• Rotta balcanica: i volantini anti-mine distribuiti ai migranti dalla Croce Rossa

    Nei campi bosniaci, dove oltre 8mila di migranti sono accampati con la speranza di superare il confine ed arrivare in Europa, è arrivato l’inverno, rigido. A Vučjak, a pochi chilometri dalla Croazia, centinaia di profughi hanno iniziato uno sciopero della fame, sotto la neve, per protestare contro le disumane condizioni in cui si trovano a vivere, senza acqua ed elettricità.

    Sul campo, la Croce Rossa bosniaca li aiuta come può, offrendo cibo e acqua in un contesto che sia il Consiglio d’Europa che l’Onu hanno definito «disumano». Ma lungo la via balcanica, i volontari distribuiscono ai migranti anche dei volantini in cinque lingue per metterli in guardia contro il rischio mine antiuomo, tragico retaggio della guerra che ha disgregato l’ex Jugoslavia.

    Depliant di questo tipo, realizzati in collaborazione con il Centro di Azione contro le Mine (Bhmac) sono stati consegnati in almeno 10 località della Bosnia ed Erzegovina e finora sono serviti ad evitare incidenti tra i migranti in transito nel paese. «I nostri dati mostrano che le rotte dei migranti sono estremamente ben organizzate e che i migranti hanno un’eccellente comunicazione tra di loro, come dimostra il fatto che finora non ci sia stato un solo incidente in Bosnia-Erzegovina che abbia coinvolto migranti», scrive il Bhmac a Euronews.

    Si stima che esistano ancora 79mila ordigni inesplosi in oltre 8mila punti della Bosnia.

    Negli ultimi due anni ne sono stati distribuiti 39mila, fa sapere a Euronews Ivana Grujić, coordinatrice del programma umanitario della Croce Rossa bosniaca.

    Dalla fine della guerra, l’organizzazione internazionale implementa programmi educativi nelle scuole, ma è attiva anche nella sensibilizzazione di agricoltori, migranti, cacciatori, escursionisti e chi, per motivi di svago o di lavoro, si trova a percorrere strade meno battute.

    Una precauzione che ora viene tramandata anche a quei migranti che tentano di superare la frontiera lungo la rotta balcanica - sforzo che si scontra con le operazioni di sistematico respingimento delle forze dell’ordine croate e che viene definito dagli stessi migranti, con amara ironia, The Game.


    https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/viewer?mid=150qIT2a5tk22vwtAVVGNCPWO7818RMUo&ll=43.959013835895554%2C17.5109

    Dimensioni di testo Aa Aa

    Nei campi bosniaci, dove oltre 8mila di migranti sono accampati con la speranza di superare il confine ed arrivare in Europa, è arrivato l’inverno, rigido. A Vučjak, a pochi chilometri dalla Croazia, centinaia di profughi hanno iniziato uno sciopero della fame, sotto la neve, per protestare contro le disumane condizioni in cui si trovano a vivere, senza acqua ed elettricità.

    Sul campo, la Croce Rossa bosniaca li aiuta come può, offrendo cibo e acqua in un contesto che sia il Consiglio d’Europa che l’Onu hanno definito «disumano». Ma lungo la via balcanica, i volontari distribuiscono ai migranti anche dei volantini in cinque lingue per metterli in guardia contro il rischio mine antiuomo, tragico retaggio della guerra che ha disgregato l’ex Jugoslavia.

    Depliant di questo tipo, realizzati in collaborazione con il Centro di Azione contro le Mine (Bhmac) sono stati consegnati in almeno 10 località della Bosnia ed Erzegovina e finora sono serviti ad evitare incidenti tra i migranti in transito nel paese. «I nostri dati mostrano che le rotte dei migranti sono estremamente ben organizzate e che i migranti hanno un’eccellente comunicazione tra di loro, come dimostra il fatto che finora non ci sia stato un solo incidente in Bosnia-Erzegovina che abbia coinvolto migranti», scrive il Bhmac a Euronews.

    Si stima che esistano ancora 79mila ordigni inesplosi in oltre 8mila punti della Bosnia.

    Negli ultimi due anni ne sono stati distribuiti 39mila, fa sapere a Euronews Ivana Grujić, coordinatrice del programma umanitario della Croce Rossa bosniaca.
    Un campo minato nei pressi di Domaljevac, nel nord del paese al confine con la Croazia - Foto: Lillo Montalto Monella

    Dalla fine della guerra, l’organizzazione internazionale implementa programmi educativi nelle scuole, ma è attiva anche nella sensibilizzazione di agricoltori, migranti, cacciatori, escursionisti e chi, per motivi di svago o di lavoro, si trova a percorrere strade meno battute.

    Una delle prime regole che i bambini bosniaci imparano a scuola è quella di non camminare nei campi dove c’è erba alta

    Una precauzione che ora viene tramandata anche a quei migranti che tentano di superare la frontiera lungo la rotta balcanica - sforzo che si scontra con le operazioni di sistematico respingimento delle forze dell’ordine croate e che viene definito dagli stessi migranti, con amara ironia, The Game.

    Il campo di Vučjak, che oggi ospita circa 600 persone, è stato allestito la scorsa primavera, dopo le proteste della popolazione di Bihac per la presenza di immigrati nelle strade della città.

    Bihac non è però la sola: lungo tutta la rotta sono sorti accampamenti improvvisati nei pressi delle stazioni ferroviarie, dove i migranti cercano di salire a bordo di un treno per raggiungere il confine con la Croazia. Ma la situazione riguarda tutta l’area balcanica: anche nel centro di Belgrado, dove sono disponibili punti wifi gratuiti, si nota la presenza di migranti in transito.

    Si stima siano arrivati in Bosnia ed Erzegovina finora circa 50mila migranti, provenienti da paesi come Afghanistan, Pakistan, Siria e Iraq. Degli oltre 6.100 migranti e richiedenti asilo presenti intorno alle città di confine di Bihac e Velika Kladusa, nel cantone di Una Sana, solo 2.800 persone vivono nei centri ufficiali. Gli altri dormono in edifici abbandonati o in rifugi di fortuna dove le temperature sono prossime allo zero. Il 13 novembre scorso, le autorità locali hanno annunciato che il campo di Vučjak rimarrà aperto per tutto l’inverno e sarà utilizzato per accogliere i nuovi arrivati.

    Vučjak si trova vicino ad una zona non ancora bonificata dalle mine antiuomo: un problema che riguarda 129 delle 143 municipalità bosniache - stima una portavoce di Bhmac intervistata da Balkan Insight: il 15% della popolazione locale, 545mila persone, vive in aree a rischio.

    Dal 1996 all’agosto 2019, l’organizzazione ha calcolato che 673 persone abbiano perso la vita nell’esplosione di un ordigno e 1.769 siano state ferite. Tra le vittime anche 250 bambini.

    Numeri in calo anno dopo anno ma che non hanno mai raggiunto lo zero. Si sospetta che rimangano ancora mille chilometri quadrati ancora da bonificare in territorio bosniaco, mentre in Croazia - l’unico paese UE sul cui territorio ci sono ancora mine attive - il pericolo riguarderebbe un’area di 400 chilometri quadrati.

    Secondo il Croatian Mine Action Center, nel paese sarebbero ancora presenti 32mila ordigni potenzialmente letali. Entrambi gli stati dell’ex Jugoslavia non sono riusciti a debellare completamente questa minaccia, anche per mancanza di fondi. In Croazia, questo appuntamento con la storia - fissato inizialmente per il 2019 - è stato rimandato almeno al 2026.

    https://it.euronews.com/2019/12/05/rotta-balcanica-i-volantini-anti-mine-distribuiti-ai-migranti-dalla-cro

    #mines_anti-personnel #mines #route_des_balkans #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine

    –--------

    En 2015, j’avais lancé un SOS sur le même sujet, la présence de mines anti-personnel sur la route des Balkans.
    Voici le fil de discussion:

    https://seenthis.net/messages/409102

  • Une personne grièvement blessée par la police à la #frontière entre la #Croatie et la #Slovénie, 27-28 novembre 2019

    –-------------

    Croatie : un policier ouvre encore le feu contre des réfugiés

    28 novembre - 22h : Mercredi en fin d’après-midi, un policier a ouvert le feu contre un groupe de réfugiés, près du village de #Mrkopalj, dans le comté de #Primorje-Gorski_Kotar, à 50 km à l’est de Rijeka, blessant l’un d’entre eux. La police affirme que l’homme aurait opposé une vive résistance à son arrestation et tenté de s’enfuir. Il y a onze jour, la police avait déjà ouvert le feu contre un autre groupe de réfugiés dans la même région, située sur la route reliant la région de Bihać, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, à la Croatie.

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/courrierdesbalkans-fr-fil-info-refugies-2019-novembre

    #frontière_sud-alpine #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #frontières #Croatie #Route_des_Balkans #Slovénie

    Cet accident survient seulement quelques 10 jours après l’autre personne blessée par #arme_à_feu sur la même frontière, 16-17.11.2019 :
    Migrante in fin di vita all’ospedale di Fiume, sarebbe stato raggiunto da colpi di pistola esplosi dalla polizia
    https://seenthis.net/messages/811666

    #armes #armes_à_feu

    –-------

    v. la liste des push-back à la frontière avec #armes_à_feu (août 2017-octobre 2019)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/814569

    –------

    Ajouté à cette liste des morts (même si la personne dont on parle ici n’est pas décédée) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/811660

    Et, indirectement, à la métaliste des migrant·es morts à la #frontière_sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    • We begin another week’s report with news of Croatian police shooting a man. Just eleven days after the case of an officer’s “accidental firing” and shooting of a man who is still recovering from serious injuries at the hospital in Rijeka, on Thursday another Croatian police officer shot a man in the area of #Mrkopalj (https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/policajac-upucao-migranta-kod-fuzina-iz-policije-kazu-da-je-kriv-migrant/2136049.aspx). The police version about the event is again unclear and blames the victim – it says that the person was “actively resisting and thereby caused the police officer’s firearm to fire". We wonder which version of the story the Croatian police will embrace this time - in the case of another “accidental firing”, the question is whether police officers are actually well trained in handling firearms, and in the case of a deliberate shooting, we expect a transparent and independent investigation into all of the circumstances of the event and the verification whether the police officer acted within his authority and in proportion to the use of necessary defence.

      Reçu via Inicijativa dobrodosli, mail du 04.11.2019.

      –---
      Policajac upucao migranta kod Fužina. Iz policije kažu da je kriv - migrant

      POLICAJAC je jučer na području Mrkoplja upucao migranta. Iz policije su javili da je došlo do opaljenja jer je migrant pružao aktivan otpor. Migrant je lakše ranjen.

      Propucavanje se dogodilo jučer, a policija je o tome izvijestila danas navodeći da je migrant sam kriv za opaljenje pištolja.

      U riječkom KBC-u doznaje se da je ozlijeđeni muškarac zadobio prostrjelnu ranu desnog ramena te je sinoć operiran. Stanje mu je stabilno i izvan je životne opasnosti.

      Utvrđuju okolnosti ranjavanja migranta, a već su ih utvrdili?

      Njihovo priopćenje prenosimo u cijelosti.

      “Jučer, 27. studenog 2019. godine, u kasnim popodnevnim satima, na širem području Mrkoplja, policijski službenici PU primorsko-goranske, koji sukladno zaključcima sastanka predstavnika policije i lokalnih vlasti na navedenom području provode pojačane aktivnosti na suzbijanju nezakonitih migracija te prevenciji imovinskih delikata, zatekli su grupu nepoznatih osoba.

      Tijekom policijskog postupanja, jedna od zatečenih osoba, u namjeri da spriječi policijskog službenika u obavljanju službene radnje, pružala je aktivan otpor i na taj način svojim djelovanjem prouzrokovala opaljenje iz vatrenog oružja policijskog službenika, kojom prilikom je došlo do posljedičnog zadobivanja ozljeda.

      Osobi je odmah pružena hitna medicinska pomoć te je zbrinuta. Prema prvim neslužbenim informacijama radi se o lakšoj ozljedi”, stoji u priopćenju.

      Na kraju dodaju kako se utvrđuju sve okolnosti pod kojima se događaj odvio, a prema njihovom priopćenju se čini da su već utvrdili način na koji je migrant upucan.

      Zadnji ovakav slučaj dogodio se prije 11 dana na području Tuhobića, gdje je policajac iz puške propucao migranta i nanio mu ozljede opasne po život. Policija je i tada izvijestila da se radilo o slučajnom opaljenju oružja.

      https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/policajac-upucao-migranta-kod-fuzina-iz-policije-kazu-da-je-kriv-migrant/2136049.aspx

  • Tourists in #Gran_Canaria are left stunned as 24 migrants including three children and a pregnant woman in a rickety boat land on popular beach on the holiday isle

    Tourists in Gran Canaria were left stunned today when 24 migrants including three children and a pregnant woman landed in a rickety boat on a popular beach.

    Sunbathers in the Canary Islands joined forces with emergency workers to give water, food and clothes to migrants who arrived unexpectedly on the rocky shores of Aguila beach, in San Bartolome de Tirajana.

    Exhausted, cold and some seemingly in a state of shock after weathering the Atlantic, the two dozen migrants were given thermal blankets and towels by rescue workers as they were finally able to rest on the beach.

    Red Cross officials said the migrants, who were from northern and sub-Saharan Africa, told them of six days spent navigating at times rough waters. ’It was a really tough journey,’ Jose Antonio Rodriguez of the Red Cross said.

    The group included 12 men, eight women and three children - six of whom were treated at a local hospital. None were reported to be in serious condition.

    Sunseekers, who ranged from tourists visiting the island to locals, sprang into action after the boat arrived, he said.

    ’They were the first ones to help out, giving them food, water and milk for the babies after they saw how hungry they were,’ he said. ’They also gave clothing as the migrants were soaking wet.’

    In the extraordinary incident, one woman cradled a weary migrant in her lap as another swimsuit-clad woman gave her water. Another used his beach towel to keep her feet warm.

    Photographs show the migrants wrapped in gold emergency blankets and laying on the rocky beach as rescue service members work to provide them with bottles of water and sandwiches.

    British holidaymakers Gavin and Bernadette Rodgers witnessed the landing while on a dolphin watching trip during their pre-Christmas break to the island, which is located off the northwest coast of Africa.

    The pair had paid 30 euros for the trip, which set off from Puerto Rica on Gran Canaria with a small group of German and British tourists. An hour and a half into the two hour trip, the tour hadn’t seen a single dolphin.

    ’We were all scanning the sea, almost giving up hope. Suddenly a crew member came up on deck and said we had drifted very close to the coast of Africa,’ Mrs Rodgers said. ’They had been alerted by the coast guard that we needed to be vigilant in case we encountered a boat from there.

    ’Strangely my first thought was we might be about to be kidnapped by armed pirates. But the crewman said no, it was a boatful of immigrants heading for Europe who may have been drifting for days. I was relieved and gratified. We can rescue help these people and bring them to safety.’

    Some 27,594 migrants had arrived in Spain this year by mid-November, according to data from the Interior Ministry, a decrease of more than 50 per cent from the same period last year.

    The popular tourist destination of the Canary Islands, however, has seen an increase of 22 per cent in arrivals, with 1,493 migrants arriving so far this year by mid-November.

    https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7739717/Tourists-Gran-Canaria-left-stunned-24-migrants-rickety-boat-land-popula
    #tourisme #migrations #photographie #route_atlantique

    J’ajoute du coup à cette métaliste sur le lien entre migrations et tourisme:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/770799

    ping @reka @isskein

    • Bañistas de una playa de Gran Canaria auxilian a 24 inmigrantes que desembarcaron en patera

      Las llegadas de inmigrantes a las Islas Canarias han aumentado un 22% en 2019 y ya rozan las 1.500.

      Las imágenes de inmigrantes en pateras son habituales en la costa española, aunque a veces la tragedia deja un hueco para la esperanza. Este viernes desembarcaron 24 personas en la playa del Águila, en el sur de Gran Canaria, y los bañistas que disfrutaban del sol de la isla se lanzaron a socorrerlas. Entre los viajeros, que llegaron todos con vida, había seis menores de edad y dos mujeres embarazadas. Las llegadas a las costas canarias han aumentado más de un 20% en 2019.

      El otoño no existe en las playas de Maspalomas. Mientras los bañistas disfrutaban de unos agradables 27 grados, una embarcación con inmigrantes magrebíes y subsaharianos alcanzó la pedregosa costa. Los integrantes de la patera, un grupo de tres bebés, tres niños, 10 varones y ocho mujeres, desembarcaron por sus propios medios en la orilla. Los bañistas, que observaban la escena estupefactos, ayudaron de inmediato, incluso antes de que los servicios de emergencia llegasen para entregar agua, alimentos y ropa de abrigo a los inmigrantes. Algunos de los usuarios de la playa se pusieron de acuerdo para ir a un supermercado cercano y comprar leche y biberones para los más pequeños, y embutidos, pan y yogures para los demás.

      Aunque no se produjeron víctimas, 13 inmigrantes fueron derivados a distintos centros sanitarios porque presentaban síntomas de deshidratación, mareos o cuadros de vómitos, según informó Efe. Los viajeros pasaron cinco días en el mar y algunos de ellos trataron de huir al alcanzar la playa, con escaso éxito. Uno de los bebés tuvo que ser evacuado al Hospital Materno-infantil de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria.

      Más de 27.000 inmigrantes han llegado a España en lo que va de 2019, menos de la mitad que el año pasado, según el Ministerio del Interior. Sin embargo, Canarias ha experimentado un aumento del 22%. A principios de noviembre, nueve inmigrantes murieron tras volcar una patera en Lanzarote. El archipiélago, que durante el otoño y el invierno supone una opción muy atractiva para muchos turistas españoles y extranjeros que escapan del frío continental, se ha convertido en una ruta al alza entre quienes se echan al mar con la ilusión de alcanzar suelo europeo. No todos lo consiguen.

      https://elpais.com/politica/2019/11/29/actualidad/1575040711_248908.html
      #Canaries #îles_canaries

  • Une personne grièvement blessée par la police à la #frontière entre la #Croatie et la #Slovénie, 17 novembre 2019 :

    Un inmigrante, en estado crítico por los disparos de la Policía croata cerca de la frontera con Eslovenia

    Un inmigrante, en estado crítico por los disparos de la Policía croata cerca de la frontera con Eslovenia

    La Policía croata ha dejado herido en estado crítico a un inmigrante que intentaba cruzar con un grupo de compañeros la frontera hacia Eslovenia, según han confirmado fuentes oficiales de la localidad de #Rijeka, próxima a la zona montañosa de #Gorski_Kotar, a unos 20 kilómetros de la línea de separación, donde ha sucedido el incidente. El ministro del Interior croata, Davor Bozinovic, ha confirmado las intenciones del grupo pero no ha dado detalles sobre el número de integrantes ni sus ...

    Leer más: https://www.europapress.es/internacional/noticia-inmigrante-estado-critico-disparos-policia-croata-cerca-frontera

    https://www.europapress.es/internacional/noticia-inmigrante-estado-critico-disparos-policia-croata-cerca-frontera
    #montagne

    Ajouté à cette liste des morts (même si la personne dont on parle ici n’est pas décédée, mais les blessures sont apparemment très graves et la personne est « en fin de vie » selon les informations de presse) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/811660

    Et, indirectement, à la métaliste des migrant·es morts à la #frontière_sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    #frontière_sud-alpine #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #frontières #Croatie #Route_des_Balkans #Slovénie

    • Migrante in fin di vita all’ospedale di Fiume, sarebbe stato raggiunto da colpi di pistola esplosi dalla polizia

      „A riportare la notizia è il quotidiano croato Dnevnik.hr che ha registrato il grave ferimento dell’uomo, di cui non si conoscono ancora le generalità, ieri pomeriggio nella zona del Gorski Kotar. La vicenda confermata anche dal ministro degli Interni di Zagabria, Davor Bozinovic“

      Nella zona del Gorski kotar, ieri 16 novembre la Polizia croata avrebbe sparato ad un migrante che sarebbe ricoverato in fin di vita, nell’ospedale di Fiume, a causa di una grave ferita al ventre. A riportare la notizia è il quotidiano croato Dnevnik.hr in questo articolo dove spiega come le forze dell’ordine croate avrebbero esploso colpi d’arma da fuoco (non viene riferito il numero) dopo il rintraccio di un gruppo di una quindicina di migranti nella zona del monte Tuhobic e, presumibilmente, provenienti dalla rotta balcanica.

      Al momento non si hanno notizie sulle generalità dell’uomo, né sulla sua età. Il Dnevnik riporta che l’uomo, assieme agli altri compagni di viaggio, si stava dirigendo verso il confine con la Slovenia, tentando di entrarvi illegalmente. La notizia del ferimento del migrante e il suo trasferimento all’ospedale del capoluogo quarnerino, è stata confermata, come riportato sempre dal media croato, anche dal ministro degli Interni di Zagabria Davor Bozinovic. Da quanto riportato dai media croati e sloveni, dovrebbe venir aperta un’inchiesta per far luce sul grave fatto di cronaca.

      http://www.triesteprima.it/cronaca/rotta-balcanica-croazia-slovenia-migrante-ferito.html

    • Croazia: la polizia spara sui migranti

      Uno è stato ridotto in fin di vita. Aperta una inchiesta per stabilire cosa sia successo durante il pattugliamento nel Gorski Kotar.

      Spari sui migranti in una zona impervia del Gorski Kotar, non lontano dal monte Tuhobić, ad alcuni chilometri di distanza dalla più vicina arteria stradale. Tutto è avvenuto ieri pomeriggio, quando la polizia croata ha aperto il fuoco contro un gruppo di sospetti clandestini, una quindicina, che avrebbero cercato di raggiungere la Slovenia. Uno di loro è stato raggiunto al torace ed è in gravissime condizioni. È stato operato d’urgenza nell’ospedale di Fiume.
      Il ministro dell’Interno croato, Davor Božinović ha spiegato che i poliziotti erano in servizio di pattugliamento per il controllo della frontiera: aperta un’inchiesta per stabilire le circostanze che hanno portato ad aprire il fuoco contro i migranti e se ciò sia stato giustificato dagli eventi. Alla domanda se anche i migranti fossero armati, il ministro ha detto che non c’è ancora una risposta. Tutti i componenti il gruppo di migranti sono stati fermati. Da diverso tempo le organizzazioni umanitarie e per i diritti umani imputano alla polizia croata un comportamento violento nei confronti di profughi e migranti che arrivano in Croazia dalla Bosnia ed Erzegovina, da pestaggi a respingimenti oltre confine in modo violento. Finora però non era mai giunta notizia di un impiego di armi da fuoco.

      https://capodistria.rtvslo.si/news/croazia/croazia-la-polizia-spara-sui-migranti/505185

    • Et l’article avec la nouvelle dans un journal croate :
      Doznajemo : Ranjavanju migranta prethodio je napad na policajce. Kamenjem ih gađala veća skupina migranata

      Ilegalni migrant koji je teško ozlijeđen u subotu kasno popodne u Gorskom kotaru još uvijek je životno ugrožen. Očevid radi utvrđivanja okolnosti tog incidenta još je u tijeku. Neslužbeno doznajemo da su ga policajci nakon ranjavanja nosili nekoliko kilometara, sve dok ga nije preuzela služba Hitne pomoći.

      Ministar unutarnjih poslova Davor Božinović kazao je da je dovršen očevid u slučaju ranjavanja migranta koji se u KBC-u Rijeka s prostrijelnom ranom u predjelu prsnog koša i trbuha bori za život, javlja N1.

      ’Odvjetništvo uz stručnu pomoć policije provodi kriminalističko istraživanje i u ovom trenutku rano je govoriti o rezultatima tog istraživanja. Eventualno bih u ovom trenutku mogao kazati da nije utvrđeno da je korištenje vatrenog oružja bilo usmjereno prema konkretnoj osobi, s namjerom djelovanja prema osobi", izjavio je ministar unutarnjih poslova Davor Božinović.

      Prema neslužbenim informacijama, nakon incidenta u kojem je teško ozlijeđen migrant policajci su ga s nepristupačnog terena nosili sve do vozila Hitne pomoći, kojim je nakon toga prebačen u KBC Rijeka.
      Napali policajce kamenjem?

      Neslužbeno doznajemo da je riječ o djelatniku specijalne policije koji je nedavno spasio migranta kojemu je prijetilo smrzavanje nakon što ga je njegova grupa neadekvatno odjevenog ostavila u šumama Gorskog kotara na niskim temperaturama.

      Također, neslužbeno se doznaje da je do ozljeđivanja stradalog migranta došlo nakon pucanja u zrak nakon što je veća grupa migranata vrlo blizu mjesta incidenta kamenjem i drugim priručnim sredstvima napala policajce. Policajac koji je upotrijebio vatreno oružje tada je nekoliko puta na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku upozorio da je riječ o policiji te da je primoran koristiti oružje. Potom je ispalio dva metka u zrak iz oružja koje nije bilo usmjereno prema migrantima. Kad je krenuo prema njima, policajac se spotaknuo te pritom i ozlijedio, a u tom trenutku njegovo je oružje još jednom opalilo, no nije bilo usmjereno prema migrantima, već je moguće da se hitac odbio od tvrde površine te tako ozlijedio migranta, što će utvrditi istraga.
      Ranjen u prsni koš i trbuh

      Očevid je na mjestu događaja završio, no istraga je još uvijek u tijeku, a ranjeni muškarac i dalje je u životnoj opasnosti.

      ’’Bolesnik je u jedinicu intenzivnog liječenja zaprimljen po učinjenom hitnom operativnom zahvatu. Prilikom ranjavanja zadobio je višestruke ozlijede toraksa i abdomena koje su opasne po život. U bolesnika se i dalje provode mjere intenzivnog liječenja’’, kazala je anesteziologinja riječkog KBC-a dr. sc.Vlasta Orlić Kabrić.

      Višestruke ozljede, pretpostavlja se, nastale su od metka ili od odbijanja metka o tvrdu podlogu te potom ranjavanja. Zbog incidenta je sinoć u Rijeku stigao ministar unutarnjih poslova Davor Božinović. ’’Došlo je do ozljeđivanja vjerojatno zbog uporabe vatrenog oružja, po tome će postupati nadležno županijsko državno odvjetništvo’’, rekao je ministar i kazao da ne može govoriti o detaljima.
      Kiša otežava očevid

      Mjesto nesreće udaljeno je pet kilometara od posljednjeg šumskog puta kojim se može doći vozilom. Osim teško pristupačnog terena, očevid otežavaju i veoma loše vremenske prilike, odnosno vrlo gusta kiša koja pada u tom dijelu Gorskoga kotara.

      Stanovnici Gorskog kotara već neko vrijeme imaju problema s migrantima koji uspiju pobjeći policajcima na granici s Bosnom i Hercegovinom. ’’U početku su ljudi bili susretljivi. I sami su rekli da bi trebalo pomoći ljudima. Ali, eto, kako prolazi već nekoliko godina, pogotovo u zimskom periodu, postajali su nekako agresivniji’’, govori David Bregovac, načelnik općine Fužine.

      Je li skupina na koju je naišla policijska ophodnja bila naoružana, jesu li nasrnuli na policajce, zašto je policija koristila vatreno oružje, kako je grupa ilegalaca uspjela ući tako duboko u Hrvatsku – samo su neka od pitanja na koja bi istraga koja je u tijeku trebala dati odgovor.

      https://dnevnik.hr/vijesti/hrvatska/migrant-upucan-u-gorskom-kotaru-bori-se-za-zivot-ima-prostrijelnu-ranu-prsno

    • Croatian police fire on illegal migrants near Slovenian border

      Croatian police fired on a group of illegal migrants trying to reach neighboring Slovenia late on Saturday, leaving one man critically injured, officials in the northern Adriatic town of Rijeka said.

      Croatian Interior Minister Davor Bozinovic told reporters that the group was probably trying to cross into Slovenia, but did not say how many people were in the group or give their nationalities.

      Croatia is on a route taken by many migrants from the Middle East and central Asia trying to reach wealthier EU states. Some cross into Croatia from Bosnia undeclared.

      “Police officers were preventing the passage of a group which most probably wanted to reach Slovenia,” Bozinovic told media late on Saturday, adding that one man was wounded probably due to the use of firearms.

      A doctor at the Rijeka Clinical Hospital Centre said the man in a critical condition had suffered gunshot wounds.

      “The patient was admitted for urgent surgery after sustaining gunshot wounds in the area of thorax and stomach,” the doctor told Reuters by telephone on Sunday. “He is in a life-threatening condition and intensive medical treatment is continuing.”

      Bozinovic said regional authorities would investigate the incident, which took place in the mountainous Gorski Kotar area close to Rijeka, which is around 20 km (12 miles) from the Slovenian border.

      Croatia, which wants to join the EU’s border-free Schengen area, has to convince Brussels that it is able to effectively manage the bloc’s external border, a particularly sensitive issue since Europe’s 2015 migrant crisis.

      Neighboring Bosnia, which has become a migrant hot-spot since 2018, has repeatedly accused Croatia of returning migrants to Bosnia even when they are found deep in its territory. Many migrants have been complaining of brutality of Croatian police officers, allegations that Croatia has dismissed.

      https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-croatia/croatian-police-fire-on-illegal-migrants-near-slovenian-border-idUSKBN1XR0I

    • Croatian police shoot and seriously injure refugee

      The nationality of the injured migrant has not yet been reported. The incident occurred in a wooded area of the Gorski Kotar region, between Croatia and Slovenia, on one of the routes that many migrant and refugees stuck in Bosnia take to reach Western Europe. Croatian media say that a group of 17 migrants, after being sighted while illegally crossing the woods, allegedly refused to peacefully hand themselves over to the police and began to throw rocks and other objects at the security forces. According to the official version given by the police, one policeman tripped while shooting in the air and the bullet ricocheted and hit one of the migrants. The Croatian police immediately gave first aid to the injured man and took him on foot for three kilometres to the nearest ambulance. The migrant has been hospitalised and undergone two surgeries. He is still in critical condition. Human rights organisations have expressed serious doubts about the official version of the incident and say that weapons are being used ever more frequently against migrants and have called for the interior ministry to prevent similar incidents.

      http://www.ansamed.info/ansamed/en/news/sections/generalnews/2019/11/18/croatian-police-shoot-and-seriously-injure-refugee_87deadaa-f86c-4c27-b7fb

    • Croatie : la police tire sur un groupe de migrants, un homme entre la vie et la mort

      Un homme a été touché par un tir de la police croate dans la nuit du samedi 16 au dimanche 17 novembre, dans la région montagneuse du Gorski Kotar. Selon un médecin de l’hôpital de Rijeka, ce dernier est aujourd’hui dans un état critique.

      Le ministre croate de l’Intérieur, Davor Božinović, a déclaré que l’homme « a été blessé » alors que « la police protégeait la frontière », essayant d’« empêcher un groupe de migrants [sans donner leur nombre ni leur nationalité] de passer en Slovénie ». Mais l’ONG Are You Syrious explique que ces tirs ont eu lieu « très à l’intérieur du territoire croate », loin de la frontière. La ville de Rijeka se situe effectivement à une vingtaine de kilomètres de la Slovénie.

      La Croatie, qui veut intégrer l’espace Schengen, doit convaincre Bruxelles qu’elle est capable de prendre en charge la frontière extérieure de l’UE, notamment depuis le début de la crise des migrants en 2015. « Ce n’est pas la première fois que la protection des frontières en Croatie a des conséquences fatales ou quasi-fatales », rappelle Are You Syrious. Le 21 novembre 2017, une Afghane de 6 ans est morte quelques minutes après une opération de refoulement illégale de la police croate à la frontière avec la Serbie. Le 30 mai 2018, deux réfugiés de 12 ans, un garçon et une fille, ont été atteints au visage par des tirs de cette même police.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/courrierdesbalkans-fr-fil-info-refugies-2019-novembre

    • Croatian police fire on irregular migrants near Slovenian border

      Croatian police on Friday fired on a group of migrants trying to irregularly reach neighboring Slovenia, local officials said. One man was critically injured. Thousands of migrants trying to reach western Europe are stuck in the Balkans.

      A migrant is fighting for his life after being shot by police on Friday, doctors in the Croatian port of Rijeka said Sunday. The unidentified migrant reportedly suffered multiple bullet wounds to his chest.

      “The patient was admitted for urgent surgery after sustaining gunshot wounds in the area of thorax and stomach,” a doctor at the Rijeka Clinical Hospital Center told news agency Reuters. “He is in a life-threatening condition and intensive medical treatment is continuing.”

      The incident happened when Croatian police fired on a group of irregular migrants trying to reach neighboring Slovenia. As AP reports, Croatian police said they fired the shots “to protect Croatia’s borders.”

      The Croatian interior minister Davor Bozinovic told media that “police officers were preventing the passage of a group which most probably wanted to reach Slovenia.” He further said that one man was wounded probably due to the use of firearms. Bozinovic did not say how many people were in the group or give their nationalities.

      The interior ministry said regional authorities would investigate the incident, which took place in the mountainous Gorski Kotar area close to Rijeka, a Croatian port city around 20 kilometers (12 miles) from the Slovenian border.

      Critical situation

      Rights groups have repeatedly accused Croatian authorities of using excessive force against migrants irregularly entering from neighboring Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, both non-EU countries. The EU-member state Croatia has repeatedly denied the charges.

      Croatia, which wants to join the EU’s border-free Schengen area, has to convince Brussels that it is able to effectively manage the bloc’s external border. This is a particularly sensitive issue since Europe’s 2015 so-called migrant crisis.

      Croatia is on the so-called Balkan route taken by many migrants from the Middle East and central Asia trying to reach wealthier EU states. Some of those migrants cross into Croatia from Bosnia undeclared. In recent months, more and more refugees and migrants have arrived in Europe via the southern/western Balkan route: EU border agency Frontex registered 8,400 border crossings in the first 10 months of 2019 - an 82% increase compared to the same period last year.

      Storm sweeps through migrant camp in Bosnia

      In Croatia’s neighboring state Bosnia and Herzegovina, a storm on Friday blew many tents away in a bleak makeshift camp for migrants who are trying to reach western Europe. Migrants staying in the Vucjak camp near the border with Croatia were appealing for help on Saturday after spending a sleepless night looking for shelter.

      On Friday, hundreds of locals protested against the migrants’ presence and demanded the closure of overcrowded refugee camps and the relocation of the migrants from the city area.

      The European Union and numerous international organizations have repeatedly called for the closure of the Vucjak camp, which is located on a former landfill and is near a minefield left over from Bosnia’s 1992-95 war.

      Hundreds of migrants have been staying there with almost no facilities since the authorities in northwestern Bosnia set up the camp earlier this year. Bosnia, which has become a migrant hot-spot since 2018, has repeatedly accused Croatia of returning migrants to Bosnia even when they are found deep in its territory.

      This practice called “pushbacks” is prohibited under the Geneva Refugee Convention, which provided the principle of nonrefoulement.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/20899/croatian-police-fire-on-irregular-migrants-near-slovenian-border

    • https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/Press-Briefing-19th-November-2019-1.pdf

      voir aussi:
      14/10/2019: “[they] started beating men with sticks, they beat me on my shoulder and back”

      Date and time: October 14, 2019 03:00
      Location: South east of #Komesarac, Croatia
      Coordinates: 45.09186791983132, 15.769071046238082
      Push-back from: Croatia
      Push-back to: Bosnia
      Demographics: 35 person(s), age: 2 - 45 (including minors aged 2, 5, 6, 7 and 8) , from: Palestine, Syria, Iraq
      Minors involved? Yes
      Violence used: beating (with batons/hands/other), kicking, threatening with guns, forcing to undress, destruction of personal belongings, theft of personal belongings
      Police involved: 10 Croatian officers dressed in blue uniforms with gunns, 2 police cars, 3 vans, 6/7 officers in camourflage uniform
      Taken to a police station?: yes
      Treatment at police station or other place of detention: detention, no translator present, denial of access to toilets, denial of food/water
      Was the intention to ask for asylum expressed?: Yes
      Reported by: Border Violence Monitoring

      Original Report

      A Syrian family joined a group of 35 people (mostly families from Syria and Palestine and a few single men from Iraq), and attempted to cross the Bosnian-Croatian border. They started walking from Velika Kladuša and walked for a day and a half through the woods and mountains. Once they were inside Croatian territory they decided to take a rest in the woods. The group fell asleep only to be woken up at 03:00 in the morning of 14th October 2019 by rapid gun fire and shouts of, “Freeze!”.

      They family noticed ten men in blue uniforms of Croatian police surrounding them, firing shots in the air:

      “like in a movie, they forced all men to lie down on their stomachs with our hands behind our heads, women no, they were just standing aside”.

      Not long after, the police ordered them to make a line and start walking, while police was escorting the line on both sides, pointing their guns at them.

      “We walked maybe 30 minutes, we reached a place with a hole already waiting for us, the fire was already burning, ready for our stuff. They took everyone’s backpacks, bags and sleeping bags and for single men they took jackets also. Everything was burned. I asked if I can take my baby’s food from the bag and they said no, took my backpack and threw it in the fire.”

      They were searched over their clothes and had their phones taken away from them. Some phones were thrown on the ground and stomped-on with police boots while some were just taken away and never returned. Two police cars and three vans arrived, everyone was forced to go inside them and driven for an hour to the police station where they were detained for two hours with no food, water, access to toilet or the presence of a translator.

      “They didn’t even talk to us, we asked them to take our fingerprints, one man in the group spoke good English and he explained to the police what we want (referring to asylum claim). The police was just laughing and didn’t do anything.”

      Instead, the transit group were again put in the three police vans which drove for around one hour and a half to the border-area, where they were made to go out of the vans and saw six to seven police in camouflage uniforms waiting for them.

      “Commandos in camouflage color started beating men with sticks, they beat me on my shoulder and back [he shows a picture of the bruises from his phone] and kicking us in our knees or behind our knees, yelling at us to start walking faster. They were walking behind us, beating and yelling for a few hundred meters than they stopped and we were told to continue by ourselves.”

      Once returned to BiH, the group walked for four to five hours to reach Velika Kladuša, where they took the bus to Sedra camp, close to Bihac.

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/october-14-2019-0300-south-east-of-komesarac-croatia

  • Mort de neuf migrants après un #naufrage au large de l’île espagnole de #Lanzarote

    Neuf migrants ont été retrouvés morts au large de Lanzarote après le naufrage de leur embarcation prise dans une forte houle alors qu’ils tentaient de rejoindre cette île des Canaries. Deux autres personnes sont toujours portées disparues.

    Neuf migrants sont morts après le naufrage au large de l’île espagnole de Lanzarote, aux Canaries, de leur embarcation renversée par de fortes vagues, ont indiqué jeudi 7 novembre les autorités de l’archipel. Deux autres migrants sont toujours portés disparus.

    Ce bilan s’est alourdi jeudi après la découverte de quatre nouveaux corps, ont indiqué les autorités locales. Mercredi, cinq corps avaient été retrouvés « en dépit des difficultés dues à la forte houle, responsable du renversement de l’embarcation", avait expliqué l’administration locale de Lanzarote, dans un communiqué.

    "Il y a neuf personnes décédées, en plus des quatre secourues en vie", a indiqué à l’AFP un porte-parole du gouvernement local de Lanzarote, île située au large des côtes marocaines, dans l’océan Atlantique. "Selon certains survivants, quinze personnes étaient à bord de l’embarcation et les services d’urgence continuent de fouiller la zone", a ajouté le porte-parole.

    Les recherches se poursuivaient jeudi avec deux hélicoptères et plusieurs bateaux, en dépit des conditions météorologiques très difficiles "avec des vagues de quatre ou cinq mètres", avait plutôt affirmé Isidoro Blanco, porte-parole des services d’urgence de Lanzarote.

    Selon le récit des rescapés, la quinzaine de personnes aurait pris la mer vendredi. Aucune information n’a été donnée sur leur pays d’origine ni leur identité.

    Selon les chiffres publiés par l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) de l’ONU, au moins 80 personnes sont mortes ou portées disparues, après avoir tenté de parvenir aux Canaries depuis le nord-ouest de l’Afrique en 2019.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/20690/mort-de-neuf-migrants-apres-un-naufrage-au-large-de-l-ile-espagnole-de
    #décès #migrations #réfugiés #Lanzarote #Atlantique #océan_atlantique #mourir_en_mer #Canaries #routes_migratoires #itinéraires_migratoires #route_atlantique

    • La côte atlantique, nouveau point de départ de jeunes marocains

      Ces dernières semaines, plusieurs embarcations transportant des jeunes marocains sont parties des villes de Salé, Casablanca, ou encore Safi, pour rejoindre le sud de l’Espagne ou les Canaries. Pour Ali Zoubeidi, docteur en droit public, spécialiste dans le trafic illicite de migrants au Maroc, les départs depuis ces villes situées sur la côte atlantique du pays sont nouveaux, et révèlent le désarroi d’une jeunesse qui, faute de perspectives, se tourne vers un « eldorado » européen.
      Entre fin septembre et début octobre, les corps de 16 personnes ont été repêchés au large de Casablanca, au nord-ouest du Maroc. Les victimes, tous de jeunes marocains, étaient montées à bord d’une embarcation pneumatique, espérant rejoindre le sud de l’Espagne par l’océan Atlantique. Sur la soixantaine de personnes qui se trouvaient à bord, seules trois ont survécu.

      Quelques semaines plus tard, une vidéo publiée sur les réseaux sociaux fait le tour de la presse marocaine. Elle montre Anouar Boukharsa, un sportif marocain détenteur de plusieurs prix de taekwondo régionaux et nationaux, lancer sa médaille à la mer depuis un bateau de fortune en direction des Canaries. Parti de la plage de Souira, au sud de la ville de Safi, avec une dizaine de jeunes marocains comme lui originaires de la région, il est arrivé le 23 octobre à Lanzarote, une île de l’archipel espagnol, après quatre jours de voyage.

      Si le Maroc est devenu ces dernières années une route migratoire majeure, avec des départs s’organisant le plus souvent depuis la côte méditerranéenne, ces deux événements illustrent la présence d’autres points de départ se situant du côté Atlantique. Ali Zoubeidi, docteur en droit public spécialiste dans le trafic illicite de migrants au Maroc, travaille sur l’émergence de ces nouvelles traversées. Il répond aux questions de la rédaction d’InfoMigrants.

      Les départs depuis la côte atlantique du Maroc sont-ils nouveaux ?

      La route atlantique depuis le sud du pays en direction des Canaries avait déjà été réactivée, avec des points de départ dans la région de Tiznit, ou près de Dakhla. On connaissait déjà aussi la route du nord, avec des embarcations qui partent des villes d’Asilah ou de Larache, sur la côte atlantique, pour rejoindre la mer Méditerranée puis le sud de l’Espagne.

      Mais ce que l’on voit émerger maintenant, et c’est très récent, ce sont des points de départ dans le centre, à partir de villes comme Safi - d’où est parti le champion de taekwondo - pour aller aux Canaries, ou de Salé et de Casablanca pour rejoindre la Méditerranée et ensuite le sud de l’Espagne. Ce sont des trajets de plusieurs jours, très dangereux, à bord d’embarcations de pêche traditionnelles ou de bateaux pneumatiques qui sont mis à l’eau sur des plages sauvages, par exemple à Souira, au sud de Safi.

      Les points de départ au sud concernent à la fois des Marocains et des migrants originaires d’Afrique subsaharienne. Ces derniers se retrouvent pour certains au sud du pays après avoir été refoulés du nord par les autorités. [Les autorités marocaines avaient commencé en août 2018 à refouler de force des migrants vers le sud du pays afin de les « soustraire aux réseaux mafieux » du nord, NDLR.]

      Au centre, depuis Safi, Salé, ce sont surtout de jeunes marocains qui partent vers l’Europe.

      Comment expliquer ces départs de jeunes marocains ?

      Même s’il n’y a pas encore de chiffres et données précises sur les départs depuis ces nouvelles zones, ce que l’on observe, c’est vraiment le désespoir de la jeunesse marocaine. Ce sont souvent des jeunes qui décident de quitter le pays en trouvant l’issue la plus proche pour atteindre l’Europe, « l’eldorado ». Dans les vidéos qui sont apparues ces dernières semaines, on a vu plusieurs personnes originaires de Safi partir du sud de leur ville, dont des sportifs. Certains jettent à l’eau leurs médailles, d’autres leurs diplômes. C’est révélateur d’une absence de perspectives pour la jeunesse marocaine, tant au niveau économique, de la santé, qu’au niveau sportif et culturel. Ils savent qu’ils peuvent mourir pendant le trajet, mais ils ne se posent pas la question de ce qu’il pourra ensuite se passer une fois en Espagne.

      C’est vraiment présenté comme une aventure, un challenge entre jeunes. Ce sont aussi des jeunes qui souffrent de l’absence de voie légale d’immigration. Ils se voient refuser des visas pour des raisons économiques, même quand il s’agit pour eux simplement de faire du tourisme ou d’effectuer un déplacement temporaire. Et puis, il y a la mise en scène. On fait des vidéos pendant le passage irrégulier, on se vante pour montrer qu’on y arrive, on fait des dédicaces à sa famille, ses amis : c’est le moment où l’on peut dire « j’ai réussi quelque chose ». Et cela devient un facteur d’attraction pour d’autres. C’est aussi de la publicité dont se servent ensuite les réseaux mafieux.

      Comment s’organisent ces départs ? Quels sont les dangers ?

      Je dirais qu’il y a vraiment des réseaux criminels impliqués dans environ 85% des cas. Le reste étant des amateurs qui s’auto-organisent. Je soulignerais aussi l’importance de la communauté locale, des gens qui habitent sur la côte : dans les quartiers populaires, des pêcheurs sont impliqués. Il y a également des opportunistes, qui n’y connaissent rien, qui prennent contact avec des jeunes via les réseaux sociaux et les arnaquent. Début septembre, pour le cas du naufrage au large de Casablanca d’une embarcation qui se dirigeait vers le sud de l’Espagne, il s’agissait clairement d’une arnaque. Il est extrêmement compliqué de rejoindre les côtes espagnoles depuis Casablanca.

      Il y a également eu le cas de migrants qui avaient été mis dans une embarcation et emmenés d’une côte marocaine à une autre. On leur avait dit de rester cachés pour ne pas être repérés. Au-delà des arnaques, ce sont des routes très dangereuses, autant lorsqu’on part du centre vers les Canaries que du centre vers le sud de l’Espagne. Et, souvent, les jeunes qui partent n’ont pas le réflexe de penser à des numéros de secours qu’ils pourraient appeler en cas de détresse.

      La vidéo du champion de taekwondo, et deux jours avant la photo d’un ancien footballeur lors de sa traversée, sont des signaux d’alarme pour le pays. Le Maroc renforce ses capacités et forme des acteurs à lutter contre ces départs et ces réseaux. Mais il faudra aussi des programmes pour travailler sur les causes profondes qui poussent ces jeunes à partir.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/20425/la-cote-atlantique-nouveau-point-de-depart-de-jeunes-marocains

      #migrants_marocains #jeunes #jeunesse #Asilah #Larache #Salé #Casablanca #Safi

    • Casi 60 muertos en el naufragio de una patera que venía a Canarias

      Al menos 57 inmigrantes de varias nacionalidades han muerto tras naufragar este miércoles su embarcación en aguas del Atlántico a la altura de #Nuadibú (470 kilómetros al norte de Nuakchot), en Mauritania.

      Al menos 57 inmigrantes de varias nacionalidades han muerto tras naufragar este miércoles su embarcación en aguas del Atlántico a la altura de Nuadibú (470 kilómetros al norte de Nuakchot), en Mauritania, según fuentes policiales en esta ciudad.

      Otros 74 ocupantes de esa misma patera lograron salir con vida tras nadar hasta llegar a la costa de Mauritania, y fueron ellos los que dieron detalles del naufragio.

      La embarcación había partido el pasado jueves desde las costas de Gambia con destino a las Islas Canarias, llevando a bordo un total de 150 ocupantes de distintas nacionalidades.

      La embarcación, que al parecer viajaba siempre cerca de las costas, golpeó un arrecife y volcó; una vez en el agua, solo los que sabían nadar pudieron llegar hasta la costa y salvar la vida.

      Tras encontrar a los supervivientes, las autoridades mauritanas les llevaron hasta un lugar seguro de Nuadibú, donde les proporcionaron cuidados, víveres, ropa y mantas.

      No hay esperanza de encontrar a nuevos supervivientes, según las fuentes, pero continúa el rastreo para tratar de encontrar los cadáveres, que en algunos casos han sido arrojados a tierra por el oleaje.

      Estos últimos serán enterrados esta misma noche en un lugar al exterior de la ciudad.

      https://www.laprovincia.es/sucesos/2019/12/04/60-muertos-naufragio-patera-iba/1233464.html
      #Mauritanie

    • Il naufragio di ieri al largo delle coste mauritane in cui 60 migranti hanno perso la vita mi ha riportato indietro al 2006, quando più di 50.000 migranti avevano intrapreso la rotta delle Canarie con un tragico bilancio di più di 5000 morti nell’Oceano Atlantico.
      In quegli anni andavo spesso alle Canarie per capire quello che succedeva. Su quelle isole e a Melilla, ho cominciato a lavorare sulle politiche di esternalizzazione.
      Che i migranti partano sempre più a sud, dal Gambia questa volta, sapendo che il viaggio é lunghissimo (più di 10 giorni di traversata) e pericolosissimo, si spiega anche con il tentativo di chiusura totale delle altre rotte, quella libica e marocchina, da parte della UE e per la presenza delle navi di Frontex al largo delle coste senegalesi e mauritane.

      https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10220667545986599&set=a.1478670974789&type=3&theater

      #Sara_Prestianni #Gambie

    • Mauritanian coast guard intercepts boat carrying around 190 migrants, IOM says

      A boat carrying around 190 migrants was intercepted by the Mauritanian coast guard on Friday, the UN migration agency said. This comes less than two days after 63 migrants drowned when their vessel sank in the same waters en route from The Gambia. The country’s president has vowed to crack down on people traffickers.

      After the recovery of five additional bodies, the death toll from last Wednesday’s sinking of a fishing boat rose to 63 over the weekend, according to news agencies AP and dpa. The boat was headed northward toward Spain’s Canary Islands from the small coastal town of Barra in the Gambia.

      The International Organization for Migration (IOM) said at least 150 people were traveling on the boat. According to one of the survivors, the boat may have been carrying up to 200 people, as rfi reported. Around 80 survived by swimming ashore.

      Separately, the Mauritanian coast guard on Friday intercepted a vessel carrying around 190 Gambian migrants headed for Spain’s Canary Islands, a Mauritanian security source told news agency AFP.

      Initial estimates said the boat was carrying between 150 and 180 migrants. They are in the process of being identified by the local authorities, said Laura Lungarotti, chief of the IOM in Mauritania.

      Uptick in attempted crossings

      The incidents are indicative of a resurgence in the number of people willing to risk the perilous and poorly monitored sea passage along West Africa’s coast to Spain’s Canary Islands, which was a major route for those seeking jobs and a better life in Europe until Spain stepped up patrols in the mid-2000s, Reuters writes.

      “It is part of this trend of an increasing number of people passing through this route because the central Mediterranean route has been stopped due to the Libya situation,” Lungarotti told Reuters.

      In Italy, the number of migrant arrivals dropped significantly after the Italian government focused its policies on stopping migration to its shores from Libya in 2016.

      From January to December this year, some 14,000 people arrived irregularly in Europe via the central Mediterranean route, down from nearly 25,000 in 2018.

      Recently, however, there has been a rise in migrant boats departing from Libya: In late November, at least 9 boats with more than 600 migrants on board were discovered on the central Mediterranean route in only 48 hours, according to IOM.

      The Canary Islands are located roughly 1,000 kilometers north of Mauritania’s capital on the Atlantic coast, Nouakchott, and some 1,600 kilometers north of the capital of The Gambia, Banjul.

      According to IOM, some 158 people are known to have died trying to reach the Canary Islands so far this year. That’s almost four times as many as last year, when 43 people died.

      ’National tragedy’

      “To lose 60 young lives at sea is a national tragedy and a matter of grave concern to my government,” Gambian President Adama Barrow said on national television. “A full police investigation has been launched to get to the bottom of this serious national disaster. The culprits will be prosecuted according to law,” AFP cited Barrow as saying.

      Last Wednesday’s sinking off Mauritania with at least 63 deaths was one of the deadliest incidents along this route in recent years. According to IOM, it is the largest known loss of life along the so-called western migration route this year, and this year’s sixth deadliest migrant capsizings globally.

      The boat was attempting to reach the Canary Islands when their boat hit a rock. 87 people survived the disaster by swimming ashore, IOM said.

      President Barrow further said funds had been sent to Mauritania to cater to the immediate needs of the survivors admitted to hospital and to finance their repatriation. According to IOM, more than 35,000 Gambian migrants left the small country of just over 2 million and arrived in Europe between 2014 and 2018.

      The Gambia to crack down on traffickers

      On Saturday, Barrow vowed to punish people traffickers as the country mourned the deaths of the Europe-bound migrants. Barrow pledged to “fast track prosecution of cases involving human trafficking.” Law enforcement officials were “instructed to increase surveillance and arrest... criminals involved in human trafficking,” he said.

      A 22-year oppressive rule of former President Yahya Jammeh, Barrow’s predecessor, adversely affected the country’s economy. This contributed to the high number of people trying to migrate to Europe, many of whom ended up stranded in Libya and Niger. Since Jammeh was forced to cede power in 2017, however, some Gambians have started to return.

      In regards to the boat intercepted by the Mauritanian coast guard on Friday, Barrow said “Arrangements have been made to transport them” back to Banjul.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/21407/mauritanian-coast-guard-intercepts-boat-carrying-around-190-migrants-i

    • Una patera con 26 personas llega a #Tenerife y otras 152 son rescatadas en Alborán y cerca de Gran Canaria

      Salvamento Marítimo traslada este sábado al puerto de Almería a 49 varones que habían quedado aislados dos días por el mal tiempo.

      Una embarcación de Salvamento Marítimo ha rescatado esta noche a una patera con al menos 26 inmigrantes a 50 millas (92 kilómetros) de la isla de Gran Canaria. El equipo de emergencias ha trasladado a los ocupantes de la embarcación precaria al puerto de Arguineguín, una localidad del municipio de Mogán (Gran Canaria) de unos 2.500 habitantes. En otra operación en el mar de Alborán han sido rescatadas 126 personas, de las que 49, todos varones, estaban aislados desde la tarde del pasado jueves en la isla de Alborán por el mal tiempo.

      Según la agencia Efe, que cita fuentes del servicio 112 de Canarias, los rescatados cerca de Gran Canaria son 22 hombres y cuatro mujeres. Según Europa Press, que atribuye la información a fuentes de Cruz Roja, son 24 varones, uno de ellos menor de edad, y cuatro mujeres, entre las que hay una embarazada. Además, otra patera con 26 migrantes de origen subsahariano ha llegado esta madrugada al muelle de Los Abrigos de Granadilla de Abona, un municipio de Tenerife de unos 48.400 habitantes. De estos, nueve son hombres —hay un menor de 16 años— y 17 mujeres, entre las que hay una embarazada y una niña de cinco años.

      Una vez en tierra, el Servicio de Urgencias Canario (SUC) y Cruz Roja asistieron a los ocupantes de las dos pateras, todos en aparente buen estado de salud. Sin embargo, al menos cuatro personas de la patera rescatada a 50 millas de Gran Canaria han tenido que ser derivados a centros sanitarios por patologías leves. De la otra infraembarcación, tres inmigrantes han sido trasladados a ambulatorios por el mismo motivo.

      La operación en aguas de Alborán comenzó en la mañana de este sábado cuando la embarcación Salvamar Spica ha emprendido rumbo a la isla de Alborán para recoger a 49 varones, según ha informado un portavoz de Salvamento Marítimo a Efe . Estos hombres llegaron a la isla de Alborán en patera el pasado jueves sobre las 18.30 horas pero su traslado había sido imposible por el mal tiempo.

      Cuando la Salvamar Spica se dirigía en su búsqueda, el destacamento naval de la Armada en Alborán ha alertado al centro coordinador de Salvamento Marítimo del avistamiento de otra patera a media milla náutica (unos 900 metros) de la isla de Alborán.

      La Salvamar Spica ha recogido a 77 personas, entre ellas 21 mujeres y cuatro menores, de esta patera y posteriormente ha transbordado a los 49 varones llegados a la isla de Alborán y que fueron atendidos desde el jueves por el destacamento naval de la Armada.

      La embarcación de rescate se dirige hacia el puerto de Almería, al que está prevista su llegada sobre las 19.10 horas.

      El aumento de las llegadas de inmigrantes a Canarias ha llevado al colapso a los centros de acogida en esta comunidad. La falta de plazas en los albergues, dependientes de la Secretaría de Estado de Migraciones, ha llegado a tal punto que se han tenido que habilitar habitaciones en un hotel en Las Palmas para mujeres embarazadas y con niños pequeños. Solo hay 200 plazas de acogida en albergues temporales de Tenerife y Gran Canaria, pero en 2019, 1.470 inmigrantes han llegado a las islas.

      La media en los últimas cuatro meses se sitúa en 400 llegadas cada mes, muchas de ellas en pateras en condiciones pésimas. La cifra está muy lejos de los casi 40.000 que arribaron en esta comunidad entre 2005 y 2006 en la llamada crisis de los cayucos, pero existe un aumento con respecto al año pasado —de un 12%— que se debe al reforzamiento de la seguridad en el norte de Marruecos. La dificultad de realizar esa ruta ha aumentado el número de embarcaciones precarias que se dirigen a Canarias para tratar de llegar a territorio español o europeo.

      Este pasado miércoles, al menos 63 inmigrantes de varias nacionalidades murieron tras naufragar su patera en aguas del Atlántico a la altura de Nuadibú (470 kilómetros al norte de Nuakchot), en Mauritania, según confirmó la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM) en un comunicado. Entre los fallecidos había un niño y siete mujeres. Otros 83 ocupantes de esa misma patera lograron salir con vida tras nadar hasta llegar a la costa de Mauritania, y fueron ellos los que dieron detalles del naufragio. La embarcación precaria había partido el pasado jueves desde las costas de Gambia con destino a las islas Canarias, llevando a bordo entre 150 y 180 ocupantes.

      https://elpais.com/politica/2019/12/07/actualidad/1575708520_470358.html

  • Après la mort de deux migrants dans la Manche, les associations alertent sur cette nouvelle route migratoire

    Pour la première fois, les corps de deux migrants ont été retrouvés lundi sur une plage du #Touquet, dans le #Pas-de-Calais. Un drame qui souligne l’augmentation préoccupante du nombre d’exilés qui tentent de rejoindre les côtes britanniques par la #voie_maritime.

    Les dépouilles de deux Irakiens ont été retrouvées lundi sur une plage du Touquet, dans le Pas-de-Calais. Ils avaient 17 et 22 ans. Ces jeunes hommes auraient tenté de traverser la Manche pour rejoindre le Royaume-Uni, selon les premiers éléments recueillis par la préfecture. Une petite embarcation semi-rigide a en effet été retrouvée à proximité. Ce drame porterait donc à quatre le nombre de migrants morts en tentant de rejoindre les côtes anglaises par la voie maritime.

    Le 9 août, une Iranienne de 30 ans avait perdu la vie après être tombée d’un bateau surchargé. Le 23 août, le corps d’un Irakien avait été retrouvé au large de Zeebruges, en Belgique. Il pourrait s’agir d’un homme repéré par les secours français en train de tenter la traversée à la nage. Des morts prévisibles, selon les associations d’aide aux migrants. Depuis 2018, elles alertent régulièrement sur l’augmentation des traversées clandestines de la Manche.
    Les traversées ont plus que doublé entre 2018 et 2019

    Depuis le début de l’année 2019, la préfecture maritime de la Manche et de la mer du Nord, contactée par le JDD, a dénombré 206 cas de tentatives ou de traversées. Soit environ 2.000 migrants. Lundi matin encore, huit migrants ont été secourus sur une plage près de Calais, selon le parquet de Boulogne-sur-Mer.

    Rien à voir avec les chiffres en Méditerranée où 69.962 personnes ont gagné l’Europe en bateau cette année, d’après les données de l’UNHCR au 14 octobre 2019. Et 1.071 y ont laissé leur vie ou sont portés disparus.

    Il n’empêche. Si la plupart des candidats à l’immigration continuent de tenter de se faufiler dans un camion (souvent en risquant leur vie, 4 personnes étant décédées en 2018 selon la Cimade), de plus en plus d’entre eux choisissent la voie maritime. Le phénomène a été repéré pour la première fois par les autorités en 2016 et connaît, depuis, une croissance exponentielle. Cette année-là, 23 tentatives ou traversées sont comptabilisées par la préfecture maritime. Puis 12 cas en 2017 et… 78 en 2018, impliquant 586 migrants. En 2019, ce chiffre a donc plus que doublé, et l’année n’est pas finie.
    Une bouée avec des bouteilles en plastique

    Une nouvelle route migratoire d’autant plus préoccupante qu’elle est extrêmement dangereuse. Car la Manche est « une autoroute de la mer », rappelle la préfecture maritime, « 25% du trafic maritime international passe par le détroit du Pas-de-Calais ». Et de comparer cette traversée au fait de franchir une voie express de nuit et à pied.

    Les exilés doivent naviguer de nuit entre ferrys et cargos, avec bien souvent des embarcations de fortune et un matériel de sauvetage insuffisant. L’Irakien repêché fin août près de Zeebruges portait une ceinture de flottaison bricolée avec des bouteilles en plastique.

    A ces difficultés, il faut ajouter les courants forts et les températures glaciales. A bord, les passagers se retrouvent vite trempés, risquant l’hypothermie. Et s’ils tombent, leurs chances de s’en sortir se réduisent drastiquement. Les conditions météorologiques ne semblent pas dissuader les départs : la préfecture a enregistré un pic à l’hiver 2018, la pire période pour naviguer.
    1.200 migrants auraient réussi la traversée, selon les médias britanniques

    Alors, pourquoi prendre ce risque, au péril de sa vie ? "Parce que certains réussissent, avance Antoine Nehr, coordinateur de l’antenne d’Utopia 56 à Calais, « c’est un mélange de désespoir et d’espoir ». La préfecture maritime ne communique aucun chiffre sur le nombre de migrants ayant réussi à atteindre les cotes anglaises mais, côté britannique, la BBC, citant le ministère de l’Intérieur estime que plus de 1.200 personnes ont réussi la traversée cette année, dont 336 en août.

    Autre facteur explicatif, selon ces associatifs : les conditions de vie toujours plus dures sur place. Depuis le démantèlement en 2016 de la « jungle » de Calais, « la politique est d’empêcher toute fixation, explique Antoine Nehr d’Utopia 56. Il y a des démantèlements des campements de fortune tous les deux jours, les forêts sont coupées pour empêcher de créer des lieux de vie, les tentes ou matériels sont jetés ». Ce qui pousserait les exilés à vouloir à tout prix parvenir au Royaume-Uni.
    Plus de contrôles et plus de risques

    « Ça ne va pas s’arrêter ! », prévient Claire Millot, secrétaire générale de l’association Salam, à l’AFP. « Parce que les conditions à Calais et Grande-Synthe sont épouvantables, avec des démantèlements réguliers, ils sont prêts à tout pour passer. » Pour elle, « ils ne sont pas prêts à entendre ce qu’on pourrait leur dire car ils sont déterminés. »

    En fait, les migrants prennent de plus en plus de risques, en camions ou par bateaux. C’est en tout cas ce qu’observent les associations interrogées. « Les contrôles se sont renforcés sur le littoral nord entre Calais et Grande-Synthe, raconte Antoine Nehr au JDD. Il y a de plus en plus de murs, de barrières. » Il ajoute que ces personnes sont souvent « des déboutés du droit d’asile, en fin de parcours, qui n’ont plus d’autre choix et tentent le tout pour le tout ». En 2019, les contrôles ont également été accrus en mer et sur les côtes. Conséquence : « On observe qu’ils partent de plus loin et sur des canots surchargés », déclare Antoine Nehr.

    Même constat pour Eva Ottavy, responsable des questions internationales à la Cimade. « Les camions n’ont plus le droit de s’arrêter dans les parkings entre Arras et Calais, indique-t-elle au JDD, pour éviter que les migrants n’y grimpent. Alors ils partent plus en amont sur la route ou prennent la mer. » Pour elle, « le renforcement des contrôles ne fait que déplacer les routes migratoires ». Tous craignent que d’autres drames soient passés sous les radars.

    https://www.lejdd.fr/Societe/apres-la-mort-de-deux-migrants-dans-la-manche-les-associations-alertent-sur-ce
    #route_migratoire #asile #migrations #réfugiés #France #Angleterre #UK #Calais #parcours_migratoire #décès #mort #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_Europe #frontières

  • Sri Lanka’s new asylum route: A 4,000-km journey across the Indian Ocean

    Faced with tightening borders in Australia and elsewhere, hundreds of Sri Lankan asylum seekers are instead turning to a new migration route stretching 4,000 kilometres across the Indian Ocean.

    Since January 2018, at least 291 Sri Lankans have boarded fishing boats or makeshift rafts to reach the tiny French territories of La Réunion and Mayotte off the coast of Madagascar, the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, reported this month.

    The majority of recent arrivals have been turned away and deported before applying for asylum, their claims declared “manifestly unfounded”, according to reports from French authorities. Of 70 Sri Lankans who arrived in February, for example, only six were allowed in, though all asked for asylum, the government on La Réunion said. The remainder were deported to Sri Lanka within days.

    La Cimade, a French NGO that advocates for refugees and migrants, calls these swift rejections “unprecedented rights violations”.

    “Some people were illegally sent back without being able to appeal, without having their asylum application examined, without having been able to consult a lawyer, or without being informed of their rights,” the group said in a statement.

    “New roads are gradually being set up towards the south of the Indian Ocean.”

    The emergence of the route southwest to La Réunion and Mayotte is driven in part by crackdowns on Sri Lankan boat journeys to more common destinations including Southeast Asian nations and Australia, according to Delon Madavan, a researcher who studies South Asian diaspora communities at the Centre d’Études de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud in Paris.

    Australia bars asylum seekers who arrive by boat from resettling in the country even if their refugee claims are eventually approved. Controversial offshore detention policies saw thousands of asylum seekers sent to Nauru and Papua New Guinea’s Manus Island, where the UN, Médecins Sans Frontières, and others have documented a mental health crisis among people detained for years. Since May, Australian authorities have reportedly turned away six boats carrying asylum seekers from Sri Lanka.

    “New roads are gradually being set up towards the south of the Indian Ocean” because of hardening immigration laws and “severe conditions of detention”, Madavan told The New Humanitarian.

    Sri Lankans are also drawn to La Réunion in particular because of a large population of South Indian Tamils: “There is a potential network in these receiving islands, which may give support to asylum seekers from Sri Lanka,” Madavan said.
    Minority Muslims and Christians join Tamil asylum seekers

    More than 4,000 Sri Lankans, mostly Tamil minorities, applied for asylum in European countries last year – about 2,000 in France, which has a large Tamil diaspora. The number of yearly applicants has fallen by about half in the last decade.

    Sri Lanka’s bloody civil war – between insurgents drawn from the mostly Hindu Tamil minority and the army and government, which are dominated by the Sinhalese Buddhist majority – ended in 2009. But rights groups say violations, including arbitrary detention, torture, and rape, have continued. Recent political upheaval in Sri Lanka may also be driving asylum claims in France: a growing number are minority Muslims and Christians fleeing violence blamed on Buddhist extremists, according to a May report from OFPRA, the French government department that oversees refugee claims.

    Rights groups have criticised asylum policies in France’s overseas territories – particularly in Mayotte, where people from nearby Comoros, as well as people from Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, and Rwanda made up the majority of asylum applicants last year.

    In a 2017 report, France’s human rights commission said seeking asylum in Mayotte was “mission impossible” for Comorians in particular, with new arrivals often detained and deported before asylum requests are recorded.

    Anafé, an association of French organisations that work with refugees and migrants, says maritime border patrols around Mayotte have become a “quasi-military arsenal, rendering access more and more difficult”.

    Asylum claims to La Réunion have been comparatively few: only 18 claims were lodged last year, according to OFPRA statistics.

    But under French law, asylum seekers can be refused entry before applying if their claims are determined to be “manifestly unfounded”.

    In one recent case reported by French authorities, 34 of 120 Sri Lankans who arrived on board a rickety ship in mid-April were allowed to apply for asylum. The rest, including three children, were barred from lodging their claims, and 60 of them were deported by the end of the month – accompanied by dozens of police and gendarmes.

    https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/Sri-Lanka-migration-route-Mayotte-Reunion-Australia-asylum
    #Sri_Lanka #réfugiés_sri-lankais #asile #migrations #réfugiés #routes_migratoires #parcours_migratoire #La_Réunion #Mayotte #France #DOM-TOM #Océane_indien

    • Demande d’asile à la frontière : l’État hors la loi à la Réunion

      Depuis mars 2018, près de 150 demandeurs d’asile en provenance du Sri Lanka sont arrivés à la Réunion par la mer. La préfecture a fait le choix de l’expulsion, de l’enfermement et de l’opacité plutôt que de permettre à ces personnes en quête de protection d’exercer leurs droits. Alors que d’autres embarcations seraient à l’approche, La Cimade alerte des violations des droits répétées et sans précédent sur l’île de la Réunion.
      Les agissements de la préfecture de la Réunion concernant les arrivées sur le sol français de femmes, d’hommes et d’enfants, demandeurs d’asile en provenance du Sri Lanka, inquiètent fortement La Cimade.

      En effet, à chacun des cinq débarquements des bateaux arrivés à La Réunion au depuis mars dernier, l’État est hors la loi. Certaines personnes ont été refoulées illégalement sans avoir pu exercer un recours, sans que leur demande d’asile n’ait été examinée, sans avoir pu consulter un·e· avocat·e· ou sans avoir été informées de leurs droits. D’autres sont privées de libertés dans des conditions opaques, à l’abri du regard des avocat·e·s et des associations pourtant habilitées à intervenir dans la zone d’attente (La Cimade en fait partie). Et pour celles et ceux qui ont été libéré·e·s, l’accès à un hébergement, dans l’attente de l’enregistrement de leur demande d’asile par la préfecture, n’a été possible que grâce à la solidarité citoyenne. En décembre, pendant huit jours, dans l’attente des attestations de demandeur d’asile, un collectif citoyen a pris en charge les frais de mise à l’abri, obligation incombant pourtant à l’État, responsable de les loger et de les nourrir.

      La Cimade a déjà, en octobre dernier, dénoncé l’enferment illégal en zone d’attente. Les violations des droits perdurent pour les 72 personnes arrivées le 5 février 2019. La Cimade a demandé à intervenir dans la zone d’attente créée dans l’hôtel à proximité de l’aéroport. Le ministère de l’intérieur a refusé, malgré la nécessité d’aide juridique exprimée par les personnes au cours des audiences devant le juge des libertés et de la détention. Les avocat·e·s du barreau de Saint-Denis de la Réunion ont dénoncé des atteintes aux droits de la défense et les conditions d’accueil indignes des demandeurs d’asile.

      Lors de l’audience du 9 février, La défense a dû rappeler au juge des libertés sa compétence sur l’enfermement en zone d’attente et son rôle de garant des libertés individuelles en application de l’article 66 de la Constitution. En effet, les échanges entre magistrat·e·s et représentant·e·s de la préfecture ont porté tour à tour, et sans lien avec la compétence du tribunal, sur la situation géopolitique au Sri Lanka, le coût du trajet, ou encore le choix de la France. Alors qu’idées reçues et messages de haines circulent sur les réseaux sociaux et appellent des actes d’apaisement, la tenue de tels propos par des représentant·e·s de l’État et de la justice interroge.

      Si cette situation nouvelle a pu prendre de cours les autorités en mars, La Cimade rappelle que le droit d’asile à la frontière doit être respecté à la Réunion et l’État doit y veiller. L’accueil des personnes qui arrivent par bateaux en provenance du Sri Lanka ou de tout autre pays doit être organisé dans le respect de leur dignité ainsi quand dans celui leurs droits.

      https://www.lacimade.org/demande-dasile-a-la-frontiere-letat-hors-la-loi-a-la-reunion

  • Increased deaths at the borders just before the decision on Croatia’s accession to Schengen

    Last week was marked by a series of information on dead bodies found at the border between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    People who found themselves in the area around #Cazin (BiH), Crnaj recorded a dead body. It was a case of drowning, according to Bosnian media (https://www.klix.ba/vijesti/crna-hronika/obdukcija-pokazala-migrant-cije-je-tijelo-pronadjeno-kod-cazina-se-utopio/191004072).
    Similarly, a dead body was found in an abandoned house (http://m.pogled.ba/clanak/migrant-pronadjen-mrtav-u-napustenoj-kuci-kod-cazina/178716) /trailer in the #Osmanagici settlement in the Cazin area - the body was sent for an autopsy (https://medium.com/are-you-syrious/ays-daily-digest-9-10-19-violent-refugee-deaths-on-the-rise-in-bosnia-ca47a1) and the exact cause of death is still unknown.
    Another case of death occurred in the town of #Bileća, Todorići village, southern Bosnia and Herzegovina - when a local villager, a shepherd, shot a migrant he had encountered (in a group with other migrants) at a farmhouse not far away from a flock he was guarding. According to media reports (http://novilist.hr/Vijesti/Svijet/UBOJSTVO-KOD-BILECE-Ubio-migranta-pa-se-prijavio-policiji), there was an altercation between the locals and a group of migrants and the rifle fired, which ended up with one person getting shot and dying. The denial of access to the asylum system and closed borders result in all these deaths as a consequence. The fear that comes from these events affects people on the move and local communities in border areas. The restrictive EU policy that the Republic of Croatia obediently implements and follows threatens human security in the Balkans - and spreads fear at the same time.

    Cazin (Bosnie du Nord, proche de la frontière avec la Croatie) :

    #Bileca (Bosnie du Sud, proche de la frontière avec le Monténégro) :

    Reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 14.10.2019
    #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #route_des_Balkans #frontières #décès #morts ##Bileca

    Ajouté à cette liste :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646#message806449

  • La partita marittima di Gibilterra

    La carta inedita a colori della settimana è sullo Stretto di Gibilterra, uno dei più importanti colli di bottiglia del sistema globale dei traffici via mare. Il suo valore geostrategico è fuori discussione.

    Compresso fra le propaggini rocciose di Europa e Africa, lo Stretto è l’unico punto d’accesso naturale al Mar Mediterraneo e nel 2018 è stato solcato da oltre 80 mila imbarcazioni di ogni tipo e varietà. Già palcoscenico del confronto navale fra le principali potenze europee in età moderna, la sua rilevanza è esplosa soprattutto dopo l’apertura del Canale di Suez nel 1869, che lo elevò al rango di snodo cruciale delle rotte marittime intercorrenti fra gli oceani Atlantico, Indiano e Pacifico.

    Lo Stretto di Gibilterra è oggi dominato dalle potenze anglosassoni. La posizione preminente spetta al Regno Unito, forte della sovranità che mantiene sull’omonima Rocca. Assieme a Dover, Alessandria d’Egitto, Capo di Buona Speranza e Singapore, questa iconica fortezza in terra iberica era un tempo una delle cinque chiavi che chiudevano i domini globali di Sua Maestà britannica. Oggigiorno Gibilterra àncora la Gran Bretagna al Mediterraneo e le conserva il controllo del suo punto d’accesso occidentale, con buona pace delle sempiterne rivendicazioni spagnole.

    Lo Stretto è inoltre uno dei gangli vitali su cui si fonda l’informale impero dei mari americano. Il passaggio consente alla Superpotenza di muovere uomini e mezzi dall’Atlantico al Mediterraneo e di lì volgersi verso i teatri di crisi nordafricani, levantini e mediorientali. Le forze aeronavali degli Stati Uniti accedono e operano da Gibilterra in virtù della relazione speciale con l’alleato britannico, mentre la loro residuale impronta militare nell’adiacente territorio spagnolo (base navale a Rota e base aerea a Morón) certifica l’area prioritaria su cui insistono gli interessi europei di Washington.

    Sul versante meridionale del collo di bottiglia si collocano le due principali variabili suscettibili d’incidere sugli equilibri marittimi del passaggio.

    Primo, la crescita tumultuosa della portualità del Marocco di re Maometto VI, capace di riscrivere i rapporti di forza fra gli scali di Africa e bacino mediterraneo grazie all’affermazione del superporto di Tanger Med.

    Secondo, la crescente presenza cinese, per il momento circoscritta a corposi investimenti in tecnologia, logistica e commerci. Ma che in futuro potrebbe evolvere verso tentativi di acquisire influenza all’interno di una regione che resta cruciale per il successo dell’ambizioso progetto geopolitico di controglobalizzazione lanciato da Pechino, noto come nuove vie della seta.

    http://www.limesonline.com/carta-gibilterra-stretto-importanza-strategica-tanger-med/114448
    #Gibraltar #cartographie #visualisation #Détroit_de_Gibraltar #route_de_la_Soie #Méditerranée
    ping @reka

  • Dozens of migrants in a wooden canoe rescued off Canary Islands

    Dozens of African migrants attempting to reach the Canary Islands in a battered wooden canoe were rescued in waters off the Spanish archipelago on Thursday, emergency services said.

    The 37 migrants, including a child, were rescued by the Spanish coastguard six miles off the island of Gran Canaria after attempting to make the dangerous crossing from North Africa, the Canary Islands emergency services said on Twitter.

    The sub-Saharan migrants were all male, they added.

    While migrant arrivals in Spain as a whole, as of mid-September are down 46% compared to the same period last year, the Canary Islands have seen a 37% rise, according to data from Spain’s Interior Ministry.

    Crossing to the islands, located in the Atlantic Ocean off the Moroccan coast, has become a dangerous route for migrants. Dozens died last year attempting to make the crossing, according to the U.N. International Organization for Migration.


    https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-spain/dozens-of-migrants-in-a-wooden-canoe-rescued-off-canary-islands-idUSKBN1WB1

    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #routes_migratoires #parcours_migratoires #îles_Canaries #Canaries

  • Gli arrivi di #migranti in Friuli Venezia Giulia sono stati 5526 nel 2019, poco meno degli sbarchi al sud (circa 7000). Dato reso noto nell’audizione dei prefetti al Consiglio Regionale. Numeri dell’accoglienza in calo grazie ai trasferimenti nel resto d’Italia.
    Ogni settimana arrivano tra i 150 e i 300 migranti attraverso il confine orientale. Le pattuglie miste per ora sono un flop: solo 40 i rintracci in Slovenia dal primo luglio. Provengono perlopiù da Pachistan e Afganistan. A 6 su 10 la commissione nega ogni tipo di protezione.
    I tempi sono un problema: un anno per attendere la decisione della commissione, due per aspettare la decisione del tribunale sul ricorso in caso di diniego. Altro limite: lente le procedure di trasferimento all’estero dei dublinanti (sono 700).

    #Friuli_Venezia_Giulia #statistiques #asile #migrations #réfugiés #chiffres #route_des_balcans #Italie #2019 #frontières #frontière_sud-alpine

    Des chiffres importants, malgré la #militarisation_des_frontières et la constitution de #patrouilles_mixtes (italienne et slovène) de gardes-frontière :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/791706

    ping @isskein

  • Mapping All of Earth’s Roads and Buildings from Space
    https://www.planet.com/pulse/mapping-all-of-earths-roads-and-buildings-from-space

    Above is a map of all the roads and buildings on Earth. To our knowledge, it is the most complete and up to date map of these features ever created. It reveals details not available in popular mapping tools, in both industrialized cities and rural settlements. Built from a diversely sampled training set, the model produces quality results across a wide variety of terrains, densities, and land cover types. // Credit: Leanne Abraham, Planet

  • Balkan Region - Report July 2019

    The Border Violence Monitoring Network has just published it’s August report summarizing the current situation regarding pushbacks and police violence in the Western Balkans, primarily in Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Se​rbian borders with Croatia and Hungary, but also including Italy, Slovenia, North Macedonia and Greece.

    This report analyzes, among other things:

    – Torture: Recurrence of extreme violence and abuse
    – Pushback from Italy
    – Beyond police: Actors within the pushback framework
    – Further dispersion of pushback sites in NW Bosnia
    – Trends in pushback sites to and from Greece

    More broadly, monitoring work continues to note the trans-national and bilateral cooperation between EU member states in the north of the Balkan route. Instances of chain pushbacks from Italy to Bosnia and Herzegovina, though relatively rare, offer insight into the web of actors engaged in the refoulement of groups across multiple borders, and liminality of due process in these cases. The intersection of unlawful acts also raises key concerns about aiding and abetting of pushbacks by Brussels. Specifically, analysis from this month elaborates on the involvement of Frontex in facilitating pushbacks.

    https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/August-Report.pdf
    #rapport #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #asile #frontières #violence #push-back #push-backs #refoulement #refoulements

    –------

    v. aussi la liste des push-back avec armes à feu (août 2017-octobre 2019) :
    Push-back reports from Croatia with gun violence
    https://seenthis.net/messages/814569

    • Je mets ici les passages qui m’intéressent particulièrement... et notamment sur la #frontière_sud-alpine

      Push-back from Italy

      Chain push-backs from Italy are comparatively rare. Yet notably one report (see 1.1: https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/august-5-2019-0700-fernetti-italy conducted last month provided evidence of this sequential phenomena of expulsion from Italy back to BiH, via Slovenia and Croatia; drawing into question why such uncommon and illegal procedure was conducted by Italian police officers. The transit group was initially apprehended by Italian police officers in a small village on theoutskirts of Trieste from where they described being brought to a government building. Both in Italy and later in Slovenia, the transit group in question was detained, made to give their fingerprints, had their pictures taken and were asked to sign paperswritten in languages that they did not understand.

      “We asked the woman, what was on the paper because it was in Italian. She didn’t translate and we didn’t understand what we signed.” “I told the translator that they have to find a solution. They can’t just bring us back to Slovenia, knowing that we were in Italy. And they said, we are just migrants, we are not tourists.”Once they arrived in Croatia, the transit group was detained in a police station and interviewed one at a time before being brought to the border with Bosnia-Herzegovina where the group had their phones individually broken with a hammer by a Croatian police officer. They were then told to walk through a forest into Bosnia-Herzegovina. The chronology of events above alludes also to the complicit nature of preliminary actors within the wider pushbacks. Arguably initiators such as Slovenia and Italy -who often afford groups with translators and legal documents -have an intimate relationship to the violence and terror that accompanies subsequent push-backs from Croatia to BiH. The feigning of due process by these countries, despite prior knowledge of violent chain refoulement, forms a central part of their conceit. Italy and Slovenia mask their actions in a malaise of procedures (regularly untranslated or explained), in order to hide the institutionalisation of illegal chain pushbacks. The nature of chain pushbacks are defined by these bit-part processes, which simultaneously imitate regular procedures, while providing ample space for state authorities to deviate from legal obligations.

      (pp.6-7)
      #Italie #push-back #Slovénie #refoulement

    • And on the

      Construction of further fencing along Slovenian-Croatian border

      This August the Slovenian government authorized the construction (https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-slovenia/slovenia-erects-more-border-fence-to-curb-migrant-inflow-idUSKCN1VC19Q) of a fence 40 kms long on the banks of the river Kolpa, on the border with Croatia. The security device, installed by Serbian firm LEGI SGS, will add up to an already existing fence, making the barrier a total of 219km long. The exact location of the construction was not made public, and a spokeswoman for the interior ministry said itwill be a temporary measure to prevent people crossing the border. She did however directly cite migration as a threat to the security of citizens’ in her statement, arguably reinforcing the ideological bordering that accompanies this further fencing. Theconstruction is part of an escalating approach to border security which includes the deployment of military (https://www.aljazeera.com/amp/news/2019/07/slovenia-deploy-soldiers-boost-border-patrols-migrants-190721191235190.ht), stationed on the border since 2016, and bolstered this year alongside regular police forces.

      The opposition party NSi demanded tighter control (https://balkaninsight.com/2019/07/05/slovenia-opposition-demands-tighter-border-controls-with-croatia) sat the border with Croatia in July, and there seems little, or no will to challenge the mainstream rhetoric on migration. These demands, as BVMN reported last month (http://www.nonamekitchen.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Final-Report-July-2019.pdf), coincided with concerns of Italy building a wall on the border with Slovenia, were the ongoing joint border not to stem movement from Slovenia into Italy. Thus it seems somewhat ironic to observe the construction of a barrier on Slovenia’s Southern border, preempting the machinations of Italian interior minister, Matteo Salvini.

      Unfortunately, the domino effect being played out between these states only feeds into Croatia’s intensifying security measures. While interior minister David Bozinovic was plethoric, stating that “what Slovenians are doing, is their own decision” (https://www.total-croatia-news.com/politics/38042-migrants), his assertion that a joint European solution would be more welcome rings fairly hollow when viewed in tandem with the heightened repression around pushbacks this month and the already complicit role of Frontex. To this end, there seems to be no escape from the vicious circle of reborderization and loss of human rights in Europe, shown most recentlyby Slovenia’s harder borders.

      Allegations of smuggling made against asylum centerstaff in Ljubljana

      A statement (https://push-forward.org/novica/izjava-iniciative-prosilcev-za-azil-la-lutte-de-la-liberte-6-8-2019-az) by the asylum seekers initiative La lutte de la Liberté, and released at the beginning of August highlights what may be a serious case of abuse by security personnel in the asylum seekers camp Vič, Slovenia. According to the group, a resident in the camp called Ibrahim witnessed a number of security guards smuggling migrants out of the camp with cars in exchange for money. After the incident, which took place at the beginning of July, Ibrahim told the director of the camp who flatly denied the allegations, yet simultaneously removed two guards from their posts, causing great suspicion. In retaliation, other guards started to mob Ibrahim resulting in a series of episodes of violence culminating in a fight, for which Ibrahim was taken to a detention centre in #Postojna.

      Ibrahim has now been released and three security guards in the camp are under investigation, a source from InfoKolpa shared. Even though the actual occurrence of smuggling remains a supposition, the event highlights an important grey zone in which camp staff are operating, and the potential for systemic abuse of the asylum system. It can be argued that such cases can only emerge in the void left by inaccessible procedures and it is well known that extremely long waiting times are built into the asylum system in Slovenia. The behaviorof the security guards, in a position of absolute power over the migrants, can be explained by the fact that they are virtually invisible to the outside world, unless the migrants can organizethemselves as in this case. There has already been proof of violent behaviorby the guards in Vic, as shown in this video (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m4GP0qLTsg0

      ) taken some six months ago.

      People on the move, for their part, are in a position of structural and individual disadvantage, susceptible to many types of violence. As the statement correctly underlines, regardless of some staff being amenable, one person abusing a position of power is enough to ruin the life of someone held captive in a protracted asylum system. Infact, evidence would go further to suggest that in this case it seems like the guards were more of an organizedmob, rather than rogue individuals.

      The waiting period for asylum which reaches nine months maximum in theory (with only 18 euros a month granted to applicants by the state), makes the tenure of asylum seekers even more precarious, adding to the poor or nonexistent measures taken to integrate them into society: asylum seekers have no access to welfare, assistance in access to work or social housing and their placement in the detention center in Postojna is decided arbitrarily bythe police. The entire Slovenian asylum system goes thus into inquiry, if viewed through thelensof this case, which both expounds its flaws and the potential corruption within.

      (pp.18-20)

      #murs #barrières_frontalières #militarisation_des_frontières

  • "Je réessaierai" : l’Albanie devenue étape pour les migrants

    Après la fermeture dite de la « route des Balkans » début 2016 puis le renforcement des contrôles par la Macédoine du Nord, la Serbie et la Croatie, ce pays pauvre d’Europe du sud-est est devenu un point de passage de migrants. Après le Monténégro, parfois la Bosnie, ils tentent de rejoindre l’Union.

    https://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/je-reessaierai-lalbanie-devenue-etape-pour-les-migrants.afp.c
    #Albanie #parcours_migratoire #Balkans #route_des_Balkans

  • Le Niger, #nouvelle frontière de l’Europe et #laboratoire de l’asile

    Les politiques migratoires européennes, toujours plus restrictives, se tournent vers le Sahel, et notamment vers le Niger – espace de transit entre le nord et le sud du Sahara. Devenu « frontière » de l’Europe, environné par des pays en conflit, le Niger accueille un nombre important de réfugiés sur son sol et renvoie ceux qui n’ont pas le droit à cette protection. Il ne le fait pas seul. La présence de l’Union européenne et des organisations internationales est visible dans le pays ; des opérations militaires y sont menées par des armées étrangères, notamment pour lutter contre la pression terroriste à ses frontières... au risque de brouiller les cartes entre enjeux sécuritaires et enjeux humanitaires.

    On confond souvent son nom avec celui de son voisin anglophone, le Nigéria, et peu de gens savent le placer sur une carte. Pourtant, le Niger est un des grands pays du Sahel, cette bande désertique qui court de l’Atlantique à la mer Rouge, et l’un des rares pays stables d’Afrique de l’Ouest qui offrent encore une possibilité de transit vers la Libye et la Méditerranée. Environné par des pays en conflit ou touchés par le terrorisme de Boko Haram et d’autres groupes, le Niger accueille les populations qui fuient le Mali et la région du lac Tchad et celles évacuées de Libye.

    « Dans ce contexte d’instabilité régionale et de contrôle accru des déplacements, la distinction entre l’approche sécuritaire et l’approche humanitaire s’est brouillée », explique la chercheuse Florence Boyer, fellow de l’Institut Convergences Migrations, actuellement accueillie au Niger à l’Université Abdou Moumouni de Niamey. Géographe et anthropologue (affiliée à l’Urmis au sein de l’IRD, l’Institut de recherche pour le Développement), elle connaît bien le Niger, où elle se rend régulièrement depuis vingt ans pour étudier les migrations internes et externes des Nigériens vers l’Algérie ou la Libye voisines, au nord, et les pays du Golfe de Guinée, au sud et à l’ouest. Sa recherche porte actuellement sur le rôle que le Niger a accepté d’endosser dans la gestion des migrations depuis 2014, à la demande de plusieurs membres de l’Union européenne (UE) pris dans la crise de l’accueil des migrants.
    De la libre circulation au contrôle des frontières

    « Jusqu’à 2015, le Niger est resté cet espace traversé par des milliers d’Africains de l’Ouest et de Nigériens remontant vers la Libye sans qu’il y ait aucune entrave à la circulation ou presque », raconte la chercheuse. La plupart venaient y travailler. Peu tentaient la traversée vers l’Europe, mais dès le début des années 2000, l’UE, Italie en tête, cherche à freiner ce mouvement en négociant avec Kadhafi, déplaçant ainsi la frontière de l’Europe de l’autre côté de la Méditerranée. La chute du dictateur libyen, dans le contexte des révolutions arabes de 2011, bouleverse la donne. Déchirée par une guerre civile, la Libye peine à retenir les migrants qui cherchent une issue vers l’Europe. Par sa position géographique et sa relative stabilité, le Niger s’impose progressivement comme un partenaire de la politique migratoire de l’UE.

    « Le Niger est la nouvelle frontière de l’Italie. »

    Marco Prencipe, ambassadeur d’Italie à Niamey

    Le rôle croissant du Niger dans la gestion des flux migratoires de l’Afrique vers l’Europe a modifié les parcours des migrants, notamment pour ceux qui passent par Agadez, dernière ville du nord avant la traversée du Sahara. Membre du Groupe d’études et de recherches Migrations internationales, Espaces, Sociétés (Germes) à Niamey, Florence Boyer observe ces mouvements et constate la présence grandissante dans la capitale nigérienne du Haut-Commissariat des Nations-Unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) et de l’Organisation internationale des migrations (OIM) chargée, entre autres missions, d’assister les retours de migrants dans leur pays.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dlIwqYKrw7c

    « L’île de Lampedusa se trouve aussi loin du Nord de l’Italie que de la frontière nigérienne, note Marco Prencipe, l’ambassadeur d’Italie à Niamey, le Niger est la nouvelle frontière de l’Italie. » Une affirmation reprise par plusieurs fonctionnaires de la délégation de l’UE au Niger rencontrés par Florence Boyer et Pascaline Chappart. La chercheuse, sur le terrain à Niamey, effectue une étude comparée sur des mécanismes d’externalisation de la frontière au Niger et au Mexique. « Depuis plusieurs années, la politique extérieure des migrations de l’UE vise à délocaliser les contrôles et à les placer de plus en plus au sud du territoire européen, explique la postdoctorante à l’IRD, le mécanisme est complexe : les enjeux pour l’Europe sont à la fois communautaires et nationaux, chaque État membre ayant sa propre politique ».

    En novembre 2015, lors du sommet euro-africain de La Valette sur la migration, les autorités européennes lancent le Fonds fiduciaire d’urgence pour l’Afrique « en faveur de la stabilité et de la lutte contre les causes profondes de la migration irrégulière et du phénomène des personnes déplacées en Afrique ». Doté à ce jour de 4,2 milliards d’euros, le FFUA finance plusieurs types de projets, associant le développement à la sécurité, la gestion des migrations à la protection humanitaire.

    Le président nigérien considère que son pays, un des plus pauvres de la planète, occupe une position privilégiée pour contrôler les migrations dans la région. Le Niger est désormais le premier bénéficiaire du Fonds fiduciaire, devant des pays de départ comme la Somalie, le Nigéria et surtout l’Érythrée d’où vient le plus grand nombre de demandeurs d’asile en Europe.

    « Le Niger s’y retrouve dans ce mélange des genres entre lutte contre le terrorisme et lutte contre l’immigration “irrégulière”. »

    Florence Boyer, géographe et anthropologue

    Pour l’anthropologue Julien Brachet, « le Niger est peu à peu devenu un pays cobaye des politiques anti-migrations de l’Union européenne, (...) les moyens financiers et matériels pour lutter contre l’immigration irrégulière étant décuplés ». Ainsi, la mission européenne EUCAP Sahel Niger a ouvert une antenne permanente à Agadez en 2016 dans le but d’« assister les autorités nigériennes locales et nationales, ainsi que les forces de sécurité, dans le développement de politiques, de techniques et de procédures permettant d’améliorer le contrôle et la lutte contre les migrations irrégulières ».

    « Tout cela ne serait pas possible sans l’aval du Niger, qui est aussi à la table des négociations, rappelle Florence Boyer. Il ne faut pas oublier qu’il doit faire face à la pression de Boko Haram et d’autres groupes terroristes à ses frontières. Il a donc intérêt à se doter d’instruments et de personnels mieux formés. Le Niger s’y retrouve dans ce mélange des genres entre la lutte contre le terrorisme et la lutte contre l’immigration "irrégulière". »

    Peu avant le sommet de La Valette en 2015, le Niger promulgue la loi n°2015-36 sur « le trafic illicite de migrants ». Elle pénalise l’hébergement et le transport des migrants ayant l’intention de franchir illégalement la frontière. Ceux que l’on qualifiait jusque-là de « chauffeurs » ou de « transporteurs » au volant de « voitures taliban » (des 4x4 pick-up transportant entre 20 et 30 personnes) deviennent des « passeurs ». Une centaine d’arrestations et de saisies de véhicules mettent fin à ce qui était de longue date une source légale de revenus au nord du Niger. « Le but reste de bloquer la route qui mène vers la Libye, explique Pascaline Chappart. L’appui qu’apportent l’UE et certains pays européens en coopérant avec la police, les douanes et la justice nigérienne, particulièrement en les formant et les équipant, a pour but de rendre l’État présent sur l’ensemble de son territoire. »

    Des voix s’élèvent contre ces contrôles installés aux frontières du Niger sous la pression de l’Europe. Pour Hamidou Nabara de l’ONG nigérienne JMED (Jeunesse-Enfance-Migration-Développement), qui lutte contre la pauvreté pour retenir les jeunes désireux de quitter le pays, ces dispositifs violent le principe de la liberté de circulation adopté par les pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest dans le cadre de la Cedeao. « La situation des migrants s’est détériorée, dénonce-t-il, car si la migration s’est tarie, elle continue sous des voies différentes et plus dangereuses ». La traversée du Sahara est plus périlleuse que jamais, confirme Florence Boyer : « Le nombre de routes s’est multiplié loin des contrôles, mais aussi des points d’eau et des secours. À ce jour, nous ne disposons pas d’estimations solides sur le nombre de morts dans le désert, contrairement à ce qui se passe en Méditerranée ».

    Partenaire de la politique migratoire de l’Union européenne, le Niger a également développé une politique de l’asile. Il accepte de recevoir des populations en fuite, expulsées ou évacuées des pays voisins : les expulsés d’Algérie recueillis à la frontière, les rapatriés nigériens dont l’État prend en charge le retour de Libye, les réfugiés en lien avec les conflits de la zone, notamment au Mali et dans la région du lac Tchad, et enfin les personnes évacuées de Libye par le HCR. Le Niger octroie le statut de réfugié à ceux installés sur son sol qui y ont droit. Certains, particulièrement vulnérables selon le HCR, pourront être réinstallés en Europe ou en Amérique du Nord dans des pays volontaires.
    Une plateforme pour la « réinstallation »
    en Europe et en Amérique

    Cette procédure de réinstallation à partir du Niger n’a rien d’exceptionnel. Les Syriens réfugiés au Liban, par exemple, bénéficient aussi de l’action du HCR qui les sélectionne pour déposer une demande d’asile dans un pays dit « sûr ». La particularité du Niger est de servir de plateforme pour la réinstallation de personnes évacuées de Libye. « Le Niger est devenu une sorte de laboratoire de l’asile, raconte Florence Boyer, notamment par la mise en place de l’Emergency Transit Mechanism (ETM). »

    L’ETM, proposé par le HCR, est lancé en août 2017 à Paris par l’Allemagne, l’Espagne, la France et l’Italie — côté UE — et le Niger, le Tchad et la Libye — côté africain. Ils publient une déclaration conjointe sur les « missions de protection en vue de la réinstallation de réfugiés en Europe ». Ce dispositif se présente comme le pendant humanitaire de la politique de lutte contre « les réseaux d’immigration économique irrégulière » et les « retours volontaires » des migrants irréguliers dans leur pays effectués par l’OIM. Le processus s’accélère en novembre de la même année, suite à un reportage de CNN sur des cas d’esclavagisme de migrants en Libye. Fin 2017, 3 800 places sont promises par les pays occidentaux qui participent, à des degrés divers, à ce programme d’urgence. Le HCR annonce 6 606 places aujourd’hui, proposées par 14 pays européens et américains1.

    Trois catégories de personnes peuvent bénéficier de la réinstallation grâce à ce programme : évacués d’urgence depuis la Libye, demandeurs d’asile au sein d’un flux dit « mixte » mêlant migrants et réfugiés et personnes fuyant les conflits du Mali ou du Nigéria. Seule une minorité aura la possibilité d’être réinstallée depuis le Niger vers un pays occidental. Le profiling (selon le vocabulaire du HCR) de ceux qui pourront bénéficier de cette protection s’effectue dès les camps de détention libyens. Il consiste à repérer les plus vulnérables qui pourront prétendre au statut de réfugié et à la réinstallation.

    Une fois évacuées de Libye, ces personnes bénéficient d’une procédure accélérée pour l’obtention du statut de réfugié au Niger. Elles ne posent pas de problème au HCR, qui juge leur récit limpide. La Commission nationale d’éligibilité au statut des réfugiés (CNE), qui est l’administration de l’asile au Niger, accepte de valider la sélection de l’organisation onusienne. Les réfugiés sont pris en charge dans le camp du HCR à Hamdallaye, construit récemment à une vingtaine de kilomètres de la capitale nigérienne, le temps que le HCR prépare la demande de réinstallation dans un pays occidental, multipliant les entretiens avec les réfugiés concernés. Certains pays, comme le Canada ou la Suède, ne mandatent pas leurs services sur place, déléguant au HCR la sélection. D’autres, comme la France, envoient leurs agents pour un nouvel entretien (voir ce reportage sur la visite de l’Ofpra à Niamey fin 2018).

    Parmi les évacués de Libye, moins des deux tiers sont éligibles à une réinstallation dans un pays dit « sûr ».

    Depuis deux ans, près de 4 000 personnes ont été évacuées de Libye dans le but d’être réinstallées, selon le HCR (5 300 autres ont été prises en charge par l’OIM et « retournées » dans leur pays). Un millier ont été évacuées directement vers l’Europe et le Canada et près de 3 000 vers le Niger. C’est peu par rapport aux 50 800 réfugiés et demandeurs d’asile enregistrés auprès de l’organisation onusienne en Libye au 12 août 2019. Et très peu sur l’ensemble des 663 400 migrants qui s’y trouvent selon l’OIM. La guerre civile qui déchire le pays rend la situation encore plus urgente.

    Parmi les personnes évacuées de Libye vers le Niger, moins des deux tiers sont éligibles à une réinstallation dans un pays volontaire, selon le HCR. À ce jour, moins de la moitié ont été effectivement réinstallés, notamment en France (voir notre article sur l’accueil de réfugiés dans les communes rurales françaises).

    Malgré la publicité faite autour du programme de réinstallation, le HCR déplore la lenteur du processus pour répondre à cette situation d’urgence. « Le problème est que les pays de réinstallation n’offrent pas de places assez vite, regrette Fatou Ndiaye, en charge du programme ETM au Niger, alors que notre pays hôte a négocié un maximum de 1 500 évacués sur son sol au même moment. » Le programme coordonné du Niger ne fait pas exception : le HCR rappelait en février 2019 que, sur les 19,9 millions de réfugiés relevant de sa compétence à travers le monde, moins d’1 % sont réinstallés dans un pays sûr.

    Le dispositif ETM, que le HCR du Niger qualifie de « couloir de l’espoir », concerne seulement ceux qui se trouvent dans un camp accessible par l’organisation en Libye (l’un d’eux a été bombardé en juillet dernier) et uniquement sept nationalités considérées par les autorités libyennes (qui n’ont pas signé la convention de Genève) comme pouvant relever du droit d’asile (Éthiopiens Oromo, Érythréens, Iraquiens, Somaliens, Syriens, Palestiniens et Soudanais du Darfour).

    « Si les portes étaient ouvertes dès les pays d’origine, les gens ne paieraient pas des sommes astronomiques pour traverser des routes dangereuses. »

    Pascaline Chappart, socio-anthropologue

    En décembre 2018, des Soudanais manifestaient devant les bureaux d’ETM à Niamey pour dénoncer « un traitement discriminatoire (...) par rapport aux Éthiopiens et Somaliens » favorisés, selon eux, par le programme. La représentante du HCR au Niger a répondu à une radio locale que « la plupart de ces Soudanais [venaient] du Tchad où ils ont déjà été reconnus comme réfugiés et que, techniquement, c’est le Tchad qui les protège et fait la réinstallation ». C’est effectivement la règle en matière de droit humanitaire mais, remarque Florence Boyer, « comment demander à des réfugiés qui ont quitté les camps tchadiens, pour beaucoup en raison de l’insécurité, d’y retourner sans avoir aucune garantie ? ».

    La position de la France

    La question du respect des règles en matière de droit d’asile se pose pour les personnes qui bénéficient du programme d’urgence. En France, par exemple, pas de recours possible auprès de l’Ofpra en cas de refus du statut de réfugié. Pour Pascaline Chappart, qui achève deux ans d’enquêtes au Niger et au Mexique, il y a là une part d’hypocrisie : « Si les portes étaient ouvertes dès les pays d’origine, les gens ne paieraient pas des sommes astronomiques pour traverser des routes dangereuses par la mer ou le désert ». « Il est quasiment impossible dans le pays de départ de se présenter aux consulats des pays “sûrs” pour une demande d’asile », renchérit Florence Boyer. Elle donne l’exemple de Centre-Africains qui ont échappé aux combats dans leur pays, puis à la traite et aux violences au Nigéria, en Algérie puis en Libye, avant de redescendre au Niger : « Ils auraient dû avoir la possibilité de déposer une demande d’asile dès Bangui ! Le cadre législatif les y autorise. »

    En ce matin brûlant d’avril, dans le camp du HCR à Hamdallaye, Mebratu2, un jeune Érythréen de 26 ans, affiche un large sourire. À l’ombre de la tente qu’il partage et a décorée avec d’autres jeunes de son pays, il annonce qu’il s’envolera le 9 mai pour Paris. Comme tant d’autres, il a fui le service militaire à vie imposé par la dictature du président Issayas Afeworki. Mebratu était convaincu que l’Europe lui offrirait la liberté, mais il a dû croupir deux ans dans les prisons libyennes. S’il ne connaît pas sa destination finale en France, il sait d’où il vient : « Je ne pensais pas que je serais vivant aujourd’hui. En Libye, on pouvait mourir pour une plaisanterie. Merci la France. »

    Mebratu a pris un vol pour Paris en mai dernier, financé par l’Union européenne et opéré par l’#OIM. En France, la Délégation interministérielle à l’hébergement et à l’accès au logement (Dihal) confie la prise en charge de ces réinstallés à 24 opérateurs, associations nationales ou locales, pendant un an. Plusieurs départements et localités françaises ont accepté d’accueillir ces réfugiés particulièrement vulnérables après des années d’errance et de violences.

    Pour le deuxième article de notre numéro spécial de rentrée, nous nous rendons en Dordogne dans des communes rurales qui accueillent ces « réinstallés » arrivés via le Niger.

    http://icmigrations.fr/2019/08/30/defacto-10
    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Europe #UE #EU #sécuritaire #humanitaire #approche_sécuritaire #approche_humanitaire #libre_circulation #fermeture_des_frontières #printemps_arabe #Kadhafi #Libye #Agadez #parcours_migratoires #routes_migratoires #HCR #OIM #IOM #retour_au_pays #renvois #expulsions #Fonds_fiduciaire #Fonds_fiduciaire_d'urgence_pour_l'Afrique #FFUA #développement #sécurité #EUCAP_Sahel_Niger #La_Valette #passeurs #politique_d'asile #réinstallation #hub #Emergency_Transit_Mechanism (#ETM) #retours_volontaires #profiling #tri #sélection #vulnérabilité #évacuation #procédure_accélérée #Hamdallaye #camps_de_réfugiés #ofpra #couloir_de_l’espoir

    co-écrit par @pascaline

    ping @karine4 @_kg_ @isskein

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur l’externalisation des frontières :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/731749#message765325

  • Channel migrants: Two boats found after 86 attempted crossing

    Two boats carrying 21 migrants have been intercepted off the Kent coast after a record 86 made the crossing in one day.

    One man was airlifted to hospital from a dinghy which was carrying 13 people, including three children.

    A second vessel carrying eight men was intercepted and taken to Dover.

    Eighty-six people were detained by Border Force on Tuesday. It is thought to be the highest number of migrants to make the crossing in one day.

    https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-kent-49662172
    #frontières #Angleterre #UK #France #migrations #asile #réfugiés #Manche

    #statistiques #chiffres


    https://twitter.com/ElisaPerrigueur/status/1171873291470016515/photo/1
    #routes_migratoires #parcours_migratoires

  • The number of EU residence permits issued to Northern and Western African nationals for work purposes fell by 46% and 58% respectively during a period of increasing irregular arrivals on the Central Mediterranean Route

    –-> Evidemment... le lien entre les deux faits (baisse des permis de séjour et augmentation des #arrivées_irrégulières) que l’OIM souligne est très tenu... c’est en réalité le coeur du problème : les personnes passent par des #routes_illégalisées via la #Méditerranée parce qu’ils n’ont pas de possibilités de prendre l’#avion... car l’accès leur est interdit via le non-octroi de #visas...

    #illégalisation #routes_migratoires #routes_illégalisées #permis_de_travail #UE #EU #Afrique_de_l'Ouest #permis_de_séjour #statistiques #chiffres #contextualisation

    Le #rapport d’où l’OIM sort ces chiffres :
    AFRICAN MIGRATION TO THE EU : IRREGULAR MIGRATION IN CONTEXT

    Contrary to common perceptions, migration from Northern and Western Africa to the EU between 2011 and 2017 has been primarily regular. Numbers of African nationals settling legally in the EU – proxied by first residence permits issued for family reunification, education or work purposes – have exceeded irregular sea arrivals for most of the top ten countries of origin of irregular migrants arriving in Italy over the period considered.

    At the same time, both total regular and irregular entries of African nationals to the EU have fallen since 2016, based on available data. First EU residence permits to nationals of countries in Northern and Western Africa have mostly been issued for family reunification over the years. While these have remained stable on average, residence permits granted for work purposes have fallen sharply in the period considered.

    https://gmdac.iom.int/sites/default/files/03_-_residence_permits-bbb.pdf

    #préjugés #regroupement_familial

    ping @reka @isskein @karine4 @_kg_

  • Ethiopians Abused on Gulf Migration Route

    Ethiopians undertaking the perilous journey by boat across the Red Sea or Gulf of Aden face exploitation and torture in Yemen by a network of trafficking groups, Human Rights Watch said today. They also encounter abusive prison conditions in Saudi Arabia before being summarily forcibly deported back to Addis Ababa. Authorities in Ethiopia, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia have taken few if any measures to curb the violence migrants face, to put in place asylum procedures, or to check abuses perpetrated by their own security forces.


    A combination of factors, including unemployment and other economic difficulties, drought, and human rights abuses have driven hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to migrate over the past decade, traveling by boat over the Red Sea and then by land through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia and neighboring Gulf states are favored destinations because of the availability of employment. Most travel irregularly and do not have legal status once they reach Saudi Arabia.

    “Many Ethiopians who hoped for a better life in Saudi Arabia face unspeakable dangers along the journey, including death at sea, torture, and all manners of abuses,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The Ethiopian government, with the support of its international partners, should support people who arrive back in Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes on their back and nowhere to turn for help.”

    Human Rights Watch interviewed 12 Ethiopians in Addis Ababa who had been deported from Saudi Arabia between December 2018 and May 2019. Human Rights Watch also interviewed humanitarian workers and diplomats working on Ethiopia migration-related issues.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates as many as 500,000 Ethiopians were in Saudi Arabia when the Saudi government began a deportation campaign in November 2017. The Saudi authorities have arrested, prosecuted, or deported foreigners who violate labor or residency laws or those who crossed the border irregularly. About 260,000 Ethiopians, an average of 10,000 per month, were deported from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia between May 2017 and March 2019, according to the IOM, and deportations have continued.

    An August 2 Twitter update by Saudi Arabia’s Interior Ministry said that police had arrested 3.6 million people, including 2.8 million for violations of residency rules, 557,000 for labor law violations, and 237,000 for border violations. In addition, authorities detained 61,125 people for crossing the border into Saudi Arabia illegally, 51 percent of them Ethiopians, and referred more than 895,000 people for deportation. Apart from illegal border crossing, these figures are not disaggregated by nationality.

    Eleven of the 12 people interviewed who had been deported had engaged with smuggling and trafficking networks that are regionally linked across Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia’s semi-autonomous Puntland state, the self-declared autonomous state of Somaliland, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. Traffickers outside of Ethiopia, particularly in Yemen, often used violence or threats to extort ransom money from migrants’ family members or contacts, those interviewed told Human Rights Watch. The 12th person was working in Saudi Arabia legally but was deported after trying to help his sister when she arrived illegally.

    Those interviewed described life-threatening journeys as long as 24 hours across the Gulf of Aden or the Red Sea to reach Yemen, in most cases in overcrowded boats, with no food or water, and prevented from moving around by armed smugglers.

    “There were 180 people on the boat, but 25 died,” one man said. “The boat was in trouble and the waves were hitting it. It was overloaded and about to sink so the dallalas [an adaptation of the Arabic word for “middleman” or “broker”] picked some out and threw them into the sea, around 25.”

    Interviewees said they were met and captured by traffickers upon arrival in Yemen. Five said the traffickers physically assaulted them to extort payments from family members or contacts in Ethiopia or Somalia. While camps where migrants were held capture were run by Yemenis, Ethiopians often carried out the abuse. In many cases, relatives said they sold assets such as homes or land to obtain the ransom money.

    After paying the traffickers or escaping, the migrants eventually made their way north to the Saudi-Yemen border, crossing in rural, mountainous areas. Interviewees said Saudi border guards fired at them, killing and injuring others crossing at the same time, and that they saw dead bodies along the crossing routes. Human Rights Watch has previously documented Saudi border guards shooting and killing migrants crossing the border.

    “At the border there are many bodies rotting, decomposing,” a 26-year-old man said: “It is like a graveyard.”

    Six interviewees said they were apprehended by Saudi border police, while five successfully crossed the border but were later arrested. They described abusive prison conditions in several facilities in southern Saudi Arabia, including inadequate food, toilet facilities, and medical care; lack of sanitation; overcrowding; and beatings by guards.

    Planes returning people deported from Saudi Arabia typically arrive in Addis Ababa either at the domestic terminal or the cargo terminal of Bole International Airport. Several humanitarian groups conduct an initial screening to identify the most vulnerable cases, with the rest left to their own devices. Aid workers in Ethiopia said that deportees often arrive with no belongings and no money for food, transportation, or shelter. Upon arrival, they are offered little assistance to help them deal with injuries or psychological trauma, or to support transportation to their home communities, in some cases hundreds of kilometers from Addis Ababa.

    Human Rights Watch learned that much of the migration funding from Ethiopia’s development partners is specifically earmarked to manage migration along the routes from the Horn of Africa to Europe and to assist Ethiopians being returned from Europe, with very little left to support returnees from Saudi Arabia.

    “Saudi Arabia has summarily returned hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to Addis Ababa who have little to show for their journey except debts and trauma,” Horne said. “Saudi Arabia should protect migrants on its territory and under its control from traffickers, ensure there is no collusion between its agents and these criminals, and provide them with the opportunity to legally challenge their detention and deportation.”

    All interviews were conducted in Amharic, Tigrayan, or Afan Oromo with translation into English. The interviewees were from the four regions of SNNPR (Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region), Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray. These regions have historically produced the bulk of Ethiopians migrating abroad. To protect interviewees from possible reprisals, pseudonyms are being used in place of their real names. Human Rights Watch wrote to the Ethiopian and Saudi governments seeking comment on abuses described by Ethiopian migrants along the Gulf migration route, but at the time of writing neither had responded.

    Dangerous Boat Journey

    Most of the 11 people interviewed who entered Saudi Arabia without documents described life-threatening boat journeys across the Red Sea from Djibouti, Somaliland, or Puntland to Yemen. They described severely overcrowded boats, beatings, and inadequate food or water on journeys that ranged from 4 to 24 hours. These problems were compounded by dangerous weather conditions or encounters with Saudi/Emirati-led coalition naval vessels patrolling the Yemeni coast.

    “Berhanu” said that Somali smugglers beat people on his boat crossing from Puntland: “They have a setup they use where they place people in spots by weight to keep the boat balanced. If you moved, they beat you.” He said that his trip was lengthened when smugglers were forced to turn the boat around after spotting a light from a naval vessel along the Yemeni coast and wait several hours for it to pass.

    Since March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia has led a coalition of countries in a military campaign against the Houthi armed group in Yemen. As part of its campaign the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition has imposed a naval blockade on Houthi-controlled Yemeni ports, purportedly to prevent Houthi rebels from importing weapons by sea, but which has also restricted the flow of food, fuel, and medicine to civilians in the country, and included attacks on civilians at sea. Human Rights Watch previously documented a helicopter attack in March 2017 by coalition forces on a boat carrying Somali migrants and refugees returning from Yemen, killing at least 32 of the 145 Somali migrants and refugees on board and one Yemeni civilian.

    Exploitation and Abuses in Yemen

    Once in war-torn Yemen, Ethiopian migrants said they faced kidnappings, beatings, and other abuses by traffickers trying to extort ransom money from them or their family members back home.

    This is not new. Human Rights Watch, in a 2014 report, documented abuses, including torture, of migrants in detention camps in Yemen run by traffickers attempting to extort payments. In 2018, Human Rights Watch documented how Yemeni guards tortured and raped Ethiopian and other Horn of Africa migrants at a detention center in Aden and worked in collaboration with smugglers to send them back to their countries of origin. Recent interviews by Human Rights Watch indicate that the war in Yemen has not significantly affected the abuses against Ethiopians migrating through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. If anything, the conflict, which escalated in 2015, has made the journey more dangerous for migrants who cross into an area of active fighting.

    Seven of the 11 irregular migrants interviewed said they faced detention and extortion by traffickers in Yemen. This occurred in many cases as soon as they reached shore, as smugglers on boats coordinated with the Yemeni traffickers. Migrants said that Yemeni smuggling and trafficking groups always included Ethiopians, often one from each of Oromo, Tigrayan, and Amhara ethnic groups, who generally were responsible for beating and torturing migrants to extort payments. Migrants were generally held in camps for days or weeks until they could provide ransom money, or escape. Ransom payments were usually made by bank transfers from relatives and contacts back in Ethiopia.

    “Abebe” described his experience:

    When we landed… [the traffickers] took us to a place off the road with a tent. Everyone there was armed with guns and they threw us around like garbage. The traffickers were one Yemeni and three Ethiopians – one Tigrayan, one Amhara, and one Oromo…. They started to beat us after we refused to pay, then we had to call our families…. My sister [in Ethiopia] has a house, and the traffickers called her, and they fired a bullet near me that she could hear. They sold the house and sent the money [40,000 Birr, US $1,396].

    “Tesfalem”, said that he was beaten by Yemenis and Ethiopians at a camp he believes was near the port city of Aden:

    They demanded money, but I said I don’t have any. They told me to make a call, but I said I don’t have relatives. They beat me and hung me on the wall by one hand while standing on a chair, then they kicked the chair away and I was swinging by my arm. They beat me on my head with a stick and it was swollen and bled.

    He escaped after three months, was detained in another camp for three months more, and finally escaped again.

    “Biniam” said the men would take turns beating the captured migrants: “The [Ethiopian] who speaks your language beats you, those doing the beating were all Ethiopians. We didn’t think of fighting back against them because we were so tired, and they would kill you if you tried.”

    Two people said that when they landed, the traffickers offered them the opportunity to pay immediately to travel by car to the Saudi border, thereby avoiding the detention camps. One of them, “Getachew,” said that he paid 1,500 Birr (US $52) for the car and escaped mistreatment.

    Others avoided capture when they landed, but then faced the difficult 500 kilometer journey on foot with few resources while trying to avoid capture.

    Dangers faced by Yemeni migrants traveling north were compounded for those who ran into areas of active fighting between Houthi forces and groups aligned with the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition. Two migrants said that their journey was delayed, one by a week, the other by two months, to avoid conflict areas.

    Migrants had no recourse to local authorities and did not report abuses or seek assistance from them. Forces aligned with the Yemeni government and the Houthis have also detained migrants in poor conditions, refused access to protection and asylum procedures, deported migrants en masse in dangerous conditions, and exposed them to abuse. In April 2018, Human Rights Watch reported that Yemeni government officials had tortured, raped, and executed migrants and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa in a detention center in the southern port city of Aden. The detention center was later shut down.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) announced in May that it had initiated a program of voluntary humanitarian returns for irregular Ethiopian migrants held by Yemeni authorities at detention sites in southern Yemen. IOM said that about 5,000 migrants at three sites were held in “unsustainable conditions,” and that the flights from Aden to Ethiopia had stalled because the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition had failed to provide the flights the necessary clearances. The coalition controls Yemen’s airspace.

    Crossing the Border; Abusive Detention inside Saudi Arabia

    Migrants faced new challenges attempting to cross the Saudi-Yemen border. The people interviewed said that the crossing points used by smugglers are in rural, mountainous areas where the border separates Yemen’s Saada Governorate and Saudi Arabia’s Jizan Province. Two said that smugglers separated Ethiopians by their ethnic group and assigned different groups to cross at different border points.

    Ethiopian migrants interviewed were not all able to identify the locations where they crossed. Most indicated points near the Yemeni mountain villages Souq al-Ragu and ‘Izlat Al Thabit, which they called Ragu and Al Thabit. Saudi-aligned media have regularly characterized Souq al-Ragu as a dangerous town from which drug smugglers and irregular migrants cross into Saudi Arabia.

    Migrants recounted pressures to pay for the crossing by smuggling drugs into Saudi Arabia. “Abdi” said he stayed in Souq al-Ragu for 15 days and finally agreed to carry across a 25 kilogram sack of khat in exchange for 500 Saudi Riyals (US$133). Khat is a mild stimulant grown in the Ethiopian highlands and Yemen; it is popular among Yemenis and Saudis, but illegal in Saudi Arabia.

    “Badessa” described Souq al-Ragu as “the crime city:”

    You don’t know who is a trafficker, who is a drug person, but everybody has an angle of some sort. Even Yemenis are afraid of the place, it is run by Ethiopians. It is also a burial place; bodies are gathered of people who had been shot along the border and then they’re buried there. There is no police presence.

    Four of the eleven migrants who crossed the border on foot said Saudi border guards shot at them during their crossings, sometimes after ordering them to stop and other times without warning. Some said they encountered dead bodies along the way. Six said they were apprehended by Saudi border guards or drug police at the border, while five were arrested later.

    “Abebe” said that Saudi border guards shot at his group as they crossed from Izlat Al Thabit:

    They fired bullets, and everyone scattered. People fleeing were shot, my friend was shot in the leg…. One person was shot in the chest and killed and [the Saudi border guards] made us carry him to a place where there was a big excavator. They didn’t let us bury him; the excavator dug a hole and they buried him.

    Berhanu described the scene in the border area: “There were many dead people at the border. You could walk on the corpses. No one comes to bury them.”

    Getachew added: “It is like a graveyard. There are no dogs or hyenas there to eat the bodies, just dead bodies everywhere.”

    Two of the five interviewees who crossed the border without being detained said that Saudi and Ethiopian smugglers and traffickers took them to informal detention camps in southern Saudi towns and held them for ransom. “Yonas” said they took him and 14 others to a camp in the Fayfa area of Jizan Province: “They beat me daily until I called my family. They wanted 10,000 Birr ($349). My father sold his farmland and sent the 10,000 Birr, but then they told me this isn’t enough, we need 20,000 ($698). I had nothing left and decided to escape or die.” He escaped.

    Following their capture, the migrants described abusive conditions in Saudi governmental detention centers and prisons, including overcrowding and inadequate food, water, and medical care. Migrants also described beatings by Saudi guards.

    Nine migrants who were captured while crossing the border illegally or living in Saudi Arabia without documentation spent up to five months in detention before authorities deported them back to Ethiopia. The three others were convicted of criminal offenses that included human trafficking and drug smuggling, resulting in longer periods in detention before being deported.

    The migrants identified about 10 prisons and detention centers where they were held for various periods. The most frequently cited were a center near the town of al-Dayer in Jizan Province along the border, Jizan Central Prison in Jizan city, and the Shmeisi Detention Center east of Jeddah, where migrants are processed for deportation.

    Al-Dayer had the worst conditions, they said, citing overcrowding, inadequate sanitation, food and water, and medical care. Yonas said:

    They tied our feet with chains and they beat us while chained, sometimes you can’t get to the food because you are chained. If you get chained by the toilet it will overflow and flow under you. If you are aggressive you get chained by the toilet. If you are good [behave well], they chain you to another person and you can move around.

    Abraham had a similar description:

    The people there beat us. Ethnic groups [from Ethiopia] fought with each other. The toilet was overflowing. It was like a graveyard and not a place to live. Urine was everywhere and people were defecating. The smell was terrible.

    Other migrants described similarly bad conditions in Jizan Central Prison. “Ibrahim” said that he was a legal migrant working in Saudi Arabia, but that he travelled to Jizan to help his sister, whom Saudi authorities had detained after she crossed from Yemen illegally. Once in Jizan, authorities suspected him of human trafficking and arrested him, put him on trial, and sentenced him to two years in prison, a sentenced he partially served in Jizan Central Prison:

    Jizan prison is so very tough…. You can be sleeping with [beside] someone who has tuberculosis, and if you ask an official to move you, they don’t care. They will beat you. You can’t change clothes, you have one set and that is it, sometimes the guards will illegally bring clothes and sell to you at night.

    He also complained of overcrowding: “When you want to sleep you tell people and they all jostle to make some room, then you sleep for a bit but you wake up because everyone is jostling against each other.”

    Most of the migrants said food was inadequate. Yonas described the situation in al-Dayer: “When they gave food 10 people would gather and fight over it. If you don’t have energy you won’t eat. The fight is over rice and bread.”

    Detainees also said medical care was inadequate and that detainees with symptoms of tuberculosis (such as cough, fever, night sweats, or weight loss) were not isolated from other prisoners. Human Rights Watch interviewed three former detainees who were being treated for tuberculosis after being deported, two of whom said they were held with other detainees despite having symptoms of active tuberculosis.

    Detainees described being beaten by Saudi prison guards when they requested medical care. Abdi said:

    I was beaten once with a stick in Jizan that was like a piece of rebar covered in plastic. I was sick in prison and I used to vomit. They said, ‘why do you do that when people are eating?’ and then they beat me harshly and I told him [the guard], ‘Please kill me.’ He eventually stopped.

    Ibrahim said he was also beaten when he requested medical care for tuberculosis:

    [Prison guards] have a rule that you aren’t supposed to knock on the door [and disturb the guards]. When I got sick in the first six months and asked to go to the clinic, they just beat me with electric wires on the bottom of my feet. I kept asking so they kept beating.

    Detainees said that the other primary impetus for beatings by guards was fighting between different ethnic groups of Ethiopians in detention, largely between ethnic Oromos, Amharas, and Tigrayans. Ethnic tensions are increasingly common back in Ethiopia.

    Detainees said that conditions generally improved once they were transferred to Shmeisi Detention Center, near Jeddah, where they stayed only a few days before receiving temporary travel documents from Ethiopian consular authorities and deported to Ethiopia. The migrants charged with and convicted of crimes had no opportunity to consult legal counsel.

    None of the migrants said they were given the opportunity to legally challenge their deportations, and Saudi Arabia has not established an asylum system under which migrants could apply for protection from deportation where there was a risk of persecution if they were sent back. Saudi Arabia is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention.

    Deportation and Future Prospects

    Humanitarian workers and diplomats told Human Rights Watch that since the beginning of Saudi Arabia’s deportation campaign, large numbers of Ethiopian deportees have been transported via special flights by Saudia Airlines to Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa and unloaded in a cargo area away from the main international terminal or at the domestic terminal. When Human Rights Watch visited in May, it appeared that the Saudi flights were suspended during the month of Ramadan, during which strict sunrise-to-sunset fasting is observed by Muslims. All interviewees who were deported in May said they had returned on regular Ethiopian Airlines commercial flights and disembarked at the main terminal with other passengers.

    All of those deported said that they returned to Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes they were wearing, and that Saudi authorities had confiscated their mobile phones and in some cases shoes and belts. “After staying in Jeddah … they had us make a line and take off our shoes,” Abraham said. “Anything that could tie like a belt we had to leave, they wouldn’t let us take it. We were barefoot when we went to the airport.”

    Deportees often have critical needs for assistance, including medical care, some for gunshot wounds. One returnee recovering from tuberculosis said that he did not have enough money to buy food and was going hungry. Abdi said that when he left for Saudi Arabia he weighed 64 kilograms but returned weighing only 47 or 48 kilograms.

    Aid workers and diplomats familiar with migration issues in Ethiopia said that very little international assistance is earmarked for helping deportees from Saudi Arabia for medical care and shelter or money to return and reintegrate in their home villages.

    Over 8 million people are in need of food assistance in Ethiopia, a country of over 100 million. It hosts over 920,000 refugees from neighboring countries and violence along ethnic lines produced over 2.4 internally displaced people in 2018, many of whom have now been returned.

    The IOM registers migrants upon arrival in Ethiopia and to facilitate their return from Saudi Arabia. Several hours after their arrival and once registered, they leave the airport and must fend for themselves. Some said they had never been to Addis before.

    In 2013 and 2014, Saudi Arabia conducted an expulsion campaign similar to the one that began in November 2017. The earlier campaign expelled about 163,000 Ethiopians, according to the IOM. A 2015 Human Rights Watch report found that migrants experienced serious abuses during detention and deportation, including attacks by security forces and private citizens in Saudi Arabia, and inadequate and abusive detention conditions. Human Rights Watch has also previously documented mistreatment of Ethiopian migrants by traffickers and government detention centers in Yemen.

    Aid workers and diplomats said that inadequate funding to assist returning migrants is as a result of several factors, including a focus of many of the European funders on stemming migration to and facilitating returns from Europe, along with competing priorities and the low visibility of the issue compared with migration to Europe.

    During previous mass returns from Saudi Arabia, there was more funding for reintegration and more international media attention in part because there was such a large influx in a short time, aid workers said.

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/15/ethiopians-abused-gulf-migration-route
    #migrations #asile #violence #réfugiés #réfugiés_éthiopiens #Ethiopie #pays_du_Golfe #route_du_Golfe #mer_Rouge #Golfe_d'Aden #Yémen #Arabie_Saoudite #frontières #violent_borders #torture #trafic_d'êtres_humains #exploitation #routes_migratoires

    signalé par @isskein

    • Migrants endure sea crossing to Yemen and disembark in hell

      Zahra struggled in the blue waters of the Gulf of Aden, grasping for the hands of fellow migrants.

      Hundreds of men, women and teenagers clambered out of a boat and through the surf emerging, exhausted, on the shores of Yemen.

      The 20-year-old Ethiopian saw men armed with automatic rifles waiting for them on the beach and she clenched in terror. She had heard migrants’ stories of brutal traffickers, lurking like monsters in a nightmare. They are known by the Arabic nickname Abdul-Qawi — which means Worshipper of the Strong.

      “What will they do to us?” Zahra thought.

      She and 300 other Africans had just endured six hours crammed in a wooden smuggling boat to cross the narrow strait between the Red Sea and the gulf. When they landed, the traffickers loaded them into trucks and drove them to ramshackle compounds in the desert outside the coastal village of Ras al-Ara.

      There was Zahra’s answer. She was imprisoned for a month in a tin-roofed hut, broiling and hungry, ordered to call home each day to beseech her family to wire $2,000. She said she did not have family to ask for money and pleaded for her freedom.
      Instead, her captors raped her. And they raped the 20 other women with her — for weeks, different men all the time.

      “They used each of the girls,” she told The Associated Press. “Every night there was rape.”

      With its systematic torture, Ras al-Ara is a particular hell on the arduous, 900-mile (1,400 kilometer) journey from the Horn of Africa to oil-rich Saudi Arabia. Migrants leave home on sandaled feet with dreams of escaping poverty. They trek through mountains and deserts, sandstorms and 113-degree temperatures, surviving on crumbs of bread and salty water from ancient wells.

      In Djibouti, long lines of migrants descend single file down mountain slopes to the rocky coastal plain, where many lay eyes on the sea for first time and eventually board the boats. Some find their way safely across war-torn Yemen to Saudi Arabia, only to be caught and tossed back over the border. The lucky ones make it into the kingdom to earn their livings as a servant and laborers.


      But others are stranded in Yemen’s nightmare — in some measure because Europe has been shutting its doors, outsourcing migrants to other countries.

      The European Union began paying Libyan coast guards and militias to stop migrants there, blocking the other main route out of East Africa, through Libya and across the Mediterranean to Europe. The number of Mediterranean crossings plummeted — from 370,000 in 2016 to just over 56,000 so far this year.

      Meanwhile, more than 150,000 migrants landed in Yemen in 2018, a 50% increase from the year before, according to the International Organization for Migration.

      This year, more than 107,000 had arrived by the end of September, along with perhaps tens of thousands more the organization was unable to track — or who were buried in graves along the trail.

      And European policies may be making the Yemen route more dangerous. Funded by the EU, Ethiopia has cracked down on migrant smugglers and intensified border controls. Arrests of known brokers have prompted migrants to turn to unreliable traffickers, taking more dangerous paths and increasing the risk of abuses.

      Many of those migrants end up in Ras al-Ara.

      Nearly every migrant who lands here is imprisoned in hidden compounds while their families are shaken down for money. Like Zahra, they are subjected to daily torments ranging from beatings and rapes to starvation, their screams drowned out by the noise of generators or cars or simply lost in the desert.
      “Out of every thousand, 800 disappear in the lockups,” said a humanitarian worker monitoring the flow of migrants.

      Traffickers who torture are a mix of Yemenis and Ethiopians of different ethnic groups. So victims cannot appeal to tribal loyalties, they are tortured by men from other groups: If the migrants are Oromia, the torturers are Tigrinya.

      At the same time, because the three main ethnic groups don’t speak each others’ languages, Yemeni smugglers need translators to convey orders to the migrants and monitor their phone conversations with their families.

      The AP spoke to more than two dozen Ethiopians who survived torture at Ras al-Ara. Nearly all of them reported witnessing deaths, and one man died of starvation hours after the AP saw him.
      The imprisonment and torture are largely ignored by Yemeni authorities.

      The AP saw trucks full of migrants passing unhindered through military checkpoints as they went from the beaches to drop their human cargo at each desert compound, known in Arabic as a “hosh.”

      “The traffickers move freely, in public, giving bribes at the checkpoints,” said Mohammed Said, a former coast guard officer who now runs a gas station in the center of town.

      From Ras al-Ara, it’s nearly 50 miles in any direction to the next town. Around 8,000 families live in a collection of decaying, one-story stone houses beside dirt roads, a lone hotel and two eateries. The fish market is the center of activity when the daily catch is brought in.

      Nearly the entire population profits from the human trade. Some rent land to traffickers for the holding cells, or work as guards, drivers or translators. For others, traffickers flush with cash are a lucrative market for their food, fuel or the mildly stimulant leaves of qat, which Yemenis and Ethiopians chew daily.

      Locals can rattle off the traffickers’ names. One of them, a Yemeni named Mohammed al-Usili, runs more than 20 hosh. He’s famous for the red Nissan SUV he drives through town.

      Others belong to Sabaha, one of the biggest tribes in southern Yemen, some of whom are famous for their involvement in illicit businesses. Yemenis call the Sabaha “bandits” who have no political loyalties to any of the warring parties.
      Many traffickers speak openly of their activities, but deny they torture, blaming others.

      Yemeni smuggler Ali Hawash was a farmer who went into the human smuggling business a year ago. He disparaged smugglers who prey on poor migrants, torturing them and holding them hostage until relatives pay ransom.

      “I thought we need to have a different way,” he said, “I will help you go to Saudi, you just pay the transit and the transportation. Deal.”

      The flow of migrants to the beach is unending. On a single day, July 24, the AP witnessed seven boats pull into Ras al-Ara, one after the other, starting at 3 a.m., each carrying more than 100 people.

      The migrants climbed out of the boats into the turquoise water. One young man collapsed on the beach, his feet swollen. A woman stepped on something sharp in the water and fell screeching in pain. Others washed their clothes in the waves to get out the vomit, urine and feces from the rugged journey.

      The migrants were lined up and loaded onto trucks. They gripped the iron bars in the truck bed as they were driven along the highway. At each compound, the truck unloaded a group of migrants, like a school bus dropping off students. The migrants disappeared inside.

      From time to time, Ethiopians escape their imprisonment or are released and stagger out of the desert into town.
      Eman Idrees, 27, and her husband were held for eight months by an Ethiopian smuggler.

      She recalled the savage beatings they endured, which left a scar on her shoulder; the smuggler received $700 to take her to Saudi Arabia, but wouldn’t let her go, because “he wanted me.”

      Said, the gas station owner, is horrified by the evidence of torture he has seen, so he has made his station and a nearby mosque into a refuge for migrants. But locals say Said, too, profits from the trafficking, selling fuel for the smugglers’ boats and trucks. But that means the traffickers need him and leave him alone.

      On a day when the AP team was visiting, several young men just out of a compound arrived at the gas station. They showed deep gashes in their arms from ropes that had bound them. One who had bruises from being lashed with a cable said the women imprisoned with him were all raped and that three men had died.

      Another, Ibrahim Hassan, trembled as he showed how he was tied up in a ball, arms behind his back, knees bound against his chest. The 24-year-old said he was bound like that for 11 days and frequently beaten. His torturer, he said, was a fellow Ethiopian but from a rival ethnic group, Tigray, while he is Oromo.

      Hassan said he was freed after his father went door to door in their hometown to borrow money and gather the $2,600 that the smugglers demanded.
      “My family is extremely poor,” Hassan said, breaking down in tears. “My father is a farmer and I have five siblings.”

      Starvation is another punishment used by the traffickers to wear down their victims.

      At Ras al-Ara hospital, four men who looked like living skeletons sat on the floor, picking rice from a bowl with their thin fingers. Their bones protruded from their backs, their rib cages stood out sharply. With no fat on their bodies, they sat on rolled-up cloth because it was too painful to sit directly on bone. They had been imprisoned by traffickers for months, fed once a day with scraps of bread and a sip of water, they said.

      One of them, 23-year-old Abdu Yassin, said he had agreed with smugglers in Ethiopia to pay around $600 for the trip through Yemen to the Saudi border. But when he landed at Ras al-Ara, he was brought to a compound with 71 others, and the traffickers demanded $1,600.

      He cried as he described how he was held for five months and beaten constantly in different positions. He showed the marks from lashings on his back, the scars on his legs where they pressed hot steel into his skin. His finger was crooked after they smashed it with a rock, he said. One day, they tied his legs and dangled him upside down, “like a slaughtered sheep.”
      But the worst was starvation.

      “From hunger, my knees can’t carry my body,” he said. “I haven’t changed my clothes for six months. I haven’t washed. I have nothing.”

      Near the four men, another emaciated man lay on a gurney, his stomach concave, his eyes open but unseeing. Nurses gave him fluids but he died several hours later.

      The torment that leaves the young men and women physically and mentally shattered also leaves them stranded.

      Zahra said she traveled to Yemen “because I wanted to change my life.”

      She came from a broken home. She was a child when her parents divorced. Her mother disappeared, and her father — an engineer — remarried and wanted little to do with Zahra or her sisters. Zahra dropped out of school after the third grade. She worked for years in Djibouti as a servant, sending most of her earnings to her youngest sister back in Ethiopia.

      Unable to save any money, she decided to try her luck elsewhere.

      She spoke in a quiet voice as she described the torments she suffered at the compound.

      “I couldn’t sleep at all throughout these days,” as she suffered from headaches, she said.

      She and the other women were locked in three rooms of the hut, sleeping on the dirt floor, suffocating in the summer heat. They were constantly famished. Zahra suffered from rashes, diarrhea and vomiting.

      One group tried to flee when they were allowed to wash at a well outside. The traffickers used dogs to hunt them down, brought them back and beat them.
      “You can’t imagine,” Zahra said. “We could hear the screams.” After that, they could only wash at gunpoint.

      Finally, early one morning, their captors opened the gates and told Zahra and some of the other women to leave. Apparently, the traffickers gave up on getting money out of them and wanted to make room for others.

      Now Zahra lives in Basateen, a slum on the outskirts of southern Yemen’s main city, Aden, where she shares a room with three other women who also were tortured. .

      Among them is a 17-year-old who fidgets with her hands and avoiding eye contact. She said she had been raped more times than she can count.

      The first time was during the boat crossing from Djibouti, where she was packed in with more than 150 other migrants. Fearing the smugglers, no one dared raise a word of protest as the captain and his crew raped her and the other nine women on board during the eight-hour journey.
      “I am speechless about what happened in the boat,” the 17-year-old said.

      Upon landing, she and the others were taken to a compound, where again she was raped — every day for the next two weeks.

      “We lived 15 days in pain,” she said.

      Zahra said she’s worried she could be pregnant, and the 17-year old said she has pains in her abdomen and back she believes were caused by the rapes — but neither has money to go to a doctor.

      Nor do they have money to continue their travels.

      “I have nothing but the clothes on me,” the 17-year old said. She lost everything, including her only photos of her family.

      Now, she is too afraid to even leave her room in Basateen.
      “If we get out of here,” she said, “we don’t know what would happen to us.”

      Basateen is filled with migrants living in squalid shacks. Some work, trying to earn enough to continue their journey.

      Others, like Abdul-Rahman Taha, languish without hope.

      The son of a dirt-poor farmer, Taha had heard stories of Ethiopians returning from Saudi Arabia with enough money to buy a car or build a house. So he sneaked away from home and began walking. When he reached Djibouti, he called home asking for $400 for smugglers to arrange his trip across Yemen. His father was angry but sold a bull and some goats and sent the money.

      When Taha landed at Ras al-Ara, traffickers took him and 50 other migrants to a holding cell, lined them up and demanded phone numbers. Taha couldn’t ask his father for more money so he told them he didn’t have a number. Over the next days and weeks, he was beaten and left without food and water.

      One night, he gave them a wrong number. The traffickers flew into a rage. One, a beefy, bearded Yemeni, beat Taha’s right leg to a bloody pulp with a steel rod. Taha passed out.

      When he opened his eyes, he saw the sky. He was outdoors, lying on the ground. The traffickers had dumped him and three other migrants in the desert. Taha tried to jostle the others, but they didn’t move — they were dead.
      A passing driver took him to a hospital. There, his leg was amputated.

      Now 17, Taha is stranded. His father died in a car crash a few months ago, leaving Taha’s sister and four younger brothers to fend for themselves back home.

      Taha choked back tears. In one of their phone calls, he remembered, his father had asked him: “Why did you leave?”

      “Without work or money,” Taha told him, “life is unbearable.”

      And so it is still.

      https://apimagesblog.com/blog/migrants-endure-sea-crossing-to-yemen-and-disembark-in-hell
      #réfugiés_éthiopiens #famine #mourir_de_faim #Oromo

  • Trump’s bid to buy Greenland shows that the ‘scramble for the Arctic’ is truly upon us | World news | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/24/trump-greenland-gambit-sad-sign-arctic-up-for-grabs

    Donald Trump’s cack-handed attempt to buy Greenland, and the shirty response of Denmark’s prime minister, provoked amusement last week. But it was mostly nervous laughter. The US intervention shone a cold light on a rapidly developing yet neglected crisis at the top of the world – the pillage of the Arctic.

    Like the late 19th-century “scramble for Africa”, when European empires expanded colonial control of the continent’s land mass from 10% to 90% in 40 years, the Arctic region is up for grabs. As was the case then, the race for advantage is nationalistic, dangerously unregulated, and harmful to indigenous peoples and the environment.

    `
    #arctique #climat #ressources_naturelles #géopolitique

    • The US navy is reportedly planning Arctic “#freedom_of_navigation” operations similar to those in the South China Sea, using assets from the US 2nd Fleet that was relaunched last year to raise America’s profile in the North Atlantic and Arctic. Nato, to which five Arctic nations belong, is also taking an increased interest in the “security implications” of China’s activities, its secretary-general, Jens Stoltenberg, said this month. All this increases the risk of conflict.

      China’s main focus at present is not military but on energy and resources, via investment in Arctic countries. In addition to Russian natural gas, it is prospecting for minerals in Greenland and has agreed a free-trade deal with Iceland to increase fish imports. It refers to the NSR as the “#polar_silk_road” and there is talk of linking it to Beijing’s pan-Asian belt and road initiative.

      Yet like any other country, where China’s business interests lead, enhanced military, security and geopolitical engagement will surely follow. Strategic competition by the Great Powers, greed for resources, a lack of legal constraints – and the aggravating impact all this new activity will have on the climate crisis – suggest the 21st century “scramble for the Arctic” can only end badly.

      #FoN
      #OBOR #route_de_la_soie_polaire

  • Border Violence Monitoring Network - Report July 2019

    The Border Violence Monitoring Network just published a common report summarizing current developments in pushbacks and police violence in the Western Balkans, mainly in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and along the Serbian borders with Croatia and Hungary.

    Due tu a new cooperation with the Thessaloniki-based organisation Mobile Info Team, we were also able to touch on the Status quo of pushbacks from and to Greece.

    This report analyzes, among other things:

    – BiH politicians’ rhetoric on Croatian push-backs
    – Whistleblowers increasing pressure on Croatian authorities
    – Frontex presence in Hungarian push-backs to Serbia
    – The use of k9 units in the apprehension of transit groups in Slovenia
    – The spatial dispersion of push-backs in the Una-Sana Canton

    Competing narratives around the legality of pushbacks have emerged, muddying the waters. This has become especially clear as Croatian president Grabar-Kitarovic admitted that pushbacks were carried out legally, which is contradictory to begin with, and that “of course […] a little violence is used.” Croatia’s tactic of de facto condoning illegal pushbacks is similar to Hungary’s strategy to legalize these operations domestically, even though they violate international and EU law. On the other side of the debate, a whistleblower from the Croatian police described a culture of secrecy and institutional hurdles, which prevent legal and organizational challenges to the practice. The role of the EU in this debate remains critical. However, despite paying lip service to the EU’s value, Brussels’ continues to shoulder the bill for a substantial part of the frontier states’ border operations.

    https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/July-2019-Final-Report.pdf

    #frontières #violence #push-back #refoulement #route_des_Balkans #Frontex #Subotica #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Croatie #Italie #Serbie #Hongrie #rapport

    • Croatia Is Abusing Migrants While the EU Turns a Blind Eye

      The evidence of Croatian police violence toward migrants is overwhelming, but Brussels continues to praise and fund Zagreb for patrolling the European Union’s longest external land border.

      BIHAC, Bosnia and Herzegovina—Cocooned in a mud-spattered blanket, thousands of euros in debt, and with a body battered and bruised, Faisal Abas has reached the end of the line, geographically and spiritually. A year after leaving Pakistan to seek greener pastures in Europe, his dreams have died in a rain-sodden landfill site in northern Bosnia. His latest violent expulsion from Croatia was the final straw.

      “We were just a few kilometers over the border when we were caught on the mountainside. They wore black uniforms and balaclavas and beat us one by one with steel sticks,” he recalled. “I dropped to the ground and they kicked me in the belly. Now, I can’t walk.”

      Faisal rolled up his trousers to reveal several purple bruises snaking up his shins and thighs. He has begun seeking information on how to repatriate himself. “If I die here, then who will help my family back home?” he said.

      The tented wasteland outside the Bosnian city of Bihac has become a dumping ground for single male migrants that the struggling authorities have no room to accommodate and don’t want hanging around the city. Bhangra music blasts out of a tinny speaker, putrid smoke billows from fires lit inside moldy tents, and men traipse in flip-flops into the surrounding woods to defecate, cut off from any running water or sanitation.

      A former landfill, ringed by land mines from the Yugoslav wars, the hamlet of Vucjak has become the latest squalid purgatory for Europe’s largely forgotten migrant crisis as thousands escaping war and poverty use it as a base camp to cross over the Croatian border—a process wryly nicknamed “the game.”

      The game’s unsuccessful players have dark stories to tell. A young Pakistani named Ajaz recently expelled from Croatia sips soup from a plastic bowl and picks at his split eyebrow. “They told us to undress and we were without shoes, socks, or jackets. They took our money, mobiles and bags with everything inside it, made a fire and burnt them all in front of us. Then they hit me in the eye with a steel stick,” he said. “They beat everyone, they didn’t see us as humans.”

      Mohammad, sitting beside his compatriot, pipes up: “Last week we were with two Arabic girls when the Croatian police caught us. The girls shouted to them ‘sorry, we won’t come back,’ but they didn’t listen, they beat them on their back and chest with sticks.”

      Down the hill in Bihac, in a drafty former refrigerator factory turned refugee facility, a metal container serves as a quarantine area for the infectious and infirm. Mohammad Bilal, a scrawny 16-year-old, lies on a lower bunk with his entire leg draped in flimsy bandage. Three weeks ago, at the cusp of winning the game and crossing into Italy, he was seized in Slovenia and then handed back to Croatia. That’s when the violence began.

      “They drove us in a van to the Bosnian border and took us out one at a time,” he said, describing the Croatian police. “There were eight police, and one by one they beat us, punching, kicking, hitting with steel sticks. They broke my leg.”

      A nearby Bosnian camp guard grimaced and wondered out loud: “Imagine how hard you have to hit someone to break a bone.”

      Among the fluctuating migrant population of 7,000 thought to be in the area, vivid descriptions of violent episodes are being retold every day. The allegations have been mounting over the last two years, since Bosnia became a new branch in the treacherous Balkan migratory route into Europe. Denunciations of Croatian border policy have come from Amnesty International, the Council of Europe, Human Rights Watch, and a United Nations special rapporteur. Officials in Serbia have even alleged “physical and psychological torture” by Croatia’s police forces.

      In November 2018, the Guardian published a video shot by a migrant in which haunting screams can be heard before a group of migrants emerge from the darkness wild-eyed and bloodied. A month later, activists secretly filmed Croatian police marching lines of migrants back into Bosnian territory.

      Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic even appeared to let the cat out of the bag in an interview with the Swiss broadcaster Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen, during which she remarked that “a little bit of force is needed when doing pushbacks.” Despite the videos showing injured migrants, explicit video evidence of Croatian officials carrying out actual beatings has never been seen, and migrants report that one of the first commands by border guards is to surrender mobile phones, which are then either taken or destroyed before a thorough search is performed.

      The abuse appears to be rampant. Both the violence and humiliation—migrants are often forced to undress and walk back across the border to Bosnia half-naked for several hours in freezing temperatures—seem to be used as a deterrent to stop them from returning. And yet the European Union is arguably not only facilitating but rewarding brute force by a member state in the name of protecting its longest land border.

      In December 2018, the European Commission announced that it was awarding 6.8 million euros to Croatia to “strengthen border surveillance and law enforcement capacity,” including a “monitoring mechanism” to ensure that border measures are “proportionate and are in full compliance with fundamental rights and EU asylum laws.”

      According to European Commission sources, a sum of 300,000 euros was earmarked for the mechanism, but they could not assess its outcome until Croatia files a report due in early 2020. Details of oversight remain vague. A spokesperson for the United Nations refugee agency in Croatia told Foreign Policy that the agency has no involvement. The Croatian Law Center, another major nongovernmental organization, also confirmed it has no role in the mechanism. It appears to be little more than a fig leaf.

      https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/12/06/croatia-is-abusing-migrants-while-the-eu-turns-a-blind-eye
      #Slovénie

  • Ventimiglia : sempre più caro e pericoloso il viaggio dei migranti al confine Italia-Francia

    Confine Francia-Italia: migranti fermati, bloccati, respinti

    I respingimenti sono stati monitorati uno ad uno dagli attivisti francesi del collettivo della Val Roja “#Kesha_Niya” (“No problem” in lingua curda) e dagli italiani dell’associazione Iris, auto organizzati e che si danno il cambio in staffette da quattro anni a Ventimiglia per denunciare gli abusi.

    Dalle 9 del mattino alle 20 di sera si piazzano lungo la frontiera alta di #Ponte_San_Luigi, con beni alimentari e vestiti destinati alle persone che hanno tentato di attraversare il confine in treno o a piedi. Migranti che sono stati bloccati, hanno passato la notte in un container di 15 metri quadrati e infine abbandonati al mattino lungo la strada di 10 km, i primi in salita, che porta all’ultima città della Liguria.

    Una pratica, quella dei container, che le ong e associazioni Medecins du Monde, Anafé, Oxfam, WeWorld e Iris hanno denunciato al procuratore della Repubblica di Nizza con un dossier il 16 luglio. Perché le persone sono trattenute fino a 15 ore senza alcuna contestazione di reato, in un Paese – la Francia – dove il Consiglio di Stato ha stabilito come “ragionevole” la durata di quattro ore per il fermo amministrativo e la privazione della libertà senza contestazioni. Dall’inizio dell’anno i casi sono 18 mila, scrive il Fatto Quotidiano che cita dati del Viminale rilasciati dopo la richiesta di accesso civico fatta dall’avvocata Alessandra Ballerini.

    Quando sia nato Sami – faccia da ragazzino sveglio – è poco importante. Più importante è che il suo primo permesso di soggiorno in Europa lo ha avuto a metà anni Duemila. All’età di 10 anni. Lo mostra. È un documento sloveno. A quasi 20 anni di distanza è ancora ostaggio di quei meccanismi.

    A un certo punto è stato riportato in Algeria – o ci è tornato autonomamente – e da lì ha ottenuto un visto per la Turchia e poi la rotta balcanica a piedi. Per provare a tornare nel cuore del Vecchio Continente. Sami prende un foglio e disegna le tappe che ha attraversato lungo la ex Jugoslavia. Lui è un inguaribile ottimista. Ci riproverà la sera stessa convinto di farcela.

    Altri sono in preda all’ansia di non riuscire. Come Sylvester, nigeriano dell’Edo State, vestito a puntino nel tentativo di farsi passare da turista sui treni delle Sncf – le ferrovie francesi. È regolare in Italia. Ha il permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari, oggi abolito da Salvini e non più rinnovabile.

    «Devo arrivare in Germania perché mi aspetta un lavoro come operaio. Ma devo essere lì entro ottobre. Ho già provato dal Brennero. Come faccio a passare?», chiede insistentemente.

    Ventimiglia: le nuove rotte della migrazione

    Il flusso a Ventimiglia è cambiato. Rispetto ai tunisini del 2011, ai sudanesi del 2015, ma anche rispetto all’estate del 2018. Nessuno, o quasi, arriva dagli sbarchi salvo sporadici casi, mostrando plasticamente una volta di più come la cosiddetta crisi migratoria in Europa può cambiare attori ma non la trama. Oggi sono tre i canali principali: rotta balcanica; fuoriusciti dai centri di accoglienza in Italia in seguito alle leggi del governo Conte e ai tagli da 35 a 18-21 euro nei bandi di gare delle Prefetture; persone con la protezione umanitaria in scadenza che non lavorano e non possono convertire il permesso di soggiorno. Questa la situazione in uscita.

    In entrata dalla Francia si assiste al corto circuito del confine. Parigi non si fida dell’Italia, pensa che non vengano prese le impronte digitali secondo Dublino e inserite nel sistema #Eurodac. Perciò respinge tutti senza badare ai dettagli, almeno via treno. Incluse persone con i documenti che devono andare nelle ambasciate francesi del loro Paese perché sono le uniche autorizzate a rilasciare i passaporti.

    Irregolari di lungo periodo bloccati in Italia

    In mezzo ci finiscono anche irregolari di lungo periodo Oltralpe che vengono “rastrellati” a Lione o Marsiglia e fatti passare per nuovi arrivi. Nel calderone finisce anche Jamal: nigeriano con una splendida voce da cantante, da nove mesi in Francia con un permesso di soggiorno come richiedente asilo e in attesa di essere sentito dalla commissione. Lo hanno fermato gli agenti a Breil, paesotto di 2 mila anime di confine, nella valle della Roja sulle Alpi Marittime. Hanno detto che i documenti non bastavano e lo hanno espulso.

    Da settimane gli attivisti italiani fanno il diavolo a quattro con gli avvocati francesi per farlo rientrare. Ogni giorno spunta un cavillo diverso: dichiarazioni di ospitalità, pec da inviare contemporaneamente alle prefetture competenti delle due nazioni. Spesso non servono i muri, basta la burocrazia.

    Italia-Francia: passaggi più difficili e costosi per i migranti

    Come è scontato che sia, il “proibizionismo” in frontiera non ha bloccato i passaggi. Li ha solo resi più difficili e costosi, con una sorta di selezione darwiniana su base economica. In stazione a Ventimiglia bastano due ore di osservazione da un tavolino nel bar all’angolo della piazza per comprendere alcune superficiali dinamiche di tratta delle donne e passeurs. Che a pagamento portano chiunque in Francia in automobile. 300 euro a viaggio.

    Ci sono strutture organizzate e altri che sono “scafisti di terra” improvvisati, magari per arrotondare. Come è sempre stato in questa enclave calabrese nel nord Italia, cuore dei traffici illeciti già negli anni Settanta con gli “spalloni” di sigarette.

    Sono i numeri in città a dire che i migranti transitato, anche se pagando. Nel campo Roja gestito dalla Croce Rossa su mandato della Prefettura d’Imperia – l’unico rimasto dopo gli sgomberi di tutti gli accampamenti informali – da gennaio ci sono stabilmente tra le 180 e le 220 persone. Turn over quasi quotidiano in città di 20 che escono e 20 che entrano, di cui un minore.

    Le poche ong che hanno progetti aperti sul territorio frontaliero sono Save The Children, WeWorld e Diaconia Valdese (Oxfam ha lasciato due settimane fa), oltre allo sportello Caritas locale per orientamento legale e lavorativo. 78 minori non accompagnati da Pakistan, Bangladesh e Somalia sono stati trasferiti nel Siproimi, il nuovo sistema Sprar. Il 6 e il 12 luglio, all’una del pomeriggio, sono partiti due pullman con a bordo 15 e 10 migranti rispettivamente in direzione dell’hotspot di Taranto. È stato trasferito per errore anche un richiedente asilo a cui la polizia ha pagato il biglietto di ritorno, secondo fonti locali.

    Questi viaggi sono organizzati da Riviera Trasporti, l’azienda del trasporto pubblico locale di Imperia e Sanremo da anni stabilmente con i conti in rosso e che tampona le perdite anche grazie al servizio taxi per il ministero dell’Interno: 5 mila euro a viaggio in direzione dei centri di identificazione voluti dall’agenda Europa nel 2015 per differenziare i richiedenti asilo dai cosiddetti “migranti economici”.
    A Ventimiglia vietato parlare d’immigrazione oggi

    A fine maggio ha vinto le elezioni comunali Gaetano Scullino per la coalizione di centrodestra, subentrando all’uscente Pd Enrico Ioculano, oggi consigliere di opposizione. Nel 2012, quando già Scullino era sindaco, il Comune era stato sciolto per mafia per l’inchiesta “La Svolta” in cui il primo cittadino era accusato di concorso esterno. Lui era stato assolto in via definitiva e a sorpresa riuscì a riconquistare il Comune.

    La nuova giunta non vuole parlare di immigrazione. A Ventimiglia vige un’ideologia. Quella del decoro e dei grandi lavori pubblici sulla costa. C’è da completare il 20% del porto di “Cala del Forte”, quasi pronto per accogliere i natanti.

    «Sono 178 i posti barca per yacht da 6,5 a oltre 70 metri di lunghezza – scrive la stampa del Ponente ligure – Un piccolo gioiello, firmato Monaco Ports, che trasformerà la baia di Ventimiglia in un’oasi di lusso e ricchezza. E se gli ormeggi sono già andati a ruba, in vendita nelle agenzie immobiliari c’è il complesso residenziale di lusso che si affaccerà sull’approdo turistico. Quarantaquattro appartamenti con vista sul mare che sorgeranno vicino a un centro commerciale con boutique, ristoranti, bar e un hotel». Sui migranti si dice pubblicamente soltanto che nessun info point per le persone in transito è necessario perché «sono pochi e non serve».

    Contemporaneamente abbondano le prese di posizione politiche della nuova amministrazione locale per istituire il Daspo urbano, modificando il regolamento di polizia locale per adeguarsi ai due decreti sicurezza voluti dal ministro Salvini. Un Daspo selettivo, solo per alcune aree della città. Facile immaginare quali. Tolleranza zero – si legge – contro accattonaggio, improperi, bivacchi e attività di commercio abusivo. Escluso – forse – quello stesso commercio abusivo in mano ai passeurs che libera la città dai migranti.

    https://www.osservatoriodiritti.it/2019/07/24/ventimiglia-migranti-oggi-bloccati-respinti-francia-situazione/amp
    #coût #prix #frontières #asile #migrations #Vintimille #réfugiés #fermeture_des_frontières #France #Italie #danger #dangerosité #frontière_sud-alpine #push-back #refoulement #Roya #Vallée_de_la_Roya

    –----------

    Quelques commentaires :

    Les « flux » en sortie de l’Italie, qui entrent en France :

    Oggi sono tre i canali principali: rotta balcanica; fuoriusciti dai centri di accoglienza in Italia in seguito alle leggi del governo Conte e ai tagli da 35 a 18-21 euro nei bandi di gare delle Prefetture; persone con la protezione umanitaria in scadenza che non lavorano e non possono convertire il permesso di soggiorno. Questa la situazione in uscita.

    #route_des_Balkans et le #Decrét_Salvini #Decreto_Salvini #decreto_sicurezza

    Pour les personnes qui arrivent à la frontière depuis la France (vers l’Italie) :

    In entrata dalla Francia si assiste al corto circuito del confine. Parigi non si fida dell’Italia, pensa che non vengano prese le impronte digitali secondo Dublino e inserite nel sistema Eurodac. Perciò respinge tutti senza badare ai dettagli, almeno via treno. Incluse persone con i documenti che devono andare nelle ambasciate francesi del loro Paese perché sono le uniche autorizzate a rilasciare i passaporti.
    (...)
    In mezzo ci finiscono anche irregolari di lungo periodo Oltralpe che vengono “rastrellati” a Lione o Marsiglia e fatti passare per nuovi arrivi.

    #empreintes_digitales #Eurodac #renvois #expulsions #push-back #refoulement
    Et des personnes qui sont arrêtées via des #rafles à #Marseille ou #Lyon —> et qu’on fait passer dans les #statistiques comme des nouveaux arrivants...
    #chiffres

    Coût du passage en voiture maintenant via des #passeurs : 300 EUR.

    Et le #business des renvois de Vintimille au #hotspot de #Taranto :

    Il 6 e il 12 luglio, all’una del pomeriggio, sono partiti due pullman con a bordo 15 e 10 migranti rispettivamente in direzione dell’hotspot di Taranto. È stato trasferito per errore anche un richiedente asilo a cui la polizia ha pagato il biglietto di ritorno, secondo fonti locali.

    Questi viaggi sono organizzati da #Riviera_Trasporti, l’azienda del trasporto pubblico locale di Imperia e Sanremo da anni stabilmente con i conti in rosso e che tampona le perdite anche grazie al servizio taxi per il ministero dell’Interno: 5 mila euro a viaggio in direzione dei centri di identificazione voluti dall’agenda Europa nel 2015 per differenziare i richiedenti asilo dai cosiddetti “migranti economici”.

    –-> l’entreprise de transport reçoit du ministère de l’intérieur 5000 EUR à voyage...

  • Vidéo : du #Brésil au #Canada, la nouvelle route de l’exil africain

    On la surnomme « la route de la mort ». Chaque année, des milliers de migrants en quête d’une vie meilleure traversent dix pays, du Brésil au Canada. Ils viennent de Cuba, du Venezuela, d’Haïti, mais aussi, plus récemment, d’Afrique ou d’Asie. Et chaque année, cette route tue, souvent dans l’indifférence générale. Durant cinq mois, nos reporters ont suivi le périple de la Congolaise Rosette et de sa famille sur cette route de tous les dangers. Reportage exceptionnel d’une durée de 36 minutes.


    https://www.france24.com/fr/20180413-video-reporters-doc-bresil-canada-nouvelle-route-exil-africain-mi
    #Afrique #asile #migrations #réfugiés #fermeture_des_frontières #détour #itinéraires_migratoires

    –-> je mets ici pour archivage, et pour compléter cette métaliste sur les #routes_migratoires :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/796636

  • Halfway round the world by plane: Africa’s new migration route

    Migrants using traditional routes from Africa to Europe often fail to reach their destinations. Smugglers now offer new options, such as taking migrants to faraway countries by plane.
    In early July, Mexico’s authorities reported that the number of African migrants in the country had tripled. According to government figures, around 1,900 migrants, most of them from crisis-ridden countries like Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo, are now in Mexico. Their destination? The United States of America.
    The journey by plane of some of these migrants began halfway across the world in Uganda. In a garden bar in the Ugandan capital #Kampala sits a 23-year-old Eritrean man who could soon be one of them. For security reasons, he does not want to give his name. He fled the brutal military service in Eritrea last September. According to human rights organizations, military service in Eritrea can mean years of forced labor. “I do not believe that anything will change in Eritrea soon; on the contrary,” he said. Many young Eritreans see their futures overseas.


    https://www.dw.com/en/halfway-round-the-world-by-plane-africas-new-migration-route/a-49868809
    #Afrique #détour #détours #asile #migrations #réfugiés #routes_migratoires #itinéraires_migratoires #USA #Mexique #Etats-Unis #fermeture_des_frontières #Erythrée #Corne_de_l'Afrique #Ouganda #route_pacifique
    via @isskein
    ping @reka

    • Africa: At U.S.-Mexico Border, Africans Join Diversifying Migrant Community

      It took Julia and her two daughters five years to get from Kassai, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, to a cot on the floor of a migrant shelter in Laredo, Texas, on a Sunday night in August 2019.

      First, it was four years in Angola. She saved money, she says, by working as a hairdresser.

      They flew to Ecuador. Took a bus and boat to Colombia. They spent 14 days crossing through Panama’s Darien Gap, lost part of the time in the dense jungle. Three weeks in Panama, then three more in Costa Rica while Julia recuperated from an illness. Then Nicaragua. Honduras. Guatemala.

      Finally, after a month of waiting in Acuña, on the U.S.-Mexico border, they stuck their feet in the sandy dirt along the southern bank of the Rio Grande. They were alone, and didn’t know how to swim.

      “We prayed first, then we got into the water,” Julia recalled. “My daughter was crying.”

      “‘Mom, I can’t…’” Julia remembers her pleading in chest-high water.

      Halfway across, she says, U.S. soldiers — possibly border agents — shouted to them: “‘Come, give us your hands.’“

      “I did,” Julia recalls, “and they took us out.”

      More families from afar

      Historically, the majority of people caught crossing into the southwest U.S. without authorization were single Mexican adults. In fiscal 2009, Mexicans accounted for 91.63% of border apprehensions, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection data.

      But demographics of migrants and asylum-seekers crossing into the U.S. from Mexico are shifting in two significant ways: In the last decade, nationals of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras began migrating in greater numbers. In the same period, the number of Mexicans dropped.

      Then, in the last year, families became the top source of Southwest border migration. The Border Patrol apprehended 432,838 adults and children traveling in family units from October 2018 through July 2019, a 456% increase over the same period the previous fiscal year.

      To the surprise of longtime border agents, while the overwhelming majority of these families continue to be from Mexico and the Northern Triangle countries of Central America, a small but growing proportion are from countries outside the Americas, nearly twice as much as two years ago.

      By the end of July this year, CBP data shows the agency had apprehended 63,470 people from countries other than those four, making up 8.35% of total apprehensions. In fiscal 2017, they were 4.3% of the total apprehended population.

      CBP does not release the breakdown of where detained migrants come from until after the end of the fiscal year in September. But anecdotes and preliminary data show an increasingly diverse group of migrants and asylum-seekers, including more than 1,600 African nationals from 36 countries, apprehended in one border sector alone.

      They are unprecedented numbers.

      Allen Vowell, an acting deputy patrol agent in charge with the U.S. Border Patrol in Eagle Pass, Texas, said the recent demographic changes are unlike any he has seen in two decades of working on the border.

      “I would say until this year, Africans — personally I’ve probably only seen a handful in over 20 years,” Vowell said.

      From Oct. 1, 2018, to Aug. 22, 2019, Del Rio sector agents apprehended 51,394 people, including 1,681 nationals of African countries. They are largely, like Julia, originally from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola or Cameroon, according to sector officials.

      The arrival of sub-Saharan nationals — often Congolese, according to Del Rio Sector officials — posed new challenges. A lot of border agents are bilingual in English and Spanish. But when apprehending a group that primarily spoke French and Portuguese, the agents had to scramble for interpreters.

      While many migrants from the Northern Triangle have relatives in the U.S. as a point of contact or a destination, those from Africa are less likely to have those relationships.

      That means they are more likely to stay in migrant shelters in the U.S. or in Mexico for longer, waiting to figure out their next steps until their immigration court hearing.

      There is the political tumult in Venezuela, leading to the exodus of millions of people scattered throughout the region.

      The end of the “wet foot dry foot” policy with Cuba that allowed migrants who reached the shores of Florida to remain, Cubans who want to leave the island for the U.S. to take a more circuitous route.

      And then, to the surprise of Border Patrol agents, there arrived the large groups of sub-Saharan Africans, crossing through the Del Rio sector in Texas.

      The migrant trail goes beyond Africa.

      Ten years ago, CBP detained 99 Indians on the Southwest border. In 2018, it was 8,997.

      Similarly, Bangladeshi migrants didn’t figure into the top 20 countries among those apprehended at the border a decade ago. In 2019, there were 1,198.

      This week, a Bangladeshi man living in Mexico pleaded guilty to human smuggling charges.

      There are also the regional conflicts and tensions in Latin America and the Caribbean that are leading to a bigger number of migrants within the hemisphere arriving at the U.S-Mexico border, like Venezuela and Nicaragua. Haitians and Cubans continue to take the more circuitous route through Central America and up to the U.S., rather than travel by boat to Florida, where they risk being stopped by the U.S. Coast Guard before setting foot on land.

      Son’s death sends family on a dangerous journey

      Julia says she got tunnel vision after her teenage son was killed in DRC, en route to school one day in 2014 for reasons she still does not know or understand.

      She only knows that she received a call from the morgue. A truck dropped his body off there.

      He was 17. His name was George.

      She can’t go back to DRC, she says. It’s just not safe.

      “There, while you sleep, the thieves will come through the roof. They demand money, and if you don’t have money, they’ll rape your daughter,” she said.

      “When he died in 2014, I made up my mind that I would not stay.”

      They want to get to Buffalo, New York. They don’t have family in the U.S., Julia says, but some people they met on the road were headed there. Word was, there was work, at least.

      She had an immigration court hearing scheduled for the first week of August. She was still at the San Antonio shelter, two days before.

      They didn’t now how far from Texas it was, or how cold New York gets in winter. They weren’t worried about those things now. They just needed the bus fare to get there, and they had nothing left. No money. No phone.

      Ketsia, now 15, speaks Spanish, English and Italian with ease. Jemima, 9, is the best French speaker in the family. They didn’t fight while they’ve been on the road for the last five months, from Ecuador to San Antonio. Not much, at least, they giggle.

      “She’s strong. Very strong,” Ketsia says of her mother, in Spanish. “I saw a lot of women who left their kids behind in the jungle. She’s courageous. This path we’re on, isn’t for everyone. If you’re not strong, it’s very difficult.”

      “My dream is to arrive there, to New York. To get a job. To put the girls in school,” Julia responds.

      “I suffered a lot already,” she says, something she repeats without going into more detail. She has a tendency to stare off, lose herself in thought when the conversation nears the darker parts of their family history.

      “I don’t want my children to go through the same,” she says. “We suffered a lot. I don’t want that anymore for my children.”

      The shelter where they stayed does not track migrants after they’ve left, and for privacy and safety reasons, shelters do not share whether individuals are staying with them.

      Attempts by VOA to locate Julia, Ketsia and Jemima in the weeks following the interview were unsuccessful.

      https://allafrica.com/stories/201909020140.html

    • El naufragio de un grupo de africanos en Chiapas revela una nueva ruta migratoria por el Pacífico

      El accidente de una lancha en Tonalá deja un muerto y varios desaparecidos. Ante la presión policial en el sur de México, grupos de cameruneses optan por usar vías marítimas para llegar a EE UU.

      Tirado en la playa, entre el pasto y la orilla. La foto del cuerpo de Emmanuel Cheo Ngu, camerunés de 39 años, fallecido este viernes tras el naufragio de su embarcación en Ignacio Allende, municipio de Tonalá, ha vuelto a revivir las peores imágenes de la crisis migratoria que se vive en el sur de México. La nueva política migratoria puesta en marcha por Andrés Manuel López Obrador tras el chantaje de Estados Unidos, ha obligado a los nuevos grupos de migrantes atrapados en Tapachula, Chiapas, a buscar nuevas y peligrosas rutas en su intento de llegar a la frontera norte.

      A las 7.00 de la mañana, según pescadores de la zona, una embarcación con personas procedentes de Camerún comenzó a tambalearse hasta que todos cayeron al agua, de acuerdo a la investigación judicial. El portal AlertaChiapas y activistas en la zona consultados por este medio, afirmaron que el bote salió desde la costa de Guatemala o desde el sur del Estado de Chiapas, ya en México, con destino Oaxaca. Cuando llegaron los Grupos de Rescate consiguieron socorrer a 8 personas, 7 hombres y una mujer, que fueron trasladados al Hospital General de Tonalá. El cuerpo de Cheo Ngu fue encontrado tirado cerca de la orilla. Hasta el momento hay varias personas desaparecidas.

      La ruta por vía marítima que une la frontera de Guatemala con el istmo de Tehuantepec, en Oaxaca, es una opción cada vez más frecuente ante el aumento de detenciones y deportaciones por parte de la recién creada Guardia Nacional. Tradicionalmente los migrantes han utilizado las rutas terrestres, pero los traficantes de personas cada vez recurren más a esta ruta poco vigilada, más barata y con menos riesgos a ser detenido. Por una cantidad que oscila entre los 400 y 800 dólares —para los cubanos puede ser el doble— esta ruta permite a los centroamericanos avanzar desde Guatemala a Salina Cruz o Huatulco, en Oaxaca.

      Aunque la mayoría de los migrantes en México son de origen centroamericano, el flujo de personas procedentes de Camerún, República Democrática del Congo o Eritrea, ha ido en aumento. Los africanos se encuentran en un ‘limbo legal’ ya que no pueden ser repatriados y actualmente tienen la negativa del gobierno federal para recibir los trámites de salida para continuar su trayecto hacia Estados Unidos. En los últimos dos meses cientos de ellos permanecen varados en Tapachula (Chiapas). Algunos en la Estación Migratoria Siglo XXI, y otros en la calle, donde han mantenido protestas y enfrentamientos contra la policía y la Guardia Nacional por la situación que viven y la falta de respuestas.

      Luis García Villagran es activista por los derechos humanos en Tapachula. En llamada telefónica y aparentemente afectado, confirma que su versión dista mucho de la de las autoridades. “Hay una embarcación que sí ha llegado a su destino (Oaxaca) y que ni se ha nombrado, pero en la accidentada iban más personas de las que dice el informe oficial. Sé con seguridad que hay más personas desaparecidas. No solo hemos perdido a nuestro hermano Emmanuel”, zanja Villagran.

      https://elpais.com/internacional/2019/10/12/actualidad/1570833110_016901.html

  • Myanmar’s Persecuted Rohingya Join Balkan Route into #Europe

    Persecuted for decades, members of Myanmar’s Rohingya ethnic group are now turning up on the Balkan route for migrants and refugees trying to reach Western Europe.

    “Army people were torturing my family,” Ali Mulla began his story. “That’s why I couldn’t live anymore in Myanmar.”

    Mulla, 17, spoke in a refugee and migrant camp near the northern Serbian town of Kikinda, some 7,000 kilometres from the home he fled in Southeast Asia.

    Stateless and persecuted in Myanmar, in 2017 some 700,000 Rohingya fled in the face of a military crackdown, joining many who fled earlier bouts of repression.

    Most are housed in sprawling refugee camps in neighbouring Bangladesh, but now a few have joined the long road to Western Europe carved through the Balkans by refugees and migrants from Asia, Africa and the Middle East since 2015.

    Mulla was one of three Rohingya in the Kikinda camp near Serbia’s northern borders with European Union members Hungary and Romania.

    Besides the three in Kikinda, Serbia’s Commissariat for Refugees says it has registered only four other Rohingya, in the summer of last year.

    The Rohingya themselves say they were among 30 who entered Serbia two months ago.

    Mulla left Myanmar in 2009, the 2017 crackdown only the latest chapter in decades of repression against the Rohingya, a mainly Muslim ethnic group effectively denied citizenship in Myanmar under a 1982 law.

    Mulla and his family first moved to Bangladesh before travelling through Pakistan and eventually reaching Turkey. There, he said, he lost touch last year with his family – his parents, four brothers and two sisters.

    “I was looking and searching for six months”, he said, without success. Someone told him they had perhaps gone to the EU. Mulla chose to try too. “Maybe I go,” he said. “Maybe I’ll get my family.”

    Long road to Europe

    Rights groups have documented mass killings, sexual violence and widespread arson among atrocities committed against the Rohingya by Myanmar’s security forces. The Myanmar government has dismissed the allegations, saying the army in 2017 was responding to attacks by Rohingya militants.

    In July, the United States imposed sanctions on Myanmar’s top general and three senior military officers, accusing them of human rights violations against the Rohingya.

    Mulla now shares the Kikinda camp with two other Rohingya – Omar Farur and Jahur Ahmed – and some 200 other refugees and migrants mainly from Afghanistan and Pakistan.

    Serbian authorities say roughly 20,000 migrants pass through Serbia every year. According to the latest figures, some 3,000 are living in Serbia waiting for their chance to reach the EU.

    Ahmed, 29, first became a refugee in 1994 when his family settled in Bangladesh. Seven years ago, he travelled to India but soon became a target of mafia racketeering.

    “I went then in Pakistan, but too much mafia,” he said.

    From Pakistan, Ahmed travelled to Iran and then Turkey. Like thousands of others trying to reach Europe, he crossed from Turkey to Greece by boat before heading north through North Macedonia and into Serbia.

    He estimated the journey had cost him between 1,700 and 2,000 euros.

    Ahmed and Mulla both said they hoped to reach Germany, but had yet to try their luck crossing the border between Serbia and Croatia that has become notorious for the heavy-handed tactics used by Croatian police to deter migrants and refugees.

    Their compatriot, 24-year-old Farur, broke down telling his own story.

    Farur said most of his family had been killed or detained in Myanmar. He fled in 2017, crossing India, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey and Greece. He worked for a couple of months in each country – for example in an oil factory in Turkey – to earn money for the next leg of the trip but that his funds were running low.

    Asked if he ever planned to return to Myanmar, Farur replied: “There is no home in Myanmar anymore. It is lost. Crashed. Army crashed it”.

    https://balkaninsight.com/2019/08/02/myanmars-persecuted-rohingya-join-balkan-route-into-europe

    #route_des_balkans #Balkans #réfugiés #réfugiés_rohingya #Rohingya #asile #migrations #réfugiés #parcours_migratoires #itinéraires_migratoires
    ping @reka