteur. Selon les différents témoignages, et en se référant aux résultats de l’enquête préliminaire, il semble que la procédure légale de saisie et de destruction du poisson transporté par Mouhcine Fikri n’ait pas été respectée.
5 ans plus tard, que reste-t-il du printemps arabe ?
Radio-Canada, le 30 janvier 2016
▻http://quebec.huffingtonpost.ca/2016/01/30/printemps-arabe_n_9119402.html
Five years of the Egyptian Revolution - World Socialist Web Site
▻http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2016/01/25/pers-j25.html
Five years after the eruption of mass revolutionary struggles in Egypt that led to the ouster of long-time dictator Hosni Mubarak, the counterrevolutionary military junta headed by General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi fears another social explosion.
In the lead-up to today’s anniversary of the Egyptian Revolution, the regime intensified its brutal crackdown against workers and youth. According to the Associated Press, police raided 5,000 apartments in downtown Cairo in recent days as a “precautionary measure” to ensure that Egyptians do not return to the streets. Throughout the country, hundreds of thousands of heavily armed security officers, police and soldiers will be deployed.
Comparer « transitions » postcommunistes et révoltes arabes. Un point de vue semi-sceptique | Sciences Po CERI
▻http://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/content/dossiersduceri/comparer-transitions-postcommunistes-et-revoltes-arabes-un-point-de-vue-s
Les révoltes arabes de l’hiver 2010-2011 sont-elles un « 89 arabe » ? C’est ce qu’affirmaient l’historien Benjamin Stora et le journaliste Edwy Plenel dans un ouvrage paru en 2011 quelques mois après les événements1. L’ébranlement des autoritarismes arabes avait, à leurs yeux, une signification équivalente à l’effondrement du communisme en Europe de l’Est, comme si les insurgés de Sidi Bouzid et du Caire avaient repris le combat des ouvriers de Gdansk et des manifestants de Bucarest, réactualisant également l’esprit et le projet de la Révolution de 1798, érigée en « mère » de toutes les révolutions. Malgré les démentis apportés par une réalité post-révolutionnaire plus complexe et inattendue qu’imaginée de prime abord, les rapprochements entre ces deux événements éloignés d’un peu plus d’une vingtaine d’années se sont multipliés depuis 2011, dans le monde universitaire, de l’expertise et du commentaire politique2. Tout se passe comme si le raisonnement comparé, appliqué en particulier à l’Europe de l’Est, avait acquis force d’évidence auprès des acteurs et observateurs des bouleversements politiques dans le monde arabe.
Daily chart: The Arab spring, five years on | The Economist
▻http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2016/01/daily-chart-8
The Arab spring, five years on
Jan 11th 2016, 16:31 by THE DATA TEAM
THERE were six Arab countries in which massive peaceful protests called for hated rulers to go in the spring of 2011. Other than Tunisia, none of the uprisings came to a happy end. Libya and Yemen have imploded, their central states replaced in whole or part by warring militias, some backed by foreign powers, some flying the flags of al-Qaeda or Islamic State. Egypt is now yet more autocratic, in some ways, than when the protests began. And Syria has descended into an abyss. Half its cities lie in ruins, much of its fertile land has been abandoned; millions have been displaced within the country, millions more have fled beyond it; hundreds of thousands have died; there is no end in sight.
ARSP Round II | Arab Reform Initiative
▻http://www.arab-reform.net/border-security-tunisia
Border security in Tunisia
December 2015
, by Eya Jrad
Border (in) security has been a major concern throughout Tunisian history, from state building, to state consolidation, going through a transition phase that followed the Arab uprisings leading to the rise of new threats. Corruption, poorly managed borders, border officials’ discretionary and exceptional powers contribute to the existence and persistence of destabilized dynamics at the borders. This paper is an attempt to offer theoretical insights and empirical data on the state of play at the Tunisian borders. Our research focuses on the hypothesis that securitization of the borders is only a component of securing the borders.
’The Outpost’ Is Trying to Bring Liberal Change to the Middle East | VICE | United Kingdom
▻http://www.vice.com/en_uk/read/the-outpost-middle-east-magazine-399
▻https://vice-images.vice.com/images/articles/meta/2015/06/03/the-outpost-middle-east-magazine-399-1433342723.jpg?resize=*:*&out
Three years ago, when Ibrahim Nehme launched The Outpost, the Arab region was in a state of flux. In Tunisia, one year earlier, Mohamed Bouazizi had set himself on fire and unknowingly become a catalyst for what was soon to become the Arab Spring. Years of suppressed frustration across the Middle East and North Africa were unleashed in the region’s various public squares by a politically-active youth with a vision for a new Arab world, free of corruption and dictatorial regimes.
The Outpost is a bi-annual magazine published out of Beirut. It calls itself “a magazine of possibilities” and believes in the power of editorial to inspire a new wave of change in the Arab world – not an easy task back in 2011, and even less so today, with Syria still engulfed in both civil war and the rise of the Islamic State.
Arab spring prompts biggest migrant wave since second world war | World news | The Observer
►http://www.theguardian.com/world/commentisfree/2015/jan/03/arab-spring-migrant-wave-instability-war
The two “ghost ships” discovered sailing towards the Italian coast last week with hundreds of migrants – but no crew – on board are just the latest symptom of what experts consider to be the world’s largest wave of mass-migration since the end of the second world war.
Wars in Syria, Libya and Iraq, severe repression in Eritrea, and spiralling instability across much of the Arab world have all contributed to the displacement of around 16.7 million refugees worldwide.
Security in Times of Transition | Arab Reform Initiative
▻http://www.arab-reform.net/security-sector-reform-tunisia-three-years-democratic-transition
Tunisia’s 2011 revolution removed the Ben Ali regime but did not overthrow the country’s security institutions. Reforming these institutions will be an integral part of the larger process of constitutional and political reform for the country. This paper from one of Tunisia’s leading security analysts breaks down the recent political and security changes that have upset the country’s security situation and buffeted its security institutions, before laying out a series of recommendations for pursuing reform.
CONTROLLING AND PUNISHMENT — Cinéma du Réel
▻http://www.cinemadureel.org/fr/programme/seances-speciales/controlling-and-punishment
CONTROLLING AND PUNISHMENT
Ridha Tlili, Ayten Mutlu Saray
2013 / Suisse, Tunisie / 90 min
i Vendredi 28 Mars 21H00 Nouveau Latina
▻http://www.cinemadureel.org/fr/programme/seances-speciales/controlling-and-punishment/@@images/4e586af0-f47f-4658-bbf5-9188d5025a76.jpeg
Trois ans après le déclenchement des printemps arabes, retour à Sidi Bouzid, là où le suicide d’un jeune homme a déclenché la première insurrection, en Tunisie. Depuis, les habitants y inventent une nouvelle culture de résistance.
With Rhida Tlili
Soirée proposée par Documentaire sur grand écran / En partenariat avec FIDADOC, Festival international de documentaire à Agadir.
Science sans conscience, etc. - Libération
▻http://www.liberation.fr/societe/2014/02/21/science-sans-conscience-etc_982086
La vérité vacille. On pourrait se réjouir de voir valser les certitudes et les idées acquises.
C’est pourtant tout autre chose qui se produit. La mise en question des vérités n’est pas aujourd’hui un outil pour remiser les préjugés et mieux comprendre. Elle attaque, mine, sape ou recouvre les paroles justes, complexes sous un monceau de « théories ». Ce travail de sape se fait souvent en toute innocence. Mais les vendeurs de haine, méprisant les êtres libres que nous sommes tous, simplifient pour, soi-disant, démasquer.
Dangerous Divisions in the Arab World - NYTimes.com
▻http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/29/opinion/dangerous-divisions-in-the-arab-world.html?nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_2
Even in a region where violence has become all too commonplace, the killing of four Shiite men in Egypt last weekend seemed particularly vicious. According to news reports, a cheering Sunni Muslim mob armed with clubs, swords and machetes raided a house in a Cairo suburb where about 30 people were marking a religious festival and beat, stabbed and lynched the four men. Video footage showed the victims’ bodies, bloodied and motionless, being dragged through the streets. Among those killed was a prominent Shiite cleric, Hassan Shehata.
« Les immolations sont un indice de la crise du politique » (archive 14 nov. 2012)
Article très intéressant.
Le phénomène révèle les maux, les ambivalences et les contradictions non seulement de la société tunisienne et d’autres sociétés du Maghreb, du “Sud mondialisé”, mais aussi de l’Europe elle-même, chacune avec sa propre historicité, mais toutes touchées, sinon dévastées, par les effets du néolibéralisme et de la crise du capitalisme pourrissant.
▻http://www.lesinrocks.com/2012/11/14/actualite/immolations-indices-crise-du-politique-11323434
How the urbanism of small cities helped shape the Arab uprisings | The Global Urbanist
►http://globalurbanist.com/2012/07/31/small-cities-arab-uprisings
Très intéressant point de vue
Often neglected by political dictators as well as by urban theorists, small cities played a role in sparking the Arab uprisings in several countries. The lack of attention paid to them allowed growing unrest to go unnoticed, but also means that we still know little about the forces that allow small cities to change the course of history.
Leçon marocaine en Arabie saoudite | Culture et politique arabes
►http://cpa.hypotheses.org/2967
Sur le blog d’Yves Gonzalez-Quijano, traduction d’un texte de l’universitaire ’originaire de la péninsule arabe’ Madawi al Rasheed
En prenant leur défense de cette manière, les Saoudiennes révèlent surtout l’étendue de leurs problèmes vis-à-vis de Marocaines qui ont su imposer chez elles la reconnaissance de droits dont la femme saoudienne rêve encore. Comment expliquer une telle différence entre leurs situations respectives ? Certains ont invoqué le Wahhabisme, d’autres les traditions tribales de la société saoudienne. Pourtant, des millions de musulmans montrent que leur religion n’implique pas la marginalisation de la femme. Quant au facteur tribal, on le retrouve dans bien d’autres sociétés. En réalité, deux facteurs expliquent la persistance de la marginalisation que subit la femme saoudienne dans sa société : l’économie pétrolière qui ne lui a pas donné de place en tant que travailleuse, et la politique de l’État qui considère que la réclusion des femmes est partie intégrante de sa légitimité religieuse.