• #Chili : le volcan et le cosmos
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Entretien-avec-Baudoin-et-Lepage

    Dans un livre d’une grande élégance, Baudoin et Lepage conjuguent leurs talents respectifs pour nous offrir un récit autobiographique à quatre mains, autour de leur #voyage au Chili en plein ébullition sociale et politique.

    #Arts #révolution #Entretiens_vidéo #bande_dessinée #Amérique_latine #constitution

  • Le 9 Thermidor minute par minute
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Colin-Jones-La-chute-de-Robespierre

    Colin Jones replace dans sa contingence le récit du 9 thermidor an II (27 juillet 1794), jour du coup de force à la Convention nationale contre Robespierre et ses partisans, en écartant toute idée de conjuration ou de révolte populaire.

    #Histoire #Révolution_française #dictature
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20240610_roberspierre.pdf

  • #Olga_Taratuta (1876-1938)
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/olga-taratuta-1876-1938

    Olga Taratuta de son vrai nom Elka Ruvinskaia, est née en #Ukraine le 21 juillet 1876. Sa famille est d’origine juive et son père tient une petite boutique. Elle devient professeur et s’implique dans les luttes sociales. Elle est arrêtée une première fois en 1895. En 1901, elle se réfugie en Suisse. Elle rencontre Kropotkine et devient anarchiste-communiste. En 1904, elle revient en #Russie, et se joint au groupe anarchiste-communiste d’Odessa. Elle est connue sous le pseudonyme de (...) Partages

    / Olga Taratuta, Révolution russe (1917-1921), Russie, Ukraine, #CIRA_Marseille

    #Partages_ #Révolution_russe_1917-1921_
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/IMG/pdf/calendrier-2024.pdf

  • #Luttes_sociales et écologistes : le gouvernement exige et impose un rapport de force très élevé
    https://ricochets.cc/Luttes-sociales-et-ecologistes-le-gouvernement-exige-et-impose-un-rapport-

    Ce sont toujours les gouvernements qui fixent le niveau du conflit, donc les moyens de contestation à employer. Avec son intransigeance bornée, ses lois et actions néfastes et sa répression généralisée et intense, le régime macroniste impose une conflictualité, un rapport de force, très élevée. C’est la marque typique d’un régime très autoritaire et très anti-démocratique, d’un régime policier et tyranique au service des riches et du Capital, d’une oligarchie techno-étatique au service du (...) #Les_Articles

    / #Résistances_au_capitalisme_et_à_la_civilisation_industrielle, Révoltes, insurrections, débordements..., Révolution , Luttes (...)

    #Révoltes,_insurrections,_débordements... #Révolution_

  • Hantises politiques
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Eric-Fournier-Nous-reviendrons

    Le XIXe siècle a été riche en spectres : fantômes, morts-vivants et zombies, mais surtout revenants politiques, du monarque de la Restauration aux morts de la Commune, en passant par le célèbre spectre qui hante l’Europe selon Marx et Engels : le communisme.

    #Histoire #révolution #mort #surnaturel
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20240529_spectres.pdf

  • Pour une politique écoféministe

    Dans son livre « Pour une politique écoféministe. Comment réussir la #révolution_écologique », qui paraît aujourd’hui aux éditions le passager clandestin et aux Éditions Wildproject, la chercheuse et activiste australienne #Ariel_Salleh déconstruit le système « productif-reproductif » capitaliste et patriarcal à partir d’un #matérialisme_incarné, pour déjouer la #domination croisée de la Nature et des femmes. Extraits choisis.

    https://www.terrestres.org/2024/05/10/pour-une-politique-ecofeministe

    #écoféminisme #féminisme #écologie #patriarcat #production #reproduction #capitalisme #livre

    • Pour une politique écoféministe

      La moitié de la population mondiale pratique au quotidien des valeurs dites féminines – qui s’avèrent être aussi des valeurs écologiques. Loin de tout essentialisme, Ariel Salleh met en évidence le rôle majeur des femmes, mais aussi des paysan·nes et des peuples autochtones, dans le soin et le maintien des milieux de vie, un travail vital mais invisible aux yeux du capital. Là où le prolétariat de Marx a échoué, elles et ils sont en mesure de constituer une nouvelle classe révolutionnaire – le moteur manquant d’une véritable révolution écologique.

      Engagée dans les luttes contre l’exploitation des terres aborigènes dans les années 1970, Ariel Salleh priorise le rôle des femmes des Suds. Selon elle, l’écoféminisme est la synthèse de quatre révolutions – écologique, féministe, socialiste et décoloniale – qui ne pourront pas aboutir les unes sans les autres.

      Un manuel politique pour refonder le mouvement écologiste.

      https://www.lepassagerclandestin.fr/catalogue/boomerang/pour-politique-ecofeministe

  • #Emile_Cottin
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/emile-cottin

    Louis-Emile Cottin, né à Creil le 14 mars 1896, est mort le 8 octobre 1936 à Farlete, près de Huesca, en Espagne, dans l’Aragon du Nord. Il a été tué alors que le groupe international auquel il appartenait procédait à une contre-attaque qui, d’ailleurs, repoussa les fascistes. Cottin était venu tout jeune à l’idée anarchiste. Pendant la guerre, il prit part à diverses manifestations et, en 1918, aux grèves de Lyon et de Saint-Etienne, qui avaient pris une forme de protestation (...) #le_libertaire_n°519_daté_du_23_octobre_1936

    / Révolution espagnole (1936-1939), Emile Cottin, #Le_Libertaire, #Union_Anarchiste

    #Révolution_espagnole_1936-1939_
    https://cartoliste.ficedl.info/article372.html

  • Mes souvenirs sur Kropotkine (suite et fin)
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/mes-souvenirs-sur-kropotkine-suite-et-fin

    Il était évident que Kropotkine souffrait profondément de la façon dont les bolchevikstes détournaient la révolution à leur profit. Il condamnait leur façon de procéder qui consistait à supprimer dans les autres partis et mouvements révolutionnaires, et il était spécialement indigné des traitements infligés aux anarchistes que l’on emprisonnait et fusillait. Barbarie, disait-il, et non révolution ! Il parla ensuite de la destruction, par les bolchevistes du grand mouvement coopératif (...) #Le_Libertaire n°162 daté du 24 février 1922

    / Révolution russe (1917-1921), Le Libertaire

    #le_libertaire_n°162_daté_du_24_février_1922_ #Révolution_russe_1917-1921_

  • Mes souvenirs sur Kropotkine
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/mes-souvenirs-sur-kropotkine

    Dès mon arrivée en Russie, j’eus connaissance de bruits contradictoires sur Kropotkine ; les uns laissaient entendre qu’il était favorable aux bolchevistes, d’autres qu’il les combattait ; qu’il vivait dans des circonstances matérielles très favorables, d’autres qu’il mourait littéralement de faim, etc. Je désirais vivement connaître la vérité en cette matière, et j’étais impatient de le voir personnellement. Durant ces dernières années, j’avais entretenu une correspondance assez suivie (...) #le_libertaire_n°161_daté_du_17_février_1922

    / #Pierre_Kropotkine, Révolution russe (1917-1921), #Le_Libertaire

    #Révolution_russe_1917-1921_

  • Pierre Kropotkine fédéraliste - #Camillo_Berneri
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/pierre-kropotkine-federaliste-camillo-berneri

    Il naît à Lodi le 28 mai 1897 et passe ses jeunes années à Reggio Emilia. Il s’inscrit au cercle des Jeunesses Socialistes, qu’il quitte bientôt pour adhérer au mouvement anarchiste ; après une lettre, qui, à son époque, fit beaucoup d’impression sur les jeunes : Il nous faut un nouvel essor, il nous faut un retour au temps où aimer une Idée voulait dire ne pas craindre la mort et sacrifier toute la vie à une soumission complète. (1915) En 1917, à vingt ans : Je croyais que la vie (...) #Pierre_Kropotkine_fédéraliste

    / Camillo Berneri, Archives Autonomies , Révolution espagnole (1936-1939)

    #Archives_Autonomies_ #Révolution_espagnole_1936-1939_
    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luigi_Fabbri
    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federica_Montseny
    https://bianco.ficedl.info/mot5891.html
    https://www.antimythes.fr/individus/berneri_camillo/berneri_camillo.html

  • The Kaleidoscope of Catastrophe - On the Clarities and Blind Spots of Andreas Malm
    https://viewpointmag.com/2021/04/14/the-kaleidoscope-of-catastrophe-on-the-clarities-and-blind-spots-of-an

    La critique marxiste du capitalisme extractiviste est-elle possible ?

    14.4.2021 by Bue Rübner Hansen
    ...
    The choices that structure The Progress of this Storm root Malm’s focus on agency and action in the philosophy of science. Malm valuably steers us away from the mystifications of theories of climate change and ecological degradation that neglect capital and towards the need for urgent, intentional action. Yet his polemical stress on the catastrophe, nature/society dualism, and agency-as-will pulls us into a timeline and temporality which mirrors capitalism’s accelerating drive towards ecological destruction. This is a contest between two uprooted subjects: fossil capital and humanity. We are in a race with two finishing lines: “no extractions and no emissions” (The Progress, 227).

    On the face of it, Malm’s sharp focus on fossil fuels is salutary, as it trains our sights upon the single greatest threat to the habitability of the planet. However, fossil fuels play such a fundamental role in social reproduction today that it is doubtful they can be replaced by renewables fast enough to avoid a simultaneous and fundamental reorganisation of the reproduction and metabolism of human societies. Most obviously, fossil fuels will have to be cut so fast that a significant energy shortfall is increasingly unavoidable. In other words, constructing the problem of climate change as a problem of agency in relation to fossil capital is not wrong, but one-sided. To approach the problem of the fossil economy as a problem of action is very different from constructing it as a problem of (natural) history, ecology, or care.

    In the first preface to Capital, Marx invites us to conceive of the history of the economic formation of society as “a process of natural history”. In this process, Marx writes, individuals are bearers of class relations and interests, and the creatures rather than creators of economic processes.19 Posing the problem this way shifts attention from agency and will to more structural questions of how the reproduction of human societies can be disentangled from the reproduction of capital. Such a transformation cannot simply be willed, and natural history cannot simply be disrupted, only rearticulated. How was social reproduction disentangled from non-human life – and how may it be re-entangled? Or rather, how was the entanglement of social with natural ecologies pushed to the edges of social ecologies, so that a core was insulated from damage and afforded carelessness? Such problems will not be resolved by arriving at what Malm calls “a planful mode of production” (Corona 153), which is more likely to maintain an environmental imaginary than replace it with ecological thought, attention, and practice. To do that, we need to pay heed to and reweave networks of interdependence, beyond any clear boundaries between social and natural ecologies. Such matters raise questions of entanglement and hybridity, and the corresponding agency is more a matter of care than of will.

    Instead, Malm is focused on whatever agency is responsible for global warming and whatever agency may disrupt the production of fossil fuel. Malm’s focus on agency in terms of culpability and intentionality is filtered through his vision of history. As world history is subsumed by a unified vision of capitalist history, it becomes necessary and possible to imagine a unified concept of humanity in two senses: humanity as the unified substance of capitalist history (understood in terms of the unique human “capacity for abstraction” which Malms sees as a trait of true intentionality and a “prerequisite for capitalist property relations”; The Progress, 167), and humanity as the unified subject necessary to end fossil capital. This provides a way to imagine climate change as an epic battle between fossil capital and humanity, considered in the future tense as “a self-conscious global subject” (Corona, 174), which mirrors the global quasi-subject of capital. Malm intuits the difficulty of navigating this hall of mirrors: But “[w]here is that global subject? Who is it? Merely asking such questions is to weigh up the void in which we fumble” (Corona, 174).

    Despite such admitted ignorance, Malm treats humanity as the answer rather than the question. Or, put differently, he takes humanity for granted, and ignores the problem of anthropogenesis. That problem concerns the question of how humanity emerged as an infinitely variable species (think of the multitude of social, climatic, and ecological adaptations and inventions), and the more narrow question of how the idea of humanity as separate from nature arose. Had Malm posed the question of anthropogenesis, he would have been more hesitant to affirm the idea of humanity as separate from nature. He would, importantly, have been more sensitive to the blindspots of the idea of humanity-as-separate: what fails to be counted in this notion is those modes of cognition and activity, often cast as “indigenous” or “female”, which refuse to see themselves or act as separate from what, in a gesture of grand abstraction, is called “nature”. Put crudely, the definition of humanity as opposed to Nature, while loosely rooted in monoteistic cosmology, has only become established through the material and ideological separations produced by capitalism and colonialism

    dans https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andreas_Malm

    #capitalisme #extractivisme #écologisme #révolution #réformisme #anthropocène #capitalicène #rechauffement_climatique #énergie #humanité

  • 1er mai, JO, meurtre policier, inflation, pollution... Quelle sera l’étincelle ?
    https://ricochets.cc/1er-mai-JO-meurtre-policier-inflation-pollution-Quelle-sera-l-etincelle-75

    Sous les aboiements néo-fascistes et ultracapitalistes du pouvoir et de ses larbins mécaniques qui occupent H24 l’espace médiatique, les braises de la révolte couvent. Ces braises sont sans cesse ravivées par les tombereaux d’essence que le système en place jette partout. Qu’est-ce qui pourrait réveiller pour de bon la rage de la révolte, vers une insurrection inextiguible à même de recomposer durablement et favorablement le paysage, les alliances, les modes d’actions et les objectifs ? (...) #Les_Articles

    / Révoltes, insurrections, débordements..., Révolution , #Luttes_sociales

    #Révoltes,_insurrections,_débordements... #Révolution_
    https://paris-luttes.info/zbeulons-le-1er-mai-zbeulons-les-18173
    https://paris-luttes.info/le-journal-zbeul-2024-est-sorti-18198

    • Enfin, oui mais ...

      Es gibt kein Berliner Schloss, nur ein demaogogiisches „Humboldt Forum“, das nichts mit den für Ihre Zeit fortschrittlichen Brüdern Humboldt zu tun hat.

      puis c’est le bâtiment qui m’a montré que je peux vivre plus longtemps qu’un monument en béton armé, verre et métal :-)

      Quand j’ai vu le bâtiment en construction ce qui m’a fasciné c’étaient les pompes à béton Liebherr. J’ai toujours la photo.

      C’est beau quand même, n’est ce pas ?

      Ni dieu ni maître ni état ni monuments !

      Je ne suis prèsque jamais d’accord avec Poutine mais il avait raison quand il a dit :

      Qui ne regrette pas l’URSS n’a pas de coeur. Qui voudrait la restituer n’a pas de cerveau.
      Donc il faudrait démolir cette horreur en béton et y construire autre chose, un joli parc pour les gamins par exemple.

      P.S.Les « Trabant » sur la photo puaient à te couper le souffle comme se régime pourri, présque comme dans le cauchemar parfumé que nous vivons actuellement.

      #DDR

    • C’était un peu une blague, même si je trouve qu’il y a un goût un peu trop exacerbé pour les architectures prussiennes Rococo. Trop est l’ennemi du bien.
      Bon heureusement, le nouvel Humbold Forum a une aile moderne pour conjurer l’architecture restauratoire, sauvé.

      Sinon, pour ce qui est de la DDR, espace de souffrance, je suis bien au courant. Déjà, j’ai un ancrage familiale en Saxe, je les ai interrogé sur ces sujets plus que de raison, et puis j’ai lu sur ces sujets et regardé suffisamment de reportages de DFF, ITV pour m’imaginer la vie de tous les jours dans les années 80.
      Mais j’ai l’impression qu’on a jeté Marx avec l’eau du bain.
      Je ne sais pas si le modèle social de Honecker aurait été le même sans l’UdSSR qui contrôlait par dessus son épaule.

      Faut pas mélanger : pauvreté parce qu’un système social nous met à égalité, et pauvreté parce qu’une minorité s’est accaparé les richesses.
      Je ne veux ni de l’un ni de l’autre, mais à choisir, je tolérerais le premier plus que le second.

      Mais surtout, si je ramène le sujet, c’est qu’aujourd’hui, on a déroulé le tapis rouge (haha) à l’ultra libéralisme sans qu’aucune voie de sortie ou d’alternative ne pointe le nez.

      Et puis les partis communistes d’aujourd’hui se sont transformés. Deja en virant la dictature du prolétariat (années 70), puis avec l’eurocommunisme.

      En vrai, est ce qu’on recréerait une FDJ ? Sûrement.
      Est ce que on aurait un Volkskammer fantoche ? J’imagine que non.

    • @sandburg Tu as raison, c’est hilarant et absurde, alors il faut le prendre pour une belle blague bien moche.

      Le « château » de Berlin représente tout ce que je déteste au même titre que la Garnisonskirche et sa copie en béton a été placée pour exactement ces raisons dans l’axe visuel de Unter den Linden :

      l’oppresion des Berlinois par les représentants des classes supérieures, les guerres victorieuses des Hohenzollern et l’écrasement de toute idée d’une société plus juste et vraiment démocratique sur base un système économique entre les mains de toutes et tous.

      Alors le démolir, oui pourquoi pas. Seulement vu l’état du monde il n’y aura bientôt plus personne pour le faire ou, dans le meilleur cas, on aura d’autre soucis plus urgents quand l’occasion se présentera.

      En ce qui concerne la DDR, espace de souffrance , oui, mais on y vivait pas si mal. Le niveau de vie dans les années 1970/80 était comparable à ce tu avais en Grande Bretagne si tu faisais partie de classes laborieuses. Alors oui, il y avait de la souffrance et la plus forte consommation d"alcool en Europe. Pourtant cette souffrance ressemblait souvent à la souffrance des gens qui aujourd’hui achêtent de faux sacs à main LVHM et Gucci parce que leur voisin leur fait tous les jours un bras d’honneur de sa vraie Ferrari. D’ailleurs partout en RDA sauf dans la « vallée des ignorants » on captait la télé de l’Ouest. Les enfants, même ceux des fonctionnaires, savaient mieux chanter les airs des spots publicitaires qu’à l’Ouest.

      Les vieux hommes à la tête du gouvernement socialiste avaient passé leur vie à suivre et anticiper avec inquiétude les décisions de leurs seigneurs à Moscou. Quand en 1989 le Kremlin ne répondait plus à leurs questions, c’était la fin. Ils étaient incapables d’une politique autonome, alors d’abord le peuple et quelques semaines après les représentants du pouvoir capitaliste occidental ont pris les rènes des mains des grabataires impuissants.

      Pourtant ils avaient plein de bonnes intentions. Le gouvernement de la RDA n’a pas envoyé des troupes en Tchechoslovakie, sa solidarité internationale était exemplaire et portée par le peuple et on faisait tout pour améliorer le niveau de vie des gens. En plus le système était peu corrompu, ce qui montre qu’il y avait des structures partcipatives et un état de droit qui fonctionnait pour la plupart des gens. C’est étonnant quand tu prends en compte que la RDA etait le produit de l’effort collectif d’anciens nazis sous la direction de stalinistes.

      Manque de bol, les anciens nazis sous direction des impérialistes ont gagné. Je crois qu’ils avaient simplement moins de scrupules. Tu ne gagnes pas contre un adversare qui triche, vole et assassine tout en se faisant passer pour l’incarnation de la moralité et modernité.

      Le sort des camarades communistes en Europe de l’Ouest m’a préoccupé pendant longtemps et je continue à collectionner des informations sur leur disparition. Puisque le hasard ne jous pas re rôle pour les grands développement je considère leur sort comme l’expression du développement matériel des sociétés. Alors quand le système en place aura atteint le point où son développement finira en implosion (c’était le cas de la RDA) ou en explosion (les fins de régime en temps de guerre) une nouvelle génération prendra le relais et menera les luttes nécessaires.

      Avec nos luttes au quotidien nous leur préparons le terrain, peu importe si nos efforts sont couronnés de succès ou si nous perdons une bataille. Les enfants et petits enfants auront appris notre passé et présent. Ils et elles sauront en tirer les bonnes leçons .

      #crise #révolution

  • Portugal’s Revolution Transformed the Politics of Europe - An interview with Raquel Varela
    https://jacobin.com/2024/04/carnation-revolution-fifty-years-european-politics


    The Carnation Revolution In Lisbon, Portugal, on April 25, 1974. Photo Jean-Claude Francolon / Gamma-Rapho

    Je me rappelle, quel moment de joie !

    25.4.2024 Interview by Daniel Finn

    For almost half a century, Portugal was ruled by a right-wing dictatorship. António Salazar became the leader of the so-called Estado Novo in the same year Franklin Roosevelt entered the White House, and his successor Marcelo Caetano was still in power when Richard Nixon was reelected as president four decades later.

    Fifty years ago today, on April 25, 1974, a group of junior army officers carried out a plan to overthrow the dictatorship. The Carnation Revolution brought down the Estado Novo and kick-started a period of intense political upheaval. Its legacy can still be felt in Europe half a century later.

    Raquel Varela is a professor of history at the New University in Lisbon and the author of several books, including A People’s History of the Portuguese Revolution and a graphic novel about the Carnation Revolution. This is an edited transcript from Jacobin’s Long Reads podcast. You can listen to the interview here.

    Daniel Finn

    What was the nature of the Salazar-Caetano dictatorship that had ruled over Portugal since the 1920s?

    Raquel Varela

    There is a debate on what the Salazar regime represented, with several approaches. We have a left-wing approach connected with the tradition of the pro-Soviet Communist Party. These historians present the regime of the Estado Novo mainly as a regime that was highly conservative, fascist, anti-liberal, and hostile to parliamentary rule, representing the ultraconservative fraction of the bourgeoisie.

    Then you have a second approach, closer to the political science of figures like Samuel Huntington, which became very influential after the 1990s. This approach divides up the world in very simple terms between liberal-democratic and authoritarian regimes.

    There is another analysis that Leon Trotsky developed in his analysis of fascism in Germany, which was influenced by Karl Marx’s discussion of Bonapartism in nineteenth-century France. This approach sees a Bonapartist-type regime as a fake arbitrator that is seemingly trying to organize the classes in conflict with one another in a neutral way but is really acting in favor of the bourgeoisie.

    I would say that the Estado Novo was a Bonapartist regime, with Salazar as the apparently neutral figure. But I should underline that the difference between Bonapartism and fascism is not a question of violence. Both types of regime are deeply violent against the organized working classes.

    The main difference is that when we use the word fascism, we are referring to a civil war against the working class. Because of the threat of revolution, the bourgeoisie cannot use the army to defeat the workers, so they use militias instead. In Bonapartism, on the other hand, you can use the army, because the leadership of the working classes has already been defeated and there is no real threat of a social revolution.

    In the period of the Estado Novo, which went from the military dictatorship of the 1920s until the Carnation Revolution in 1974, what we had was mainly a Bonapartist regime seeking to carry out capitalist modernization, incorporating the peasantry and the working class while prohibiting trade unions and political parties. The state guaranteed certain companies monopoly control over a sector. There was also a regime of forced labor in the colonies.

    Daniel Finn

    What impact did the colonial wars in Africa have on Portugal itself?

    Raquel Varela

    The anti-colonial process began in 1961 with the uprising in Angola. At the same time, you had growing investment in Africa by US and European companies. They wanted the petrol and cotton in Angola as well as other materials in Mozambique that were important for this new moment of capital investment.

    In this context, the liberation movements in Portugal’s colonies were deeply influenced by anti-colonial revolutions and organizations in countries like Algeria and Ghana, which served as an inspiration for Guinea-Bissau, Angola, and Mozambique. In 1961, there was a strike by cotton workers in the forced-labor regime of Contanang, a Belgian-Portuguese company, in northern Angola.

    The Portuguese army responded by using napalm. We don’t know exactly how many workers were killed — the estimated figure is five to ten thousand. In response to this massacre, there was a massacre of white settlers in Angola.

    With tensions rising, the Soviet-influenced People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) decided to start an armed struggle against Portuguese rule. The armed struggle in Guinea-Bissau begin in 1963, after the defeat of a strike by the dockworkers. In Mozambique, it began in 1964 after another strike by forced laborers who came from several different parts of the country. There was a close relationship between Angola and Mozambique and the white-settler dictatorships in South Africa and Rhodesia, as workers from the Portuguese colonies were forced to go work in the mines in those countries.

    Portugal at the time had a population of fewer than ten million people. Between 1961 and 1974, 1.2 million people were recruited to fight in the colonial war. This included black people from the colonies, but a large part of this force came from Portugal itself. Practically all Portuguese families, unless they belonged to the upper class, had sons, nephews, or cousins who went to fight in Africa.

    Ten thousand Portuguese soldiers died, while two hundred thousand were injured. An estimated one hundred thousand people died in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau. This had a huge impact in Portugal. One and a half million workers escaped to countries like France, Luxembourg, and Switzerland, fleeing from poverty and enlistment in the war.

    At the same time, with greater foreign investment in Portugal, the urban population was now bigger than the rural one for the first time. This new urban population went massively to the cities of Lisbon, Porto, and Setubal, where they worked in big factories, most of which were joint enterprises of Portuguese and foreign capital. In the colonies, forced labor was officially abolished in 1961 but continued in practice until the demise of Portuguese rule in 1974–75.

    Amílcar Cabral in Guinea-Bissau was a very important leader who deserves to be better known. Together with Che Guevara and Morocco’s Mehdi Ben Barka, he played a very important role in developing an internationalist and socialist approach toward the struggle for national independence.

    Portugal was losing the war and was isolated on the international stage, with institutions like the UN favoring the end of colonialism. The desertion rate in the early 1970s was around 20 percent of soldiers in the army. At the same time, however, companies in France, Britain, and other countries continued to sell weapons to Portugal. About two-fifths of the state budget was being used to pay for the colonial war, in a country where people living on the outskirts of Lisbon had no access to running water and had to bring water to their homes by hand.

    Daniel Finn

    How did the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) take shape in response to the wars in Africa?

    Raquel Varela

    It was a movement of captains from the middle ranks of the army who were neither generals nor ordinary soldiers. They could understand that it was impossible to win the war militarily. They started off organizing in defense of their own corporate interests, but they later decided to mount a coup to end the colonial war. They also put forward a vague program of democratization.

    Their conspiracy involved around two hundred officers. They agreed to stage the coup of April 25, 1974. These officers mainly came from Guinea-Bissau, where the army was heavily defeated and the liberation movement had already declared independence, though without being recognized by the Portuguese state. There was involvement by officers from Angola and Mozambique as well.

    They organized themselves to mount a very successful coup. The regime did not know what was going to happen, and neither did the spies of the US embassy. It came as a huge surprise to people around the world. The MFA took control of the main military, communications, and transport sectors, telling people not to leave their homes.

    However, many people disobeyed these instructions, taking to the streets or going to their workplaces. Suddenly you had thousands of people in the streets, embracing the soldiers, with children playing on their tanks. Everyone was smiling and celebrating.

    The regime had forbidden trade unions and political parties. The Communist Party was organized as an underground party with around three thousand members. There were other left-wing groups, mainly Maoists but also some Trotskyist organizations and others inspired by the guerrillas of Latin America. Together these groups had another three thousand or so cadres, mostly coming from the universities and the opposition of young people to the colonial war.

    After Israel, Portugal was the country with the highest percentage of its population incorporated into the army anywhere in the world. The war in Africa was a key factor in the radicalization of young people and the development of Marxist intellectuals and leadership teams in Portugal.

    In the absence of legal parties or unions, the people themselves went to their workplaces: doctors, nurses, teachers, actors, factory workers. They began to elect their own representatives from popular assemblies, with a mandate that could be revoked if they did not carry out their instructions. Thus was born a situation of dual power, which is a feature of most revolutions.

    Within days of the revolution, you had the formation of workers’ commissions and neighborhood councils in the empty space left by the absence of unions and parties. Already on April 25, workers started going to the headquarters of the state censorship body and the political police, occupying those buildings and releasing prisoners.

    They also went to the headquarters of the state-sponsored trade unions and occupied them. They went to the municipal headquarters and began electing provisional commissions, while electing neighborhood commissions outside as well. These were incredible, beautiful days when we saw people making decisions in a way that they had never done before in their lives.

    First of all, a national salvation junta was formed under General António de Spínola, which was trying to keep the state intact. But Spínola wanted to maintain the political police in the colonies and move toward a situation of neocolonialism. The mid-ranking officers of the MFA were totally against this, as they wanted to stop the war immediately. This created a division inside the MFA between the pro-Spínola faction and their opponents, who were the majority and won out.

    The workers’ councils, known as commissions in Portugal, called a large number of strikes. There were two million people in the streets on May Day, the first one that could be celebrated in forty-eight years. They were putting forward demands for a minimum wage, an eight-hour working day, rest days on Saturday and Sunday, extra pay for night work, etc. These demands were already on the agenda in the streets a week after the revolution.

    Mario Soares was the leader of the Socialist Party, which had been founded in West Germany at the beginning of the 1970s. It was a vanguard party, like the Communists, but even smaller. The Socialists did not play an important role in the opposition to the dictatorship, unlike the Communist Party or the Maoists. But Soares had the support of the United States and the West German Social Democrats, who transferred large amounts of money to fund his party.

    Immediately there was a big discussion in Spain, which was still ruled by the Franco regime, about how to avoid what they called the contagious effect of the Portuguese Revolution through opening up the regime. In Greece, the dictatorship of the colonels fell in July 1974, and the first legal newspapers were celebrating the Carnation Revolution. The US president Gerald Ford spoke about the danger of a Red Mediterranean, because there were also big Communist Parties in France and Italy at the time.

    In this context, Soares and the Communist leader Álvaro Cunhal returned from exile, and they were invited to form the first provisional government. This government also included the right-wing party, which called itself the Social Democratic Party because of the impact of the revolution.

    They wanted to bring Cunhal and his party into the government in order to control the workers’ movement. In doing so, they broke the Cold War taboo against Communist participation in government, hoping that the coalition would be able to control the social movement, although that didn’t happen.

    Daniel Finn

    What were the main tendencies or differences of opinion that existed within the MFA itself?

    Raquel Varela

    The revolution developed and radicalized at the top. In 1975, the national banks were expropriated because they were under workers’ control. The big companies were also under workers’ control, and the small companies were under self-management — more than six hundred companies in total. The hospitals were run by doctors, nurses, and technicians. Even the cleaning lady had the vote in a hospital!

    Three million people out of a population of ten million were involved in workers’ commissions, protests, and strikes. This was an incredible figure. I think that Paul Sweezy was right to say that the Portuguese Revolution was a kind of twenty-first century revolution, because there was already a huge service sector, with the proletarianization of physicians, professors, and technicians, who played an incredible role in the workers’ councils.

    These all had a major impact on the MFA, which began to divide in line with the various projects that were being put forward in Portuguese society. One part of the MFA was supporting the strategy of the Communist Party to divide state power with the Socialists. Another part, led by Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho, was very engaged with the idea of popular power through workers’ commissions and neighborhood councils, and even with a Guevarist idea of a left-wing putsch. There was a clear process of “sovietization” in the army during 1975.

    There was also an element with the MFA that went to the right, and there were two attempts at right-wing coups that were defeated. In the part of the MFA that supported popular power, there were some who were aligned with the officials of the Communist Party. The party leadership accepted the division of Europe into spheres of influence with Portugal under NATO, so there was no support for a revolutionary process in Portugal, but they were disputing control of the state with the Socialists.

    I should mention that the Communist Party, having started off with three thousand members, had one hundred thousand after a year of the revolution. The Socialist Party, whose membership could almost have fitted in a taxi, now had eighty thousand members. The far-left groups could sell thousands of copies of their weekly publications. There was an intense process of politicization affecting the majority of Portuguese society, and this had a huge impact on the military.

    The strategy of the Communists and the Socialists at the beginning was to be in the state together and divide power, albeit with tensions. After the radicalization of the revolution in 1975 there was a split between them. But the big question was how to rebuild the state and end the crisis of the state, which could only have been achieved by weakening the workers’ and neighborhood councils.

    Daniel Finn

    What impact did the revolution have upon Portugal’s colonies?

    Raquel Varela

    Immediately, there were huge demonstrations, mainly of the far left, saying, “We don’t want even a single soldier to go to the colonies.” That was the main demand. After April 25, there were several strikes by railway workers and agricultural workers in Mozambique and Angola. The soldiers refused to carry on fighting. Guinea-Bissau first became independent, then Mozambique, and finally Angola, which attracted much more attention from the United States, the Soviet Union, and China because of its oil reserves.

    Daniel Finn

    Could you tell us a little more about the reaction of the United States and the major West European states to what was happening in Portugal? How did they seek to intervene over the course of 1974 and 1975?

    Raquel Varela

    There was a divide among US government officials. Henry Kissinger apparently did not agree with the view of Frank Carlucci, the US ambassador to Lisbon. Carlucci believed that all US support should be given to the Socialists in the elections of April 1975. This was the idea of what we might call the “democratic counterrevolution.”

    Instead of using the same approach that they used against Salvador Allende in Chile, which would merely have provoked the spread of the revolution to other countries in Europe, they promoted transitions guided from above, first in Portugal and then in Spain. Later the same model was applied in Chile, Brazil, and Argentina during the 1980s. I call this the “Soares Doctrine.”

    Jimmy Carter was very clear in supporting this idea of democratic counterrevolution. There were strong anti-American feelings rooted in Portuguese society, so the support for Soares was channeled through the West German Social Democrats and also through Spain, which always had a close relationship with Portugal.

    Portugal was definitely the cause of the Spanish transition to democracy — there is no question about that — and it had a huge impact on Greece. I believe that the Portuguese revolution also postponed the coming of neoliberalism for a decade, because of the example and inspiration that it gave people throughout southern Europe. Neoliberalism had to be postponed until the mid-1980s. Portugal’s revolution was isolated and that is why it was defeated, but it still had a major impact on the Mediterranean countries.

    Daniel Finn

    Along with that wider impact on the European scene, what would you say were the main legacies of the revolution for Portugal in subsequent decades and up to the present day?

    Raquel Varela

    Most of the people who made the revolution were in their twenties and thirties at the time. For the next forty years, these people were alive, and they were the majority. They were strong enough not to allow the extreme right to exist as a political force in Portugal. There were big improvements to health, education, and other public services, and social policies to encourage greater equality, although those services and policies have been in crisis over the last twenty years.

    The legacies of the revolution are complex, because some of them are contradictory. In revolutionary processes like the one in Portugal, you always have to try and identify what is the legacy of the revolution and what is the legacy of the counterrevolution.

    There were very important achievements in terms of the welfare state and workers’ rights. After the revolution was ultimately defeated by the coup of November 1975, we had a type of regulated capitalism for an important section of the working classes until the 1990s, or perhaps until 2008 for the older generation. After that point, virtually nobody was under protection.

    April 25 is the national day of celebration in Portugal for the popular classes. At the same time, we can see how backward the country is now, with so much poverty. Portugal has become a place of low wages and long working hours for everyone, even qualified workers. The working class cannot afford the cost of housing in the cities. In the south, you have workers from Nepal living in terrible conditions, working for British or Portuguese companies, staying here five years to get permission to go to Central Europe.

    This, of course, is not the legacy of the revolution — it is the legacy of the counterrevolution. Portugal is a small, semiperipheral country with a backward bourgeoisie that made a backward society. The one time that this country could give people a way to live decently was when the working class took their destinies into their own hands.

    This is the most incredible thing for us to study: how these people who were totally outside of politics, many of whom would have been conservative in their own lives, or had very confused ideas, suddenly became involved and transformed themselves while transforming the country. In my opinion, this is our hope for the future. When people take the country into their own hands, we see how far they can reach to transform it and transform themselves.

    #Portugal #révolution #anniversaire

  • L’économie de guerre ne produit rien d’autre que la mort industrielle
    https://ricochets.cc/L-economie-de-guerre-ne-produit-rien-d-autre-que-de-la-mort-industrielle-7

    Le sociopathe forcené qui sert en france de marionnette à l’Etat et au Capital s’est encore réjouit de sa relance de l’économie de guerre. Selon le tyran, l’économie de guerre c’est de la richesse qui ruissèle ! ...vers les riches et les marchands d’armes oui. Pour les peuples l’économie de guerre fait d’abord ruisseler le sang, la souffrance et les larmes. Tout comme l’Economie tout court d’ailleurs. Emmanuel Macron défend, à Bergerac, une économie de guerre qui « produit de la richesse (...) #Les_Articles

    / Révolution , Autoritarisme, régime policier, démocrature..., #Guerres

    #Révolution_ #Autoritarisme,_régime_policier,_démocrature...
    https://www.lemonde.fr/politique/article/2024/04/12/a-bergerac-emmanuel-macron-defend-une-economie-de-guerre-qui-produit-de-la-r
    https://rebellyon.info/Un-appel-international-face-a-la-guerre-25794
    https://reporterre.net/Oui-la-guerre-nucleaire-reste-possible

  • La conservation contre le #capitalisme
    https://laviedesidees.fr/La-conservation-contre-le-capitalisme

    Comment sauver la biodiversité de son extinction programmée sans appauvrir et exclure les populations dépendantes des écosystèmes ? En admettant la portée politique de la conservation et en l’inscrivant dans un projet anticapitaliste, répondent les sociologues Bram Büscher et Robert Fletcher.

    #Philosophie #biodiversité #révolution #vivant
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20240410_conservation.pdf

  • Makhno contre l’antisémitisme (2)
    http://anarlivres.free.fr/pages/nouveau.html#makhno2

    Le procès de Samuel Schwartzbard qui a abattu le 25 mai 1926 le dirigeant nationaliste ukrainien Symon Petlioura, l’accusant d’être antisémite et responsable de nombreux pogroms, s’ouvre le 16 octobre 1927 à Paris. « L’Humanité » du lendemain en profite pour accuser sans preuve Nestor Makhno. Le 21 octobre, sous la plume de Pierre Odéon, « Le Libertaire » lui répond et apporte des précisions...

    #Libertaire #anarchisme #Makhno #pogrom #antisémitisme #L'Humanité #PartiCommuniste #Ukraine #Russie #RévolutionRusse

  • Makhno contre l’antisémitisme (1)
    http://anarlivres.free.fr/pages/nouveau.html#makhno

    Nous entamons avec cet article le premier d’une série de trois qui présenteront les « fakes news » du gouvernement soviétique contre Nestor Makhno, l’accusant d’antisémitisme et d’avoir organisé des pogroms en Ukraine.
    L’invasion de l’Ukraine par les troupes russes en février 2022 a remis en mémoire les pogroms qui se sont déroulés dans cette région de 1917 à 1921. D’un côté, la redécouverte et le sacre du « héros national ukrainien » Symon Petlioura, coupable pour le moins d’avoir toléré des massacres contre les communautés juives ; de l’autre, la propagande poutinienne dénonçant l’« antisémitisme atavique » des Ukrainiens. Après la révolution de février, le nouveau gouvernement bolchevik doit faire face à de nombreux ennemis, tant internes qu’externes...

    #Makhno #antisémitisme #Ukraine #pogrom #Russie #RévolutionRusse #anarchisme #libertaire

    • https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L5-uwXOhshU

      Per chi danza nella via
      per baciarsi quando è ora
      le tue sorelle che sono la mia
      per le tue sorelle che sono la mia
      per le teste da cambiare ancora
      per chi non ha una lira
      per chi si perde e ne aha vergogna
      per i sogni del bambino nella spazzatura
      per l’arroganza che dell’aria fa una fogna
      per gli alberi malati e spenti
      per gli esseri in via d’estinzione
      per la violenza sugli innocenti
      per un pianto senza consolazione
      per la voglia di esserci ancora
      per la gioia di sorridere
      per sperare nel futuro
      per chi ci possa ancora credere
      per un paradiso senza catene
      per chi le idee le sa far volare
      per le bambine afghane
      per tutto quel che c’è da fare
      per il canto e le voci ch lo fanno cantare
      per chi è sotto le macerie e cerca un riparo
      dopo la notte ci sia il sole e il suo tepore
      per ogni rifugiato, che possa riposare
      per un uomo, uno solo che ha bisogno
      per lei che è un fiore di ragazzo
      per le donne e il loro sogno
      per la libertà
      per la libertà
      per la libertà
      per la libertà

      #Baraye #chanson #Iran #musique #musique_et_politique #liberté #révolution #femme_vie_liberté #révolution

  • Antoine Gimenez + Les Giménologues : Les fils de la nuit - Souvenirs de la guerre d’Espagne
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/antoine-gimenez-les-gimenologues-les-fils-de-la-nuit-souvenirs

    Les auteurs des Fils de la Nuit sont les « giménologues » - appellation désinvolte issue de Gimenez, le pseudonyme depuis 1935 de Bruno Salvadori, l’auteur des Souvenirs qui ont servi de point de départ à leur travail. Les giménologues sont donc une petite équipe réunie pour l’occasion autour du témoignage d’Antoine Gimenez. Partages

    / Antoine Gimenez , Révolution espagnole (1936-1939)

    #Antoine_Gimenez_ #Révolution_espagnole
    https://gimenologues.org/spip.php?article774

    • Bientôt 50 ans ...
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hNY-M8k9oI0

      Franz Josef Degenhardt - Portugal

      Wir haben dich gesehen, verschlossenes Gesicht
      Zerpfügt in fünfzig Jahren, funkeln im Augenlicht
      Das kahle Trauertuch, das aus den Händen fiel
      Und flatterte im Wind: portugiesischer April!

      Sagt allen, die im Kampf steh’n, sagt und singt es überall:
      „Die rote Nelke blüht, ist erblüht in Portugal!“

      Wir haben dich gesehen, die Freiheit, wie sie lacht
      Die Freiheit, wie sie tanzt und wie sie mutig macht
      Die Blume im Gewehr, die Faust, die kämpfen will
      Wir haben dich geseh’n: portugiesischer April!

      Sagt allen, die im Kampf steh’n, sagt und singt es überall:
      „Die rote Nelke blüht, ist erblüht in Portugal!“

      Ihr alle, wo ihr seid und die ihr weitermacht
      Und oft kein Ende seht von einer langen Nacht
      Ihr alle auf der Flucht, im Lager, im Exil:
      Nur eine Blume - doch: portugiesischer April!

      Sagt allen, die im Kampf steh’n, sagt und singt es überall:
      „Die rote Nelke blüht, ist erblüht in Portugal!“

      Dass diese Blume brennt und niemand sie zertritt
      Dass einmal glühend rot die schwarze Erde blüht
      Gieß jetzt die Gläser voll! Akkordeon komm spiel!
      Wir tanzen zu dem Lied: portugiesischer April!

      Sagt allen, die im Kampf steh’n, sagt und singt es überall:
      „Die rote Nelke blüht, ist erblüht in Portugal!“

      #révolution #Portugal #1974

  • Anatole Gorelik : « Les anarchistes dans la révolution russe »
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/anatole-gorelik-les-anarchistes-dans-la-revolution-russe

    L’histoire du mouvement libertaire pendant la révolution russe sera retracée en son temps. Dans cette brève étude, on ne peut qu’en rappeler les grandes lignes, et en brosser seulement une esquisse. En effet, ce qui nécessiterait des tomes entiers ne peut être résumé avec une continuité et une netteté suffisantes dans un court exposé. Toutefois, s’il m’était possible de dégager une vue générale, j’estimerais ma tâche accomplie. Dans cette étude, je cite très peu de noms, car des noms (...) Partages

    #revolution_russe #anarchistes #Anatole_Gorelik