• Dalle Alpi all’Africa. La politica fascista per l’italianizzazione delle “nuove province” (1922-1943)

    L’Italia fascista mise a punto strategie precise per consolidare il dominio sulle recenti acquisizioni territoriali: le regioni nord-orientali del Paese e le colonie in Africa settentrionale. In che modo il regime si impegnò a formulare e imporre la sovranità italiana su territori e popolazioni molto diversi fra loro, ma ugualmente estranei alla nazione?

    Come mostra #Roberta_Pergher attraverso lo studio di quanto avvenne in Alto Adige e in Libia, la politica di insediamento in quelle regioni non fu ideata per risolvere un problema di sovrappopolazione, bensì per rafforzare il controllo su aree di fatto non italiane, quando già si era affermato il principio di autodeterminazione dei popoli e imposizioni di stampo imperialista erano viste con sospetto dall’opinione pubblica internazionale.

    Pergher esplora le caratteristiche della politica di insediamento fascista, ma anche il modo in cui gli italiani presero parte o si opposero agli sforzi del regime per italianizzare i territori in cui l’autorità era contestata.

    https://www.viella.it/libro/9788833132792
    #Italie #colonisation #Italie_coloniale #Alpes #Haut-Adige #Libye #nationalisme #contrôle #autodétermination_des_peuples #italianisation

    #livre

    Le livre a été traduit de l’anglais:
    Mussolini’s Nation-Empire. Sovereignty and Settlement in Italy’s Borderlands, 1922–1943

    Roberta Pergher transforms our understanding of Fascist rule. Examining Fascist Italy’s efforts to control the antipodes of its realm - the regions annexed in northern Italy after the First World War, and Italy’s North African colonies - she shows how the regime struggled to imagine and implement Italian sovereignty over alien territories and peoples. Contrary to the claims of existing scholarship, Fascist settlement policy in these regions was not designed to solve an overpopulation problem, but to bolster Italian claims to rule in an era that prized self-determination and no longer saw imperial claims as self-evident. Professor Pergher explores the character and impact of Fascist settlement policy and the degree to which ordinary Italians participated in and challenged the regime’s efforts to Italianize contested territory. Employing models and concepts from the historiography of empire, she shows how Fascist Italy rethought the boundaries between national and imperial rule.


    https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/mussolinis-nationempire/CF0473B2EA56FEF20223BAFD2C90B440

    –-

    ajouté à la métaliste sur l’Italie coloniale:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

  • How fascism begins

    An acquaintance, whose name is unimportant for this story, once talked about this board game. He is a German who works for an Israeli company, and his colleagues invited him one day to a game evening. They game they proposed was "Secret Hitler,” the point of which is to identify Adolf Hitler and kill him before he can become chancellor of Germany. It is, the colleagues assured him, much funnier than it sounds. But the acquaintance declined. He, as a German, playing "Secret Hitler”? It seemed like a bad idea.

    Hardly anyone in Germany knows of the game "Secret Hitler,” which shouldn’t come as a surprise. It sounds rather toxic, bad karma. In fact, though, it is a rather interesting game about how mistrust develops. A game that focuses on the art of lying – about the naivete of good and the cunning of evil. About how the world can plunge into chaos. And about how ultimately, the course of history is largely decided by chance.

    The game is set in 1932, in the Berlin Reichstag. The players are divided into two groups: fascists against democrats, with the democrats in the majority, which might sound familiar. But the fascists have a decisive advantage: They know who the other fascists are, which is also reflective of historical reality. The democrats, though, are not privy to such knowledge – any of the other players could be a friend or an enemy. The fascists win the game if they are able to pass six laws in the Reichstag or if Hitler is elected as chancellor. For the democrats to win, they have to pass five laws or expose and kill Hitler.

    The game starts with everyone acting as though they are democrats. To win, all the democrats have to do is trust each other, but it’s not quite that easy, since the democrats sometimes have to vote for a fascist law for lack of a better alternative, and they thus begin looking like fascists themselves. Which is exactly what the fascists want.

    One insight from the game is that there is no strategy for guaranteeing a democratic victory and a fascist defeat. One wrong decision, that might feel right in the moment, can lead to Hitler becoming chancellor. It’s all by chance, just as there was no inevitability about how things turned out in 1933. Another insight: Being a fascist can be fun.

    "Secret Hitler” hit the market in 2016, shortly before Donald Trump was elected president in the United States. The game’s authors, a couple of guys from the progressive camp, collected $1.5 million from the crowdfunding platform Kickstarter for the project. Their goal was to introduce a bit of skepticism about the political process, apparently channeling the zeitgeist of the time: Euro crisis, Russia’s annexation of the Crimea, Brexit, the refugee crisis. The public debate at the time focused on the crisis of democracy, the threat from the right and authoritarian tendencies. But fascism? Adolf Hitler?

    Accusations of fascism have been part of the extreme-left arsenal since World War II. The West German, far-left terror group known as the Baader-Meinhof Gang justified its "armed struggle” by arguing that the postwar German republic was little more than a fascist police state. Accusing someone of being a Nazi was both an insult and a way of demonizing one’s political opponent – a slightly paranoid barb that trivialized German history. Isn’t fascism defined by Germany’s slaughter of 6 million Jews? Who, aside from a handful of nutcases, could seriously be a fascist?

    The reversion to fascism is a deep-seated fear of modern democratic societies. Yet while it long seemed rather unlikely and unimaginable, it has now begun to look like a serious threat. Vladimir Putin’s imperial ambitions in Russia. Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalism in India. The election victory of Giorgia Meloni in Italy. Marine Le Pen’s strategy of normalizing right-wing extremism in France. Javier Milei’s victory in Argentina. Viktor Orbán’s autocratic domination of Hungary. The comebacks of the far-right FPÖ party in Austria and of Geert Wilders in the Netherlands. Germany’s AfD. Nayib Bukele’s autocratic regime in El Salvador, which is largely under the radar despite being astoundingly single-minded, even using the threat of armed violence to push laws through parliament. Then there is the possibility of a second Trump administration, with fears that he could go even farther in a second term than he did during his first. And the attacks on migrant hostels in Britain. The neo-Nazi demonstration in Bautzen. The pandemic. The war in Ukraine. The inflation.

    The post-Cold War certainty that democracy is the only viable form of government and would cement its supremacy on the global political stage has begun to crumble – this feeling that the world is on the right track and that the almost 80 years of postwar peace in Western Europe has become the norm.

    Now, though, questions about fascism’s possible return have become a serious topic of debate – in the halls of political power, in the media, in the population, at universities, at think tanks and among political scientists and philosophers. Will history repeat itself? Are historical analogies helpful? What went wrong? And might it be that democracy itself helped create a monster of which it is deathly afraid?

    IS TRUMP A FASCIST?

    In May 2016, Donald Trump emerged as the last Republican standing following the primaries, and the world was still a bit perplexed and rather concerned when the historian Robert Kagan published an article in the Washington Post under the headline "This is how fascism comes to America.”

    The piece was one of the first in the U.S. to articulate concerns that Trump is a fascist. It received significant attention around the world and DER SPIEGEL published the article as well. It was an attention-grabbing moment: What if Kagan is right? Indeed, it isn’t inaccurate to say that Kagan reignited the fascism debate with his essay. Interestingly, it was the same Robert Kagan who had spent years as an influential member of the Republican Party and was seen as one of the thought leaders for the neocons during the administration of George W. Bush.

    The article has aged well. Its characterization of Trump as a "strongman.” It’s description of his deft use of fear, hatred and anger. "This is how fascism comes to America, not with jackboots and salutes,” Kagan wrote, "but with a television huckster, a phony billionaire, a textbook egomaniac ’tapping into’ popular resentments and insecurities, and with an entire national political party – out of ambition or blind party loyalty, or simply out of fear – falling into line behind him.”

    It is an early summer’s day in Chevy Chase, a residential suburb of Washington, D.C. Kagan, whose Jewish ancestors are from Lithuania, was born in Athens in 1958. He is an expert on foreign policy. Kagan supported George W. Bush’s wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and, even if the reasons for going to war in Iraq were ultimately revealed to have been fabricated and both conflicts ended with undignified withdrawals, he continues to defend the idea of American interventionism and the country’s global leadership role.

    These days, Kagan works for The Brookings Institution, the liberal think tank. In our era, he says, it has been possible to believe that liberal democracy and its dedication to human rights were unavoidable, almost inevitable. But, he continues, that’s not necessarily true. The rise of liberal democracy was the result of historical events like the Great Depression. And of World War II, which was, Kagan says, fought in the name of freedom and created a completely new, better world.

    What Kagan means is that because liberal democracy was never inevitable, it must constantly be defended. It cannot relax, it can never rest on its laurels out of a conviction that the end of history has been reached. There is no natural law that defends democracy from someone like Trump, or from fascism, or from the Christian nationalists who believe in Trump.

    Freedom is difficult. It gives people space, but it also leaves them largely to their own devices. It doesn’t offer security and fails to provide many things that people need. It atomizes societies, destroys hierarchies and disempowers established institutions such as religion. Freedom has many enemies.

    Kagan’s ninth book has just hit the shelves in the U.S. It is called "Rebellion: How Antiliberalism Is Tearing America Apart Again” and describes Christian, white nationalism in America as a challenge to liberal democracy. Its goal: a country rooted in Christianity in which the Bible is more important than the principles expressed in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. For Christian nationalists, Trump is an instrument, the perfect leader for this revolution precisely because he cares little for the values of liberalism and the Constitution. When he told a late July gathering of Evangelical Christians in Florida that if they voted for him, "you won’t have to vote anymore,” it was precisely the kind of thing Kagan warns against.

    And it could be even worse this time around. If Trump wins the election, Kagan believes, the old system will be destroyed. It will be, the historian believes, an unimaginable political disruption, as though everything would collapse on the first day. Kagan believes he will use the Department of Justice to take revenge on his enemies and militarize migration policy to round up hundreds of thousands of illegal immigrants. The system of checks and balances would gradually be eroded. First, the immigrants would lose their rights, followed by opposition activists, who would be arrested and prosecuted.” For me, that’s enough,” says Kagan. "Even if the system looks the same.”

    We always thought there was no going back to the dark times, says Kagan. “I don’t think history moves in a direction. It just walks around. The Greeks had a cyclical view of history, not one of progress. The Chinese have a view that nothing changes. The Chinese historically don’t believe in progress. They believe in a single world system.”

    His opponents view Kagan as one of those neocons who now want to become part of the anti-fascist coalition to turn attention away from their own role in paving the way for Trumpism. They refer to him as "the most dangerous intellectual in America.” Kagan is rather fond of the label.

    WHAT IS FASCISM?

    If Robert Kagan is a conservative, then Jason Stanley, a professor of philosophy at Yale University, is on the exact opposite end of the spectrum. He is a liberal leftist, and yet his views are similar to Kagan’s. Or are they similar for precisely that reason?

    Stanley’s son has his Bar Mitzva on the weekend, the Jewish ritual celebrating a boy’s 13th birthday and his entry into adulthood. Stanley pulls out a box full of diaries written by his grandmother Ilse in 1930s Berlin. Her elegantly sweeping handwriting exudes conscientiousness. Stanley also shows a ticket from August 1939 for the America Line from Hamburg to Southampton in New York. It feels odd to flip through her diaries.

    Jason Stanley’s biography and the story of his family closely tracks 20th century history. It is an exuberant narrative that allows but a single conclusion: fervent anti-fascism.

    Ilse Stanley is the central character in this narrative. Born in the Schlesian town of Gleiwitz in 1906, her father was an opera singer and later the senior cantor at the synagogue on Fasanenstrasse in Berlin. She became an actress, trained by Max Reinhardt at Berlin’s Deutsches Theater, and secured a minor role in Fritz Lang’s famous film "Metropolis.” She was an elegant Berlin woman who led a double life. She felt thoroughly German and used falsified papers to free more than 400 Jewish and political prisoners from the Sachsenhausen concentration camp just north of Berlin.

    Her son, Jason Stanley’s father, was born in 1932 and, as a small boy, he would watch Hitler Youth marches from this grandparent’s balcony overlooking Kurfürstendamm. He was amazed by the torches, flags and uniforms, and asked if he could join them. He saw the synagogue on Fasanenstrasse burning during the Night of Broken Glass, seeking safety in the car of Gustav Gründgens, an acquaintance of his mother’s. He was beat so badly by the Nazis that he suffered from epileptic seizures for the rest of his life. In 1938, Ilse’s husband, a concert violinist, received a visa for Britain and left his wife and son behind in Berlin. The boy was seven when he and his mother had to go into hiding as they waited for their visa to travel to the U.S. After the war, he became a professor of sociology and spent the rest of his life studying how societies can descend into evil. Jason Stanley’s resemblance to his father is astounding.

    Six years ago, Stanley published a book in the U.S. called "How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them.” The German translation only appeared two months ago, a source of annoyance for Stanley. He also has German citizenship and says that he loves the country despite everything.

    So how does fascism work? Modern-day fascism, Stanley writes, is a cult of the leader in which that leader promises rebirth to a disgraced country. Disgraced because immigrants, leftists, liberals, minorities, homosexuals and women have taken over the media, the schools and cultural institutions. Fascist regimes, Stanley argues, begin as social and political movements and parties – and they tend to be elected rather than overthrowing existing governments.

    –-

    Stanley describes 10 characteristics of fascism.

    First: Every country has its myths, its own narrative of a glorious past. The fascist version of a national myth, however, requires greatness and military power.

    Second: Fascist propaganda portrays political opponents as a threat to the country’s existence and traditions. "Them” against "us.” If "they” come into power, it translates to the end of the country.

    Third: The leader determines what is true and what is false. Science and reality are seen as challenges to the leader’s authority, and nuanced views are viewed as a threat.

    Fourth: Fascism lies. Truth is the heart of democracy and lies are the enemy of freedom. Those who are lied to are unable to vote freely and fairly. Those wanting to tear the heart out of democracy must accustom the people to lies.

    Fifth: Fascism is dependent on hierarchies, which inform its greatest lie. Racism, for example, is a lie. No group of people is better than any other – no religion, no ethnicity and no gender.

    Sixth: Those who believe in hierarchies and in their own superiority can easily grow nervous and fearful of losing their position in that hierarchy. Fascism declares its followers to be victims of equality. German Christians are victims of the Jews. White Americans are victims of equal rights for Black Americans. Men are victims of feminism.

    Seventh: Fascism ensures law and order. The leader determines what law and order means. And he also determines who violates law and order, who has rights and from whom rights can be withdrawn.

    Eighth: Fascism is afraid of gender diversity. Fascism feeds fears of trans-people and homosexuals – who aren’t simply leading their own lives, but are seeking to destroy the lives of the "normal people” and coming after their children.

    Ninth: Fascism tends to hate the cities, seeing them as places of decadence and home to the elite, immigrants and criminality.

    Tenth: Fascism believes that work will make you free. The idea behind it is that minorities and leftists are inherently lazy.

    If all 10 points apply, says Stanley, then the situation is rather dicey. Fascism tells people that they are facing and existential fight: Your family is in danger. Your culture. Your traditions. And fascists promise to save them.

    –-

    Fascism in the U.S., Stanley says, has a long tradition stretching back deep into the last century. The Ku Klux Klan, he says, was the first fascist movement in history. "It would be misguided to assume that this fascist tradition simply vanished.”

    That tradition can still be seen today, says Stanley, in the fact that a democratic culture could never fully develop in the American South. That has now resulted in election officials being appointed in Georgia that aren’t likely to stand up to repeated election manipulation attempts by Trump followers. "Trump,” says Stanley, "won’t just spend another four years in the White House and then disappear again. These are not normal elections. They could be the last.”

    Some of Stanley’s friends believe he is overreacting. For antagonistic Republicans, he is likely the amalgamation of all their nightmares – one of those leftist, East Coast professors who holds seminars on critical race theory and lectures as a guest professor in Kyiv about colonialism and racism. At 15, he spent a year as an exchange student in Dortmund and had "Bader Meinhof” (with the missing second "a” in Baader) needlepointed onto his jacket. He went on to marry a Black cardiologist who was half Kenyan and half American. His children, who are nine and 13 years of age, are Black American Jews with German, Polish and African roots.

    He says that he reads Plato with them – the same Plato who says that democracy is impossible and ends in tyranny – because he wants them to understand how difficult democracy is, but also how strong. Stanley carries so many identities around with him that the result is a rather unique citizen of the world who is well-versed in numerous perspectives and in the world’s dark sides. Which hasn’t been enough to protect him from an ugly divorce. He is a philosopher who seeks to find order in the world’s chaos while finding support from the pillars of his identity.

    In her diaries, Ilse Stanley doesn’t write about the dark politics in the dark prewar years, instead looking at her own dark life. She writes about her husband who no longer speaks with her, treats her with disdain and cheats on her. She writes about her depression, her loneliness and her affairs. Ilse Stanley was divorced three years after World War II finally came to an end. She began a new life.

    IS PUTIN A FASCIST?

    Timothy Snyder speaks thoughtfully and quietly, but with plenty of confidence. Putin is a fascist. Trump is a fascist. The difference: One holds power. The other does not. Not yet.

    "The problem with fascism,” Snyder says, "is that it’s not a presence in the way we want it to be. We want political doctrines to have clear definitions. We don’t want them to be paradoxical or dialectical.” Still, he says, fascism is an important category when it comes to understanding both history and the present, because it makes differences visible.

    Lunchtime at the Union League Café in the heart of New Haven. The campus of Yale University begins on the other side of the street. Snyder, professor of Eastern European history, is one of the most important intellectuals in the U.S. He is an author, having written books like "Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin,” which examines the political violence in Ukraine, Belarus, Poland and the Baltics which killed 14 million people – at the hands of both Nazis and Communists. He is an activist, whose pamphlet "On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century” became a global bestseller. And he is a self-professed Cassandra, having foreseen a Russian military intervention just weeks before the country’s annexation of the Crimea, in addition to predicting, in 2017, a Trump putsch attempt. When he met Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Kyiv in 2022, the first thing the Ukrainian president told him was that both he and his wife had read "On Tyranny.”

    Putin, says Snyder, has been quoting fascist thinkers like Ivan Ilyin for 15 years. The Russian president, he continues, is waging a war that is clearly motivated by fascist motives. It targets a country whose population Putin considers to be inferior and a state that he believes has no right to exist. And he has the support of an almost completely mobilized society. There is, Snyder writes, a cult surrounding the leader, a cult surrounding those who have fallen in past battles and a myth of a golden empire that must be reestablished through the cleansing violence of war.

    A time traveler from the 1930s, Snyder wrote in a May 2022 article for the New York Times, would immediately recognize Putin’s regime as fascist. The Z symbol, the rallies, the propaganda, the mass graves. Putin attacked Ukraine just as Hitler attacked the Soviet Union, Snyder wrote – as an imperial power.

    But Putin’s version of fascism, the historian argues, also has post-modern characteristics. Post-modernism assumes that there is no such thing as truth, and if there is no truth, then anything can be labeled as truth. Such as the "fact” that the Ukrainians are Nazis in addition to being Jewish and gay. The decision as to what truth is and who defines it is made on the battlefield.

    The paradox of Putin’s fascism – Snyder refers to it as "schizo-fascism” – is that he claims to be acting in the name of anti-fascism. The Soviet Union under Stalin, he says, never formed a clear position on fascism, and even allied itself with Nazi Germany in the form of the Hitler-Stalin pact, thus fueling World War II. After the war, though, the Soviet Union didn’t just declare Nazi Germany fascist, but also all those by which the leadership felt threatened or those it didn’t particularly like. "Fascist” became just another word for enemy. Putin’s regime feeds off that Soviet past: Russia’s enemies are all declared fascists. And it is precisely in Putin’s supposed anti-fascism, argues Snyder, that his fascism can be seen. Those who label their enemies "fascists” and “Nazis,” provide a justification for war and for crimes against humanity.”’Nazi’ just means ’subhuman enemy’ – someone Russians can kill,” he wrote.

    A Putin victory would be more than just the end of democratic Ukraine. "Had Ukraine not resisted, this would have been a dark spring for democrats around the world,” Snyder concluded. "If Ukraine does not win, we can expect decades of darkness.”

    Snyder is from Dayton, Ohio, located right in the middle of the "flyover zone.” His parents are Quakers, former members of the Peace Corps with a weakness for Latin American revolutionaries. Ivory tower colleagues like Samuel Moyn of Yale Law School believe that Snyder suffers from "tyrannophobia.” Others think he is paranoid. Snyder says that hardly anyone at the time predicted World War I or the Holocaust. Things are possible, he argues, that cannot be seen in the present.

    If Trump win the election, he believes, organized resistance will be the result. Would Trump then send in the FBI or even the military to quell such unrest? What might happen to state institutions? Snyder believes the economy would collapse and institutions like the FBI and the military could be torn apart by conflicts. A few weeks ago, Snyder wrote on the newsletter platform Substack: "Old-guy dictatorship involves funeral planning.” Trump, Snyder argues, is afraid of dying in prison or being killed by his opponents. Autocracies are not forever, and the defeat of autocrats is closely linked to their end.

    –-

    How, though, was the rise of Trump made possible in the first place? How can it be that a democracy plunges so deeply into irrationality?

    First, says Snyder, Trump’s career is based on a bluff. He was never a successful businessman, Snyder argues, and he only found success as an entertainer, as a television personality. He knows what you have to do to reach people, which, Snyder says, is an important prerequisite for a developing charismatic leader. It is precisely this talent that makes him so successful on social media platforms, where emotions are all that matter – the feeling of "them or us.”

    Second: Social media influence our perceptive abilities, Snyder says. Indeed, the academic argues, they themselves have something fascist about them, because they take away our ability to exchange arguments in a meaningful way. They make us more impatient and everything becomes black or white. They confirm that we are right, even if our positions are objectively false. They produce a cycle of anger. Anger confirms anger. And anger produces anger.

    Third: The Marxists of the 1920s and ’30s, Snyder says, believed that fascism was merely a variant of capitalism – that the oligarchs, as we would call them today, made Hitler’s rise possible in the first place. But that’s not true, Snyder argues. Big Business, of course, supported Hitler’s grab for power because they hoped he would liberate them from the labor unions. But most of the oligarchs didn’t support his ideas. "So there is a funny way in which the Marxist diagnosis, I think, is now true in a way that it wasn’t a hundred years ago,” says Snyder, “but there aren’t many proper Marxists left to make this argument.”

    One of these new oligarchs, Snyder points out, is Elon Musk. Nobody, he says, has done more than him in the last year and a half to advance fascism. He unleashed Twitter, or X, and the platform has become even more emotional, says Snyder, more open to all kinds of filth, Russian propaganda in particular. Musk, Snyder says, uses the platform to spread even the most disgusting conspiracy theories.

    Like Robert Kagan, Snyder also believes that democracies have underestimated the danger posed by fascism because they believed for too long that there is no alternative to democracy. "Gerhard Schröder tells us Putin is a convinced Democrat, right? It’s an obvious lie, but you can believe it only if you believe there is no alternative to democracy.” The result, he says, is that "Germany has been supporting this fascist for a long time while being concerned about Ukrainian fascism.”

    IS FASCISM A PROCESS?

    Paul Mason lives in one of those central London neighborhoods that was repeatedly struck by German rockets during World War II. Which is why there are entire blocks of new buildings from the 1950s and ’60s among the old rowhouses. In Europe, fascism and its consequences are never far away.

    Mason is a figure that used to be more common: an intellectual in a center-left party. He is from the working class and was the first in his family to attend university. He has made films for the BBC and worked for Channel 4, he wrote a column for the Guardian and works on Labour Party campaigns.

    His books are characterized by big ideas and the broad horizons they open up. "How to Stop Fascism: History, Ideology, Resistance” is his best-known work – dark, alarmist and combative. But in contrast to Kagan, Snyder and Stanley, he was a real Antifa activist who took to the streets in the 1970s and ’80s against the skinheads.

    Fascism, according to the core of Mason’s argument, is the "fear of freedom triggered by a glimpse of freedom.” Just as the fascist movement of the 20th century was a reaction to the labor movement, he writes, neo-liberalism has today, on the one hand, dissolved postwar societies, destroyed the power of the labor unions and annulled the privileges of the primarily white and male working class. On the other hand, women have acquired more influence and Western societies have become more pluralistic. The consequence: the collapse of common sense.

    Mason is interested in something he calls, citing the historian Robert Paxton, the "fascist process.” Fascism, he says, is not static. Rather, it is a type of "political behavior” that feeds off its own dynamism and is not reliant on complicated ideologies. Fascism, it would seem, can be rather difficult to grasp. Just like Stanley, Mason uses a checklist. Somehow, the chaos of fascism must be forced into order.

    –-

    Here is Mason’s 10-point "fascist process”: A deep crisis starts things off – such as the loss of World War I for the Germans early last century or, today, the cluster of recent crises including the financial crisis, migration, COVID and climate change. Such crises produce, second, a deep feeling of threat and the loss of sovereignty. Then, third, come suppressed groups that begin to rise up: women, climate activists, Black Lives Matter activists. People trying to find a path to the future through the crisis.

    That triggers, fourth, a culture war. Fifth, a fascist party appears. Sixth, panic develops among members of the middle class, who don’t know whether to succumb to their fears of losing prosperity or to their fears of the radical right. Seventh, the rule of law is weakened in the hope that it might pacify the developing conflicts. Eighth, a weakened left begins arguing about with whom to form alliances in an effort to stand up to the radical right wing. Similar to, ninth, the conservative wing’s handwringing about the degree to which the right wing must be accommodated in order to contain them. And once all those steps have taken place, the hour of fascism has struck. Point 10, the end of democracy. The fascists make up the societal elite.

    All of that seems rather schematic, which is how it is intended. But aren’t all Western societies familiar with the steps Mason has sketched out? Hasn’t the feeling that the government can no longer control the borders advanced deep into the center of society? The fear of vaccination mandates? The fear of shifting gender identities, the favorite target of the right wing, along with animosity toward the German draft law intended to make it easier for trans-people to change their genders? The fear of a shift toward the radical climate activists and toward people who fight against racism? The culture war is real – it is already underway. We are right in the middle of Mason’s "fascist process.”

    The foundation of the fascist process can today be found online and the networks that have developed there. That is where the fantasies are developed that fuel the process. End-of-the-world delusions. The dream of restoring a national greatness that never actually existed. The idea that our world is heading for an unavoidable ethnic war. And that it is necessary to get ready for the coming battle.

    AND THE CONSERVATIVES?

    Thomas Biebricher, a professor for political theory and the history of ideas in Frankfurt, has an unusual job: He is one of the few political scientists in Germany who focuses on conservatism.

    Germany’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) is one of the most successful conservative parties in Europe. It is a party born during the postwar period and rooted in the realization that fascism was made possible in part due to the lack of a commitment to democracy.

    The CDU, Biebricher argues in his large study called "Mitte/Rechts” (Center/Right), which appeared last year, has become the exception in Europe. Everywhere else, including in Italy, France and the United Kingdom, the conservative camp has almost completely disintegrated, with center-right parties having lost the ability to integrate the right-wing fringe. Italy was first, when Silvio Berlusconi took over the right with his Forza Italia party – and today, the post-fascists under Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni are in power. In France, Gaullism, which held sway in the country for decades, has become little more than a fringe phenomenon while Marine Le Pen has become President Emmanuel Macron’s primary challenger. And in Britain, the Tories lost votes to the right-wing populists behind Nigel Farage in the last election.

    The term "fascism” only seldom appears in "Mitte/Rechts.” Why? "Because it doesn’t add anything analytically or politically, it immediately sparks the final level of escalation,” he says. Biebricher teaches in Frankfurt, but lives in the Berlin neighborhood of Prenzlauer Berg. He shares an office with the organizers of a literary office.

    Conservatism, Biebricher says, is one of the three large political currents of the modern era, along with socialism and liberalism. Born out of the aristocratic and clerical resistance to the French Revolution, it has, the professor argues, diminished over the years to a simple desire to put the brakes on progress. While socialism and liberalism strive toward the future, conservatism is eager to preserve as much of the present as possible. Even if that present is the future that it was recently fighting against.

    But ever since the Eastern Bloc collapsed and the speed of technological and societal change has increased, says Biebricher, the principle of pragmatic deceleration is no longer working. Some conservatives see the world passing them by and have given up. Others have begun to fantasize about a past that may never have existed but which seems worthy of defending – "Make America Great Again,” "Make Thuringia Great Again.” Conservatism, he argues, has fragmented into a number of different streams: pessimists, pragmatists and the radicals, who aren’t actually conservative anymore because they have abandoned the traditional conservative value of moderation.

    "Those who are eager to brand the radicals as fascists,” says Biebricher, "should go ahead and do so. The term primarily targets the past and doesn’t reflect what is genuinely new. It primarily serves to create distance.”

    The authoritarian conservatives, says Biebricher, have dispensed with all of the historical trappings of fascism, instead attempting to rebuild liberal democracy to their liking. "But I would use the term when it comes to Trump and his MAGA movement – because the storm of the Capitol was actually an attempt to violently overthrow the system.”

    But this kind of violence can be seen everywhere, says the Austrian political scientist Natascha Strobl. It merely manifests itself differently than it did in the 1920s, when, early on in the fascist movement in northern Italy, gangs of thugs were going from village to village attacking farmer organizations and the offices of the socialist party, killing people and burning homes to the ground. Today, says Strobl, violence is primarily limited to the internet. "And it is,” says Strobl, "just as real. The people who perpetrate it believe they are involved in a global culture war, a struggle that knows no boundaries. An ideological civil war against all kinds of chimeras, such as ’cultural Marxism’ or the ’Great Replacement.’”

    Strobl writes against the background of Austria’s recent past, which saw the party spectrum change in the 1990s in a manner similar to Italy’s, with the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) growing in strength, a party that didn’t just exude characteristics of right-wing populism, but also maintained ties to the radical right, such as the right-wing extremist Identitarian Movement. And despite all of the scandals that have rocked the party, it is again leading in the polls. Parliamentary elections are set for late September, and an FPÖ chancellor is far from unrealistic. Strobl herself has been the target of threats for many years, even finding a bullet hole in her kitchen window on one occasion.

    POPULISTS OR FASCISTS?

    The accusation of fascism is the most potent weapon in the arsenal of democratic discourse. It is, says political scientist Jan-Werner Müller, the last card that one can play to wake people up and warn them of the gathering storm. But, he argues, it is not particularly useful as a category for describing the political developments of the present. That which reminds some people of fascism, he says, is actually right-wing extremist populism. And the "F-word” isn’t adequate for describing the phenomenon. Indeed, he says, it is so inadequate that it may even serve to reduce the urgency because the comparison with the 1930s seems so implausible and alarmist.

    Müller has been teaching at Princeton University in New Jersey since 2005. He has produced one of the most influential theories on populism, and he is the only German author in the widely discussed anthology "Did It Happen Here? Perspectives on Fascism and America,” which was published in the U.S. in March.

    Historical fascism, says Müller, is rooted in the massive violence of World War I. Its initial promise was the creation of a new human being in a nation of ethnic peers. It celebrated violence as a source of meaning, and death on the battlefield as not only necessary, but as a fulfillment of humanity. It was, argues Müller, a blueprint for anti-modernity, a thoroughly mobilized and militarized society with a cult of masculinity. An ideology which assigned women one single role, that of child-bearer. It was a movement that presented itself as a revolution – one that promised not only national rebirth but also a completely different future.

    Müller sees little of that in today’s right-wing political movements. What he does see, he says, is a right-wing extremist populism that reduces all political issues to questions of belonging and portrays opponents as a threat, or even as enemies. It is a movement that wants to turn back the clock, a movement without a utopia.

    The fascism debate has become stuck in the question of "Weimar” or "democracy”? But, he says, it is possible to imagine a different path. You have to think in your own era, says Müller. Which does not mean that there are no dark clouds on the horizon. Populism can also destroy democracy, as it has in Hungary, and it has the potential to trigger racist radicalization.

    But how should democracies deal with the populist threat? "There are two extremes,” says Müller, "and both are wrong.” The first extreme is complete exclusion. "Don’t talk to them.” That strategy only serves to confirm the narratives of such parties, which claim that they are the only one’s speaking the truth. "Look at how the elite are treating us. They are ignoring us!”

    But the other extreme is just as misguided. Believing that populists are telling the truth about our society and handing them a monopoly over our "concerns and needs.” That, says Müller, only leads to a legitimatization of their positions – to trying to keep up and joining them in unconditional coalitions. Müller refers to this path as the "mainstreaming of right-wing extremism – a development that can be seen virtually everywhere in Europe.”

    What is the correct path? "To talk with them, but to avoid talking like them.” It is possible to discuss immigration, he says, without talking about vast conspiracy theories like the Great Replacement,” which holds that former German Chancellor Angela Merkel intended to replace the German people with the Syrians. It is important, he says, to set aside the moral cudgel and make clear: "We are prepared to treat you as a legitimate part of the political landscape if you change your behavior.” Müller says even that is a slightly paternalistic, didactic approach, but that’s not forbidden in a democracy. Particularly given that there is plenty of debate about where, exactly, the red lines run that may actually strengthen democracy.

    There is one thing, though, he argues, that makes the situation more complicated. Democracies and their leaders long thought that they had a systematic advantage. That democracy is the only political system that can learn and correct its own mistakes. Today, when authoritarian systems emerge, he says, we tend to underestimate them. When Viktor Orbán appeared and turned Budapest, as Müller describes it, into a kind of Disneyland for the new right, many thought for far too long that things would take care of themselves as they always had. "As an ardent fan of FC Cologne, I know from experience that things don’t always go well.”

    But right-wing populist politicians are also capable of learning: They shun images that remind people of the 20th century, says Müller. They avoid large-scale repressions. They limit press freedoms but maintain a couple of alibi newspapers. They rule such that they can always say: "We are democrats. Come to Budapest. Is this what fascism looks like?”

    Orbán refers to his government as an "illiberal democracy.” Hungary continues to hold elections, but media pluralism is a thing of the past as are fundamental democratic rights such as freedom of opinion and assembly. Müller says that Orbán’s Hungary should not be seen as a "democracy” just because he is still popular among many Hungarians. Doing so would mean that his critics could only argue in the name of liberalism. And that is exactly what illiberals want, says Müller. But if he is shown to be a kleptocrat and an autocrat, that is when things could grow uncomfortable for Orbán.

    And what about Germany, a country Müller sees as the motherland of robust democracy? Are the country’s defenses not failing in the face of the AfD?

    "In Germany,” he says, "a more nuanced toolkit is available.” You can ban state party chapters or individual organizations, and you can also strip politicians of certain rights, says Müller. You don’t have to immediately ban an entire party. "You can demonstrate to those elements of the party that haven’t become completely radicalized: ’People, we are showing you where the limits of democracy lie.’ And maybe that can trigger a moderation.” That, too, is a didactic approach, but democracy is ultimately allowed to declare its principles and defend them. "If the party pursues the Höcke path, then it may ultimately have to be banned,” says Müller, referring to Björn Höcke, the ultra-radical head of the AfD state chapter in Thuringia.

    But hasn’t the party grown too large for that? "Not necessarily. It would, to be sure, produce political martyrs. But right-wing populists pose as victims anyway.”

    AND THE DEMOCRATS?

    Sometimes, the debate about the threats facing democracy can give the impression that evil spirits have suddenly been let loose on the world. An attack of the lunatics, a storm of irrationality, an impending relapse into barbarianism. An onslaught that must be fended off with united forces using the biggest guns available. All of that is a reasonable conclusion and it sounds both logical and correct, but might it be that democracies and democrats have also had a role to play in the rise of their enemies?

    Philip Manow, born in 1963, is a political science professor at the University of Siegen. His most recent book, which was published by Suhrkamp in May, takes a closer look at the future of liberal democracy. Manow is a provocateur, and he quotes Paul Valéry, the philosopher, who wrote: “That which has always been accepted by everyone, everywhere, is almost certain to be false.” Manow says: The problem isn’t populism, it is liberal democracy itself.

    We met for lunch in late-July at the restaurant inside Cologne’s Museum Ludwig – an encounter that turned into a two-and-a-half-hour deconstruction of the political discourse.

    A liberal democracy, as Jan-Werner Müller also says, consists of more than just free elections with ballots cast in secret. It is shaped by the idea of human dignity and other universalist ideas. It is rooted in the separation of powers, freedom of opinion, press freedoms, the protection of minorities, the independence of its institutions and the rule of law. It must be robust, which is why, Manow says, democracies are equipped with a high court and domestic intelligence agencies designed to protect the constitution – along with the possibility, though the hurdles are high, of banning political parties. There is also, he says, a kind of political dictum that democracies and its parties erect a kind of firewall against the enemies of democracy.

    Liberal democracy, says Manow, sees itself as the product of lessons learned in the first half of the 20th century. On the one hand, the tyrants must be prevented from securing parliamentary power. The events of 1933 Germany must not be repeated. On the other hand, the abyss of the Holocaust, the political scientist continues, led to the establishment of a catalog of human rights by the newly established United Nations as a path to a better world. But the human rights discourse only experienced a breakthrough starting in the 1970s, when communism was definitively discredited by the publication of Alexandr Solzhenitsyn’s anti-Stalin tract "The Gulag Archipelago” and when the West lost its shine in the wake of the Vietnam War, Watergate and the Civil Rights Movement.

    The resulting vacuum of ideals was, says Manow, filled with the idea of human rights universalism as the final utopia – one that didn’t just become a reference point for dissidents in the Eastern Bloc but also came to shape the debate in Western democracies. The institutional manifestation of this debate following the collapse of communism, says Manow, was ultimately decisive. The nations of Eastern Europe took their cue from the liberal-democratic model of Western countries, particularly the German version with its strong constitutional defenses. At the same time, European integration progressed in the 1990s, with borders opening up and a joint currency being introduced. The EU increasingly defined itself as a community of shared values, led primarily by the rule of law and the court system.

    Populism, says Manow, should primarily be seen as a counterreaction – as an illiberal democratic response to an increasingly undemocratic liberalism. The political-economic upheavals, whether it was the Euro crisis in 2010 or the migration crisis starting in 2015, put wind in the sails of the populist parties, says Manow, because there was no meaningful opposition within the established parties to policies declared by Merkel (and elsewhere) as being without alternative. Indeed, Merkel herself, he says, became just as inevitable as her policies. When elections were held, the primary question on the ballot was what party would become her junior coalition partner. "That paved the way for the AfD.”

    Liberal democracy, says Manow, responded robustly with an arsenal of morally charged values. The populist problem was to be resolved through the judiciary, a strategy adopted without considering the possibility that using law as a replacement for politics was perhaps part of the problem.

    But that is a dangerous development in Manow’s view because the political battlefield was brought into the courtroom. The judiciary itself becomes politicized. Ultimately, the high court morphs into just another party-political body, says Manow, like the Supreme Court in the U.S., where in many instances, justices vote along the lines of the party that nominated them. Those who stand for positions that find no place in the institutions, however, develop a kind of fundamental opposition: "The system is ailing and broken and the whole thing must go.”

    Instead of legal system, the focus should be returned to electoral principles, says Manow. A body politic includes people with a variety of opinions, convictions and values. There is, unfortunately, no better way, he says, than allowing the people to decide on controversial issues following a public debate. Competition among political parties, elections and public discourse, Manow says, make up the fundamental mechanism of stability in democracies. Liberal democracy, the political scientist argues, produces its crises, while electoral democracy processes those crises.

    And what if the populists win the elections? Wait it out, says Manow. Those who believe that voters are fundamentally complicit in their own disempowerment should stay away from democracy, he says. Poland showed that it is possible to vote populists out of power. Orbán suffered significant losses in the European elections. And up until a month ago, it looked like Trump would be the next president of the U.S. Nothing is as certain as it seems. Trump, not Biden, is now the one who looks like a doddering old man – weird, in fact. Kamala Harris’ strategy: a rejection of gloom and hate. An approach of uniting rather than dividing, with a happily relaxed tone, positivity and an undertone of gentle derision. Looking forward rather than backward.

    THE VERTIGO MOMENT

    The Bulgarian political scientist and adviser Ivan Krastev spends his summer vacations on the Black Sea. In the evenings, his son and his son’s friends play games, and last year their game of choice was "Secret Hitler.” It is certainly possible that Krastev gave them the game to see what would happen. It was his son who said that it was more fun to be a fascist in the game. Why? Because the fascists play as a team, and because the democrats are their own worst enemies, paralyzed by distrust and mutual suspicions. The game, says Krastev, clearly shows why the populists win. Not because they are so strong, but because the democrats are so confused. They want the right thing, but they frequently make the wrong decisions.

    Berlin, the Grand Hyatt Hotel on Potsdamer Platz. Krastev, born in 1965 and a fellow at the Institute for Human Sciences in Vienna, is on his way to Poland via the German capital. He is someone political leaders call when things are complicated. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and Economy Minister Robert Habeck have both met with him in the past and he is in demand in other capitals as well as one of the continent’s most interesting thinkers, an analyst who pulls the world apart for them before then reassembling it. For his part, he sees himself more as the kind of uncle that exists in every Bulgarian village, the guy who others find both funny and clever. A person who others come to when they need advice, almost like going to the psychiatrist. Listen, Krastev says in his rapid, Bulgarian-accented English, what he is going to say may be rather interesting, but it might not actually be true.

    “Listen, he says, I think we are dealing with something that I would call the other ’Extinction Rebellion.’” The "Great Replacement” right wing, he believes, cannot be understood without looking at demographic developments and especially the fears they trigger. That, for years, has been Krastev’s greatest focus. People cross borders, some on their way in, others on their way out. European societies are aging. And birthrates are falling, without, Krastev says, anyone offering a plausible explanation as to why.

    “It’s the fear of disappearing,” he says. The fear of “one’s own language and culture vanishing.” The fear that migrants could change political realities by voting for those who were allowed to come into the country. That the many new people will change life and change the cities – and that those who have long been here will be stuck, because the newcomers can simply leave if they don’t like it anymore, while they are damned to stay. Everything shifts, says Krastev, the relationships of people to each other and to their own country. The racist fantasies that result, Krastev believe, can certainly be interpreted as a new form of fascism, as the fascism of the 21st century.

    What now unites society, from the left to the right, he says, is their feeling of impending doom. Which is challenging for democracy. If fascism is knocking on the door, Krastev says, then urgent action is necessary, but democracy depends on compromise, which takes time. While democracy may not really have clear ideas for the future, he says, it definitely wants to prevent the past from becoming that future.

    Krastev says that he searched long and hard for a metaphor for our times before finally finding it in Milan Kundera’s "The Unbearable Lightness of Being,” an Eastern European author, of course. Europe, says the Bulgarian, is experiencing a vertigo moment. Vertigo essentially means fear of heights, dizziness on the precipice, the fear of plunging into the depths. But Kundera has a different definition of vertigo: As the emptiness beneath us that lures and seduces us. We want to fall, yet desperately fight against it. There is, says Krastev, this right-wing desire to finally put an end to everything, to Europe; a feeling that everything must fundamentally change. A century ago, fascism had an agenda and a promise: Mussolini propagated an imperial Italian future while Hitler promised to expunge all that was foreign. The new parties, though, says Krastev, don’t have such a vision. They only have suicidal fantasies.

    Never mind the fact that most populists, Krastev believes, don’t even believe that they will ever hold power. They often win by chance. Brexit? Bad luck. Trump? Also. "It’s as if the right wing just date their fears the whole time, and one day, they’re married to them.” The paradox, Krastev believes, is that fascists suspect that the other side might actually be right. Which is their greatest fear.

    Fascism in the 20th century was rooted in dread of the evil other – the communists, the Jews, the enemies. Fascism in the 21st century is rooted in fear. What is the difference between dread and fear? During the pandemic, people dreaded the virus, a deadly attacker. There was an enemy that could be identified. But fear is less specific. There is no clear attacker, it is inside oneself, and in a certain sense, says Krastev, it is the fear of oneself.

    Krastev says that he has developed patience with politicians. The world is changing quickly; things happen, and politicians must respond with decisions. But that doesn’t mean that their decisions will solve the problems. Politics, Krastev believes, is learning to live with the problems, and politics knows no clear victories. Politics is the management of panic. A battle against vertigo, the endless emptiness beneath us.

    So if this fear within is the precondition for modern-day fascism, could any one of us become a fascist? It is, says Krastev, interesting to watch what happens when people play "Secret Hitler.”

    Captain Höcke

    Greiz, a town deep in Germany’s east, south of Gera and west of Zwickau, calls itself the "Pearl of Vogtland,” as the region is called. It is a beautiful town with a castle on the rocks above and another down below on the banks of the river. The Thuringian chapter of the AfD is holding its summer festival here, with blue balloons and a bouncy castle. It is in the heart of Björn Höcke’s electoral district.

    The posters for the event include a photo of Höcke where he looks a little bit like Tom Cruise in "Top Gun.” He is wearing mirrored sunglasses, a bit like aviator sunglasses. And if you look closely, you can see a passenger plane reflected in the lenses. It takes a bit for the penny to drop. The plane is supposed to be a deportation flight of the kind Höcke is constantly talking about, a flight taking illegal immigrants back where they came from once the AfD secures power. As if Captain Höcke were flying the plane himself. Did AfD finally discover irony? Or is it just weird?

    Greiz looks like many other towns in eastern Germany. Nice looking and clean, but seemingly devoid of people. Almost 40,000 people lived here in 1970, but now the population is just over 20,000. There isn’t much life on the streets of the old town, almost as though the townsfolk still believe they are living in a dictatorship and have elected to remain in the safety of their own homes. It isn’t difficult to imagine a resident of a western German city quickly growing lonely here and perhaps even entertaining radical thoughts. On the other hand: Wouldn’t a Greiz native also feel rather lost in Hamburg?

    Around 500 people have gathered in the castle gardens on the shores of the river. There are a few hooligans, some Identitarians with their severely parted hair and polo shirts, rockers with Trump T-shirts, militia types and vaccine truthers who look like aging hippies. Beyond that, the crowd includes people from the working class and middle-class laborers. The police presence is not overwhelming.

    The sun is shining, some are sipping beer – real Thuringians. The mood is neither hostile nor inflamed. Perhaps that has something to do with the fact that the Antifa has only been allowed to hold their counter-protest across the river. In other cities, as colleagues have said, things can get wild.

    Höcke’s appearances in the media are often tense, his eyes flickering with panic and disgust. Here in his electoral district, though, he exudes control. He is, it must be granted, a good speaker and holds forth without notes. He seems to feel right at home on stage. He is wearing jeans and a white shirt, and he begins his speech by talking about the Olympic Games that just got started two days ago. His focus is the scene during the opening ceremony in which drag queens and trans-people, as Höcke describes them, portray da Vinci’s "Last Supper.” It is, the AfD politician insists, an expression of "what is going fundamentally wrong not just in this country, but in all of Europe and the West.” He speaks about the self-hatred of Germans and Europeans and of wanting to overcome European culture and identity. "There is no self-hatred with the AfD. Period. Those who feel a sense of self-hatred should go to a therapist.”

    The German manner in which he says terms like "drag queens” and "trans-gender models” clearly expresses his disgust. He speaks of the widespread decadence in the West and of the urge "to shred our gender identity.” In his speech, he is constantly sending people into therapy. And to those who have their doubts about there only being two biological genders, he says: "My recommendation is that you just open your pants and see what it looks like down there.” Applause.

    Much of his speech focuses on the destruction of "European culture,” the destruction of what is "normal.” He talks about the schools and the childcare centers, about the new draft law in Germany that will make it easier for people to change their genders, about public broadcasters, about freedom of opinion and about the German government’s coronavirus policies, which he portrays as a state crime. And he focuses on migration as the mother of all crises, one which, he says, has transformed Germany into the world’s welfare office. For airplanes full of migrants, he says, only permission to take off will be granted in the future, not to land.

    Höcke’s speech flirts with what allegedly cannot be said and can only be hinted at. As though there was a secret and dangerous truth. "You know what I’m talking about,” he says. Or: "I want to express myself diplomatically.” Or: "You’re not allowed to say that.” Or: "I don’t have to expound on that.” Dark powers are out and about that are targeting him and targeting Germany, that is his message. In conclusion, he warns his listeners in Greiz to avoid voting by mail. He tells them to only go to their polling station late in the day and to remain there as the votes are counted – and to report any irregularities to the AfD. He also tells them to make sure that the care-worker in the retirement home doesn’t fill out grandma’s ballot. You know what I’m talking about.

    It is all rather perplexing. Back in Berlin, Ivan Krastev makes one of his Krastevian jokes. An American judge, he relates, once said that he may not be able to define pornography, "but I know it when I see it.” The reverse is true with fascism, says Krastev: It is simple to define, but difficult to recognize when you see it.

    The "F-word.” F as in fascism or F as in "Fuck you.” It is permissible, as a court in Meiningen ruled, to refer to Höcke as a fascist. The question remains, though, what doing so actually achieves.

    https://www.spiegel.de/international/zeitgeist/finding-the-secret-hitler-how-fascism-begins-a-32c1f376-0086-45b3-bab9-35734

    #fascisme #populisme #Putin #Trump #Hitler #Orban #Orbán #Secret_Hitler #Jason_Stanley #mythe #passé_glorieux #mythe_national #pouvoir_militaire #propagande #vérité #science #menace #mensonge #hiérarchie #racisme #supériorité #droits #loi #ordre #genre #LGBT #homophobie #villes #urbanophobie #urbaphobie #travail #charactéristiques #it_has_begun

  • « #Care » : comment l’étude du #travail_domestique permet de réécrire l’histoire

    La notion de care s’est imposée dans le langage courant et politique pour qualifier l’ensemble des activités – rémunérées ou non – qui consistent à prendre soin des autres et de leur cadre de vie ; à assurer le « #travail_reproductif » et non seulement « productif ». Cela recouvre notamment les métiers ou pratiques sociales d’#aide_à_la_personne, les secteurs infirmiers ou médicaux, ou encore un grand nombre de tâches dites « domestiques ».

    Les économistes féministes se sont depuis longtemps approprié cette notion pour mettre en valeur des formes de travail exercées par les #femmes et non reconnues socialement et dans les #statistiques économiques, en particulier le #travail_domestique_non_rémunéré. Il ne s’agit pas d’essentialiser des différences entre hommes et femmes mais au contraire de partir du principe que rendre visibles toutes les formes de travail est une étape nécessaire vers l’#égalité, la #reconnaissance_sociale et économique et le partage de ces tâches.

    En outre, alors que les mutations sociales et technologiques du XXe siècle ont diminué le temps de travail consacré au care et les tâches domestiques, il est probable que le vieillissement de la population inverse cette tendance. Il implique en particulier une augmentation de la demande de soin et d’aide à la personne, pratiques qui peuvent être rémunérées ou non, reposant dans ce dernier cas sur des liens familiaux ou amicaux.

    La loi de 2019 sur les congés de proche aidant et les discussions récurrentes sur les pénuries de personnel pour l’aide à domicile montrent combien nos sociétés se préparent – encore trop lentement et difficilement – aux mutations économiques et sociales causées par le vieillissement.

    #Valorisation_monétaire du travail domestique

    Il y a évidemment un débat au sein des économistes quant à l’opportunité de compter le travail de care domestique qui n’apparaît pas dans les statistiques officielles et donc de lui donner une #valeur_monétaire. Outre les difficultés méthodologiques de cette quantification, la question est de savoir si valoriser les pratiques non rémunérées comme un travail salarié ne va pas à l’encontre de l’éthique du care en mettant sur le même plan des formes de travail non équivalentes.

    La réponse que les économistes féministes apportent à cette question est que la construction de statistiques et la valorisation monétaire est aujourd’hui le meilleur moyen de montrer l’ampleur du #travail_féminin et la persistance des inégalités entre femmes et hommes au sein du ménage hétérosexuel (voir le récent résumé de Nancy Folbre présentant ces arguments et la recherche dans ce domaine, dont la première contribution remonte à l’ouvrage de Margaret Reid, Economics of household production, publié en… 1934).

    Depuis #Margaret_Reid, et encore plus depuis la réappropriation du concept de care en économie dans les années 1980 et 1990, notamment par Nancy Folbre, les économistes ont donc tenté de quantifier le travail domestique, dans le passé quasi-essentiellement exercé par les femmes. L’objectif est de voir comment cette comptabilisation change notre vision du #développement_économique, habituellement mesuré par des salaires et le temps de travail masculins, puis par le #produit_intérieur_brut, qui exclut les tâches domestiques.

    Il existe des tentatives actuelles pour inclure les estimations du travail domestique dans le #PIB, mais seule l’histoire économique permet de prendre la mesure du #biais que l’absence de prise en compte du travail féminin dans les statistiques cause à nos représentations du développement économique.

    Dans un article récemment paru dans le Journal of Economic History, « Careworn : The Economic History of Caring Labor » (https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-economic-history/article/careworn-the-economic-history-of-caring-labor/68D8EDEB50DCF2AB012433755741108B), la professeure d’histoire économique Jane Humphries cherche à produire une telle estimation pour l’Angleterre sur très longue période, de 1270 à 1860. Ses précédentes recherches ont déjà révolutionné l’#histoire_économique en montrant comment la prise en compte du travail des enfants, puis la construction de séries de salaire des femmes, changeaient le récit traditionnel de la révolution industrielle du XIXe siècle.

    Humphries commence par rappeler le paradoxe des recherches actuelles d’histoire économique quantitative qui ont entrepris de calculer des séries de PIB, de niveau de vie et de prix depuis le Moyen-Âge (voir notamment les travaux de #Robert_Allen et #Stephen_Broadberry). Le calcul d’évolution des prix repose en effet sur la définition d’un panier de biens représentatif de la consommation de base (viande, lait, céréales etc.). Mais l’essentiel du travail des femmes nécessaire pour transformer ces biens de base en consommation domestique, nécessaire pour soutenir le travail rémunéré de l’homme du foyer, n’est pas pris en compte dans les statistiques de production !

    Soutien au travail de l’homme salarié

    Elle rappelle aussi les nombreuses heures nécessaires pour maintenir l’#hygiène dans un foyer, avant la généralisation de l’eau courante et des sanitaires au XXe siècle. Rassemblant de nombreuses sources d’origine et fréquence différentes sur le temps de travail domestique et sur le #salaire horaire de ce travail lorsqu’il était rémunéré, Humphries tente de calculer la valeur totale du travail domestique qui était nécessaire pour qu’un foyer puisse subsister, permettant à l’homme de s’en absenter pour travailler au-dehors.

    Même ses estimations les plus basses montrent qu’au moins 20 % de la production totale de valeur (ce que nous appelons aujourd’hui PIB) était consacrée aux #tâches_domestiques – et sont donc absentes de nos mesures habituelles Et si ce chiffre n’était pas plus important dans le passé qu’aujourd’hui, c’est que l’autrice valorise le travail féminin au prix du salaire des femmes de l’époque, qui était très inférieur à celui des hommes.

    Notons que l’article ne quantifie que les tâches domestiques liées à la consommation et l’entretien du foyer ; l’autrice souligne qu’elle n’a pas quantifié ce qui touche au « travail reproductif », en particulier la mise au monde et l’allaitement des enfants.

    Mais la professeure d’histoire économique s’intéresse ici davantage à l’évolution du coût et temps du travail domestique – relativement au #travail_salarié – au cours des siècles. Elle remarque en particulier une forte augmentation du travail domestique, et de sa valeur relative, lors de la « révolution industrieuse » du XVIIIe siècle, précédant la « révolution industrielle » du XIXe siècle.

    Regard biaisé sur l’économie

    A la suite des travaux de #Jan_de_Vries, on parle de « #révolution_industrieuse » pour caractériser l’augmentation du temps de travail (en termes de nombre d’heures salariées) causée par la nécessité de maintenir ou accroître le niveau de consommation du ménage. De manière cohérente avec le fait que la révolution industrieuse coïncidait avec une diversification et multiplication des biens de consommation, Humphries montre que le travail domestique nécessaire pour soutenir le travail de l’homme salarié augmentait en même temps que ce dernier.

    Plus les ménages avaient accès à de nouveaux produits (tissus, sucre, viande, thé etc.), plus les femmes devaient travailler pour que les hommes puissent les consommer et en profiter. Pour les femmes mariées, conclut-elle, la « révolution industrieuse » n’a pas coïncidé avec une augmentation du travail salarié mais a pris une forme domestique, obscurcissant ainsi encore plus la contribution des femmes à la #croissance_économique et l’amélioration du niveau de vie.

    Rappelons, comme Humphries elle-même, la fragilité de ces premières estimations qui reposent sur des sources incomplètes et des hypothèses statistiques fortes.

    Toutefois, ce travail a le mérite de mettre à nouveau en lumière combien notre regard sur l’histoire économique est biaisé si nous ne réalisons pas que l’activité économique mesurée au cours du temps (par les statistiques de prix, salaires et production) ne pouvait s’accomplir que parce qu’elle était rendue possible par le travail domestique des femmes. Celui-ci était pourtant invisible dans les statistiques de population ou de production qui devinrent au XIXe siècle un nouveau pilier de la gestion des Etats modernes et de la compréhension de l’économie.

    https://www.alternatives-economiques.fr/eric-monnet/care-letude-travail-domestique-permet-de-reecrire-lhi/00112088
    #rémunération #invisibilisation #économie #économie_féministe #quantification #rémunération #salaire

    • Care Provision and the Boundaries of Production

      Whether or not they provide subjective satisfaction to providers, unpaid services and non-market transfers typically contribute positively to total output, living standards, and the social climate. This essay describes some quantitative dimensions of care provision and reviews their implications for the measurement of economic growth and the explanation of relative earnings, including the gender wage differential. It also calls attention to under-explored aspects of collective conflict over legal rules and public policies that shape the distribution of the net costs of care provision.

      https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.38.1.201

    • Lord, I had a fall
      I had a fall in 1955
      Lord, I had a fall, bad
      In 1955
      The police picked me up
      Handcuffed me
      Carried me to jail
      Locked me down
      They tried me for my life
      April the 6th, 1956
      They sent me to Angola
      Not to lie, not to lie
      They tried me for my life
      Tried to electrocute the poor boy
      You know, I told ’em
      You can’t electrocute me, no, no
      I said, “I got a man in here in this courthouse
      Holds all power in his hand”
      They asked me “What man that you’se talking about?”
      I was looking dead down at the Bible, you know
      I said “God above
      Got all the power over me and you”
      Yeah, you gonna send me to your pen
      I ain’t think about your electric chair at all
      Oh, you gonna send me to your pen
      And I ain’t gonna be there long
      Oh, yeah, you gonna send me to your pen
      Lord, I ain’t gonna be there long
      Mhmmm, Lord
      Didn’t know you got the poor boy your way
      But that’s all right, that’s all right
      One of these old days, one of these old days
      Lord, I’m gonna walk out this old lonesome pen
      You can treat me dirty here
      But God got His eyes on you
      Yeah, you can treat me dirty here
      But God got His eyes on you
      They gave me my sentence
      Not to lie
      I said “That’s alright, that’s alright
      I’ll take that as His call”
      But I won’t be here long
      They sent me April the 6th
      1956
      Fifty nine, fifty nine *

      I was at home with my kin
      (quietly) Yeah, Lord, buddy
      Well, that’s when
      I met poor Hattie Mae *
      In the east country that Spring
      Mhmmm

      Less sure about this line. Maybe “I’ll take death as it comes” or something else entirely
      *
      As in 1959, the year he was released to “servitude parole”
      * Robert’s wife

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kWS0d-UUMOo&t=32s


      #Robert_Pete_Williams #blues #chanson #musique #prison #emprisonnement

  • Robert Kurz et la fin de toute forme d’argent

    L’effondrement de la modernisation a été écrit après la chute du mur de Berlin et a alors été un succès de librairie.

    Voici les dernières lignes de ce livre :

    Il est aujourd’hui probablement possible de s’entendre avec beaucoup de personnes pour dire que la « raison sensible » est devenue aussi indispensable qu’un morceau de pain, et que c’est précisément la logique abstraite et autonomisée de la rentabilité qui détruit le monde. Mais le sujet de la marchandise devient frileux et récalcitrant dès qu’il se rend compte que cela signifierait en conséquence la fin de toute forme d’argent - et donc la possibilité d’en gagner-, c’est-à-dire celle du fameux rapport marchandise-argent, hors duquel il ne connaît ni ne veut connaître ou développer d’autres formes de relation sociale. La critique de l’argent est immédiatement identifiée à une « utopie » irréalisable, alors que dans les conditions données, c’est exactement le contraire. « Comment cela est-il censé fonctionner en pratique ? », cette question, si elle était posée sérieusement, pourrait certainement déboucher sur des résultats concrets, une réflexion sociale et un processus pratique. Mais elle s’en tient au niveau d’une rhétorique péjorative et défensive.

    Personne ne peut prétendre connaître la voie royale pour sortir de la misère ; personne n’a dans son chapeau un programme d’abolition de la marchandise moderne. Le problème est que nous n’avons jusqu’à présent même pas commencé à en discuter. « Comment cela est-il censé fonctionner en pratique ? » Cette contre-question plus que justifiée est toujours ré-enfermée dans la logique dominante de destruction. Les passagers du Titanic veulent rester sur le pont et l’orchestre doit continuer à jouer. Si nous avons affaire à la « fin de l’histoire », ce ne sera pas un happy end.

    Il ne sert plus à rien d’opposer le marché à l’Etat, et réciproquement. L’échec de l’Etat et l’échec du marché sont les mêmes, car la forme sociale de reproduction de la modernité a fondamentalement perdu sa capacité à fonctionner, et donc son pouvoir d’intégration. Alors que les composantes occidentales du système global de production de marchandises commencent à subir les conséquences de la crise aussi durement que le reste du monde, toute attitude fuyante venant de la théorie comme de la pratique devient insoutenable. Hic Rhodus, hic salta.

    #critique-de-la-valeur #post-monétaire

  • Virgilio Hernández E sur X :
    https://twitter.com/virgiliohernand/status/1776494978664997261

    Urgente: Está foto será la vergüenza mundial:
    El Embajador encargado de México #RobertoCanseco golpeado y en el piso, luego que policías y militares irrumpieron la Embajada mexicana para detener al ex vicepresidente @JorgeGlas, a quien México había concedido asilo político, precisamente, por ser víctima de persecución!

    En este momento se desconoce la ubicación del ex vicepresidente!

    Esto se vive en el Ecuador, se perdieron las formas democráticas y solo queda el autoritarismo, ciego y sin sentido, el odio los enloqueció!

    #loi_de_la_jungle
    #ordre_fondé_sur_des_règles
    #états-unis
    #leadership

  • What is the relationship between #Leadership and performance?
    https://redasadki.me/2024/03/01/what-is-the-relationship-between-leadership-and-performance

    In their article “What Have We Learned That Is Critical in Understanding #leadership Perceptions and #leader-performance_relations?”, #Robert_G._Lord and #Jessica_E._Dinh review research on leadership perceptions and performance, and provide research-based principles that can provide new directions for future leadership #Theory and research. What is leadership? Leadership is tricky to define. The authors state: “Leadership is an art that has significant impact on individuals, groups, organizations, and societies”. It is not just about one person telling everyone else what to do. Leadership happens in the connections between people – it is something that grows between a leader and followers, almost like a partnership. And it usually does not involve just one leader either. There can be (...)

    #Global_health #complex_thinking #human_brain

  • badinter était pour la peine de mort des Palestiniens Abdalouahad Bouchal -

    Quatre jours après sa disparition et les louanges médiatiques qui l’ont accompagnée, il est utile de rappeler que robert badinter ne fût pas « que » l’infatigable abolitionniste de la peine de mort. Comme le décline l’analyste Abdalouahad Bouchal qui - à rebours des médias français - n’a pas la mémoire courte... en plein génocide perpétré contre les Palestiniens par l’État colonial d’israël, co-financé par la France et les États-Unis (I’A).


    
On peut s’être battu pour l’abolition de la peine de mort, en France, et être favorable à la mise à mort de tout un peuple, en Palestine. C’est ce que n’a cessé de nous démontrer robert #badinter en venant, sans discontinuer, au secours d’israël.

    Un soutien à un régime d’apartheid au demeurant moins étonnant que les arguments de cet éminent avocat s’articulant en faveur de Tel-Aviv, de façon aussi odieuse que stupide.

    Tout d’abord, fin décembre 2019, devant la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), badinter s’est évertué à défendre l’État d’israël pointé par une « enquête sur les éventuels crimes de guerre commis depuis juin 2014 en israël-Palestine ».

    A l’époque, selon badinter, israël et ses dirigeants ne pouvaient être traduits devant la CPI au prétexte que la partie requérante ne serait pas… un pays. A savoir, la Palestine. Or, bien que l’État de Palestine ne dispose que d’un statut d’observateur à l’assemblée des Nations-Unies, l’État palestinien est reconnu comme un État à part entière par les autres États signataires du statut de Rome et membres de la CPI.

    En effet, de 1988 à 2015, la Palestine a été reconnue par 138 États dont deux membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité (Russie et Chine). On pouvait donc, en 2019, être pour le moins perplexe à l’écoute des « arguments » de l’ancien garde des sceaux.

    Quels étaient les arguments de ce technicien du droit sur la recevabilité de la requête déposée jadis par l’Autorité palestinienne de Ramallah ? En voici le résumé, in extenso, dans un billet du chirurgien français Christophe Oberlin ( https://blogs.mediapart.fr/christophe-oberlin/blog/200220/cour-penale-internationale-face-aux-palestiniens-badinter-defend-net ) :

    « La Cour Pénale Internationale n’a pas juridiction sur les crimes prétendus avoir été commis en Cisjordanie, incluant Jérusalem Est et la bande de Gaza. Le terme « État » selon l’article 12(2) (a) du Statut de la Cour signifie que l’État est souverain, or la Palestine ne l’est pas. La Palestine n’est pas un « État » au regard de l’article 12 (2) (a) du Statut par sa simple adhésion au Statut de Rome. Ce n’est pas à la CPI de déterminer si la Palestine est un État souverain selon le droit international, ou si l’enquête en question s’applique « sur le territoire de » la Palestine alors que les parties sont engagées à trouver une solution négociée sur le statut d’état et les frontières. La Palestine ne remplit pas les critères d’un État selon le droit international. Et la seule façon d’enquêter sur des crimes commis dans ce cadre est constituée par la saisine de la CPI par le Conseil de sécurité. Les accords d’Oslo s’imposent à la juridiction de la Cour. » 

    Pour les sceptiques, Oberlin enfonce le clou : « Le résumé de l’argumentaire de robert badinter, présenté en tête de son texte, est identique mot pour mot aux déclarations récentes du Premier ministre israélien #benjamin_netanyahou. Et la suite du document ne fait qu’insister à la fois sur l’illégalité des plaintes palestiniennes, et de la Cour Pénale Internationale à les prendre en compte. Le professeur badinter commet ainsi de remarquables erreurs de droit et d’éthique. »

    Bref, en 2020, robert badinter conduisait une armée de tabellions rémunérés par le gouvernement de l’époque de #benjamin_netanyahu, futur génocidaire en 2023-2024. Il y a 4 ans, israël a finalement été débouté par la présidente ougandaise de la CPI et l’affaire a fait « pschiiiiit ! »

    La France, patrie des lumières blafardes et des droits de l’homme blanc, brille quelques fois d’un bien mauvais éclat. Qu’à cela ne tienne, les lumières, même les plus amoindries, attireront toujours les insectes…

    Protéger certains collabos français 
Plus loin dans le temps, on peut aussi rappeler qu’en 1975, robert badinter s’était violemment opposé à la fameuse Résolution 242 des Nations-Unies https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/fd/unresolutions_/unresolutions_fr.pdf . Celle-ci ordonnait, en son article premier :
    1) le « Retrait des forces armées israéliennes des territoires occupés » ;
    2) la « Cessation de toutes assertions de belligérance ou de tous états de belligérance et respect et reconnaissance de la souveraineté, de l’intégrité territoriale et de l’indépendance politique de chaque État de la région et leur droit de vivre en paix à l’intérieur de frontières sûres et reconnues ».

    Aux plus distraits, cette opposition résolue de badinter indique que ce n’est pas d’hier que « Bob » s’est positionné en ennemi de la cause palestinienne.

    Ensuite, pour les cacahuètes du pousse-café, on rajoutera que l’avocat et ex-ministre de la Justice avait vertement engueulé les français juifs venus huer le président François mitterrand lors d’une cérémonie de commémoration du Vélodrome d’Hiver https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AkebDVjaPjk&t=5s&ab_channel=C%C3%A0vous

    (1992). La cause de cette hostilité citoyenne ? Le refus persistant du monarque mitterrand à reconnaître la responsabilité de la France dans la période de Vichy (1940-1944).

    Voilà donc un bien curieux personnage que ce badinter. S’il s’est incontestablement investi dans l’abolition de la peine de mort, en France et à travers le monde, il a aussi, par fidélité (ou intérêt ?), su se mettre en colère pour protéger « le père François » ; collaborateur du régime de Vichy dans la France occupée de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

    Par ailleurs, le premier des abolitionnistes français protégera encore#rené bousquet https://fresques.ina.fr/mitterrand/fiche-media/Mitter00296/les-relations-de-francois-mitterrand-et-rene-bousquet.html, antisémite et collabo de l’occupant nazi et… « ami » proche de mitterrand. Cela, jusqu’à ce que – le 8 Juin 1993 – un illuminé vienne tirer 5 balles dans le buffet de l’ex-directeur général de la police de Vichy ET superviseur de « la rafle du Vel d’Hiv’ » [Vélodrome d’Hiver]. Le bilan du haut fonctionnaire bousquet d’avril 1942 à décembre 1943 ? Plus de 60.000 juifs arrêtés par ou avec le concours de la police française pour être déportés vers le camp d’extermination d’Auschwitz…

    L’assassinat de bousquet évitera à mitterrand et son clan « socialiste », la tenue d’un Procès bousquet qui aurait été – comme chacun le sait – très encombrant.

    Enfin, dans la famille badinter, on n’est pas à une contradiction près.

    La veuve de Robert, par exemple, qui, en bonne FÉMINISTE, porte toujours le patronyme de feu son époux, élisabeth_badinter, a été et demeure une pasionaria du féminisme islamophobe. Sans que cela interroge ou énerve quiconque durant sa carrière de présidente au sein du groupe Publicis, dont l’un des très gros clients n’était autre que l’Arabie Saoudite ; pays longtemps soutien inconditionnel de l’État d’israël.



    Abdalaouhad Bouchal

    Source : https://investigaction.net/badinter-etait-pour-la-peine-de-mort-des-palestiniens

    #Palestine #vichy #israël #collaboration #france #elisabeth_badinter #laïcité #islamophobie #badinter #politique #justice #Auschwitz #robert_badinter

    • Des rappels qu’il semble effectivement important de rappeler, sans minimiser le rôle de la personne qui a incarné (en France, donc) l’abolition de la peine de mort, un sujet qui reste malheureusement toujours autant d’actualité. Notamment, en Israël.

      Juste une remarque quelque peu décentrée par rapport au contenu essentiel de ce texte : à propos d’Élisabeth Badinter (on pourra s’étonner que certains patronymes soient privés de majuscules), une féministe,certes, old school , à qui l’on reproche d’avoir conservé le nom de son époux.

      Pour les femmes de cette génération, de toute façon, elles n’avaient pas le choix : c’était soit le nom du mari, soit le nom du père. Pour certaines femmes, choisir le nom du père était une manière de s’affranchir de l’emprise du mari. Et inversement. Dans tous les cas, tant qu’il n’a pas été possible de choisir le nom de la mère ou d’inventer ex nihilo son propre patronyme, il s’agit d’un non-choix, puisque cette expression de la filiation reste la marque symbolique forte du patriarcat.

    • @biggrizzly Alors, s’il n’est pas nécessaire de discuter la question biaisée de la filiation patronymique, on se demande bien ce que vient faire l’évocation de cette personne dans un texte qui concerne son époux, si ce n’est de rattacher, dans leurs identités respectives, l’une à l’autre, respectant ainsi le schéma patriarcal. Le caractère islamophobe et réactionnaire des positionnements politiques d’Élisabeth Badinter ne justifie pas ce type de raccourcis et d’amalgame.

      @mfmb tout à fait d’accord, c’est la raison pour laquelle il me semble que la seule façon de sortir vraiment du truc est la création d’un patronyme.

    • Probablement d’accord, mais alors si l’on critique les positions politiques d’Élisabeth Badinter on le traite dans un sujet qui concerne la personne elle-même ; pas en tant que pièce rapportée d’un texte qui concerne son mari.

  • Opinion | Who Was the Real ‘Shaved Woman of Chartres’ ? - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/25/opinion/simone-touseau-france-occupation.html

    Est-ce que la fiction peut tordre l’histoire quand elle s’appuie sur des faits réels ?

    The photograph, “The Shaved Woman of Chartres,” with the young Ms. Touseau at its center, was understood for a long time as a document of the brutal purges that took place during the liberation of France at the end of World War II. Extrajudicial punishments were carried out all over the country, including shaving the heads of women suspected of sleeping with the enemy.

    The truth was more complex. Historians were slow to take an interest in the wartime collaboration and resistance of women, but in the early 2000s, a groundbreaking work by Fabrice Virgili described how many women who were shaved in the purges were being punished not for their intimate relationships with Germans but for denunciations or working for the Germans.

    Eventually we got a clearer picture of Ms. Touseau, too. In 2011 two historians, Gérard Leray and Philippe Frétigné, established that she was a Nazi sympathizer before the war started. She scribbled swastikas in the pages of notebooks she kept as early as the mid-1930s, admired National Socialism and claimed that France “needs someone like Hitler.” Fluent in German, she worked as a translator for the occupying forces and became a member of the nationalist Parti Populaire Français. She was accused of denouncing four neighbors who were deported to the Mauthausen concentration camp, two of whom never returned. The crime, which would have been punishable by death, was not proved, but Mr. Leray told me that he is adamant that she played at least some part in it.

    This August a new, fictionalized portrait of Ms. Touseau was published in France, in the shape of a novel, “Vous Ne Connaissez Rien de Moi” (“You Know Nothing About Me”), by Julie Héraclès, which renders Ms. Touseau, renamed Grivise, as a woman scorned.

    In the novel Simone falls in love with Pierre, who is young and handsome and from a bourgeois family. He sexually assaults Simone, and when she falls pregnant, he abandons her to join the Resistance, leaving her to have an illegal abortion on her own.

    Simone’s desire for revenge drives her to start working as a translator for the Nazis. She begins a relationship with a German officer, Otto, then falls in love with him. After he is injured on the Eastern Front, she joins the Parti Populaire Français to get a transfer to Germany to be with him, with little consideration for the political implications.

    The Simone of the novel has a Jewish friend, lies to the Gestapo to help a member of the Resistance, is “revulsed” by the practice of reporting neighbors and gives food to a little Jewish girl — all “highly implausible facts,” Mr. Leray told me.

    It makes for gripping reading, and the novel was on numerous award lists and won the Stanislas Prize for best first novel. Critics praised it as impressive and audacious, and readers shared their enthusiasm for it — “a beautiful love story,” a “real immersion in Simone’s life,” a story “that shows us that people are never angels or demons but a tangle of good and bad,” several wrote in online reviews.

    But the book has also been the subject of criticism on the question of what fiction can allow itself when it comes to this part of history.

    Ms. Héraclès told me in a phone interview that she was surprised by the debate. Her agenda was not to redeem Ms. Touseau, she said, but “to explore the human condition” by trying to imagine “how a young woman can commit criminal acts.”

    The novel has an epigraph: “I’ve never seen a saint or a bastard. Nothing is all black and white; it’s the gray that wins. Men and their souls, it’s all the same.” But relegating Ms. Touseau to the role of a sentimental being buffeted by history does not enrich our understanding of her. It strips her of agency and impoverishes our sense of history at the same time.

    The shaved woman of Chartres was a driven, ideological woman whom painstaking historical scholarship had liberated from our simplistic understanding of her. At any given time, people are a tangle of good and bad, and it is the prerogative of fiction to mold bare facts for artistic ends. But now fiction has put her back in the limited, familiar role of sacrificial mother that she inhabited in Capa’s photo and the world’s imagination.

    Perhaps we prefer her there, rather than contemplating her and others’ complicity in evil.

    #Fiction #Ecriture #Chartre #Robert_Capa #Collaboration

  • Vichy, Pétain et les juifs : l’historien Robert O. Paxton répond aux polémiques, dans un rare entretien au « Monde »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/video/2021/12/02/vichy-et-les-juifs-l-historien-robert-o-paxton-repond-a-eric-zemmour-dans-un

    VIDÉO Eric #Zemmour [qui se dit gaulliste, ndc] répète depuis 2014 que le régime de Vichy aurait « protégé les #juifs_français et donné les #juifs_étrangers » [#préférence_nationale que c’est l’adn de la France, ndc]. Cible du polémiste, l’historien américain Robert O. Paxton répond, dans une interview vidéo accordée au « Monde » depuis New York. Par Karim El Hadj, Charles-Henry Groult, Elisa Bellanger et Isabel Bonnet, 02 décembre 2021

    Depuis plusieurs années, Eric Zemmour répète dans ses livres et sur les plateaux de télévision son point de vue sur le rôle du #régime_de_Vichy dans le génocide des juifs. Dans son essai Le Suicide français, il dénonçait la « thèse » d’une « malfaisance absolue du régime de Vichy » (page 88) [qui a aussi organisé des camps de vacances, et crée la police nationale]. « Vichy a protégé les juifs français et donné les juifs étrangers », insistait-il sur #Europe_1 le 26 septembre 2021, niant toutefois vouloir « réhabiliter #Pétain »-.

    Qu’en disent les historiens de la seconde guerre mondiale ? Le plus célèbre d’entre eux, l’Américain Robert O. Paxton, a publié en 1973 _La France de Vichy, dont les conclusions ont profondément renouvelé le regard sur la responsabilité de ce régime dans les #persécutions et les #déportations de juifs, français et étrangers. Un travail construit grâce à des #archives françaises et allemandes alors inédites, affiné depuis et complété par d’autres historiens.
    Régulièrement ciblé par Eric Zemmour comme chantre d’une « doxa » anti-Vichy, Robert O. Paxton ne donne plus que de rares interviews. Il a accepté de répondre aux questions du Monde, depuis New York.
    Quelques livres pour en savoir plus :
    La France à l’heure allemande (1940-1944), de Philippe Burrin (Seuil)
    La survie des Juifs en France 1940-1944, de Jacques Semelin et Serge Klarsfeld (CNRS Editions)
    L’Etat contre les juifs, de Laurent Joly (Grasset)

    #Robert_Paxton #lois_d'aryanisation #statut_des_juifs #déchéance_de_nationalité #rafles #étoile_jaune #antisémitisme #histoire

  • Migranti, dalla Lombardia al Veneto all’Emilia la rivolta dei sindaci del Nord. Zaia : “Rischiamo di avere le tendopoli”

    Aumentano i minori affidati ai Comuni, i primi cittadini sindaci leghisti guidano il fronte degli amministratori che accusano Roma: «Così mettono in ginocchio i bilanci»

    Mentre il governo si prepara per l’approvazione di un provvedimento sul modello dei decreti sicurezza voluti nel 2018 da Matteo Salvini, il tema immigrazione diventa materia di scontro, non solo tra maggioranza e opposizione e tra alleati di governo, ma anche tra Roma e il Nord. Con il fronte dei sindaci - leghisti in testa - che si sente abbandonato. A partire dalla Lombardia dove, mettendo in fila i dati, al 31 luglio 2023 si registrano 16.232 migranti: 2.156 in più rispetto al mese precedente e 5.481 in più rispetto al 31 luglio 2022. Secondo il piano di redistribuzione del Viminale, entro il 15 settembre la quota arriverà a 6.000. La fetta più grande, insomma, per cercare di ripartire gli oltre 50 mila richiedenti asilo. «I comuni sono diventati i centri di costo dell’immigrazione. La politica si ricorda di noi solo quando ci sono le elezioni e ha bisogno di voti. Poi, ci lascia le grane da risolvere». Roberto Di Stefano, sindaco leghista di Sesto San Giovanni, alle porte di Milano, parla di una situazione che «mette in ginocchio i bilanci: siamo costretti a distrarre fondi che potremmo spendere per gli anziani, per i disabili, per occuparci dell’accoglienza agli stranieri». A destare maggiore preoccupazione, spiega ancora Di Stefano, sono minori non accompagnati che vengono assegnati ai comuni direttamente dal Tribunale. «Ho l’impressione che il ruolo dei sindaci non sia capito. Non basta il rimpatrio di qualche centinaio di persone, perché gli arrivi sono molti di più. E il lavoro va fatto a monte: investendo in democrazia nei Paesi da cui queste persone scappano».

    Nella provincia di Brescia, l’insoddisfazione è la medesima: il sindaco di Edolo, Luca Masneri (civico), dalla Valle Camonica ricorda di aver chiesto alla Prefettura «di iniziare a pensare a una exit strategy. Negli anni passati abbiamo avuto anche 200 migranti su una popolazione di 4.400 persone. Ora siamo a 70 e vogliamo arrivare a 40». Marco Togni, primo cittadino leghista di Montichiari (Brescia), non si pone proprio il problema: «Immigrati non ne voglio. Non ho posti in cui accoglierli e quindi non me ne preoccupo. Non posso impedire che strutture private nel mio comune partecipino ai bandi della Prefettura per l’accoglienza ma quando chiedono il mio parere dico sempre che sarebbe meglio non farlo». E in mancanza di strutture in cui ospitarli, Togni ribadisce la sua «indisponibilità a qualsiasi conversione di strutture di proprietà comunale». Anche Sebastian Nicoli, sindaco Pd di Romano di Lombardia, nella bergamasca, ha contestato l’arrivo di una trentina di richiedenti asilo nell’ex hotel La Rocca, struttura privata gestita da una cooperativa: «Ancora una volta affrontiamo un’emergenza calata dall’alto. La Prefettura mi ha avvisato solo informalmente dell’arrivo dei richiedenti asilo. Non mi è stato neanche comunicato il numero esatto».

    In terra lombarda il tema degli alloggi è stato anche materia di scontro tra alleati in giunta regionale: l’assessore alla Casa Paolo Franco (in quota Fdi) era stato costretto a un dietrofront sulla proposta di utilizzare le case popolari non occupate (e pronte all’uso) per allargare la rete dei Cas (Centri di accoglienza straordinaria) come richiesto dal governo. Immediate le proteste da parte della Lega con tanto di precisazione del governatore Attilio Fontana.

    Seconda solo alla Lombardia, l’Emilia-Romagna ha ospitato nei primi sette mesi di quest’anno il 9% dei migranti sbarcati in Italia. Poco meno di 12 mila al 15 luglio, se ne attendono altri 4.000 tra la fine di agosto e settembre. Principalmente maschi, giovani e adulti, provenienti da Costa D’Avorio, Guinea, Egitto, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Tunisia, Burkina Faso, Siria, Camerun e Mali. I minori non accompagnati sono il 10%, ma rilevante è anche la quota dei nuclei familiari, che il sistema d’accoglienza prevede di tenere uniti. Da mesi, la crisi degli alloggi viene denunciata da prefetti, sindaci, cooperative di settore che reclamano più sostegno da parte di Roma ma anche collaborazione nella ricerca di soluzioni rapide. L’hub di via Mattei a Bologna, per esempio, accoglie da settimane i richiedenti asilo in una tendopoli, non essendoci più camere disponibili. Una soluzione che il sindaco Matteo Lepore (centrosinistra) definisce «non dignitosa» e «preoccupante» , segno che al ministero dell’Interno «non c’è alcuna idea su come gestire l’emergenza». Proprio al Viminale, l’assessore al Welfare del comune di Reggio-Emilia Daniele Marchi (Pd), ha minacciato di portare i molti rifugiati assegnati al suo distretto: «Se il governo va avanti così, carico dei pullman e li porto tutti a dormire al ministero».

    Il Veneto, che dai piani del Viminale dovrebbe accogliere 3.000 migranti entro settembre, arriverà a quota 200 mila, secondo il presidente Luca Zaia: «Di questo passo avremo presto le tendopoli». A Legnago, in provincia di Verona, il sindaco Graziano Lorenzetti ha riposto la fascia tricolore in protesta: «Tornerò a utilizzarla quando lo Stato metterà i sindaci e le forze dell’ordine nelle condizione di poter garantire la sicurezza ai propri cittadini». Il sindaco leghista di Chioggia Mauro Armelao è stato chiaro: «Non disponiamo di strutture pubbliche in cui accogliere i migranti, abbiamo già famiglie in attesa di un alloggio».

    https://www.lastampa.it/cronaca/2023/08/18/news/migranti_sindaci_del_nord_in_rivolta-13000355

    #résistance #maires #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Italie #accueil #Lega #Lombardie #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés #Luca_Masneri #Edolo #Roberto_Di_Stefano #Sesto_San_Giovanni #Valle_Camonica #Montichiari #Marco_Togni #Sebastian_Nicoli #Romano_di_Lombardia #Matteo_Lepore #Bologna #hébergement #Reggio-Emilia #Daniele_Marchi #Legnago #Graziano_Lorenzetti #Chioggia #Mauro_Armelao

    C’était 2019... j’avais fait cette #carte publiée sur @visionscarto des "maires qui résistent en Italie". 2023, on en est au même point :
    En Italie, des maires s’opposent à la politique de fermeture des États

    « Quand l’État faillit à ses responsabilités, l’alternative peut-elle provenir des municipalités ? » se demandait Filippo Furri dans le numéro 81 de la revue Vacarme en automne 2017. La réponse est oui. Et pour illustrer son propos, Furri cite en exemple le mouvement des villes-refuge, avec des précurseurs comme Venise. Un mouvement qui se diffuse et se structure.


    https://visionscarto.net/italie-resistances-municipales

  • “L’Italie est un pays effrayant” : Saviano terrorise la télévision publique
    https://actualitte.com/article/112846/droit-justice/l-italie-est-un-pays-effrayant-saviano-terrorise-la-television-publique

    La direction de la #télévision publique italienne (RAI) a annulé le programme du journaliste et auteur du best-seller Gomorra, « Insider, faccia a faccia con il crimine » (Insider. Face à face avec le crime). Quatre épisodes avaient déjà été enregistrés, avec une diffusion prévue pour novembre. Un choix qui ressemble fort à de la #censure_politique et une atteinte claire à la liberté d’expression.

    #Roberto_Saviano #Italie #néo_fascisme

    • #Roberto_Mozzachiodi, UK

      SOLIDARITY WITH ROBERTO MOZZACHIODI

      After years of unparalleled academic and political work at Goldsmiths, our colleague, friend, teacher, caseworker, union branch co-Secretary #Roberto_Mozzachiodi has been put through an unfair employment process, and as a result no longer holds a substantive teaching position at the College. Roberto’s case reflects the working conditions of hundreds of staff at Goldsmiths, and thousands of staff employed on precarious, fixed-term, temporary contracts across British Higher Education. It also reflects the risks that come with openly committing to collective, ground-up solidarity that challenges the principles of how university work is organised, and reimagines union work accordingly.

      Roberto has been a leading figure in the fight against casualisation at Goldsmiths, and has been at the heart of campaigns that have radically transformed our place of work and study. He was core in the Goldsmiths #Justice_for_Cleaners and Goldsmiths #Justice_for_Workers movements that brought cleaning and security staff in-house, and core in the fight to extend basic rights to casualised workers at Goldsmiths at the height of the pandemic. He has supported countless staff and students through the grinding labour of union casework, and has worked tirelessly on strengthening and transforming the Goldsmiths branch of UCU through a radical commitment to anti-casualisation, anti-racism, and anti-factionalism, often fighting and organising for the rights of others in far more secure positions.

      Roberto’s specific case mirrors that of thousands across the country employed on temporary, fixed-term, and casualised contracts. Roberto was denied his redundancy-related employment rights when his contract came to an end. This involved, amongst other things, not being consulted on suitable alternative employment, including a permanent position very similar to the role he had been performing on a fixed-term basis over three terms. This amounts to a denial of casualised workers’ employment rights, and is something that is commonplace at Goldsmiths, and across the sector.

      As signatories of this letter, we call on Goldsmiths to act on the unjust treatment of Roberto. We also urge all at Goldsmiths and beyond to actively resist and challenge the endemic nature of precarious work in university life - at all times and at all scales, as Roberto has always done.

      Signed,

      Alice Elliot, Lecturer, Goldsmiths University of London
      Victoria Chwa, President, Goldsmiths Students’ Union
      Alicia Suriel Melchor, Operations Assistant, Forensic Architecture / Goldsmiths.
      Vicky Blake, UCU NEC, former president & Uni of Leeds UCU officer, former Chair of UCU Anti-Casualisation Committee
      Cecilia Wee, Associate Lecturer, Royal College of Art & co-Chair/co-Equalities RCA UCU branch
      Joe Newman, Lecturer, Goldsmiths, University of London
      James Eastwood, Co-Chair, Queen Mary UCU
      S Joss, HW UCU Branch President
      Rehana Zaman, Lecturer Art Department, Goldsmiths University of London
      Marina Baldissera Pacchetti, anti-cas officer, Leeds UCU
      Sam Morecroft, USIC UCU Branch President and UCU Anti Casualisation Committee
      Kyran Joughin, Anti-Casualisation Officer, UCU London Region Executive Committee, UCU NEC Member, former Branch Secretary, UCU-UAL
      Rhian Elinor Keyse, Postdoctoral Research Fellow; Birkbeck UCU Branch Secretary; UCU Anti-Casualisation Committee; UCU NEC
      Joanne Tatham, Reader, Royal College of Art and RCA UCU branch committee member, London
      Bianca Griffani, PhD candidate, Goldsmiths University of London, London
      Paola Debellis, PhD student, Goldsmiths, University of London.
      Ashok Kumar, Senior Lecturer, Birkbeck, University of London
      Chrys Papaioannou, Birkbeck UCU
      Fergal Hanna, PhD Student, University of Cambridge, UCU Anti-Casualisation Committee and Cambridge UCU Executive Committee member
      Robert Deakin, Research Assistant, Goldsmiths, University of London
      Grace Tillyard, ESRC postdoctoral fellow, MCCS Goldsmiths
      Yari Lanci, Associate Lecturer, Goldsmiths University of London.
      Caleb Day, Postgraduate researcher, Foundation tutor and UCU Anti-Casualisation Officer, Durham University
      Rachel Wilson, PhD Candidate, Goldsmiths University of London
      Sean Wallis, Branch President, UCL UCU, and NEC member
      Yaiza Hernández Velázquez, Lecturer, Visual Cultures, Goldsmiths.
      Akanksha Mehta, Lecturer, Goldsmiths, University of London
      Cathy Nugent, PhD Candidate, Goldsmiths, University of London
      Janna Graham, Lecturer Visual Cultures, Goldsmiths
      Isobel Harbison, Art Department, Goldsmiths
      Susan Kelly, Art Department, Goldsmiths
      Jessa Mockridge, Library, Goldsmiths
      Vincent Møystad, Associate Lecturer, MCCS, Goldsmiths
      Dhanveer Singh Brar, Lecturer, School of History, University of Leeds
      James Burton, Senior Lecturer, MCCS, Goldsmiths
      Louis Moreno, Lecturer, Goldsmiths
      Jennifer Warren, Visiting Lecturer, Goldsmiths MCCS
      Anthony Faramelli, Lecturer, Visual Cultures, Goldsmiths, University of London
      Billy Godfrey, Doctoral Researcher, Loughborough University; GTA, University of Manchester
      Fabiana Palladino, Associate Lecturer, Goldsmiths, University of London
      Morgan Rhys Powell, Doctoral Researcher and GTA; University of Manchester
      Tom Cowin, Anti-Casualisation Officer, Sussex UCU
      Conrad Moriarty-Cole, Lecturer, University of Brighton, and former PhD student at Goldsmiths College
      Marina Vishmidt, MCCS Lecturer, Goldsmiths University of London
      George Briley, Universities of London Branch Secretary, IWGB
      Callum Cant, Postdoctoral Researcher, Oxford Internet Institute
      Daniel C. Blight, Lecturer, University of Brighton
      Marion Lieutaud, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, LSE UCU anti-casualisation co-officer, London School of Economics
      Lukas Slothuus, LSE Fellow, LSE UCU anti-casualisation co-officer, London School of Economics
      Matthew Lee, UCL Unison Steward & IWGB Universities of London Representative
      Jamie Woodcock, University of Essex
      Dylan Carver, Anti-Casualisation Officer, University of Oxford
      Annie Goh, Lecturer, LCC UAL
      George Mather, PGR Anti-Casualisation Officer, University of Oxford
      Zara Dinnen, Branch co-chair QMUCU
      Henry Chango Lopez - IWGB Union, General Secretary
      Rhiannon Lockley - Branch Chair Birmingham City University UCU; UCU NEC
      Sol Gamsu, Branch President, Durham University UCU
      Ben Ralph, Branch President, University of Bath UCU
      Myka Tucker-Abramson, University of Warwick UCU
      Lisa Tilley, SOAS UCU
      James Brackley, Lecturer in Accounting, University of Sheffield
      Alex Fairfax-Cholmeley, Communications Officer, Uni of Exeter UCU
      Ioana Cerasella Chis, University of Birmingham (incoming branch officer)
      Muireann Crowley, University of Edinburgh, UCU Edinburgh
      Jonny Jones, associate lecturer, UCL
      Danai Avgeri, University of Cambridge, postdoctoral fellow
      Stefano Cremonesi, Durham University UCU
      Jordan Osserman, Lecturer, Essex UCU Member Secretary
      Danny Millum, Librarian, Sussex UCU Exec Member
      Sanaz Raji, ISRF Fellow, Northumbria University, Founder & Caseworker, Unis Resist Border Controls (URBC)
      Alex Brent, GMB South London Universities Branch Secretary
      Gareth Spencer, PCS Culture Group President
      Floyd Codlin, Environmental & Ethics Officer, Birkbeck
      Clare Qualmann, Associate Professor, University of East London and UCU branch treasurer, UEL
      Kevin Biderman, Brighton UCU anti-casualisation officer
      David Morris, CSM / University of the Arts London UCU
      Ryan Burns, Brighton UCU Secretary
      Julie canavan Brighton UCU
      Charlotte Terrell, Postdoc, Oxford UCU
      Clara Paillard, Unite the Union, former President of PCS Union Culture Group
      Jasmine Lota, PCS British Museum United Branch Secretary
      Joe Hayns, RHUL.
      Adam Barr, Birkbeck Unison
      Dario Carugo, Associate Professor, University of Oxford
      Jacob Gracie, KCL Fair Pay for GTAs
      Rahul Patel, UCU London Region Executive and Joint Sec University of the Arts London UCU
      Billy Woods, Essex UCU
      Lucy Mercer, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Exeter
      Goldsmiths Anti-Racist Action (GARA)
      Saumya Ranjan Nath, University of Sussex
      Islam al Khatib, 22/23 Welfare and Liberation Officer, Goldsmiths SU
      Mijke van der Drift, Tutor, Royal College of Art
      Marini Thorne, PHD student and teaching assistant, Columbia University and member of Student Workers of Columbia
      Genevieve Smart, PhD student, Birkbeck
      Francesco Pontarelli, Postdoctoral fellow, University of Johannesburg
      Gloria Lawton, Outreach Homeless Worker, HARP and undergraduate Birkbeck University.
      Grant Buttars, UCU Scotland Vice President
      Goldsmiths Community Solidarity
      Nicola Pratt, Professor, University of Warwick
      Robert Stearn, Postdoctoral Research Associate, Birkbeck, University of London
      Jake Arnfield, UVW Union
      Jarrah O’Neill, Cambridge UCU
      Owen Miller, Lecturer, SOAS
      Marissa Begonia, Director, The Voice of Domestic Workers
      Neda Genova, Research Fellow, University of Warwick
      Joey Whitfield, Cardiff University UCU
      Leila Mimmack, Equity Young Members Councillor
      Ross Gibson, University of Strathclyde
      Phill Wilson-Perkin, co-chair Bectu Art Technicians, London
      Isabelle Tarran, Campaigns and Activities Officer, Goldsmiths Students Union
      Leila Prasad, lecturer, Goldsmiths
      Malcolm James, University of Sussex
      Natalia Cecire, University of Sussex
      Daniel Molto, University of Sussex
      Emma Harrison, University of Sussex
      Margherita Huntley, University of the Arts London (Camberwell UCU)
      Gavin Schwartz-Leeper, Warwick University UCU Co-Chair
      Mary Wrenn, University of the West of England
      Aska Welford (United Voices of the World)
      855 Unterschriften:Nächstes Ziel: 1.000

      https://www.change.org/p/solidarity-with-roberto-mozzachiodi?recruiter=false

      #petition #UK #Goldsmiths #precarity #union_work #British_Higher_Education #fixed_term #UCU

    • #Maria_Toft, Denmark

      In #Denmark #scientists are rolling out a nationwide #petition for a commission to investigate #research_freedom

      –> https://seenthis.net/messages/1009865

      PhD student at the Department of Political Science #Maria_Toft, in addition to the mentioned petition, also started a campaign under the hashtag #pleasedontstealmywork to stop the theft of research.

      –> https://seenthis.net/messages/1009866

      The national conversation about exploitation with #pleasedontstealmywork campaign was at the cost of #Maria_Tofts Copenhagen fellowship.

      –> https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/campaigning-doctoral-candidate-resigns-hostile-environment (access if registered)

      This article assesses the #working_conditions of #precariat_researchers in #Denmark.

      –> https://seenthis.net/messages/1009867

      Twitter link: https://twitter.com/GirrKatja/status/1640636016330432512

    • #Heike_Egner, Austria

      Unterstütze #Heike_Egner für Grundrechte von Profs

      https://youtu.be/6w-deHpsmr4

      Ich sammle Spenden für eine juristische Klärung, die zwar meine Person betrifft, jedoch weitreichende Bedeutung für Professorinnen und Professoren im deutschsprachigen Wissenschaftsbereich hat. Die Entlassung einer Professorin oder eines Professors aus einer (unbefristeten) Professur galt bis vor kurzem noch als undenkbar. Mittlerweile ist das nicht nur möglich, sondern nimmt rasant zu.

      Der Sachverhalt: Ich wurde 2018 als Universitätsprofessorin fristlos entlassen. Für mich kam das aus heiterem Himmel, da es keinerlei Vorwarnung gab. Erst vor Gericht habe ich die Gründe dafür erfahren. Der Vorwurf lautet, ich hätte Mobbing und psychische Gewalt gegen wissenschaftliche Nachwuchskräfte und andere Mitarbeiter ausgeübt. Vor Gericht zeigte sich, dass die Vorwürfe durchwegs auf von mir vorgenommene Leistungsbewertungen basieren, die von den Betreffenden als ungerecht empfunden wurden. Die Bewertung von Leistungen von Studierenden und Nachwuchswissenschaftlern gehört zu den Dienstaufgaben einer Universitätsprofessorin, ebenso wie die Evaluierung von Leistungen der Mitarbeiter jenseits der Qualifikationserfordernisse zu den Dienstaufgaben einer Institutsvorständin an einer Universität gehört.

      Mittlerweile liegt der Fall beim Obersten Gerichtshof in Österreich. Ich habe eine „außerordentliche Revision“ eingereicht, da ich der Meinung bin, dass die Art meiner Entlassung von grundlegender Bedeutung für die Arbeitsbedingungen von Professoren an Universitäten ist. Unter anderem ist folgendes zu klären:

      Darf eine Universitätsprofessorin oder ein Universitätsprofessor aufgrund von anonym vorgetragenen Vorwürfen entlassen werden?
      Darf eine Universitätsprofessorin oder ein Universitätsprofessor aufgrund von ihr oder ihm durchgeführten negativen Leistungsbewertungen entlassen werden?

      Sollte die Berufungsentscheidung rechtskräftig bleiben, ist damit legitimiert, dass eine Professorin oder ein Professor aufgrund von freihändig formulierten und anonym vorgetragenen Behauptungen jederzeit entlassen werden kann. Dies entspricht einer willkürlichen Entlassung und öffnet Missbrauch Tür und Tor, da es Universitäten ermöglicht, sich jederzeit ihrer Professoren zu entledigen. Eine Universität ist aufgrund ihrer Struktur und ihres Auftrags eine grundsätzlich spannungsgeladene Organisation; hier lassen sich jederzeit unzufriedene Studenten, Nachwuchskräfte oder Mitarbeiter finden, die eine Beschwerde äußern. Die Möglichkeit willkürlicher Entlassung steht nicht nur in Konflikt mit den Formulierungen und der Zielsetzung des Arbeitnehmerschutzes, sondern auch mit der in der Verfassung verankerten Freiheit von Wissenschaft, Forschung und Lehre.

      Wofür bitte ich um Unterstützung?
      Es ist ein ungleicher Kampf, da die Universität Steuergelder in unbegrenzter Höhe zur Verfügung hat und ich – ohne Rechtsschutzversicherung – das volle Risiko des Rechtsstreits persönlich trage. Die bisherigen Kosten des Verfahrens belaufen sich auf etwa 120.000 € (eigene Anwaltskosten und Anwaltskosten der Gegenseite). Damit sind meine Ersparnisse weitgehend aufgebraucht.

      Mein Spendenziel beträgt 80.000 €.
      Dies umfasst die etwa 60.000 € Anwaltskosten der Gegenseite, die ich aufgrund des Urteils in zweiter Instanz zu tragen habe. Die weiteren 20.000 € fließen in die Forschung über die Entlassung von Professorinnen und Professoren, die ich seit 2020 mit einer Kollegin aus privaten Mitteln betreibe.

      Publizierte Forschungsergebnisse zur Entlassung von Professorinnen und Professoren

      Egner, Heike & Anke Uhlenwinkel (2021). Entlassung und öffentliche Degradierung von Professorinnen. Eine empirische Analyse struktureller Gemeinsamkeiten anscheinend unterschiedlicher „Fälle“. Beiträge zur Hochschulforschung, 43(1-2), 62–84. Download PDF
      Egner, Heike & Anke Uhlenwinkel (2021). Zur Rechtsstaatlichkeit universitätsinterner Verfahren bei Entlassung oder öffentlicher Degradierung von Professor*innen. Ordnung der Wissenschaft, 3(3), 173–184. Download PDF
      Egner, Heike & Anke Uhlenwinkel (2023). Über Schwierigkeiten der betriebsrätlichen Vertretung von Professor(innen). Zeitschrift für Hochschulrecht(22), 57–64.
      Egner, Heike & Anke Uhlenwinkel (2023). Zertifikat als Grundrecht? Über Leistungsansprüche und -erwartungen im Kontext struktureller Veränderungen an Universitäten. Hochschulwesen(1+2), 28–43.

      https://www.gofundme.com/f/fur-grundrechte-von-professoren

      Aus dem Video: Rektor hat Betriebsratsvorsitzenden aufgetragen gezielt belastbares Material in Schriftform gegen Heike Enger zu sammeln. Betreibsrat kam Auffroderung bereiwilling nach und sprach gezielt Mitarbeitende an und bat sie aufzuschreiben, worüber sie sich geärgert haben und dies auszuhändigen. Zeuge der Universität hat dieses Vorgehen vor Gericht vorgetragen.

      #academia #university #Austria #Klagenfurt #professor #dismissal #arbitrary #publications #lawsuit #evaluation #scientific_freedom

    • #Susanne_Täuber, Netherlands

      Reinstate #Susanne_Täuber, protect social safety and academic freedom at the RUG

      10 March 2023

      To prof. Jouke de Vries, President, and members of the Board of the University of Groningen,

      We, the undersigned employees and students of the University of Groningen (UG), joined by concerned observers and colleagues at institutions around the world, are appalled at the firing of Dr. Susanne Täuber. The facts of this case are clear: Dr. Täuber was punished for exerting her academic freedom. The same court that allowed the UG to fire her also made it clear that it was the university’s negative reaction to an essay about her experiences of gender discrimination at the university that “seriously disturbed” their work relationship. Alarming details have also been made public about how the university pressured Dr. Täuber to censor future publications, in order to retain her position.

      The protest in front of the Academy Building on 8 March, International Women’s Day, and the continuing press attention and social media outcry, demonstrate that this case has consequences far beyond one university. Firing a scholar who publishes work that is critical of powerful institutions, including the university itself, sets a disturbing precedent for us all. We, the employees and students, ARE the UG, and we refuse to let this act be carried out in our names. We call on the University Board to reinstate Dr. Täuber, without delay, as an associate professor, and to ensure that she is provided with a safe working environment.

      The firing of Dr. Täuber has surfaced structural problems that necessitate immediate action by the University Board and all UG faculties. It is unacceptable that when a “disrupted employment relationship” emerges within a department, the more vulnerable person is fired. This points to a broader pattern at Dutch universities, as evidenced by the YAG Report (2021), the LNVH Report (2019), and other recent cases: in cases of transgressive behavior, Full Professors, Principal Investigators (PIs), and managers are protected, while employees of lower rank, or students, bear the consequences. If we are to continue performing our education and research mission, then this practice must be reformed, and the University of Groningen has an opportunity to lead here. We call on the University Board to work with labor unions, the LNVH, the University Council, and Faculty Councils to design and implement a safe, independent procedure for addressing violations of social safety: one that prioritizes the protection and support of vulnerable parties.

      Internal reforms will help ensure the safety of students and employees, but they will not repair the damage these events have caused to the reputation of the University of Groningen. The termination of a scholar who publishes field-leading research that is critical of academia has triggered doubts among employees, students, and the public about the UG’s commitment to academic freedom. This action is already raising concerns from talented job candidates, and we fear a chilling effect on critical research at the UG and beyond. We call on the University of Groningen, in partnership with the Universities of the Netherlands (UNL), the Ministry of Education, and the labor unions, to enshrine protections for academic freedom in the Collective Labor Agreement.

      Reinstate Dr. Täuber, reform complaint procedures, and establish binding protections for academic freedom. The relationship between the University of Groningen and the people it employs, teaches, and serves has been severely disrupted in the past weeks, but that relationship can be repaired if the Board begins taking these actions today.

      Sincerely,

      References:
      Leidse hoogleraar ging ‘meerdere jaren’ in de fout. (2022, October 25). NRC. https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2022/10/25/leidse-hoogleraar-ging-meerdere-jaren-in-de-fout-a4146291

      LNVH. (2019). Harassment in Dutch academia. Exploring manifestations, facilitating factors, effects and solutions. https://www.lnvh.nl/a-3078/harassment-in-dutch-academia.-exploring-manifestations-facilitating-factors-eff.

      Täuber, S. (2020). Undoing Gender in Academia: Personal Reflections on Equal Opportunity Schemes. Journal of Management Studies, 57(8), 1718–1724. https://doi.org/10.1111/joms.12516

      Upton, B. (2023, March 8). Court rules Groningen is free to fire critical lecturer. Times Higher Education (THE). https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/court-rules-groningen-free-fire-critical-lecturer

      Veldhuis, P., & Marée, K. (2023, March 8). Groningse universiteit mag kritische docent ontslaan. NRC. https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2023/03/08/groningse-universiteit-mag-kritische-docent-ontslaan-a4158914

      Young Academy Groningen. (2021). Harassment at the University of Groningen. https://www.rug.nl/news/2021/10/young-academy-groningen-publishes-report-on-harassment-in-academia

      https://openletter.earth/reinstate-susanne-tauber-protect-social-safety-and-academic-freedom-at

      The article:

      Täuber, S. (2020) ‘Undoing Gender in Academia: Personal Reflections on Equal Opportunity Schemes’, Journal of Management Studies, 57(8), pp. 1718–1724.

      –> https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/joms.12516

  • L’affare CPR, un sistema che fa gola a detrimento dei diritti

    Sono 56 i milioni di euro previsti complessivamente, nel periodo 2021-2023, dagli appalti per affidare la gestione dei #Centri_di_Permanenza_per_il_Rimpatrio (CPR) ai soggetti privati. Costi da cui sono esclusi quelli relativi alla manutenzione delle strutture e del personale di polizia. Cifre che fanno della detenzione amministrativa una filiera molto remunerativa che, non a caso, ha attratto negli ultimi anni gli interessi economici di grandi multinazionali e cooperative. La privatizzazione della gestione è, infatti, uno degli aspetti più controversi di questa forma di detenzione senza reato e ne segna un ulteriore carattere di eccezionalità: il consentire che su quella privazione della libertà personale qualcuno possa trarne profitto.

    Ad illustrare questa situazione è la Coalizione Italiana per le Libertà e i Diritti civili (CILD), che questa mattina a Roma ha presentato un nuovo rapporto sul tema, intitolato “L’affare CPR. Il profitto sulla pelle delle persone migranti”, all’interno del quale grande attenzione è stata dedicata alle multinazionali #Gepsa e #ORS, alla società #Engel s.r.l. e alle Cooperative #Edeco-Ekene e #Badia_Grande che hanno contribuito, negli anni recenti, a fare la storia della detenzione amministrativa in Italia.

    Una storia tutt’altro che nobile fatta di sistematiche violazioni dei diritti delle persone detenute, con la possibilità per gli enti gestori di massimizzare -in maniera illegittima- i propri profitti anche a causa della totale assenza di controlli da parte delle pubbliche autorità. Nel Rapporto, infatti, si dà ampio spazio alla denuncia delle condizioni di detenzione che rischiano di configurarsi come inumane e degradanti e alla strutturale negazione dei diritti fondamentali dei detenuti. Il diritto alla salute, alla difesa, alla libertà di corrispondenza non sono, infatti, tutelati all’interno dei CPR: luoghi brutali che consentono ai privati di speculare sulla pelle dei reclusi, grazie anche alla totale assenza di vigilanza da parte del pubblico.

    “Da sempre questi centri – ha dichiarato Arturo Salerni, presidente di CILD – hanno rappresentato un buco nero per l’esercizio dei diritti da parte delle persone trattenute. Essi rappresentano un buco nero anche sotto il profilo delle modalità e dell’entità della spesa, a carico dell’erario, a fronte delle gravi carenze nella gestione e delle condizioni in cui si trovano a vivere i soggetti che incappano nelle maglie della detenzione amministrativa, ovvero della privazione della libertà in assenza di qualunque ipotesi di reato. Il proposito del governo di aumentarne il numero è il frutto di scelte dettate da un approccio tutto ideologico che non trova fondamento nell’analisi del fenomeno. L’esperienza degli ultimi 25 anni, a prescindere dalla gestione pubblica o privata dei centri, ci dice che bisogna guardare a forme alternative e non coercitive per affrontare la questione delle presenze irregolari sul territorio nazionale, che bisogna accompagnare le persone in percorsi di regolarizzazione e di emersione, cancellando l’obbrobrio della detenzione senza reato”.

    https://cild.eu/blog/2023/06/08/laffare-cpr-un-sistema-che-fa-gola-a-detrimento-dei-diritti

    Une #carte localisant les lieux de rétention administrative en Italie :


    #cartographie

    Pour télécharger le rapport :
    https://wp-buchineri.cild.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/ReportCPR_2023.pdf

    #rapport #CPR #CILD #détention_administrative #rétention #business #privatisation #Italie #multinationales #coopératives #profits #droits_humains #CIE

    –—

    ajouté au fil de discussion sur la présence d’ORS en Italie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/884112

    lui-même ajouté à la métaliste autour de #ORS, une #multinationale #suisse spécialisée dans l’ « #accueil » de demandeurs d’asile et #réfugiés :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/802341

    • “L’affar€ CPR”: un rapporto di CILD mette alla sbarra gli enti gestori

      Il profitto sulla pelle delle persone migranti

      Nel giugno scorso la Coalizione Italiana Libertà e Diritti civili (CILD) ha pubblicato un accurato rapporto dal titolo “L’affar€ CPR: il profitto sulla pelle delle persone migranti” 1, che analizza la gestione dei Centri di Permanenza per i Rimpatri (CPR) italiani da parte delle principali cooperative e imprese private che ne detengono o ne hanno detenuto l’appalto, vincendo i diversi bandi di gara istituiti dalle prefetture.

      Introdotta formalmente nel 1998 2 la detenzione amministrativa in Italia prevedeva inizialmente la facoltà per i questori, qualora non fosse possibile eseguire immediatamente l’espulsione delle persone extracomunitarie, di disporne il trattenimento per un massimo di 20 giorni (prorogabile di ulteriori 10) all’interno dei CPTA, Centri di Permanenza Temporanea e di Assistenza.

      Nel 2008 3, i CPTA diventano Centri di Identificazione ed Espulsione (CIE), e, nel 2009 4, i termini massimi di trattenimento vengono estesi a 180 giorni, per poi venire portati a 18 mesi nel 2011 5. Nel 2017 6, la c.d legge Minniti-Orlando ha ulteriormente modificato la denominazione di tali centri, rinominandoli Centri di Permanenza per i Rimpatri (CPR). Infine, il decreto Lamorgese del 2020 ha emendato alcune disposizioni, riducendo i termini massimi di trattenimento a 90 giorni per cittadini stranieri il cui paese d’origine ha sottoscritto accordi in materia di rimpatri con l’Italia 7.

      Inizialmente, i CPTA erano gestiti dall’ente pubblico Croce Rossa Italiana, e già all’ora diverse organizzazioni della società civile avevano denunciato le pessime condizioni di trattenimento, l’inadeguatezza delle infrastrutture e il sovraffollamento. In seguito al “pacchetto sicurezza” varato dal Ministro Maroni nel 2008, la situazione si aggrava, con la progressiva tendenza dello Stato a cercare di contenere i costi il più possibile. Così, diverse cooperative iniziano a partecipare ai bandi di gara, proponendo offerte a ribasso ed estromettendo la Croce Rossa. Infine, dal 2014, non solo le cooperative ma anche grandi multinazionali che già gestiscono centri di trattenimento in tutta Europa, iniziano a presentarsi e vincere i diversi bandi per l’assegnazione della gestione dei CPR.

      Multinazionali che si aggiudicano gare d’appalto proponendo ribassi aggressivi, a totale discapito dei diritti umani delle persone trattenuti. L’esempio più lampante è l’assistenza sanitaria, in quanto nei CPR, non è il SSN ad esserne competente, bensì l’ente gestore. Infine, nel triennio 2021-2023, le prefetture competenti hanno bandito gare d’appalto per la gestione dei 10 CPR presenti in Italia, complessivamente, per 56 milioni di euro, da sommare al costo del personale di polizia e la manutenzione delle strutture.

      Tra le principali imprese messe alla sbarra dal Report di CILD ci sono:

      Gruppo ORS (Organisation for Refugees Services). Multinazionale con sede a Zurigo, gestisce oltre 100 strutture di accoglienza e detenzione tra Svizzera, Austria, Germania e Italia. Sebbene risulti iscritta nel registro delle imprese dal 2018, ha iniziato la sua attività economica in Italia solo nel 2020. Nel 2019, si aggiudica l’appalto per la gestione del CPR di Macomer, in Sardegna (sebbene risultasse ancora “inattiva”). Nel 2020, gestisce il Cas di Monastir (Sardegna), due centri d’accoglienza a Bologna nel 2021, alcuni Cas a Milano, il CPR di Roma (Ponte Galeria) e quello di Torino.

      Nel centro di Macomer, personale medico ha denunciato l’assenza di interventi da parte delle autorità competenti in seguito a diversi episodi che hanno visto i trattenuti mettere a rischio la propria sicurezza. Inoltre, a più riprese è stata riportata l’impossibilità di effettuare ispezioni all’interno del centro da parte del Garante dei diritti delle persone private della libertà personale. Infine, un’avvocata che seguiva diversi clienti trattenuti, ha denunciato la sporcizia e l’inadeguatezza delle visite mediche di idoneità, che ha portato, tra l’altro, al trattenimento di soggetti affetti da gravi forme di diabete e soggetti sottoposti a terapia scalare con metadone, condizioni incompatibili con la detenzione amministrativa.

      Nel CPR di Roma è stata più volte denunciata l’insufficienza di personale, l’inadeguatezza dei locali di trattenimento (per esempio, l’assenza di luce naturale) e l’assenza della possibilità, per le persone recluse, di svolgere qualsiasi attività ricreativa. Anche a Torino, la delegazione CILD in visita ha riportato l’illegittimo trattenimento di persone soggette a terapia scalare con metadone, alto tasso di autolesionismo e abuso di psicofarmaci e tranquillanti somministrati.

      Cooperativa EKENE. Cooperativa sociale padovana che nel corso degli ultimi 10 anni ha spesso cambiato nome (nata come Ecofficina, poi Edeco 8 e infine Ekene), in quanto spesso al centro di inchieste giornalistiche, interrogazioni parlamentari e procedimenti giudiziari legati ad una cattiva gestione di alcuni centri d’accoglienza, come lo SPRAR di Due Carrare (Padova), dove la Procura di Padova aveva aperto un’indagine per truffa e falso in atto pubblico, tramutatasi in una maxi indagine estesasi ad alcuni vertici della Prefettura di Padova, per gare truccate e rivelazioni di segreto d’ufficio.

      Nel 2016, diversi giornalisti e ricercatori avevano ripetutamente denunciato il sovraffollamento e la malnutrizione di diversi centri in gestione alla cooperativa, come l’ex Caserma Prandina, il centro di Bagnoli e Cona (VE), dove, nel 2017, la donna venticinquenne Sandrine Bakayoko è morta per una trombosi polmonare, quando all’interno del centro erano ospitate più di 1.300 persone, in una situazione di sovraffollamento e forte carenza di personale. Nel 2016, è stata espulsa da Confcooperative Veneto, con l’accusa di gestire l’accoglienza seguendo un modello che guardava al business a discapito della qualità dei servizi.

      Tuttavia, nel 2019 si aggiudica l’appalto del CPR di Gradisca d’Isonzo, a Gorizia in FVG, un appalto da circa 5 milioni di euro per un anno, attualmente in proroga tecnica. Dalla riapertura nel 2019, il CPR di Gradisca è quello dove si sono verificati più decessi. Dal 2019, quattro persone sono decedute, due per complicazioni in seguito all’abuso di farmaci, e due suicidi. Ciò mette in risalto la malagestione delle visite di idoneità all’ingresso, nonché l’inadeguatezza delle condizioni di trattenimento. Inoltre, diversi avvocati hanno denunciato la difficoltà nello svolgere colloqui coi trattenuti, e come le persone trattenute non venissero nemmeno informate del diritto a fare domanda d’asilo una volta entrate in Italia.
      Nel dicembre 2021 Ekene si aggiudica anche la gestione del CPR di Macomer.

      ENGEL ITALIA S.R.L. Società costituita nel 2012 con sede legale a Salerno. Nata come ente gestore nel settore alberghiero, presto inizia ad occuparsi di strutture d’accoglienza per persone richiedenti asilo nella zona di Capaccio-Paestum. Sebbene sia una società fallibile dal 2020, è riuscita ad ottenere la gestione del CPR di Palazzo San Gervasio (Basilicata) e Via Corelli (Milano), grazie alla cessione di un ramo dell’azienda ad una società terza, Martinina s.r.l, con la stessa persona come amministratrice unica.

      Già nel 2014, Engel era stata al centro della cronaca per la discutibile gestione del centro di accoglienza di Capaccio-Paestum, dove agli ospiti non venivano erogati beni di prima necessità come cibo e vestiti. Era stata denunciata anche l’assenza di corsi d’italiano e l’irregolarità nell’erogazione del pocket money. Inoltre, molti ospiti avevano denunciato abusi e maltrattamenti all’interno del centro.

      Nel 2018 Engel si aggiudica l’appalto del CPR di Palazzo San Gervasio, con un ribasso sul prezzo d’asta del 28,60%, che ha gestito fino al marzo 2023. Fin da subito, il Garante nazionale per le persone private della libertà, in seguito ad una visita al centro, ne aveva denunciato le pessime condizioni: assenza di locali comuni, trattenuti costretti a consumare i pasti in piedi, e la presenza di solo tre docce comuni. Gli ambienti di pernotto, privi di un sistema di isolamento, risultavano caldissimi d’estate e molto freddi d’inverno.

      Sebbene il centro sia stato chiuso a metà del 2020 per lavori e riaperto a febbraio 2021, secondo CILD le condizioni continuerebbero ad essere critiche. Continua a mancare un locale mensa, e in stanze da 25mq sono ospitate fino ad 8 persone. Inoltre, anche per Palazzo San Gervasio è stata denunciata l’inadeguatezza delle visite di idoneità al trattenimento e la difficoltà per i trattenuti di avere accesso alla corrispondenza coi propri avvocati.

      Anche nel CPR di Milano, per il quale Engel ha ottenuto l’appalto nel 2021 e nel 2022, sono state denunciate le terribili condizioni dei locali, e l’incredibile numero di gabbie e reti di ferro, che danno l’impressione di isolamento estremo, non solo dall’esterno ma anche dal personale all’interno del centro. Anche il cibo e i letterecci erogati risultano di pessima qualità.

      GEPSA. Multinazionale francese che dal 2011 inizia ad investire in Italia nel campo dell’accoglienza, si aggiudica diversi appalti proponendo una strategia aggressiva, con un ribasso sulle basi d’asta dal 20% al 30%. Dal 2014 al 2017 gestisce il CIE di Ponte Galeria, dal 2014 al 2017 il CIE di Milano e dal 2015 al 2022 il CIE di Torino. Dal 2011 al 2014 avrebbe dovuto gestire anche il CIE e CARA di Gradisca d’Isonzo, ma l’aggiudicazione è stata annullata dal TAR del Friuli-Venezia Giulia per la mancanza di requisiti adeguati delle imprese facenti parti della rete.

      Del CPR di Torino, era stata denunciata l’eccessiva militarizzazione e la carenza di personale civile, nonché l’assenza di relazioni tra trattenuti ed operatori, che non entravano quasi mai nelle aree di detenzione. In particolare, Il Comitato Europeo per la Prevenzione della Tortura, in seguito ad una visita al centro, aveva denunciato come i trattenuti fossero costantemente sorvegliati da personale militare, che stavano letteralmente in mezzo tra trattenuti ed operatori, con funzioni di sorveglianza, ma senza interagire coi primi. Sempre nel CIE di Torino, sono stati riportati numerosi casi di malasanità, assenza di personale medico e la presenza di locali per l’isolamento dei trattenuti, che, secondo ASGI, poteva protrarsi fino a 5 mesi, in maniera del tutto arbitraria e illegittima.
      Durante gli anni della gestione Gepsa, nel CPR di Torino si sono verificate due morti e numerosi casi di autolesionismo e rivolta.

      BADIA GRANDE. Cooperativa sociale fondata nel febbraio 2007, con sede legale a Trapani, e presto si impone come colosso nel settore dell’accoglienza migranti nel Sud d’Italia, vincendo numerose gare d’appalto, soprattutto nel siciliano. Dal 2018 al 2022 gestisce il CPR di Bari-Palese e dal 2019 al 2020 quello di Trapani Milo. Nel 2021, diverse fonti giornalistiche denunciano la mala gestione del CPR di Bari, e diverse personalità dipendenti della cooperativa vengono rinviate a giudizio per casi di frode nell’esecuzione del contratto d’affidamento, in particolare nell’assistenza sanitaria e le misure di sicurezza sul lavoro.

      Anche per la gestione del CPR di Trapani la cooperativa viene indagata per frode nelle pubbliche forniture e truffa. Inoltre, in una visita nel 2019, il Garante nazionale riscontra l’assenza di vetri in molte finestre, assenza di porte e separatori che garantiscano la privacy nell’accesso ai servizi igienici, e l’assenza di locali per il consumo dei pasti, che i trattenuti sono obbligati a consumare sui letti o in piedi.

      Il rapporto si conclude con un’accurata riflessione sull’istituto della detenzione amministrativa, e su come ciò si sia dimostrata terreno fertile per “una pericolosissima extraterritorialità giuridica”, in cui non trovano applicazione neanche quei principi costituzionali che dovrebbero considerarsi inderogabili”. Infine, CILD sostiene che, sebbene la detenzione amministrativa abbia progressivamente creato un sistema che consente ad enti privati di “fare profitto sulla pelle delle persone detenute”, la soluzione non sarebbe la gestione dei CPR da parte del settore pubblico, bensì il superamento del sistema della detenzione amministrativa, da collocare in un quadro più ampio di gestione del fenomeno migratorio attraverso politiche più aperte verso la regolarizzazione degli ingressi, per motivi di lavoro, familiari o di protezione internazionale.

      https://www.meltingpot.org/2023/08/laffare-cpr-un-rapporto-di-cild-mette-alla-sbarra-gli-enti-gestori

    • Le prefetture non controllano i Cpr. Inchiesta su appalti e gestione

      Dall’esame delle offerte di gara presentate da diversi enti gestori dei centri per il rimpatrio emergono carte false o promesse inverosimili. Da Nord a Sud, il monitoraggio pubblico latita. Mentre si vuole esportare il modello in Albania.

      Protocolli falsi o palesemente inverosimili negli appalti milionari indetti dalle prefetture per la gestione dei Centri di permanenza per il rimpatrio (Cpr). Dai corsi di chitarra e computer al bricolage fino ai gruppi di lettura: sono alcune delle promesse irrealizzabili che gli enti gestori di alcuni Cpr italiani hanno indicato nero su bianco per aggiudicarsi le gare pubbliche. Con il benestare (e il mancato controllo) prefettizio.

      “Un quadro estremamente preoccupante considerando che questi appalti intaccano diritti fondamentali delle persone”, spiega la professoressa Nicoletta Parisi, ex membro dell’Autorità nazionale anticorruzione (Anac) che ha analizzato i documenti inediti ottenuti tramite accesso civico da Altreconomia. Per il Governo Meloni, invece, un modello da replicare anche in Albania. A #Gjader, stando agli annunci del governo, entro il 20 maggio sarà operativo un Cpr da 144 posti.

      Emblematico è il caso di Ekene, ente che gestisce i Cpr di #Macomer (NU) e #Gradisca_d’Isonzo (GO). Nell’offerta tecnica – quel documento in cui si illustra come verrà gestito il centro- presentata il 18 novembre 2019 per la struttura friulana, la cooperativa promette di realizzare spettacoli, attività di bricolage e pittura per gli “ospiti”. Offre la “presenza di console per videogiochi” e di “interazione con la comunità dei gamer” con la possibilità di incontri alla “fiera dell’elettronica di Pordenone”. E poi gruppi di lettura e cineforum organizzati con l’assessorato alla Cultura di Gradisca che avrebbe dovuto anche favorire l’esposizione delle “tele dipinte a mano dagli ospiti”.

      “Ekene ci aveva contattato per collaborare su un’altra struttura del territorio e noi non avevamo assentito -spiega la sindaca, Linda Tomasinsig-. Non ci hanno mai scritto per il Cpr né poi contattato per realizzare queste attività”. Ma proprio sull’efficienza “degli accordi con soggetti istituzionali volti alla realizzazione di iniziative ricreative, sociali e religiose”, si legge nei documenti di gara, la cooperativa ha ottenuto il punteggio più alto tra i concorrenti.

      Ekene, che non ha risposto alle nostre richieste di chiarimento, gestisce il centro di Gradisca dal 18 novembre 2019 e oggi è alla terza “proroga tecnica”: la nuova gara d’appalto è ancora aperta dal 22 febbraio 2022. Intanto, dal gennaio 2020 a oggi, nella struttura sono morte quattro persone. La prefettura scrive ad Altreconomia di aver svolto una sola ispezione a inizio febbraio 2023. Il risultato? “Gli esiti non sono tutt’oggi ancora consolidati in un documento finale”. Anche in Sardegna i controlli sono pochi.

      La prima ispezione della prefettura di Nuoro nel Cpr di #Macomer è del 23 febbraio 2023, a tre anni dalla sua apertura. A quell’accesso ne è seguito solo un altro, il 17 gennaio 2024: nel verbale si dà conto dello svolgimento nel centro di attività ricreativa e dell’utilizzo di “colori a tempera, ‘das’ e palloni”. “Da quanto ho visto non succede niente di tutto questo”, spiega la deputata di Alleanza Verdi-Sinistra Francesca Ghirra, che a fine marzo di quest’anno ha visitato la struttura con l’associazione Naga e la rete Mai più lager-No ai Cpr. La prefettura elenca tra le attività svolte anche “esami universitari con Uni Sassari”. L’ateneo ha scritto ad Altreconomia di non avere avuto alcun contatto con la struttura.

      La cooperativa Ekene promette però nell’offerta tecnica corsi di formazione oltre che “attività ludico-ricreative e laboratoriali” e presenta protocolli siglati con quattro associazioni per realizzarle. La prima è la “#World_Promus” di Catania, con un codice fiscale che risulta inesistente. E poi altri tre enti con sede però nel padovano: #Tuendelee (molto vicina alla stessa Ekene), l’#International_online_university e l’associazione #Spes, con il compito di fare una presunta informativa sui rimpatri volontari. Quella che dovrebbe essere la rappresentante legale (Spes non compare in nessuno dei diversi elenchi di associazioni consultati online) dichiara di non aver mai svolto attività nella struttura.

      Nell’offerta tecnica di Macomer lo stretto legame con Padova e il Cpr di Gradisca è forte. Quasi tutto il personale individuato per essere operativo nella struttura sarda risulterebbe infatti residente in Veneto. E alcuni nomi tornano in entrambi documenti presentati da Ekene sia a #Nuoro sia a #Gorizia nel 2019: quelli del medico e del responsabile del magazzino. Che è #Roberto_La_Rosa, rinviato a giudizio per omicidio colposo insieme all’ex rappresentante legale di Ekene #Simone_Borile, a seguito della morte di #Vakhtang_Enukidze, avvenuta nel Cpr friulano il 18 gennaio 2020.

      Il ministro dell’Interno #Matteo_Piantedosi ha dichiarato il 19 febbraio 2024 che ci sono “sistemi di monitoraggio continui rispetto alle condizioni basilari di vita nei Cpr” e che “il richiedente asilo non è previsto che sia trattenuto all’interno delle strutture”. Secondo i dati forniti ad Altreconomia dallo stesso ministero dell’Interno, invece, sono 256 i richiedenti protezione internazionale reclusi tra gennaio 2023 e febbraio 2024.

      Anche i nomi delle aziende individuate per fornire i pasti ritornano in entrambe le offerte tecniche: contattate da Altreconomia, però, hanno spiegato che non coprono la Sardegna o non hanno forniture attive a Macomer. La #Vi&Vi Srl, addirittura, è fallita a inizio 2022. “Questa distanza geografica rilevabile dagli atti -spiega Maria Teresa Brocchetto, avvocata amministrativista e socia dell’Associazione per gli studi giuridici sull’immigrazione (Asgi)- così come l’impossibilità materiale della prestazione offerta sollevano gravi dubbi sull’effettiva capacità di controllo di ciò che avviene nel centro sardo, sulla qualità delle forniture e sulle connesse responsabilità”.

      Spostandosi a #Bari, invece, l’ente #La_Mano_di_Francesco_Ets, con sede a Favara (AG), scrive nell’offerta tecnica che “per le peculiarità che caratterizzano il Cpr” sono stati coinvolti “enti selezionati con cura per la loro serietà ed affidabilità”. Su 14 protocolli presentati alla prefettura, dieci riguardano associazioni che operano a quasi 700 chilometri da Bari, soprattutto nell’agrigentino, dove si trova la ha sede dell’ente gestore.

      Uno prevede lo sviluppo di “attività riparative a favore della collettività”, sottoscritto con l’Ufficio per l’esecuzione penale esterna del ministero della Giustizia. E poi c’è l’azienda #Cyan_Developer di Taranto per corsi di computer. “Non conosco l’ente gestore e non ho firmato protocolli”, dichiara il titolare #Angelo_Cimino. Altreconomia non ha potuto verificare la veridicità degli altri accordi perché la prefettura ha inviato solo i quattro “ritenuti pertinenti al servizio oggetto di gara”.

      “La stazione appaltante non può selezionare solo alcuni elementi dell’offerta tecnica perché è come se la modificasse -sottolinea Parisi, ex membro dell’Anac-. Se uno fosse effettivamente falso, non si può escludere che l’intera offerta diventi inammissibile”. Anche la pertinenza di quelli che abbiamo potuto consultare è problematica.

      Il primo è semplicemente la ricevuta dell’invio della pec con la quale #La_Mano_di_Francesco aveva richiesto la collaborazione dell’Asl (che ci ha confermato di non aver siglato alcun accordo), il secondo riguarda l’#Efal_Salento per “attività di formazione e aggiornamento professionale”. L’accordo è a firma dell’ex presidente #Gregorio_Dell’Anna, ma #Sandro_Renis, che ricopre la carica da fine febbraio 2023, dichiara ad Altreconomia di essere all’oscuro di tutto.

      Una terza associazione, #Anas_Puglia, avrebbe dovuto realizzare attività “di promozione di politiche dell’immigrazione”. Il referente #Luigi_Favia dichiara che non è mai entrato nel Cpr. Infine, “#Avetrana_Soccorso” doveva svolgere “attività di trasporto sanitario”. Ma la sede dell’associazione è in provincia di Taranto, a quasi due ore d’auto da Bari. Dell’unica ispezione della prefettura nel centro dall’insediamento del nuovo gestore, avvenuto il 6 novembre 2023, “gli esiti sono ancora in via di definizione”.

      Nel Cpr di Trapani, dove per la Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo le condizioni di vita sono “degradanti”, la prefettura ha svolto una sola visita ispettiva il 29 agosto 2023

      A Trapani, invece, #Consorzio_Hera e #Vivere_Con, attuali enti gestori del Cpr, hanno allegato più di 50 protocolli all’offerta tecnica, esaminati da Altreconomia insieme all’Asgi e alla Clinica legale migrazioni e diritti dell’Università di Palermo. Sono previste attività sportive “per eliminare le barriere di genere e la segregazione dei migranti trattenuti” aumentando “autopercezione e immagine di sé” ma almeno due accordi presenterebbero date incompatibili con le sottoscrizioni: quello siglato nel 2021 con l’#Asd_Pallavolo ‘95 Mazara del Vallo porta la firma di un presidente che si era dimesso tre anni prima. Idem, da riscontri online, sull’Asd Mazara calcio.

      Altri protocolli, invece, siglati per attività in Cas e Sprar sono stati usati anche per il Cpr. “Un aspetto che la prefettura avrebbe dovuto verificare in sede di gara”, sottolinea Parisi. Un problema che ritorna anche con le attività ludiche. Viene previsto un corso di chitarra acustica per “24 incontri dalla durata di un’ora e mezza circa” ma l’unica associazione, tra quelle firmatarie dei protocolli, che li prevede espressamente è “#L’arrotino_e_l’ombrellaio”: nell’accordo non si cita il Cpr e il rappresentante conferma di non esserci mai entrato.

      Le ispezioni svolte in nove Cpr, secondo quanto riferito dalle prefetture, sono state 33. Il 30% a Palazzo San Gervasio (11 nel periodo 2019-2024), a seguire Milano (sei tra il 2020 e il 2023), Bari (sei tra il 2022 e il 2023), Roma (tre, 2022-agosto 2023). Due a Macomer (2020-2024) e Caltanissetta (2023). Solo una a Brindisi (2023-2024), Trapani e Gradisca d’Isonzo (non specificato il periodo). Di queste, sono stati inviati ad Altreconomia e Asgi 24 verbali

      Lo stesso vale per l’assistenza religiosa: suor #Alessandra_Martin è la direttrice dell’associazione #Casa_della_Comunità_Speranza, che compare in uno dei protocolli (senza data): “Sono la presidente da sei anni e non ho mai visto quel documento -spiega-. Il paradosso è che nel 2023 ho chiesto per due volte alla prefettura di entrare nel Cpr senza poterlo fare”.

      Ancor più eclatante l’accordo con la #Parrocchia_Maria_SS_Ausiliatrice di Trapani: il parroco, monsignor #Antonino_Adragna, sarebbe andato in pensione cinque mesi prima della firma avvenuta nel dicembre 2021. Gli enti gestori non hanno risposto alle nostre richieste relative a quali attività si svolgano nel centro. Nel Cpr in cui le condizioni di vita erano “degradanti” -parole dei giudici della Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo dello scorso 7 febbraio- la prefettura ha svolto una sola visita ispettiva il 29 agosto 2023.

      Dal Cpr di Trapani è stato trasferito in quello di Roma #Ousmane_Sylla, 22enne guineano morto suicida il 5 febbraio 2024. Il centro è gestito da #Ors_Italia Srl che, per la mancata applicazione delle attività previste dai protocolli, è stata multata di 23mila euro dalla prefettura a seguito di un’ispezione del 16 novembre 2023.

      Un sistema che fa acqua da tutte le parti. Con la propaganda governativa che si scioglie di fronte ai numeri: a gennaio 2024 sono appena 462 le persone transitate nei Cpr (a gennaio 2023 erano stati 559). Quasi il 50% è di origine tunisina. Impressionante: benché nei centri l’anno scorso siano transitate persone di 45 cittadinanze e i tunisini rappresentino poco più del 10% degli sbarchi del 2023, una persona trattenuta su due proviene dalla Tunisia -spiega l’avvocato Maurizio Veglio-. Sempre di più lo Stato bersaglio delle politiche repressive e liberticide dell’Italia”.

      Non ci sono stati inviati i documenti relativi alle gare di #Brindisi e #Palazzo_San_Gervasio (PZ). I rispettivi enti gestori - #Consorzio_Hera (già analizzata su Trapani) e #Officine_Sociali (in gara anche a #Gorizia in cordata con #Martinina_Srl, sotto indagine per la gestione dei Cpr di #Potenza e #Milano, di cui a metà aprile è stata annunciata la temporanea chiusura)- ritengono che l’invio possa ledere il know how aziendale. “Stiamo predisponendo il ricorso al Tar per ottenerli -spiega l’avvocato Nicola Datena-. Visto il quadro preoccupante, la trasparenza è il minimo”. Le due cooperative sono ancora in gara, a metà aprile, per aggiudicarsi gli oltre 150 milioni di euro per la gestione dei centri in Albania. Vite in appalto, senza controllo, anche oltre il mar Adriatico.

      https://altreconomia.it/le-prefetture-non-controllano-i-cpr-inchiesta-su-appalti-e-gestione

      #sous-traitance #statistiques #2024

  • Perdus dans une mer de pixels : Les hommes, la pornographie et l’illusion de la maîtrise, par #Robert_Jensen
    https://tradfem.wordpress.com/2023/05/15/perdus-dans-une-mer-de-pixels-les-hommes-la-pornographie-et-lillu

    Depuis que j’étudie l’industrie de la pornographie, certaines choses ont changé. La plus évidente concerne les technologies : des magazines et des films, l’industrie est passée aux vidéos amateurs et à l’internet. La pornographie est devenue plus accessible et plus abordable. D’autres tendances sont tout aussi évidentes : au cours de ces trois décennies, on a exigé des femmes du milieu de la pornographie de se livrer à des actes sexuels de plus en plus intenses et dangereux ; la nature cruelle et avilissante de ces images s’est intensifiée ; et de plus en plus de filles et de femmes utilisent la pornographie, qui était autrefois une activité presque exclusivement masculine.
    Une chose reste inchangée pour les consommateurs, qui sont encore très majoritairement des hommes : La pornographie semble procurer un plaisir sexuel sans les risques liés à l’intimité.
    Lorsque nous avons des rapports sexuels avec une autre personne, nous nous exposons à des émotions intenses qui ne peuvent être prédites ou facilement contrôlées. Dans une culture qui nous apprend à garder le contrôle, de nombreux hommes pensent que l’intimité sexuelle constitue une menace pour ce sentiment de puissance. La pornographie donne l’illusion d’une expérience sexuelle sans risque. Mais elle a un coût.

    Traduction : #TRADFEM
    Version originale : https://publicsquaremag.org/health/mental-health/porn-impact-men-intimacy-control-emotion
    #violences_masculines #porno

  • Migranti, i sindaci delle grandi città contro il governo: «Scelte sbagliate che ledono i diritti: non si cancelli la protezione speciale»

    I sindaci delle maggiori città italiane (di centrosinistra) di nuovo contro il governo Meloni. Oggetto della discussione, ma anche (e soprattutto) di preoccupazione: la gestione dell’immigrazione, in particolare, il sistema di accoglienza e la cancellazione della protezione speciale per i migranti. «Come sindaci, come amministratori, come cittadini che quotidianamente si impegnano nei territori per cercare di garantire le migliori risposte alle criticità che le nostre Comunità esplicitano, siamo molto preoccupati per le proposte in discussione relative alle modifiche all’unico sistema di accoglienza migranti effettivamente pubblico, strutturato, non emergenziale che abbiamo in Italia», si legge in un documento congiunto sul decreto Cutro che porta le firme dei sindaci di #Roma, #Roberto_Gualtieri, di #Milano #Beppe_Sala, di #Napoli #Gaetano_Manfredi, di #Torino #Stefano_Lorusso, di #Bologna, #Matteo_Lepore e di #Firenze, #Dario_Nardella. «La preoccupazione delle città – si legge nel documento – è massima a fronte di emendamenti proposti da alcuni partiti al DL 591 dopo le tante evidenze a cui il nostro ordinamento ha dovuto porre rimedio in questi anni». Secondo il fronte dei sindaci dem, l’esecutivo non deve «ragionare in ottima emergenziale: è sbagliato immaginare l’esclusione dei richiedenti asilo dal Sai, precludendo loro qualunque percorso di integrazione e una reale possibilità di inclusione ed emancipazione nelle nostre comunità».

    «No alla cancellazione della #protezione_speciale»

    Sala, Gualtieri, Manfredi, Lo Russo, Lepore e Nardella non condividono la cancellazione della protezione speciale, confermata anche ieri, sabato 15 aprile, dalla stessa premier Meloni durante il suo viaggio in Etiopia. Per i sindaci delle maggiori città si tratta, infatti, di «una misura presente in quasi tutti i paesi dell’Europa occidentale, mentre circa il 50% dei migranti presenta vulnerabilità ed è in parte significativa costituito da nuclei familiari. Queste scelte, qualora adottate, non potrebbero che procurare infatti una costante lesione dei diritti individuali e innumerevoli difficoltà che le nostre comunità hanno già dovuto affrontare negli anni scorsi, a fronte di un importante aumento di cittadini stranieri condannati appunto all’invisibilità», si legge nel documento congiunto. Tutto questo – scrivono i primi cittadini – «mentre il sistema dei Cas, mai uscito da un assetto emergenziale, è saturo e purtroppo inadeguato ad accogliere già oggi chi proviene dai flussi della rotta mediterranea come da quella balcanica. Insufficiente, sia per numeri sia per le modalità d’accoglienza sia per i servizi di accompagnamento, protezione ed inclusione, assenti. E in questo quadro occorre ripensare anche il sistema di accoglienza dei minori stranieri non accompagnati cui occorre applicare logiche distributive che evitino la concentrazione nelle sole grandi città», prosegue il documento dei sindaci.

    «Le nostre città sono infatti impegnate già oggi, spesso con sforzi oltre i propri limiti e frequentemente oltre le proprie funzioni e competenze, a porre rimedio con risorse proprie alle manchevolezze di un sistema nazionale adeguato. La soppressione della possibilità di costruire un unico sistema di accoglienza pubblico, trasparente e professionale (come il Sai), garantendo percorsi dignitosi e tutelanti anche per le persone richiedenti protezione internazionale, non può comportare la nascita di nuovi grandi centri di accoglienza o detenzione nei nostri territori. La storia degli ultimi vent’anni di accoglienza in Italia dimostra chiaramente come modelli emergenziali, con standard qualitativi minimi e volti al mero “vitto e alloggio” abbiano procurato ferite enormi nelle nostre comunità e non abbiano garantito diritti esigibili alla popolazione rifugiata. E soprattutto abbiano fallito processi di inclusione efficaci e duraturi», prosegue il documento.

    Le proposte

    Dopo questa lunga premessa, i sindaci dem hanno poi avanzato delle proposte sul tema. «1. Sia rinforzata l’unitarietà del Sistema di Accoglienza italiano, valorizzando l’esperienza virtuosa del Sai, ovvero supportando attivamente la rete dei Comuni che quotidianamente affrontano in prima persona le sfide che i movimenti migratori in ingresso sottopongono ai nostri servizi, ai nostri territori e alle nostre comunità. Con un solo obiettivo: garantire percorsi di effettiva inclusione e tutela compatibili con i territori, evitando grandi centri di accoglienza, senza servizi e senza tutele, per tutti», scrivono. «2. Il Sai rimanga accessibile a richiedenti protezione e rifugiati». I primi cittadini chiedono poi che i Cas, ovvero i centri di accoglienza straordinari, vengano trasformati «in hub di prima accoglienza, dedicati alle procedure di identificazione e di screening sanitario per poi procedere a trasferimenti rapidi nel sistema di seconda accoglienza ed inclusione, appunto il Sai».

    Al punto 4, i sei amministratori chiedono inoltre che «vengano ripristinati i criteri di riparto che il Piano nazionale di accoglienza aveva indicato. In assenza di azioni positive mirate o, peggio, con azioni sbagliate, le ricadute saranno infatti l’irregolarità diffusa o lunghi percorsi di ricorsi giudiziari che paralizzeranno le vite di molte persone inabilitandole e rendendole facili prede del lavoro nero, che invece non manca». Infine, «ci auspichiamo – continuano – che ancora una volta l’Italia non si contraddistingua per una regressione relativa al sistema di accoglienza per richiedenti asilo e rifugiati: da troppi anni questo tema necessita di una riforma importante e strutturale, che miri ad un equilibrio nazionale del sistema di accoglienza imprescindibile dal coinvolgimento dei Comuni e dagli obiettivi di inclusione, protezione e con una diffusione omogenea a livello nazionale. Siamo convinti, insieme ad altre voci autorevoli, che dopo circa vent’anni e anche alla luce di alcuni temi di strutturale cambiamento demografico e sociale non si debba continuare a parlare di emergenza e che proprio in questo momento occorra la lungimiranza di aprire una discussione per scegliere una via legale all’immigrazione e alla regolarizzazione degli immigrati già presenti in Italia, anche attraverso il ricorso allo ius scholae, premessa a comunità solidali, capaci di proporre percorsi di vera emancipazione e autonomia alle persone nel pieno interesse del nostro Paese», concludono i sindaci.

    https://www.open.online/2023/04/16/immigrazione-sindaci-grandi-citta-vs-governo-meloni

    #Italie #villes-refuge #decreto_Cutro #villes #Naples #Turin #Milan #Rome #Florence #Bologne #résistance #protection_spéciale

  • Réactions françaises. Enquête sur l’extrême droite littéraire, de François Krug (Seuil, 224 p.)

    #Michel_Houellebecq, #Sylvain_Tesson et #Yann_Moix, chacun de ces auteurs a réécrit, à sa manière, La Lettre volée (1844), d’Edgar Allan Poe. Ecrivains en vogue, ils ont cultivé des accointances avec l’extrême droite. Ces faits sont connus, mais, dans le débat public, une forme de pudeur persiste avant de les évoquer. Dans une enquête haletante, #François_Krug lève le voile sur ces relations. Journaliste indépendant, il collabore régulièrement au Monde et à « M Le magazine du Monde ».

    C’est sur Sylvain Tesson que François Krug nous en apprend le plus. Son récit Sur les chemins noirs (Gallimard, 2016) vient d’être adapté au cinéma avec Jean Dujardin dans le premier rôle. Le succès a permis à Sylvain Tesson de parfaire son personnage d’écrivain bourlingueur, usant sa bohème à maudire la modernité. Il marche dans les pas de Jean Raspail, amant lui aussi du voyage et auteur du Camp des saints (Robert Laffont, 1973), un roman imaginant une France envahie par une horde d’immigrés. Depuis son premier voyage, en 1993, jusqu’à la mort de Raspail, Tesson correspond avec lui. Il était également proche de #Dominique_Venner, père de l’extrême droite d’après-guerre. François Krug démontre d’ailleurs que l’émission « Un été avec Homère », animée par Sylvain Tesson, sur France Inter, en 2017, offrait une interprétation de l’Iliade et de l’Odyssée étrangement proche de celle développée par Venner.

    Sinistre cohérence

    Pour sa part, Michel Houellebecq accompagne depuis longtemps la carrière de jeunes pousses de l’ultradroite journalistique et littéraire. #Geoffroy_Lejeune arrive à la direction de la rédaction de #Valeurs_actuelles alors qu’il n’a pas encore 30 ans, et, très rapidement, il reçoit le soutien de Houellebecq.

    En 2010, le Goncourt remporté par le romancier pour La Carte et le territoire (Flammarion, 2010) lui ouvre les portes de l’Elysée. Michel Houellebecq répond à l’invitation à dîner de Nicolas Sarkozy, en se rendant au palais présidentiel accompagné des animateurs d’un ancien site de la fachosphère (Sur le ring), #David_Kersan et #Laurent_Obertone – auteur de La France Orange mécanique (Ring, 2013), un essai dénonçant le prétendu « ensauvagement » de notre pays.

    En 1996, Sébastien Lapaque et Luc Richard, jeunes membres de l’Action française, sont séduits par la poésie antilibérale de Michel Houellebecq et réalisent, avec lui, une interview pour Immédiatement, la revue monarchiste qu’ils viennent de créer. Michel Houellebecq continue de fréquenter l’#Action_française.

    En 2019, la presse avait révélé comment Yann Moix avait créé et distribué des fanzines antisémites lorsqu’il était étudiant. Par la suite, il s’est lié d’amitié avec Paul-Eric Blanrue, auteur d’un documentaire élogieux sur le négationniste #Robert_Faurisson. Pour Tesson, Houellebecq et Moix, ces rencontres ne relèvent pas de l’accident de parcours, mais d’une sinistre cohérence, que reconstitue, avec soin, le journaliste.

    (Le Monde)

    #extrême_droite #écrivains #curious_about

  • Nouvelle ère du fascisme et société sans avenir : À propos du livre La démocratie dévore ses enfants, de Robert Kurz, par Maurilio Botelho - Critique de la valeur-dissociation. Repenser une théorie critique du capitalisme
    http://www.palim-psao.fr/2023/03/nouvelle-ere-du-fascisme-et-societe-sans-avenir-a-propos-du-livre-la-demo

    Paru en 1993 sous la forme d’un long article, La démocratie dévore ses enfants anticipe à bien des égards le débat actuel sur le radicalisme de droite et la « mort de la démocratie ». La persistance du débat est un symptôme significatif. Si l’on affirme de toutes parts que « les institutions démocratiques fonctionnent », pourquoi le fascisme revient-il à l’ordre du jour dans les médias, dans les discussions intellectuelles et dans les manifestations de rue ?

    […]

    Mais la formulation de Kurz a encore un autre angle qui la rend extrêmement actuelle pour expliquer la montée de l’extrême droite au sein des démocraties occidentales : le nouveau radicalisme de droite n’a plus rien à voir avec le fascisme dans sa manifestation historique de l’entre-deux-guerres, si ce n’est en termes symboliques et idéologiques secondaires ; c’est un phénomène non plus de progression mais de dissolution de la démocratie de marché. En tant que moment spécifique d’un continuum qui a aplani le terrain pour le développement de la démocratie dans les pays en retard de modernisation, le fascisme et le national-socialisme ne peuvent se répéter historiquement : « la machine meurtrière nazie semblait hypermoderne et en avance sur son temps » (p. 39). En revanche, l’irruption massive de gangs d’extrême droite enragés, de skinheads, de milices, de suprémacistes blancs et de néonazis sont des phénomènes propres à l’effondrement de l’économie capitaliste à partir des années 1970 et qui ont d’abord touché les pays de la périphérie ou de la semi-périphérie. L’explosion de l’extrémisme de droite au centre du capitalisme correspond donc à l’approfondissement de la crise structurelle du capitalisme.

    #Robert_Kurz #capitalisme #fascisme #démocratie_de_marché

  • Mean Streets en libre accès jusqu’au au 31 mars (parce que quand même)
    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/028121-000-A/mean-streets

    Réalisé avec un petit budget et tourné caméra à l’épaule, ce film nous offre la première collaboration du cinéaste avec le tout jeune Robert De Niro. Celui-ci étoffe son rôle de gamin orgueilleux et récalcitrant par un jeu brillant qui crève l’écran. Maître de la provocation irrévérencieuse et du sourire en coin, il donne la réplique à un Harvey Keitel remarquable en jeune poulain de la #mafia.

    #film #cinéma #Scorcese #Robert_De_Niro #Harvey_Keitel #masculinité_toxique #rock #playlist #N-Y

  • (295) Retro footage of Ken and Roberta Williams from 1983 - YouTube
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oY_JbTYXVjg

    This is a VERY old interview with Ken and Roberta. There is some great behind the scenes footage of Sierra On-Line in the golden age of gaming.

    RARE interview that has remained hidden for 40 years Roberta Williams talks Colossal Cave - YouTube
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ePthFD-3X9Q

    Sierra Entertainment — Wikipédia
    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sierra_Entertainment

    Sierra Entertainment est une société de développement et d’édition de jeux vidéo américaine. Elle a été fondée sous le nom de On-Line Systems en 1979 par Ken et Roberta Williams qui, après avoir découvert le jeu Adventure, souhaitent créer leur propre aventure interactive.

    #jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #interview #reportage #sierra_on-line #sierra_entertainment #ken_williams #roberta_williams #oakhurst #rétrogaming