#route_des_balkans

  • En #Grèce, des centaines de migrants font pression sur les autorités pour quitter le pays

    Près de 200 migrants et demandeurs d’asile ont envahi les rails de la principale gare d’Athènes, en Grèce, vendredi. Ils réclament entre autre l’ouverture de la frontière avec la Macédoine. Au même moment, 500 migrants se sont rassemblés à Diavata, non loin de Thessalonique. Eux aussi réclament l’ouverture du poste-frontière d’#Idomeni.

    Le trafic ferroviaire entre Athènes et Thessalonique était perturbé vendredi 5 avril en raison d’une manifestation d’environ 200 demandeurs d’asile qui ont envahi les rails de la principale gare de la capitale grecque, Larisis. Les manifestants réclament l’ouverture de la frontière greco-macédonienne, plus de rapidité dans le traitement de leur dossier d’asile et de meilleures conditions de vie.

    « Saloniki (Thessalonique ndrl) », « Germany ! », scandaient les manifestants, dont certains ont installé des tentes sur le quai de la gare, selon un journaliste de l’AFP.

    Aucun train ne pouvait quitter la gare d’Athènes alors que la police tentait de persuader les manifestants de quitter les lieux.

    Cette #manifestation est « un message pour l’Europe qui doit comprendre que la question [migratoire] demande une solution européenne », a expliqué aux médias Miltiadis Klapas, secrétaire général au ministère de la Politique migratoire, qui s’est rendu sur place.

    Un #rassemblement de 500 migrants à #Diavata

    Selon le journal grec, Ekathimerini, les manifestants ont demandé un bus pour les conduire dans la région de Diavata, dans le nord de la Grèce, près de Thessalonique, où environ 500 migrants, y compris des familles avec de jeunes enfants, se sont rassemblés depuis jeudi dans un champ de maïs à l’extérieur d’un #camp, à la suite d’appels sur les réseaux sociaux.

    Ces centaines de migrants rassemblés à Diavata réclament l’ouverture du poste-frontalier d’Idomeni, selon Nikos Ragos, responsable local de la politique migratoire. « Les migrants ont commencé à arriver à Diavata après des rumeurs et ‘#fake_news’ véhiculés sur les #réseaux_sociaux, les appelant à venir dans le nord de la Grèce pour faire pression et réclamer l’ouverture de la frontière ».

    Des heurts ont d’ailleurs éclaté dans la petite ville de Diavata, ce vendredi, entre forces de l’ordre et migrants.

    Situé sur la « route des Balkans », un camp gigantesque s’était formé à Idomeni en 2015. Des dizaines de milliers de migrants y étaient passés en direction du nord de l’Europe avant sa fermeture à la suite de la signature d’un pacte migratoire Union européenne-Turquie en mars 2016 et de son démantèlement.

    Près de 70 000 migrants sont actuellement installés en Grèce, dont 15 000 entassés dans des camps disséminés sur des îles de la mer Égée.

    Depuis le début de l’année, la Grèce a repris la première place pour les arrivées illégales en Europe, devant l’Espagne, avec près de 5 500 arrivées en janvier et février, en hausse d’un tiers par rapport au début 2018, selon l’agence européenne de protection des frontières, Frontex.


    https://twitter.com/JohnPapanikos/status/1113898606405267457/photo/1?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1113898606405267457&

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/16147/en-grece-des-centaines-de-migrants-font-pression-sur-les-autorites-pou
    #résistance #asile #migrations #réfugiés #gare #occupation #campement #route_des_balkans #frontières #fermeture_des_frontières #Macédoine #accord_UE-Turquie


  • La police croate renvoie de plus en plus de migrants en #Serbie

    4 avril 2019 – 17h30 : La police croate déporte de plus en plus de migrants en Serbie, y compris des personnes qui n’ont jamais transité par ce pays. Il s’agit donc de #déportations illégales. Des migrants sont également renvoyés de Hongrie. La police serbe tolère ces « retours » infondés, dénoncent plusieurs organisations de soutien aux migrants au réfugiés, notamment les ONG croates Are you Syrious, Centar za mirovne studije et l’Initiative Dobrodošli.

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/fil-info-refugies

    #route_des_balkans #Balkans #renvois #expulsions #push-back #refoulement #Croatie #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières


  • Bosnia Records 12 Migrant Deaths in 2018

    Bosnian ministries recorded a dozen deaths last year among migrants and refugees in the country, but precise data on those who lost their lives crossing the country remain absent.

    Official data from Bosnian government ministries shows that 12 migrants or refugees lost their lives in the country last year.

    The data were gathered from the interior ministries of Bosnia’s two entities, the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska, RS, and the mainly Bosniak and Croatian Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    It is not clear if that is the final number, as the interior ministries in each entity only keep data on deaths where they suspect violence was the cause.

    Border police have data on bodies of people transported back to “countries of high migration risk”, referring to those states from where most migrants and refugees are coming.

    “In 2018, we had four cases; namely two transported to Pakistan and one to Jordan and one to Morocco,” Bosnian Border Police told BIRN.

    Una Sana Canton recorded four migrant or refugee deaths. One of ten units in the Federation entity, in northwest Bosnia, it is where most migrants and refugees are based, as it lies closest to EU-member Croatia.

    “In two cases, natural deaths were confirmed, one case concerned drowning and one person was killed,” the prosecutor’s office of Una Sana Canton told BIRN.

    No Name Kitchen, an NGO that assists migrants and refugees, said it was concerned over the fate of one young Moroccan who they fear is lost in Bosnia or Serbia.

    “He went to cross the border to Croatia from Republika Srpska in Bosnia and got pushed back into Serbia. As he wanted to cross back into Bosnia, he went to cross the [border] Drina river, and that was the last news we have of him,” No Name Kitchen told BIRN.

    His fate remains unknown, as local police could not confirm any details about him.

    The UN refugee agency, UNHCR, told BIRN it does not possess data on migrants and refugees who died in Bosnia but recalled its recently published report on their plight, Desperate Journeys.

    The report notes an estimated 2,275 people perished crossing the Mediterranean in 2018 – an average of six deaths every day, as more and more people attempted the perilous sea crossing to Europe.

    Just over 20,000 migrants and refugees were registered as having entered Bosnia during 2018, according to the country’s Service for Foreign Affairs.

    But the exact number of those still in Bosnia is hard to confirm, as many have clearly moved on.

    Latest information from Bosnia’s Council of Ministers, or government, says only 3,900 remain. That means most of those who declared an intention to claim asylum in Bosnia have in fact left the country.

    Those who stayed and are registered in Bosnia have been placed in seven locations: in Sarajevo, Mostar, Bihac, Cazin and Velika Kladusa. Most are in Bihac.

    Most of them are taking the new so-called “Balkan route” to Western Europe, which passes through Albania, Montenegro and Bosnia.

    The former route was closed off after Hungary built a fence to stop migrants and refugees from entering the country from Serbia, and then moving on to Austria.

    https://balkaninsight.com/2019/03/07/bosnia-records-12-migrant-deaths-in-2018
    #mourir_aux_frontières #Bosnie #asile #migrations #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #statistiques #chiffres #morts #décès


  • Y.M (20) i N.S.(34) iz Irana su danas ujutro, posle 7h, uhvaćeni od 4 hrvatska policajca na granici kod Šida,koji su ih psovali,tukli pendrecima po glavi,šutirali po celom telu.Nakon torture,licima je oduzet novac,dovedeni do granice kod Šida i gurnuti ilegalno nazad u Srbiju.


    #Šid #Sid #Croatie #Serbie #push-back #refoulement #violence #violent_borders #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_iraniens #frontières #route_des_Balkans

    métaliste sur la route de balkans :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/714898


  • VIOLENCE REPORTS

    The collective expulsion and violent return of asylum seekers to the Bosnian border surrounding #Velika_Kladuša is a routine occurrence. Men, women, and even children regularly return from their attempts to cross through Croatia and Slovenia with split lips, black eyes, and broken bones. The search for safety and asylum is all too often met with police batons and closed fists.

    The brutal practices of the Croatian police are against international laws and directives. Firstly, the beating and deportation of all people on the move, both irregular migrants and asylum seekers, is against the prohibition of collective expulsion (Article 4 Protocol 4 ECHR*), and the absolute prohibition of torture and non-humane or degrading treatment or punishment (Article 3 ECHR*).

    Secondly, according to the EU Directive on Asylum Procedures (2005/85/EC), all people on the move are entitled to information about asylum, translation assistance, the ability to present their case to a competent authority, notification of the outcome, and the right to appeal a negative decision (1). But most importantly, viewing people searching safety as mere illegal numbers and dangerous bodies pushes them to a grey zone. Within this grey zone, they are stripped of the right to have rights, resulting in their humiliation without legal consequence, leaving perpetrators unrecognisable and unpunished.

    Thousands of lives are being slowly destroyed while the EU community silently overlooks the brutality of its own border regime, absolving itself of any real sense of responsibility.

    To this end, No Name Kitchen, in coordination with several other independent groups operating in the area, has been engaged in the collection and presentation of the violence which occurs at Europe’s doorstep. In this capacity, we collect the testimonies of victims of border violence and present them to a variety of actors within the field in the hopes of highlighting the systematic nature of this violence. The methodological process for these reports is centered on leveraging the close social contact that we have as independent volunteers with refugees and migrants to monitor pushbacks from Croatia. When individuals return with significant injuries or stories of abuse, one of our violence monitoring volunteers will sit down with them and collect their testimonies. We collect hard data (dates, geo-locations, officer descriptions, photos of injuries/medical reports, etc.) but also open narratives of the abuse.

    http://www.nonamekitchen.org/en/violence-reports

    Lien pour télécharger le rapport :


    http://www.nonamekitchen.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Finished-Border-Violence-on-the-Balkan-Route.pdf
    #violence #rapport #route_des_balkans #Balkans #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Bosnie #frontières #Croatie #Slovénie


  • #Giles_Duley, survivre pour mieux photographier les victimes de la guerre

    Invité par le Centre international de déminage humanitaire à l’occasion d’une conférence sur les mines à l’ONU, à Genève, le photographe britannique, triple amputé, a survécu par miracle à un engin explosif improvisé en Afghanistan. Ce tragique épisode a décuplé son empathie pour les sujets qu’il photographie et renforcé une vocation

    « Tu es un dur, tu vas vivre, buddy. » Le 7 février 2011, au cœur de l’Afghanistan. Dans l’hélicoptère qui l’emmène d’urgence à l’Hôpital des Nations unies à Kandahar, des soldats américains s’évertuent à maintenir Giles Duley en vie. Incorporé dans la 101e Division aéroportée de l’armée américaine pour photographier l’impact humanitaire de la guerre sur les civils, il vient de sauter sur une mine improvisée. Deux jambes et un bras arrachés. Transféré à Birmingham en Angleterre, il passe 46 jours aux soins intensifs. Il survit. Un miracle. Il subit 37 opérations en un an avant de pouvoir quitter l’hôpital.
    Façonner ma vie future

    Invité par le Centre international de déminage humanitaire (GICHD) à Genève à l’occasion de la 22e Conférence internationale de Mine Action réunissant plus de 300 responsables nationaux et onusiens au Palais des Nations jusqu’à vendredi, ce Britannique de 47 ans n’est pas du genre à s’apitoyer sur son sort. A l’ONU, mardi matin, équipé de ses deux prothèses, il lâchera devant un parterre plutôt rangé : « Si je n’avais plus été capable de faire de la photo, j’aurais préféré mourir en Afghanistan. »

    « J’ai d’emblée perdu mes ressources financières, ma maison, ma fiancée, poursuit Giles Duley. J’ai vécu dans une petite chambre où même ma chaise roulante ne rentrait pas. Tout le monde voulait façonner ma vie future. A moi qui avais été un sportif (boxe et athlétisme), on m’avait dit, un an après l’Afghanistan, que j’allais pouvoir désormais m’intéresser aux Jeux paralympiques de Londres de 2012. » Une remarque offensante pour lui qui voit le handicap comme l’incapacité de faire ce que l’on veut faire.

    « Or aujourd’hui, je fais ce que j’aime. Je suis un meilleur photographe qu’avant. » Dans son appartement de Hastings faisant face à la mer, ce Londonien s’en fait un point d’honneur : son appartement n’est pas aménagé spécialement pour lui. Il rappelle qu’il y a quelque temps, il posait vêtu de noir, avec les amputations visibles, sur un tronc blanc pour un autoportrait, prouvant qu’il acceptait son nouveau physique. « Au British Museum, explique-t-il, il y a bien des statues en partie abîmées qu’on continue de trouver belles. »

    Pour la seule année 2018, Giles Duley, exemple de résilience, a voyagé dans 14 pays. Avec la photo comme raison d’être, de vivre. Pour documenter les horreurs réelles de la guerre : « Je ne suis pas un reporter de guerre. Je suis anti-guerre. Je ne photographie jamais des soldats au combat. » Son empathie pour les sujets qu’il photographie est décuplée. En 2015, le Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) lui confie un mandat pour raconter la crise des migrants de Syrie en lui donnant pour seule directive : « Suis ton cœur. » Une manière de bien cerner le personnage.

    A Lesbos, l’arrivée de migrants épuisés le touche profondément. Il le confesse au Temps : « Je n’ai pas que des blessures. Mes souffrances physiques et émotionnelles sont quotidiennes. Mais c’est précisément cela qui me connecte aux gens. » Giles Duley n’a plus la même palette de possibilités qu’auparavant. Mais il s’en accommode : « Les limites que je peux éprouver me forcent à davantage de créativité. » D’ailleurs, ajoute-t-il, « les meilleures photos ne sont pas celles qu’on prend, mais celles qu’on nous donne ».
    Une vérité, pas la vérité

    Quand, en 2014, il rencontre Khouloud dans un camp de réfugiés dans la vallée de la Bekaa au Liban, il est touché par cette Syrienne, atteinte par un sniper à la colonne vertébrale et alitée dans une tente de fortune depuis plusieurs mois. Un cliché la montre en compagnie de son mari, « une scène d’amour » davantage qu’une scène dramatique dans un camp de réfugiés, relève-t-il. Deux ans après sa première rencontre, il constate que Khouloud est toujours dans la même tente. La situation l’insupporte. Il lance une campagne de financement participatif pour lui venir en aide. Un jour, il recevra de Khouloud, médicalement traitée aux Pays-Bas, un message disant « Vous m’avez redonné ma vie. »

    Giles Duley reste honnête. Ses photos ne représentent pas la réalité, mais une réalité qu’il a choisie. Préférant le noir et blanc, il aime utiliser un drap blanc comme seul arrière-fond pour effacer tout contexte : « Si je photographie une personne dans un camp de réfugiés, on va se limiter à la voir comme une réfugiée. Or elle est bien autre chose. Elle n’est pas née réfugiée. »
    La puissance de l’esprit

    Aujourd’hui directeur de sa fondation Legacy of War, Giles Duley estime être « l’homme le plus chanceux du monde » à voir les milliers de mutilés qui croupissent dans des conditions de vie inacceptables. Dans une interview avec Giles Duley, Melissa Fleming, directrice de la communication au HCR, le relève : « Au cours de toute ma vie, je n’ai jamais rencontré une personne aussi forte, ayant été si proche de la mort et capable de recourir à la puissance de son esprit et de sa volonté pour surmonter » l’adversité.

    La vocation de Giles n’était toutefois pas une évidence. Des cinq frère et sœurs, il est le plus « difficile ». Les études ne le branchent pas, au contraire du sport. Il décroche une bourse d’études aux Etats-Unis pour la boxe, mais un accident de voiture met fin à ses espoirs. Il se lance dans la photo de groupes de rock (Oasis, Marilyn Manson, Lenny Kravitz, etc.) et de mode. Mais un jour, face à une jeune actrice en pleurs dans un hôtel londonien, il réalise que la photo de mode ne le rend plus heureux. Il abandonne, travaille dans un bar, cédant brièvement à la dépression et à l’alcool.
    A 30 ans, une nouvelle vocation

    Mais comme une bouée de sauvetage, il se souvient d’un cadeau laissé par son parrain à peine décédé quand il avait 18 ans : un appareil photo Olympus et Unreasonable Behaviour, l’ouvrage autobiographique de la légende de la photo Don McCullin. Les images du Vietnam et du Biafra le bouleversent. A 30 ans, il identifie sa nouvelle vocation : raconter par l’image l’histoire personnelle des victimes oubliées du cynisme humain à travers la planète. Pour leur donner la chance d’une nouvelle vie. Malgré les douleurs qui ne le lâchent jamais. Ou peut-être à cause d’elles.

    https://www.letemps.ch/monde/giles-duley-survivre-mieux-photographier-victimes-guerre
    #photographie #victimes_de_guerre #handicap #autonomie
    ping @albertocampiphoto @philippe_de_jonckheere


  • Réfugiés morts sur la route des Balkans

    En 2015, en Macédoine, un train a renversé plus de quatorze réfugiés. Parmi eux, #Mahdi_Mohebi, un jeune afghan âgé de 19 ans, qui a survécu à la catastrophe. Depuis l’accident, Mahdi n’a plus aucune nouvelle de son jeune frère Alireza. À Brême, il poursuit tant bien que mal son existence, dans une incertitude angoissante...

    D’autres familles qui ont perdu des proches dans ce drame sont en quête de réponses. Mais elles se heurtent au silence des autorités macédoniennes, peu enclines à collaborer. Leur dernier espoir : retourner sur la route des Balkans, afin de mener leur propre enquête.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/078229-004-A/arte-regards
    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #route_des_balkans #Balkans #Macédoine #accident #morts #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_européenne #cadavres #identification #attente #Croix-Rouge #mourir_sur_la_route_des_balkans

    –-> Dans le documentaire on dit que la tragédie du #23_avril_2015 a fait 14 morts.

    • Izbjeglice umiru na balkanskoj ruti

      Balkanska ruta se od 2016. godine smatra zatvorenom. Ali izbjeglice i dalje umiru pokušavajući da pređu granice - kao što je slučaj sa Ihsanudinom Gull Muhammadom.

      hsanudin Gull Muhammad stradao je u maju 2018. Njegovo tijelo su našli u rijeci Korani. Ta rijeka predstavlja granicu između Bosne i Hercegovine i članice EU - Hrvatske. Rasim Ruždić živi u blizini Korane. On ima terensko vozilo sa prikolicom, tako da ga policija uvijek pita za pomoć kada treba da se transportuje nešto sa teško pristupačnog terena. Tako je bilo i ovaj put. « Okrenuo sam auto i stavio beživotno tijelo u prikolicu. Držao sam ga za ruke. Koža mu se već počela guliti, što znači da je već nekoliko dana bio u vodi », kaže Rasim.

      Ihsanudin Gull Mohammad imao je na sebi sivu majicu, traperice, tene, jednu bosansku marku i 30 centi gotovine, gumu za kosu i perle za molitvu safirne boje. Kada je Rasim Ruždić položio njegovo tijelo u prikolicu, vidio je da je u Ihsanudinovoj lijevoj šaci ostao tespih - čvrsto stegnut.

      Udavio se u bijegu od hrvatske granične policije ?

      Okolnosti pod kojima je Ihsanudin umro nemoguće je razjasniti. Zna se da je bio u grupi i da je pokušao da pređe bosansko-hrvatsku granicu. Ruždić pretpostavlja da je grupu zaustavila hrvatska granična policija :

      « Onda su pobjegli natrag u Bosnu, ali jadni mladić se najvjerovatnije izgubio i nije znao kako da se vrati. Ušao je u duboku vodu, vjerojatno nije znao plivati i utopio se. »

      Bosna i Hercegovina godinama nije bila na takozvanoj „Balkanskoj ruti". Putevi ka zapadnoj Evropi vodili su kroz druge, susjedne zemlje. Tokom 2017. godine u BiH je došlo manje od 800 ljudi, dok je 2018. godine registrovano čak 25.000 takozvanih ilegalnih migranata. Ljudi se pokušavaju domoći neke od članica EU. Neki uspijevaju, druge hvata i vraća hrvatska granična policija.

      Migranti i izbjeglice uvijek iznova izvještavaju da im hrvatska policija ne daje šansu da podnesu zahtjev za azil, da ih ilegalno šalje nazad preko « zelene granice » i da koristi silu. Hrvatska konsekventno odbacuje ove navode. Rasim Ruždić ne vjeruje hrvatskim vlastima i ima o tome jasno mišljenje :

      « Ako želite da spriječite ljude da pređu granicu, trebali biste da ih zaustavite, ali ne morate ih ubiti. »

      Ihsanudin Gull Mohammad sahranjen je na muslimanskom groblju u Bihaću, na sjeverozapadu Bosne. Prije toga je njegovo tijelo držano mjesec dana u mrtvačnici. Bosanske vlasti nisu bile sigurne šta da rade sa lešom. Na kraju je sahranu organizovala Zemira Godinjac, koja se dobrovoljno brine o izbjeglicama u Bihaću. « Svako ljudsko biće zaslužuje minimum dostojanstva na kraju ovozemaljskog života, i ja sam, kao čovjek, u to duboko uvjerena », kaže ova Bosanka.

      Zemira Godinjac je najprije pokušala dobiti informacije o nastradalom mladiću. Od jednog Ihsanudinovog pratioca saznaje da je mladić bio oženjen i da je imao dvoje djece. Nakon toga pokreće akciju da njegovo tijelo bude prebačeno u rodni Afganistan.

      Zemira Godinjac traži Ihsanudinove članove porodice

      To je teško, jer nema kontakta sa njegovom porodicom i jer joj nedostaju informacije o njegovom mjestu porijekla. Ali Zemira Godinjac ne odustaje i nada se da će neko već početi da traži Ihsanudina. Dodaje i da je imao jednu osobenost : šest prstiju na lijevoj ruci. Zato će, kaže, na sigurno pohraniti Ihsanudinov plavi tespih I njegovu gumu za kosu. « Sigurno je želio više od ovoga ostaviti svojoj porodici, ali tako vam je to. Njegova sudbina je bila da pronađe smiraj u Bosni. Ovo je njegov tespih a sa ovim je vjerovatno vezao kosu. Ostaviću te stvari kod sebe da ih jednoga dana mogu dati njegovoj porodici. »

      https://www.dw.com/bs/izbjeglice-umiru-na-balkanskoj-ruti/a-48052681


  • #métaliste sur la « #nouvelle_route_des_Balkans », soit l’après-2015 (probablement à compléter) :

    1. Les nouvelles routes des Balkans... qui passent au nord (#Bulgarie, #Roumanie, #Hongrie, #Autriche) et au sud (#Grèce, #Albanie, #Monténégro, #Bosnie, #Croatie, #Slovénie, #Autriche) par rapport l’ « originale », celle de l’automne 2015 :

    2. Description de cette nouvelle route et news :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/669257

    3. #Bosnie, nouveau pays de transit (route du nord) ?
    https://seenthis.net/messages/639454
    3a. sur la fermeture des #frontières entre #Bosnie et #Croatie
    https://seenthis.net/messages/702915

    4. #Bulgarie, nouveau pays de transit (route du sud) ?
    https://seenthis.net/messages/609387
    https://seenthis.net/messages/575032
    https://seenthis.net/messages/554021

    5. Frontière entre la #Serbie et la #Croatie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/766249
    #violence #violent_borders

    6. sur les #morts sur cette route :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/714897
    #décès #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_europe

    #route_des_Balkans

    cc @isskein @reka


  • Migrant deaths in Croatia highlight alternative Balkan route

    Two migrants have been found dead in a Croatian forest, apparent victims of a landslide. The men are thought to have been traveling through Bosnia, where authorities say 4,000 migrants are waiting to enter the EU.

    https://www.dw.com/en/migrant-deaths-in-croatia-highlight-alternative-balkan-route/a-45054897
    #décès #morts #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_europe #Croatie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #route_des_balkans

    Et une description de la #nouvelle_route_des_balkans, passant par la #Bosnie


  • Come il Montenegro si prepara a un’emergenza che non c’è

    La percezione di un’emergenza migranti percorre come una febbre i Balcani, ma in nessun paese assume sembianze surreali come nel piccolo Montenegro, dove si lavora alacremente per affrontare arrivi di massa che almeno per ora non sono ancora avvenuti. Christian Elia ha incontrato per noi i protagonisti dell’accoglienza, i rifugiati che ci sono per ora, e i giornalisti sotto minaccia che si occupano anche di immigrazione.

    Negli ultimi due mesi il governo di Podgorica ha prima dichiarato di valutare la costruzione di un muro al confine con l’Albania, le cui forze dell’ordine lascerebbero passare una quota crescente e preoccupante di migranti rifiutandone il respingimento. Pochi giorni dopo, l’esecutivo montenegrino ha discusso di un’adesione a Frontex, l’agenzia delle frontiere europee. Posizioni pubbliche premiate dal governo ungherese, pronto a donare a Podgorica il filo spinato necessario a mettere in “sicurezza” almeno 25 chilometri del proprio confine meridionale.


    https://openmigration.org/analisi/come-il-montenegro-si-prepara-a-unemergenza-che-non-ce

    #frontières #murs #Albanie #Monténégro #Frontex #asile #migrations #réfugiés #route_des_balkans

    • Albania, l’umanità che resta sulla rotta balcanica

      Sarà perché il ricordo di quando si era costretti a partire è ancora forte, o perché il paese ha vissuto in prima linea la guerra in Kosovo, ma sui migranti l’Albania non soffre le pressioni dell’opinione pubblica. Se ne parla poco e l’aiuto è tanto, come a Scutari: prima erano i kosovari, ora sono gli afgani e i siriani ad essere assistiti. Le stesse storie, gli stessi incubi e lo stesso bisogno di un giaciglio in cui dormire. Con Christian Elia torniamo sulla rotta balcanica in un reportage a cavallo tra Albania e Montenegro.

      “A volte puoi solo immaginare come ci si possa sentire. Ecco, ricordo in particolare la storia di una signora siriana. Ancora oggi, pensando a lei, ho i brividi. Con i suoi due piccoli figli, a piedi, tentava di passare in Montenegro, nella zona del triplo confine, con Albania e Kosovo. È una zona impervia, boscosa, non aveva più denaro per pagare una guida. Avrà fatto tutto quel che poteva, ma è stata morsa da una vipera. Era terrorizzata, ha iniziato a urlare, come i suoi bambini, che probabilmente neanche capivano bene la dimensione della tragedia. Se non ci fossero stati due ragazzi algerini, a loro volta a piedi, sulla stessa rotta, sarebbe morta là. Lasciando i piccoli da soli. Ecco, uno dei due, nonostante la paura di essere scoperto e respinto, è accorso, salvandole la vita e portandola indietro insieme ai bambini.”

      In Albania, rispetto ai popoli in cammino, c’è un clima molto differente che nel resto della regione e dell’Europa. E’ come se, per l’assenza sostanziale del tema nel conflitto politico, si riuscisse a mantenere quella ragionevole, lucida, umanità che è naturale quando si parla di esseri umani senza il filtro della speculazione politica.

      Per le strade di Tirana, attorno ai due centri di permanenza temporanea, è anche difficile vederli. Tanto che le loro storie restano impresse nella memoria, vengono ricordate, le storie hanno ancora volti, non sono ancora diventate numeri.

      La sede della Caritas, a Tirana, è in Rruga Don Bosco. La storia della Caritas, in Albania, è parallela a quella contemporanea del Paese delle Aquile. C’era al tempo del crollo del regime di Hoxha, c’era durante la guerra civile, che gli albanesi ricordano come ‘anarchia’, c’è oggi, che l’Albania è cambiata tanto, che i migranti arrivano e non partono – quasi – più. Al massimo, da tutto il mondo, tornano. O se partono, possono farlo legalmente.

      Nel caos del traffico cittadino e della vita frenetica dei bar, dei centri commerciali e dei negozi, il centro della Caritas è come un luogo sospeso, dove la vita albanese rallenta. Ariela Mitri è la responsabile per il settore del traffico di esseri umani e delle migrazioni, preparata e accogliente. A luglio 2018, con il sostegno della comunità internazionale, ha collaborato a un rapporto che fotografa la situazione di quello che è un paese di transito per eccellenza. Dalla Grecia alla Croazia e alla Slovenia, lungo la Balkan Route che non è mai davvero chiusa, al di là del racconto dei media. Le persone transitano, via Montenegro, via Kosovo, via Serbia, vengono respinte e si trovano intrappolate, spesso in Bosnia – Erzegovina.

      Il rapporto studia il periodo 2012 – 2017, ma è dal 2009 che i flussi di passaggio (perché solo di questo si tratta) iniziano a salire, in parallelo alla chiusura via via più ferrea di tutte le altre rotte d’accesso all’Europa.

      L’Albania ha aderito alla Convenzione di Ginevra del 1951 e il suo quadro normativo si sta adattando all’acquis europeo. La legge 121/2014 prevede che entro e non oltre quindici giorni dalla presentazione della domanda di protezione internazionale lo stato albanese deve informare il richiedente circa i suoi diritti. Secondo l’ultimo report pubblicato dalla Commissione nel 2017 hanno presentato domanda di asilo in Albania 309 persone, dato in leggera crescita rispetto all’anno prima. Le domande vengono registrate dalle autorità di frontiera, dopodiché passano al Direttorato per l’asilo politico e la cittadinanza. C’è opzione di ricorso, se ne ricordano solo tre.

      Il fronte di ingresso è l’Albania meridionale, quello di uscita è l’Albania settentrionale. Chi non prova la strada – impervia – del Kosovo, si concentra nella zona di Scutari. Ed è proprio là che Cristian, responsabile Caritas a in città, si occupa di molti di loro. “Le storie sono tante, c’è una coppia di fratellini afgani che aspettano la madre, oramai in Svezia, per il ricongiungimento familiare, ma la storia più triste è stata di sicuro quella di una bimba afgana che ha subito l’amputazione del piede per il freddo. Come si fa a dimenticare?”. Cristian racconta, mentre si avvicina al posto di frontiera di Han i Hotit, uno dei tre punti di passaggio dall’Albania al Montenegro. Le colline tutto attorno sono basse. “Capita di vederli camminare, proprio là, sulla cresta”, indica Kristian.

      Un sentiero parte tra due case di questa zona a maggioranza cattolica. Un croce su un cancello aiuta a partecipare all’idea di una mappatura simbolica dei luoghi. Due cani abbaiano all’impazzata, un gregge di pecore bruca pigramente ai margini del sentiero che si inerpica fino a scollinare dall’altra parte.

      Proprio su quella zona c’è la parrocchia di padre Adrian. Faccia da duro, crocefisso al petto. E dietro l’apparenza tanta umanità. “Mi capitava di arrivare qui e trovare, all’alba, donne e bambini, famiglie intere, che dormivano in giardino. Come si può essere indifferenti. Aprivo la sagrestia, che ha una minima struttura attrezzata per passare la notte. Questo è un piccolo paesino, un villaggio, sulla strada per il Montenegro, è ovvio che non si può fare molto. La comunità è accogliente, le donne del villaggio mi aiutano portando cibo e coperte, ma non è questa la soluzione. Le persone passano e bisogna fare qualcosa, non si possono lasciare all’addiaccio né si può pensare che questi ripari di fortuna siano la soluzione”.

      Sono almeno cinque, l’anno scorso, i casi di taxisti arrestati perché portavano (dietro lauto pagamento) i migranti verso il confine. Molti passavano da questa strada, quelli con meno mezzi tentano la fortuna a piedi.

      Il posto di confine, dalla parte del Montenegro, ha ancora l’arco di cemento d’ispirazione socialista. Dalla parte albanese, un caffè con vetrate domina il panorama mozzafiato del lago di Scutari, che durante gli anni duri del regime di Hoxha alcuni temerari provarono a passare a nuoto, in fuga verso quella Jugoslavia che era più libera, ma che spesso li rimandava indietro esponendo loro e le loro famiglie alla vendetta del regime di Tirana. Solo che all’epoca, la stampa e la politica europee, li raccontava come eroi e martiri della libertà. Un mondo a memoria selettiva. Padre Adrian, invece, ha la memoria delle persone. “Anche io sono migrato, quando qui è diventato un inferno durante gli anni della caduta del regime e dell’anarchia. Come posso voltarmi dall’altra parte?”. E a ricordarlo, ogni giorno, quel tempo, sono i cartelli che recitano “Respinti Schengen”, con azzeccagarbugli che spesso finiscono per spillare un sacco di soldi agli albanesi che non possono avere il visto Ue, senza ottenere il risultato promesso.

      I migranti, spesso, seguono il binario che – come una cicatrice del tempo – corre sulla cresta della collina al fianco del confine e porta in Montenegro.

      Tirana e Podgorica, al netto di polemiche che in Montenegro hanno portato addirittura a parlare di costruire un muro, nella realtà della politica hanno stipulato accordi più pragmatici: hanno annunciato l’apertura di un nuovo valico, moderno, che permetta di blindare quelli vetusti esistenti.

      L’Albania, dal punto di vista dei migranti, non ha pressioni dell’opinione pubblica. Se ne parla poco, ma l’esecutivo albanese non è affatto a digiuno di politica. Molti ricorderanno, cinque mesi orsono, la mano tesa del primo ministro albanese Edi Rama al governo italiano. La nave Diciotti era al largo delle coste italiane, vittima del braccio di ferro tra il ministro degli Interni italiano, Matteo Salvini, e l’Unione Europea, colpevole – secondo la vulgata di Roma – di non condividere le quote degli sbarchi. Bene, le cose sono andate diversamente, come ha scritto e dimostrato Nicola Pedrazzi su Osservatorio Balcani Caucaso.

      “Primo: diversamente da quanto si è detto e scritto, nessuna delle persone scese dalla nave Diciotti la notte tra il 25 e il 26 agosto 2018 è mai arrivata sul suolo albanese. Secondo: diversamente da quanto si è detto e scritto, né il governo italiano né il governo albanese hanno mai lavorato al trasferimento in Albania di una quota di quello sbarco”, racconta Pedrazzi.
      I motivi sono diversi, ma di base, in fondo, solo se una delle persone soccorse in mare avesse espressamente chiesto di essere portata in Albania questo poteva accadere.

      “Stando alla legge 121/2014, entro e non oltre quindici giorni dalla presentazione della domanda di protezione internazionale lo stato albanese deve informare il richiedente circa i suoi diritti; da quanto ho potuto constatare la fragilità del sistema albanese non risiede nelle norme, ma eventualmente nello stato delle istituzioni deputate al processo della domanda di asilo, che secondo l’Ue hanno margine di miglioramento”, spiega Pedrazzi nel suo articolo.

      La procedura di ingresso nell’Unione Europea è una posta in gioco che val bene un po’ di propaganda, soprattutto in un paese che ha numeri così bassi da potersi permettere ancora di giocare.

      Già in passato, l’Albania si è resa disponibile a operazioni simili. Prima con l’operazione di ricollocamento dei militanti del Mujahedeen El-Khalq (MEK), oppositori del regime iraniano per anni ospitati dal regime di Saddam in chiave anti-Teheran e divenuti scomodi nell’Iraq filo-iraniano del post invasione Usa del 2003.
      Prima, invece, era stato il caso di ex detenuti di Guantanamo, risultati innocenti dopo anni di una carcerazione drammatica, ma che non potevano tornare nel paese d’origine.

      Operazioni a basso costo di pressione interna e ad alto ritorno di affidabilità esterna.

      Nel mezzo delle piccole e delle grandi cose, come sempre, restano le persone. Alla porte di Scutari, come fosse un villaggio vacanze in cima a un bosco bellissimo, che domina la vista del lago, c’è un posto sicuro. Lo ha allestito la Caritas, negli anni Novanta. E a custodirlo c’è ancora lui, Medi, grandi occhi azzurri, qualche ruga, e mani grandi.

      “Alcune famiglie siriane son partite ieri”, racconta, mentre percorre i sentieri tra i bungalow di legno. “Qui mettiamo i singoli, qui mettiamo le famiglie.” Il posto è pulito, confortevole. Guardando i letti rifatti e i bagni puliti si può solo immaginare il sollievo di chi si concede un momento di riposo. Qui vengono smistati e alloggiati quelli fermati in transito, alcuni dei quali – nonostante le brochure che gli vengono consegnate dalla polizia – non chiedono asilo, o se lo chiedono devono attendere nei piccoli centri di Tirana, che sono due. La Caritas alloggia, rifocilla e organizza il transfer dei richiedenti asilo. Ed è come un guardarsi allo specchio. “È nato tutto ai tempi della guerra in Kosovo”, racconta Medi. “Lavoravo già qui, allora, e ricordo le famiglie in fuga dalla guerra. Per me non fa alcuna differenza: sono le stesse storie, gli stessi incubi. E tutti hanno bisogno di un giaciglio per la notte”.

      https://openmigration.org/analisi/albania-lumanita-che-resta-sulla-rotta-balcanica
      #solidarité


  • This European Border Is Still Open. But for How Long?

    The border between Austria and Slovenia runs through Armin Tement’s backyard. Literally.

    Not that you would know it. Neat rows of vines march up and down the valley like military columns with no regard for a frontier laid down by man, why here, no one can quite remember. The Slovene wine workers speak German. The Austrians speak Slovenian, or at least try.

    As for the wine, well, says Mr. Tement, 32, “it tastes exactly the same on both sides.”

    When Mr. Tement’s family started making wine back in the 19th century, there was no border here. The region of Styria, straddling what is now southeastern Austria and northeastern Slovenia, was part of the Hapsburg Empire.

    When the empire was broken up after World War I, Upper Styria became Austrian and Lower Styria became part of Yugoslavia — until the 1990s, when that country, too, was broken up and Slovenia gained its independence.

    The border, a hundred years old this year, was briefly eliminated by advancing Nazi armies, then heavily policed during the Cold War, before vanishing in all but name when Slovenia joined the European Union’s passport-free travel zone in 2007.

    “It was a great moment,” recalled Janez Valdhuber, 53, a winemaker on the Slovenian side. To celebrate, he grabbed his young children, climbed the steep vineyard opposite his house to the top where the border runs, and unfurled a European flag.

    The interrogations at the border stopped, and Mr. Valdhuber’s car trunk was no longer searched when entering Austria.

    But some worry Europe’s open borders might slowly be closing again, one checkpoint at a time.

    This month, Germany announced that at its Bavarian border, it would turn back asylum seekers registered in other European Union countries, a move reintroducing a hard border of sorts with Austria.

    Austria, now run by a conservative government in coalition with the far right, threatened to do the same on its southern border with Italy, Europe’s busiest north-south trade route. And as if to demonstrate its resolve, Austria briefly resurrected checkpoints at the Brenner Pass this month.

    The border at Spielfeld, an Austrian town with barely 1,000 inhabitants, became a stop on the migrant route in 2015, and for a few traumatic weeks that year, tens of thousands of refugees came through.

    Since then, Austrian soldiers have returned.

    They ride in military jeeps along the “Wine Route,” a winding country road that zigzags back and forth across the border. They have built a fence along a small border stretch near Spielfeld and set up makeshift checkpoints in the hills — only sporadically manned, but there — on otherwise deserted lanes.

    No one here reports having seen any refugees in more than two years, and so far the border checks are relatively rare.

    But this month, the Austrian military and police staged a high-profile military exercise, simulating another mass arrival of migrants.

    A platform was set up for the photographers. Two Black Hawk helicopters circled overhead. Two hundred students from the police academy were enlisted as “refugees.” Later, the defense ministry released a video.

    “It feels a bit like we’re backsliding into the old days,” said Marko Oraze, a member of Austria’s Slovene-speaking minority who runs the Council of Carinthian Slovenes.

    Mr. Oraze lives in Austria but gets his car fixed in Slovenia. Many of his friends commute across the border every day.

    “More and more of them are stopped at the border on their way to work,” he said.

    Some in Spielfeld applaud the tougher stance taken by Austria.

    “It’s about time,” said Walpurga Sternad, who runs a restaurant with her husband near the highway connecting Austria and Slovenia. “They should just close all the borders in Europe, go back to what we used to have,” she said, as a group of friends nodded in approval.

    Ms. Sternad remembers the day in October 2015, when some 6,000 migrants poured over the border in Spielfeld, filling the motorway and spilling into her own front yard. “It was scary,” she said. “So many people. They kept coming.”


    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/24/world/europe/austria-slovenia-border-migrants-spielfeld-schengen.html#click=https://t.co/YWlazq9xGU
    #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Autriche #Slovénie #fermeture_des_frontières #Schengen (fin de -) #militarisation_des_frontières #armée #frontière_sud-alpine

    • Anti-immigration mood drives fear of racist profiling on EU borders

      Europe’s passport-free area under pressure as calls grow for tougher migrant controls.

      Police spot checks have become a part of Fahad’s annual summer holiday when driving through the snow-topped mountains of southern Bavaria.

      “This usually happens,” said the Kuwaiti father of three, when his silver people-carrier with his wife and children was stopped by German border officers in the idyllic Alpine town of #Kiefersfelden.

      Fahad and his family had to wait for more than half an hour at the border post, until they were given a pass to drive from Austria into Germany. During the FT’s three-hour stay at the checkpoint, non-white drivers made up about 70 per cent of cars selected for further checks. Fahad was one of a few drivers with beards, while others included women wearing headscarves and motorists who at first sight did not look like white Europeans. All were waved through once their IDs were checked, vehicle boots searched and luggage examined.

      Racial profiling at Europe’s internal borders is forbidden under EU law. But with a fresh wave of anti-immigrant governments calling for tougher controls on migrant movements, there are concerns that non-white people will come under increasing suspicion when travelling in the continent.

      Europe’s passport-free Schengen zone — an area made up of 26 European states that abolished passport control at their mutual borders — has buckled under twin pressures: Europe’s biggest influx of refugees since the second world war, and a growing number of anti-immigrant governments pushing to crack down on irregular migration flows. “There is such a fear that Schengen won’t survive that countries are being given the discretion to do whatever they can to keep it alive,” said Elizabeth Collett, director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe think-tank.

      Although the number of migrants entering the EU has dropped dramatically since the height of the migration crisis in 2015, emergency powers still allow border controls across 20,000km inside the Schengen zone. Kiefersfelden, a popular skiing destination, has become one of Schengen’s pinch points: it is home to one of three emergency police controls along Germany’s 820km border with Austria.

      Every car travelling on the A12 autobahn through Kiefersfelden must pass a police border stop where officers select vehicles for extra spot checks. The cars that are picked are sent to a tented zone, where drivers and passengers must show valid ID documents.

      Border police said they are told to look for signs of undocumented migrants and people smugglers crossing into Germany from Austria. So far this year, an average of 900 illegal migrants per month have been detained on the Austro-German border, down from 1,120 per month in 2017.

      As racial profiling is outlawed, it is the responsibility of European governments to ensure their police forces carry out checks at random. Rainer Schafer, spokesman for the federal police overseeing the Kiefersfelden controls, said race and ethnicity “can be among the indicators” officers look for when deciding to pull over a vehicle for extra checks.

      “But there are no rules that we just pick out the people who look like they are coming from Africa,” he said. Other factors include registration plates (Italian or eastern European plates draw officers’ attention), blacked-out windows, and the number of passengers, he said.

      Police checks in Bavaria are expected to intensify after the region’s conservative local government last month requested tougher migration controls.

      Horst Seehofer, Germany’s interior minister, has also called on the government to break two decades of EU-wide co-operation on migration and unilaterally send people away at Germany’s internal borders. Observers fear that other Schengen countries, like Austria, could in turn erect their own emergency border controls — and that the EU’s principle of free movement of people is at risk of becoming a privilege enjoyed only by white Europeans.

      A report from La Cimade, a French non-governmental organisation, found French border police “systematically check the identity documents of people who do not have the right skin colour” on inbound trains from Italy.

      Inga Schwarz, a researcher at the University of Freiburg, said Europe’s internal border crossings are becoming “increasingly racialised spaces, constructed not only by border guards profiling according to race, but also by European citizens who witness these racialised control practices”.

      In Kiefersfelden, the majority of the non-white drivers selected for checks were tourists in people-carriers and expensive cars — mostly from the Gulf — and were waved through in less than 15 minutes. Uruj, a 27-year-old teacher from Kuwait, her husband and young daughter waited for nearly an hour in their white Mercedes.

      Although they had valid visa documents, police took away their passports and only permitted the family to continue to their holiday destination in Austria once they had obtained a car seat for their three-and-a-half-year-old daughter, Wafah. Uruj, who was wearing a pink headscarf, said, “I don’t think they liked the look of us.”


      https://www.ft.com/content/fac891a6-93f9-11e8-b67b-b8205561c3fe?segmentid=acee4131-99c2-09d3-a635-873e61754
      #contrôles_frontaliers #profiling #Allemagne #Autriche #contrôle_au_faciès

    • Réfugiés : la #Slovénie veut toujours plus de #barbelés sur sa frontière avec la #Croatie

      Les autorités slovènes se veulent rassurantes : la sécurité des frontières est assurée et personne n’a d’information sur l’éventuelle réouverture massive de la « #route_des_Balkans ». Pourtant le nouveau gouvernement ne semble pas avoir l’intention d’infléchir la politique migratoire de son prédécesseur et songerait même à étendre les barbelés qui coupent la Slovénie de son voisin croate.

      Par Charles Nonne

      La question des réfugiés semble ces dernières semaines avoir déserté le débat public en Slovénie. Le contrat de coalition signé le 28 août 2018, lapidaire, dédramatise : « Nous élaborerons une stratégie migratoire exhaustive, basée sur la coopération intergouvernementale. Nous protègerons les frontières de l’espace Schengen avec davantage d’efficacité et nous démonterons les obstacles techniques [barrières et panneaux] dès que les circonstances le permettront. »

      Pourtant, les passages de la frontière se poursuivent, notamment dans la région de la Bela Krajina, au sud-est du pays, où la rivière Kolpa sépare Slovénie et Croatie. Selon la police de Novo Mesto, entre le 1er janvier et le 31 septembre 2018, plus de 2400 ressortissants étrangers auraient illégalement franchi la Kolpa, soit douze fois plus qu’en 2017.

      Fin septembre, en marge d’un déplacement dans le centre régional de Črnomelj, le nouveau ministre de l’Intérieur, Boris Poklukar, avait affirmé vouloir maintenir les barrières en l’état, tout en garantissant que la police était préparée à une augmentation des passages frontaliers. Pour la maire de Črnomelj, Mojca Čemas Stjepanovič, « pour le moment, la sécurité est garantie et nous n’avons aucune raison de nous inquiéter. » Dans les communes les plus exposées, le gouvernement a promis l’érection de nouveaux « obstacles techniques » : sur les 670 kilomètres de frontière slovéno-croate, plus de 160 sont parcourus par des barbelés et 56 par de véritables barrières.

      En Slovénie, c’est notamment les tensions à la frontière entre la Bosnie-Herzégovine et la Croatie qui préoccupent. Si le gouvernement se prépare à plusieurs scénarios, il affirme n’avoir « aucune information laissant penser à une augmentation prochaine des flux », indique le ministre Boris Poklukar. Au nord, l’Autriche a d’ores et déjà annoncé qu’elle ne diminuerait pas la surveillance de sa frontière lors des six prochains mois.

      Au-delà du strict contrôle frontalier, d’autres questions divisent : des inquiétudes pèsent notamment sur la possible installation de centres d’accueil, comme à Debeli Rtič, sur la côte slovène, et à Brežice, à 40 kilomètres de Zagreb. La directrice du bureau gouvernemental pour la prise en charge de l’intégration des migrants, Mojca Špec Potočar, a tenu à indiquer qu’« il n’y [aurait] aucune installation permanente de réfugiés. »

      La question secoue également les rangs de la coalition : l’ancienne ministre de l’Intérieur, Vesna Györkös Žnidar, « faucon » régulièrement critiqué par les défenseurs des droits de l’homme, vient de claquer la porte de son parti, le Parti du centre moderne (SMC) de l’ancien Premier ministre Miro Cerar, en raison de désaccords profonds sur les questions migratoires.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Slovenie-le-gouvernement-poursuit-lentement-le-renforcement-de-sa
      #fermeture_des_frontières #murs #barrières_frontalières


  • Bosnian police block 100 migrants from reaching Croatia

    Bosnian border police on Monday stopped about 100 migrants from reaching the border with European Union member Croatia amid a rise in the influx of people heading through the Balkans toward Western Europe.

    Police blocked the migrants near the Maljevac border crossing in northwestern Bosnia, which was briefly closed down. The group has moved toward Croatia from the nearby town of #Velika_Kladusa, where hundreds have been staying in makeshift camps while looking for ways to move on.

    Migrants have recently turned to Bosnia in order to avoid more heavily guarded routes through the Balkans. Authorities in the war-ravaged country have struggled with the influx of thousands of people from the Mideast, Africa and Asia.

    Peter Van der Auweraert, from the International Organization for Migration, tweeted the attempted group crossing on Monday was a “very worrying development that risks” creating a backlash.

    Van der Auweraert told The Associated Press that the migrant influx has already put pressure on Bosnia and any incidents could further strain the situation, making Bosnians view migrants as “troublemakers” rather than people in need of help, he said.

    Migrants arrive in Bosnia from Serbia or Montenegro after traveling from Greece to Albania, Bulgaria or Macedonia.

    Also Monday, a migrant was stabbed in a fight with another migrant in an asylum center in southern Bosnia, police said.

    The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies said Monday that more than 5,600 migrants have reached Bosnia and Herzegovina so far this year, compared with only 754 in all of 2017.

    Hundreds of thousands of people passed through the Balkans toward Europe at the peak of the mass migration in 2015. The flow eased for a while but has recently picked up a bit with the new route through Bosnia.

    http://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/article213373449.html
    #Bosnie #fermeture_des_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Croatie #frontières #route_des_Balkans #Bosnie-Herzégovine

    • Migrants en Croatie : « on ne nous avait encore jamais tiré dessus »

      Le 30 mai, la police croate ouvrait le feu sur une camionnette qui venait de forcer un barrage près de la frontière avec la Bosnie-Herzégovine. À l’intérieur, 29 migrants. Bilan : deux enfants et sept adultes blessés. Reportage sur le lieu du drame, nouvelle étape de la route de l’exil, où des réfugiés désœuvrés errent dans des villages désertés par l’exode.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Migrants-en-Croatie-nulle-part-ailleurs-on-ne-nous-avait-tire-des
      #police #violences_policières

    • Refugees stranded in Bosnia allege Croatian police brutality

      Croatian officers accused of physical and verbal abuse, along with harassment including theft, but deny all allegations.

      Brutally beaten, mobile phones destroyed, strip-searched and money stolen.

      These are some of the experiences refugees and migrants stranded in western Bosnia report as they describe encounters with Croatian police.

      The abuse, they say, takes place during attempts to pass through Croatia, an EU member, with most headed for Germany.

      Bosnia has emerged as a new route to Western Europe, since the EU tightened its borders. This year, more than 13,000 refugees and migrants have so far arrived in the country, compared with only 755 in 2017.

      In Velika Kladusa, Bosnia’s most western town beside the Croatian border, hundreds have been living in makeshift tents on a field next to a dog kennel for the past four months.

      When night falls, “the game” begins, a term used by refugees and migrants for the challenging journey to the EU through Croatia and Slovenia that involves treks through forests and crossing rivers.

      However, many are caught in Slovenia or Croatia and are forced to return to Bosnia by Croatian police, who heavily patrol its EU borders.

      Then, they have to start the mission all over again.

      Some told Al Jazeera that they have attempted to cross as many as 20 times.

      The use of violence is clearly not acceptable. It is possible to control borders in a strict matter without violence.

      Peter Van der Auweraert, Western Balkans coordinator for the International Organization for Migration

      All 17 refugees and migrants interviewed by Al Jazeera said that they have been beaten by Croatian police - some with police batons, others punched or kicked.

      According to their testimonies, Croatian police have stolen valuables and money, cut passports, and destroyed mobile phones, hindering their communication and navigation towards the EU.

      “Why are they treating us like this?” many asked as they narrated their ordeals.

      “They have no mercy,” said 26-year-old Mohammad from Raqqa, Syria, who said he was beaten all over his body with batons on the two occasions he crossed into the EU. Police also took his money and phone, he said.

      “They treat babies and women the same. An officer pressed his boot against a woman’s head [as she was lying on the ground],” Mohammad said. “Dogs are treated better than us … why are they beating us like this? We don’t want to stay in Croatia; we want to go to Europe.”

      Mohammad Abdullah, a 22-year-old Algerian, told Al Jazeera that officers laughed at a group of migrants as they took turns beating them.

      "One of them would tell the other, ’You don’t know how to hit’ and would switch his place and continue beating us. Then, another officer would say, ’No, you don’t know how to hit’ and would take his place.

      “While [one of them] was beating me, he kissed me and started laughing. They would keep taking turns beating us like this, laughing,” Abdullah said.

      Croatia’s Interior Ministry told Al Jazeera that it “strongly dismisses” allegations of police brutality.

      In an emailed statement, it said those attempting to cross borders know they are acting outside of the law, and claimed that “no complaint so far has proved to be founded.”

      At a meeting in late August with Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic, German Chancellor Angela Merkel praised Croatia for its control over its borders.

      “You are doing a great job on the borders, and I wish to commend you for that,” Merkel said.

      But according to a new report, the UNHCR received information about 1,500 refugees being denied access to asylum procedures, including over 100 children. More than 700 people reported violence and theft by Croatian police.

      Al Jazeera was unable to independently verify all of the claims against police, because many of the refugees and migrants said their phones - which held evidence - were confiscated or smashed. However, the 17 people interviewed separately reported similar patterns of abuse.

      Shams and Hassan, parents of three, have been trying to reach Germany to apply for asylum, but Croatian authorities have turned them back seven times over the past few months.

      Four years ago, they left their home in Deir Az Zor, Syria, after it was bombed.

      Shams, who worked as a lawyer in Syria, said Croatian policemen strip-searched her and her 13-year-old daughter Rahma on one occasion after they were arrested.

      The male officers handled the women’s bodies, while repeating: “Where’s the money?”

      They pulled off Shams’ headscarf, threw it on the ground and forced her to undress, and took Rahma into a separate room.

      “My daughter was very afraid,” Shams said. "They told her to take off all her clothes. She was shy, she told them, ’No.’

      "They beat her up and stripped her clothes by force, even her underwear.

      “She kept telling them ’No! No! There isn’t [any money]!’ She was embarrassed and was asking them to close the window and door so no one would see her. [The officer] then started yelling at her and pulled at her hair. They beat her up.”

      Rahma screamed for her mother but Shams said she couldn’t do anything.

      “They took 1,500 euros ($1,745) from me and they took my husband’s golden ring. They also broke five of our mobiles and took all the SIM cards … They detained us for two days in prison and didn’t give us any food in the beginning,” Shams said, adding they cut her Syrian passport into pieces.

      “They put my husband in solitary confinement. I didn’t see him for two days; I didn’t know where he was.”

      A senior policeman told Shams that she and her children could apply for asylum, but Hassan would have to return to Bosnia.

      When she refused, she said the police drove the family for three hours to a forest at night and told them to walk back to Bosnia.

      They did not have a torch or mobile phone.

      She said they walked through the forest for two days until they reached a small town in western Bosnia.

      “No nation has the right to treat people this way,” Shams said.

      In another instance, they said they were arrested in a forest with a group of refugees and migrants. All 15 of them were forced into a van for two hours, where it was difficult to breathe.

      “It was closed like a box, but [the officer] refused to turn on the air conditioning so we could breathe. My younger son Mohammad - he’s eight years old - he has asthma and allergies, he was suffocating. When we knocked on the window to ask if he could turn on the air conditioning, [the officer] beat my husband with the baton,” Shams said.

      No Name Kitchen, a volunteer organisation that provides assistance to refugees and migrants on the Balkan route, has been documenting serious injuries on Instagram.

      In one post, the group alleges that Croatian police twice crushed a refugee’s orthopaedic leg.

      Peter Van der Auweraert, the Western Balkans coordinator for the International Organization for Migration, says he has heard stories of police brutality, but called for an independent investigation to judge how alleged victims sustained injuries.

      “Given the fact that there are so many of these stories, I think it’s in everyone’s interest to have an independent inquiry to see what is going on, on the other side of the border,” Van der Auweraert said.

      “The use of violence is clearly not acceptable. It’s not acceptable under European human rights law, it’s not acceptable under international human rights law and it is to my mind also, not necessary. It is possible to control borders in a strict matter without violence.”

      Shams’ family journey from Syria was traumatic from the get-go, and they have spent and lost several thousand euros.

      While travelling in dinghies from Turkey to Greece, they saw dead bodies along the way.

      “We call upon Merkel to help us and open the borders for us. At least for those of us stuck at the borders,” she said. “Why is the EU paying Croatia to prevent our entry into the EU, yet once we reach Germany, after spending a fortune with lives lost on the way, we’ll be granted asylum?”

      “We have nothing,” said her husband Hassan. “Our houses have been destroyed. We didn’t have any problems until the war started. We had peace in our homes. Is there a single country that accepts refugees?”

      “There are countries but there’s no way to reach them,” Shams replied. “This is our misery.”


      https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/refugees-stranded-bosnia-report-campaign-police-brutality-180915100740024

    • Le Conseil de l’Europe somme la Croatie d’enquêter sur les violences policières

      Le Commissariat aux droits de l’Homme du Conseil de l’Europe a appelé la Croatie à ouvrir rapidement des enquêtes sur les allégations de violences policières et de vol à l’encontre de « demandeurs d’asile et autres migrants », ainsi que sur les cas d’expulsions collectives.

      Dans un courrier publié vendredi 5 octobre et adressé au Premier ministre croate Andrej Plenkovic, la commissaire aux droits de l’Homme du Conseil de l’Europe, Dunja Mijatovic, a déclaré être « préoccupée » par les informations « cohérentes et corroborées » fournies par plusieurs organisations attestant « d’un grand nombre d’expulsions collectives de la Croatie vers la Serbie et vers la Bosnie-Herzégovine de migrants en situation irrégulière, dont de potentiels demandeurs d’asile ».

      Elle s’inquiète particulièrement du « recours systématique à la violence des forces de l’ordre croates à l’encontre de ces personnes », y compris les « femmes enceintes et les enfants ». La responsable s’appuie sur les chiffres du Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU aux réfugiés (UNHCR), selon lesquels sur 2 500 migrants expulsés par la Croatie, 700 ont accusé la police de violences et de vols.

      « Consciente des défis auxquels la Croatie est confrontée dans le domaine des migrations », Dunja Mijatovic souligne cependant que les « efforts pour gérer les migrations » doivent respecter les principes du droit international. « Il s’agit notamment de l’interdiction absolue de la torture et des peines ou traitements inhumains prévue à l’article 3 de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme et l’interdiction des expulsions collectives », qui s’appliquent « aux demandeurs d’asile comme aux migrants en situation irrégulière », écrit-elle.

      Une « violence systématique » selon les associations

      Pour la commissaire, Zagreb doit « entamer et mener rapidement à leur terme des enquêtes rapides, efficaces et indépendantes sur les cas connus d’expulsions collectives et sur les allégations de violence contre les migrants ». Elle somme également le gouvernement croate de « prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires pour mettre fin à ces pratiques et éviter qu’elles ne se reproduisent ».

      « Aucun cas de mauvais de traitement policier à l’encontre de migrants (...) ni aucun vol n’ont été établis », s’est défendu le ministre croate de l’Intérieur Davor Bozinovic dans une lettre de réponse au Conseil de l’Europe.

      Pourtant, dans un rapport intitulé « Games of violence », l’organisation Médecins sans frontières MSF alertait déjà en octobre 2017 sur les violences perpétrées par les polices croates, hongroises et bulgares envers les enfants et les jeunes migrants.

      Sur sa page Facebook, l’association No Name Kitchen a également rappelé qu’elle documentait les cas de violences aux frontières croates depuis 2017 sur le site Border violence.
      En août dernier, cette association qui aide les réfugiés à Sid en Serbie et dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie expliquait à InfoMigrants que la violence était « systématique » pour les migrants expulsés de Croatie. « Il y a un ou deux nouveaux cas chaque jour. Nous n’avons pas la capacité de tous les documenter », déclarait Marc Pratllus de No Name Kitchen.


      http://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/12518/le-conseil-de-l-europe-somme-la-croatie-d-enqueter-sur-les-violences-p

    • Bosnie-Herzégovine : des réfugiés tentent de passer en force en Croatie

      Alors que les températures ont brutalement chuté ces derniers jours, des réfugiés bloqués en Bosnie-Herzégovine ont tenté de franchir la frontière croate. Des rixes ont éclaté, des policiers croates ont été blessés, des réfugiés aussi.

      Environ 150 à 200 réfugiés ont essayé, mercredi après-midi, de traverser en force le pont reliant la Bosnie-Herzégovine au poste-frontière croate de Mlajevac. Des échauffourées ont éclaté entre la police et les réfugiés, parmi lesquels des femmes et des enfants. Au moins deux policiers croates ont été blessés par des jets de pierres, selon le ministère croate de l’Intérieur. Les réfugiés ont depuis organisé un sit-in devant la frontière, dont ils demandent l’ouverture.

      « Les réfugiés se sont déplacés jusqu’à la frontière croate où la police leur a refusé l’entrée, illégale et violente, sur le territoire », a rapporté le ministère croate de l’Intérieur. « Les réfugiés ont ensuite jeté des pierres sur les agents de la police croate, dont deux ont été légèrement blessé et ont demandé une aide médicale. »

      Après avoir passé la nuit près de la frontière de Velika Kalduša – Maljevac, les réfugiés s’attendaient à pouvoir entrer en Croatie depuis la Bosnie-Herzégovine et ont franchi un premier cordon de la police bosnienne aux frontières. « La police croate n’a pas réagi après que les réfugiés eurent passé le premier cordon de police en direction de la Croatie, car il y avait un second cordon de la police bosnienne », a déclaré la cheffe du département des relations publiques du ministère croate de l’Intérieur, Marina Mandić, soulignant que la police croate, en poste à la frontière, n’est intervenue à aucun moment et n’a donc pas pénétré sur le territoire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, comme l’ont rapporté certains médias.

      Selon l’ONG No Name Kitchen, la police bosnienne aurait fait usage de gaz lacrymogènes. Au moins trois réfugiés ont été blessés et pris en charge par Médecins sans frontières.

      Mardi, plus de 400 réfugiés sont arrivés à proximité de la frontière où la police a déployé une bande jaune de protection pour les empêcher de passer en Croatie. Parmi les réfugiés qui dorment dehors ou dans des tentes improvisées, on compte beaucoup de femmes et d’enfants. Ils ont ramassé du bois et allumé des feux, alors que la température atteint à peine 10°C.

      Le commandant de la police du canton d’Una-Sana, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, Mujo Koričić, a confirmé mercredi que des mesures d’urgence étaient entrées en vigueur afin d’empêcher l’escalade de la crise migratoire dans la région, notamment l’afflux de nouveaux réfugiés.

      Mise à jour, jeudi 25 octobre, 17h – Environ 120 réfugiés stationnent toujours près du poste-frontière de Velika Kalduša–Maljevac après avoir passé une deuxième nuit sur place, dehors ou dans des tentes improvisées. La police aux frontières de Bosnie-Herzégovine assure que la situation est sous contrôle et pacifiée. La circulation est toujours suspendue. Des enfants portent des banderoles avec des inscriptions demandant l’ouverture de la frontière.

      En réaction, le secrétaire général aux Affaires étrangères de l’UE, l’autrichien Johannes Peterlik, a déclaré jeudi 25 octobre en conférence de presse : « Les migrations illégales ne sont pas la voie à suivre. Il y a des voies légales et cela doit être clair ».

      Le nombre de migrants dans le canton d’Una-Sana est actuellement estimé à 10500.


      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-Herzegovine-des-refugies-tentent-un-passage-en-force-en-Cr
      #violence

      v. aussi :

      Sulla porta d’Europa. Scontri e feriti oggi alla frontiera fra Bosnia e Croazia. Dove un gruppo di 200 migranti ha cercato di passare il confine. Foto Reuters/Marko Djurica

      https://twitter.com/NiccoloZancan/status/1055070667710828545

    • Bleak Bosnian winter for migrants camped out on new route to Europe

      Shouting “Open borders!”, several dozen migrants and asylum seekers broke through a police cordon last week at the Maljevac border checkpoint in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina and tried to cross into Croatia.

      After being forced back by Croatian police with teargas, they set up camp just inside Bosnian territory. They are in the vanguard of a new wave of migrants determined to reach wealthier European countries, often Germany. Stalled, they have become a political football and face winter with little assistance and inadequate shelter.

      The old Balkan route shut down in 2016 as a raft of European countries closed their borders, with Hungary erecting a razor-wire fence. But a new route emerged this year through Bosnia (via Albania and Montenegro or via Macedonia and Serbia) and on to Croatia, a member of the EU. The flow of travellers has been fed by fresh streams of people from the Middle East and Central and South Asia entering Greece from Turkey, notably across the Evros River.

      By the end of September, more than 16,000 asylum seekers and migrants had entered Bosnia this year, compared to just 359 over the same period last year, according to official figures. The real number is probably far higher as more are smuggled in and uncounted. Over a third of this year’s official arrivals are Pakistani, followed by Iranians (16 percent), Syrians (14 percent), and Iraqis (nine percent).

      This spike is challenging Bosnia’s ability to provide food, shelter, and other aid – especially to the nearly 10,000 people that local institutions and aid organisations warn may be stranded at the Croatian border as winter begins. Two decades after the Balkan wars of the 1990s, the situation is also heightening tensions among the country’s Muslim, Serb, and Croat communities and its often fraught tripartite political leadership.

      How to respond to the unexpected number of migrants was a key issue in the presidential election earlier this month. Nationalist Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik, who won the Serb seat in the presidency, charged that it was a conspiracy to boost the country’s Muslim population. The outgoing Croat member of the presidency, Dragan Čović, repeatedly called for Bosnia’s borders to be closed to stem the migrant flow.

      Maja Gasal Vrazalica, a left-wing member of parliament and a refugee herself during the Bosnian wars, accuses nationalist parties of “misusing the topic of refugees because they want to stoke up all this fear through our nation.”
      “I’m very scared”

      Most migrants and asylum seekers are concentrated around two northwestern towns, Bihać and nearby Velika Kladuša. Faris Šabić, youth president of the Bihać Red Cross, organises assistance for the some 4,000 migrants camped in Bihać and others who use the town as a way station.

      Since the spring and throughout the summer, as arrivals spiked, several local volunteers joined his staff to provide food, hygiene items, and first aid. But now, as winter draws in, they fear the scale of the crisis is becoming untenable.

      “I have to be honest, I’m very scared,” Šabić told IRIN, examining a notebook filled with the names of new arrivals. “Not only for migrants, I’m scared for my locals as well. We are a generous and welcoming people, but I fear that we will not be able to manage the emergency anymore.”

      The Bihać Red Cross, along with other aid organisations and human rights groups, is pushing the government to find long-term solutions. But with an economy still recovering from the legacy of the war and a youth unemployment rate of almost 55 percent, it has been hard-pressed to find answers.

      Hope that the end of the election season might improve the national debate around migration appears misguided. Around 1,000 Bihać locals staged protests for three consecutive days, from 20-22 October, demanding the relocation of migrants outside the town centre. On the Saturday, Bihać residents even travelled to the capital, Sarajevo, blocking the main street to protest the inaction of the central government.

      The local government of the border district where most migrants and asylum seekers wait, Una-Sana, complains of being abandoned by the central government in Sarajevo. “We do not have bad feelings towards migrants, but the situation is unmanageable,” the mayor of Bihać, Šuhret Fazlić, told IRIN.

      To begin with most residents openly welcomed the migrants, with volunteers providing food and medical help. But tensions have been growing, especially as dozens of the latest newcomers have started occupying the main public spaces in the town.

      “They turned our stadium into a toilet and occupied children’s playgrounds,” said Fazlić. “I would like to understand why they come here, but what is important at the moment is to understand where to host them in a dignified manner.”
      Beatings and abuse

      Those camped near the Croatian border have all entered Bosnia illegally. Each night, they wait to enter “The Game” – as they refer to attempts to cross the frontier and strike out into dense forests.

      Most are detained and pushed back into Bosnia by the Croatian police. Some reach Slovenia before being deported all the way back. Abuse is rife, according to NGOs and human rights groups. Those who have attempted to cross say Croatian police officers destroy their phones to prevent them from navigating the mountains, beat them with electric batons, unleash dogs, steal their money, and destroy their documents and personal belongings. Croatia’s interior ministry has strongly denied allegations of police brutality.

      No Name Kitchen, a group of activists that provides showers, soap, and hygiene products to migrants in Velika Kladuša, has been documenting cases of violence allegedly committed by the Croatian police. In August alone the organisation collected accounts from 254 deportees. Most claimed to have suffered physical violence. Of those cases, 43 were minors.

      Croatian media has reported cases of shootings, too. In late May, a smuggler’s van bringing migrants and asylum seekers from Bosnia was shot at and three people including a boy and a girl, both 12, were wounded.

      A report earlier this year from the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, collated accounts from 2,500 refugees and migrants allegedly pushed back from Croatia to Serbia and Bosnia. In more than 1,500 cases – 100 of them relating to children – asylum procedures were denied, and over 700 people made allegations of violence or theft.
      Winter housing needed

      In Velika Kladuša, two kilometres from the Maljevac border checkpoint, around 1,000 people live in a makeshift tent camp that turns into a swamp every time it rains. Temperatures here will soon plummet below zero at night. Finding a new place for them "is a race against time and the key challenge,” said Stephanie Woldenberg, senior UNHCR protection officer.

      Already, life is difficult.

      “Nights here are unsustainable,” Emin, a young Afghan girl who tried twice to cross the border with her family and is among those camped in Velika Kladuša, told IRIN. “Dogs in the kennel are treated better than us.”

      Bosnian police reportedly announced last week that migrants are no longer allowed to travel to the northwest zone, and on 30 October said they had bussed dozens of migrants from the border camps to a new government-run facility near Velika Kladuša. Another facility has been set up near Sarajevo since the election. Together, they have doubled the number of beds available to migrants to 1,700, but it’s still nowhere near the capacity needed.

      The federal government has identified a defunct factory, Agrokomerc, once owned by the mayor of Velika Kladuša, Fikret Abdić, as a potential site to house more migrants. Abdić was convicted on charges of war crimes during the Balkan wars and sentenced to 20 years imprisonment. He became mayor in 2016, after his 2012 release. His local government is strongly opposed to the move and counters that the migrants and asylum seekers should be equally distributed throughout Bosnia.

      For now, around 800 people live inside a former student dormitory in Velika Kladuša that is falling apart due to damage sustained during the Bosnian wars. Holes in the floor and the absence of basic fixtures and of a proper heating system make it highly unsuitable to house migrants this winter. Clean water and bathing facilities are scarce, and the Red Cross has registered several cases of scabies, lice, and other skin and vector-borne diseases.

      Throughout the three-storey building, migrants and asylum seekers lie sprawled across the floor on mattresses, waiting their turn to charge their phones at one of the few electrical sockets. Many are young people from Lahore, Pakistan who sold their family’s homes and businesses to pay for this trip. On average they say they paid $10,000 to smugglers who promised to transport them to the EU. Several display bruises and abrasions, which they say were given to them by Croatian border patrol officers as they tried to enter Croatia.

      The bedding on one mattress is stained with blood. Witnesses told IRIN the person who sleeps there was stabbed by other migrants trying to steal his few belongings. “It happens frequently here,” one said.


      https://www.irinnews.org/news-feature/2018/10/31/bleak-bosnian-winter-migrants-camped-out-new-route-europe

    • ’They didn’t give a damn’: first footage of Croatian police ’brutality’

      Migrants who allegedly suffer savage beatings by state officials call it ‘the game’. But as shocking evidence suggests, attempting to cross the Bosnia-Croatia border is far from mere sport.

      As screams ring out through the cold night air, Sami, hidden behind bushes, begins to film what he can.

      “The Croatian police are torturing them. They are breaking people’s bones,’’ Sami whispers into his mobile phone, as the dull thumps of truncheons are heard.

      Then silence. Minutes go by before Hamdi, Mohammed and Abdoul emerge from the woods, faces bruised from the alleged beating, mouths and noses bloody, their ribs broken.

      Asylum seekers from Algeria, Syria and Pakistan, they had been captured by the Croatian police attempting to cross the Bosnia-Croatia border into the EU, and brutally beaten before being sent back.

      Sami, 17, from Kobane, gave the Guardian his footage, which appears to provide compelling evidence of the physical abuses, supposedly perpetrated by Croatian police, of which migrants in the Bosnian cities of Bihac and Velika Kladusa have been complaining.

      The EU border agency, Frontex, announced on Wednesday that this year is likely to produce the lowest number of unauthorised migrants arriving into Europe in five years.

      Frontex said that approximately 118,900 irregular border crossings were recorded in the first 10 months of 2018, roughly 31% lower than the same period in 2017.
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      Despite this steady decline in numbers, many states remain embroiled in political disputes that fuel anti-migrant sentiment across Europe.

      Frontex also noted that, while entries are declining, the number of people reaching Europe across the western Mediterranean, mostly through Spain from Morocco, continues to rise. Nearly 9,400 people crossed in October, more than double the number for the same month last year.

      But the brutality of what is happening on Europe’s borders is not documented. Every night, migrants try to cross into Croatia. And, according to dozens of accounts received by the Guardian and charities, many end up in the hands of police, who beat them back to Bosnia.

      No Name Kitchen (NNK), an organisation consisting of volunteers from several countries that distributes food to asylum seekers in Serbia, Bosnia and Italy, registers 50-100 people a week who have been pushed back by the Croatian authorities. Roughly 70% of them claim to have been beaten.

      “In the last months our team in Bosnia and Herzegovina has regularly treated patients – sometimes even women and small children – with wounds allegedly inflicted by state authorities when attempting to cross into Croatia and Slovenia, where, according to their testimonies, their claims for asylum and protection are regularly ignored,” says Julian Koeberer, humanitarian affairs officer in the northern Balkans for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF).
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      Since the turn of the year, the Bosnian authorities have registered the entry of about 21,000 people, coming from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran or Syria. Of these, an estimated 5,000 remain in the country.

      Of 50 people to whom the Guardian spoke, mostly from Pakistan, 35 said they had been attacked by Croatian police. The majority of them arrived in Bosnia through Turkey, hoping to reach Slovenia, a Schengen country, before heading to Italy, Austria or Germany.

      ‘‘The Iranian police broke all my teeth, the Croatian ones broke my nose and ribs,” says Milad, 29, an Iranian asylum seeker who since September has lived in Bihac. “Yet everyone talks about the violence in Iran and nobody talks about the violence perpetrated by a European country.”

      Adeel, 27, from Pakistan, claims he had his ankle broken with a truncheon. ‘‘Where are the human rights?” he asks.

      Anees, 43, also from Pakistan, says he begged the police not to beat him after he was stopped in the woods on the border with Velika Kladusa. ‘‘I have a heart disease, I told them to stop because they could have killed me,’’ explains Anees, whose medical conditions are detailed in a clinical file.

      On 9 June 2018, he had heart surgery at the Zdravstveni centre hospital in the Serbian city of Uzice. After the operation, he continued his journey. He struggles to breathe as he tells his story: ‘‘I told him I was sick, I showed them the clinical file. They did not give a damn. They started beating me and sent us back to Bosnia. But it does not matter. Tomorrow I will try the game again.’’

      That’s what migrants call it: ‘the game”. But there is nothing fun about it. They set off in groups: 70 or 80 people, or sometimes as few as five to 10. Police, armed with truncheons, pistols and night vision goggles, patrol Europe’s longest border between Bosnia and Croatia. According to accounts provided by more than 10 migrants, some officers wear paramilitary uniforms with a badge depicting a sword upraised by two lightning bolts. This is the badge of Croatian special police.

      “They stop us and, before beating us, they frisk us”, says Hamdi, 35, An Algerian language teacher. “If they find money, they steal it. If they find mobile phones, they destroy them to avoid being filmed or simply to stop us from contacting our friends. And then they beat us, four or five against one. They throw us to the ground, kick us, and beat us with their truncheons. Sometimes their dogs attack us. To them, we probably don’t seem much different from their dogs.”

      Hamdi is one of three men traveling with Sami. The screams in the video are his. His face is covered in blood when he reaches his friends. His nose is broken, his lips swollen.

      “After repeatedly being pushed back or forced to return to Bosnia on their own, asylum seekers find themselves in unsanitary, improvised settlements such as open fields and squats while formal government camps are full,” says Koeberer.

      “Those sites still offer alarmingly inadequate conditions due to only slow improvement in provision of winter shelter (food, hygiene, legal status and medical care), and these inhumane living conditions have severe impact on people’s physical and mental health. In winter, the lives of those who are forced to remain outside will seriously be at risk.’’

      At the camp in Velika Kladusa, where Hamdi lives, dozens of people sit in the mud and on piles of rubbish, awaiting the arrival of the doctors. On man has a cast on his arm and leg, the result, he says, of a police beating. Others show black eyes, bruises on their backs and legs, lumps and wounds on their heads, split lips, and scars on their legs.

      ‘‘There have been cases in which migrants claimed to have been stripped and forced to walk barefoot with temperatures below freezing,” said Stephane Moissaing, MSF’s head of mission in Serbia. “Cases where asylum seekers have told how police would beat children in front of their parents. From the information we have, up until now, it is a systematic and planned violence.”

      Karolina Augustova, an NKK volunteer, says violence has increased since October protests in which hundreds of asylum seekers marched from the north-western town of Velika Kladusa towards Croatia to object against pushbacks that violate the rights of people to seek asylum in Europe.

      The Bosnian police appear to be aware of the assaults. A Bosnian police agent guarding the camp in Velika Kladusa, who prefers to remain anonymous, points out a bruise on a boy’s leg. “You see this bruise?” he says. “It was the Croatian police. The Bosnian police know, but there is no clear and compelling evidence, just the accounts of the refugees and their wounds.”

      The majority of Bosnians live in peace with migrants and view them as refugees. The scars from the war that ravaged this area in the early 1990s are everywhere, in the abandoned homes riddled with machine gun fire and in the collective memory of Bosnians. People from Bihac and Velika Kladusa know what it means to flee from war. The minarets of the numerous mosques along the border are a reminder that Bosnia is the closest Muslim community in Europe.

      “I feel sorry for these people,’’ says the policeman on guard. ‘‘They remind me of the Bosnians when the war devastated our country.’’

      MSF, NNK and a number of other organisations have repeatedly reported and denounced violence perpetrated by the security forces in the Balkans, but Croatian police deny all the allegations.

      The Guardian has contacted the Croatian interior minister, the police and the Croatian government for comment, but has received no response.

      Abdul, 33, recently arrived in Velika Klaudusa after a journey that lasted over a year. He comes from Myanmar and has lost everything: his wife and children were killed, and he has no news of his father, mother and sisters. Abdul has heard about the violence and is worried. The migrants around him, with bandaged legs and noses and bleeding mouths, cause fear.

      “I lost everything, yes, it’s true,” he says. “But I have to get to Europe, one way or another. To make sense of what I lost. I owe it to my dead children. To my wife who was killed. To those who have not had the good fortune to have arrived here safe and sound.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/nov/14/didnt-give-a-damn-refugees-film-croatian-police-brutality-bosnia

    • A la frontière bosno-croate, des matraques pour les migrants

      Les policiers croates violentent les exilés bloqués entre les deux pays, nouveau point de passage de la route des Balkans. Mais dans la région, la #solidarité s’organise.

      L’intervention de la police bosnienne est fixée à 18 heures au poste frontière de Maljevac, entre la Bosnie-Herzégovine et la Croatie. Des dizaines de riverains s’y sont massées, ce jour-là, pour assister à cette opération qui va déloger les migrants qui campent depuis une semaine à 300 mètres de la douane. « Je n’ai rien contre les réfugiés, mais 200 personnes ne peuvent pas bloquer toute une ville », explique un Bosnien d’une cinquantaine d’années. Deux heures plus tard le passage est rouvert. Nous sommes à Velika Kladusa, dans le canton d’Una-Sana, dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie, le long de la dernière déviation de la « route des Balkans ». Depuis le début de l’année, plus de 21 000 personnes (venant du Pakistan, d’Afghanistan ou encore d’Iran) ont choisi de traverser la Bosnie-Herzégovine dans l’espoir d’atteindre l’ouest de l’Europe. Et alors que 5 000 d’entre eux seraient toujours bloqués dans le pays, Sarajevo a enregistré ces dernières semaines une hausse des arrivées, avec environ 1 000 nouvelles entrées hebdomadaires.

      Sachets à emporter

      Dans ce petit bourg, la situation a dégénéré fin octobre lorsque des centaines de migrants ont tenté d’entrer de force en Croatie, avant d’être repoussés par les policiers. A la suite de ces heurts qui ont fait plusieurs blessés, Zagreb a décidé de suspendre pendant une semaine le transit à Maljevac : une très mauvaise nouvelle pour cette ville qui vit du commerce avec la Croatie et dont les habitants commencent à s’agacer d’une situation qui s’enlise. « La Croatie est à moins de 2 kilomètres dans cette direction », indique Asim Latic en pointant du doigt la plaine qui s’étend derrière les buissons. Avant d’ajouter : « Mais les réfugiés, eux, passent par les bois, et cela prend plusieurs jours de marche. » Ce restaurateur de Velika Kladusa, propriétaire de la pizzeria Teferic, fait partie des habitants qui se sont engagés dans l’aide aux migrants dès février, lorsque des dizaines, puis des centaines de personnes sont arrivées dans ce coin de la Bosnie.

      Pendant neuf mois, il a offert chaque jour 400 repas à autant d’exilés. Début novembre, après une chute des dons de la communauté locale, il a bien cru devoir mettre la clé sous la porte. « Les Bosniens ont aussi connu la guerre, mais ils sont fatigués », explique ce grand gaillard que les réfugiés appellent « papa ». De temps en temps, il leur prépare de la nourriture dans des sachets à emporter, « pour qu’ils survivent dans la forêt ». Le chemin des bois est emprunté par tous ceux qui ne peuvent pas se permettre les tarifs des passeurs : 2 000 euros ou plus pour aller en voiture à Trieste en Italie, 1 200 euros pour descendre à Split en Croatie. A pied, il faut marcher environ une semaine, assurent les migrants : 80 kilomètres en Croatie, puis, une fois entrés en Slovénie, on se dirige vers l’Italie ou l’Autriche. Mais c’est sans compter sur l’intervention de la police croate, véritable inconnue dans le game - nom donné ici aux tentatives de passage de la frontière.

      Non loin de la séparation bosno-croate, Aadi a décidé de planter sur sa tente le drapeau bleu et jaune de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. « Les Bosniens sont des gens accueillants. Ce sont les policiers croates qui nous posent problème », dit-il. « Les policiers m’ont violemment frappé avec une matraque. Les conditions hygiéniques de ce camp ont fait le reste », renchérit Gabdar, un jeune Irakien qui arbore une plaie infectée à la main droite, où du pus s’est formé sous les croûtes. Youssef, un Tunisien trentenaire, se plaint que la police croate n’a pas seulement détruit son smartphone, mais aussi la powerbank, cette batterie externe indispensable à ceux qui passent de longs mois sur les routes.

      Ecrans brisés

      « Police, problem » est un refrain mille fois entendu. Dès que l’on mentionne les forces de l’ordre croates, les migrants sortent leurs portables. La multitude d’écrans brisés et les connecteurs d’alimentation rendus inutilisables avec des tournevis sont la preuve - disent-ils - des abus des policiers. Une accusation difficile à prouver, mais qui a attiré l’attention du Conseil de l’Europe (CoE). Début octobre, la commissaire aux droits de l’homme Dunja Mijatovic a invité Zagreb à faire la lumière sur ces allégations.

      D’après le CoE et le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés, la Croatie aurait expulsé collectivement 2 500 migrants depuis le début de 2018, « parmi eux, 1 500 personnes ont affirmé n’avoir pas pu soumettre une demande d’asile, tandis que 700 disent avoir été victimes de violences ou de vols de la part des policiers croates ». Joint par mail, le ministère de l’Intérieur de Zagreb assure que la police agit « dans le respect de la loi et des traités internationaux » et que « les vérifications effectuées jusque-là n’ont prouvé aucun cas de violence ».

      Au centre de Bihac, à 60 kilomètres au sud de Velika Kladusa, Ali, un Pakistanais de 17 ans se jette dans l’eau glaciale de la rivière Una et entreprend de se savonner les cheveux. Sur les bancs du parc alentour, d’autres migrants tuent le temps, cigarette ou smartphone à la main. La scène est devenue courante dans cette ville de 60 000 habitants, et la situation qui s’éternise agace certains locaux. Plusieurs pétitions ont fait leur apparition et quelques manifestations ont rassemblé un millier de personnes à Bihac, demandant aux autorités de trouver une solution à la présence des migrants en centre-ville.

      « Je n’ai rien contre les réfugiés, mais ces gens ne viennent pas de pays en guerre, ce sont des migrants économiques », affirme Sej Ramic, conseiller municipal à Bihac et professeur d’art, modérateur du groupe Facebook « Stop invaziji migranata ! Udruženje gradjana Bihaća » (« Stop à l’invasion des migrants ! Collectif de citoyens de Bihac »). Un argumentaire devenu habituel au sein de l’Union européenne, mais qu’on avait moins l’habitude d’entendre en Bosnie, pays lui-même marqué par une forte émigration.

      Face à cette opposition grandissante, le gouvernement du canton a entrepris d’arrêter les bus et les trains en provenance de Sarajevo et de renvoyer vers la capitale tous les migrants qui en descendent. Et dans le centre-ville de Biha, les policiers renvoient les migrants qui traînent vers le Dacki Dom. Cet ancien dortoir étudiant abandonné, dont la carcasse de béton nu se dresse au milieu des bois, héberge environ 1 000 personnes dans des conditions très précaires. Des centaines d’autres sont logées dans les environs, dans une ancienne usine de réfrigérateurs et dans un hôtel fermé depuis de nombreuses années. D’autres campent ou squattent des maisons abandonnées des alentours. L’objectif de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) est « d’atteindre, dans les prochains jours, une capacité d’hébergement de 5 000 personnes sur l’ensemble du territoire bosnien », indique Peter Van der Auweraert, coordinateur de l’OIM pour les Balkans occidentaux. Cependant, « si le flux actuel de 1 000 entrées par semaine devait continuer, nous serons bientôt dans une situation très compliquée », poursuit-il, et note qu’avec l’hiver qui arrive, « ce qui coince, c’est le timing ».

      L’UE a récemment débloqué 7,2 millions d’euros pour aider la Bosnie, l’un des pays les plus pauvres des Balkans, à gérer le flux migratoire. Alors qu’à Bihac les ouvriers s’affairent à sécuriser les bâtiments et que les ONG tentent de reloger les centaines de personnes toujours dans des tentes, Van der Auweraert souligne le manque de volonté politique des autorités locales. L’imbroglio institutionnel bosnien, hérité des accords de Dayton, complique davantage le processus décisionnel.

      Il est midi à Velika Kladusa, et la pizzeria Teferic est en pleine distribution. Des dizaines de migrants patientent pour s’asseoir devant une assiette de macaronis. Dans la cuisine, Halil et Refik - « c’est lui qui a arrêté le chauffeur de Mladic pendant la guerre », nous glisse Asim - s’affairent autour d’une énorme casserole. Deux jeunes Indiens et un Pakistanais de passage prêtent main forte à la petite équipe. Après neuf mois de travail bénévole dans la pizzeria, Asim est fatigué « physiquement et mentalement ». S’il a trouvé de l’aide auprès de l’association néerlandaise Lemon Foundation, l’avenir de leur activité reste fragile. Tout en contemplant le va-et-vient des migrants à l’extérieur, il secoue la tête : « Mais que vont faire ces gens ? »

      https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/11/20/a-la-frontiere-bosno-croate-des-matraques-pour-les-migrants_1693271

    • Croatia: Migrants Pushed Back to Bosnia and Herzegovina

      Croatian police are pushing migrants and asylum seekers back to Bosnia and Herzegovina, in some cases violently, and without giving them the possibility to seek asylum, Human Rights Watch said.

      Human Rights Watch interviewed 20 people, including 11 heads of families and 1 unaccompanied boy, who said that Croatian police deported them to Bosnia and Herzegovina without due process after detaining them deep inside Croatian territory. Sixteen, including women and children, said police beat them with batons, kicked and punched them, stole their money, and either stole or destroyed their mobile phones.

      “Croatia has an obligation to protect asylum seekers and migrants,” said Lydia Gall, Balkans and Eastern EU researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Instead, the Croatian police viciously beat asylum seekers and pushed them back over the border.”

      All 20 interviewees gave detailed accounts of being detained by people who either identified themselves as Croatian police or wore uniforms matching those worn by Croatian police. Seventeen gave consistent descriptions of the police vans used to transport them to the border. One mother and daughter were transported in what they described as a police car. Two people said that police had fired shots in the air, and five said that the police were wearing masks.

      These findings confirm mounting evidence of abuse at Croatia’s external borders, Human Rights Watch said. In December 2016, Human Rights Watch documented similar abuses by Croatian police at Croatia’s border with Serbia. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported in August 2018 that it had received reports Croatia had summarily pushed back 2,500 migrants and asylum seekers to Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina since the beginning of the year, at times accompanied by violence and theft.

      In response to a call by the Council of Europe’s human rights commissioner to investigate the allegations, Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic in September denied any wrongdoing and questioned the sources of the information. Police in Donji Lapac, on the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina, refused to provide Croatia’s ombudswoman, Lora Vidović, access to police records on treatment of migrants and told her that police are acting in accordance with the law.

      In a December 4 letter, Interior Minister Davor Bozinovic responded to a detailed description of the Human Rights Watch findings. He said that the evidence of summary returns and violence was insufficient to bring criminal prosecutions, that the allegations could not be confirmed, and that migrants accuse Croatian police in the hope that it will help them enter Croatia. He said that his ministry does not support any type of violence or intolerance by police officers.

      Croatia has a bilateral readmission agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina that allows Croatia to return third-country nationals without legal permission to stay in the country. According to the Security Ministry of Bosnia and Herzegovina, under the agreement, between January and November 27, Croatia returned 493 people to Bosnia and Herzegovina, 265 of whom were Turkish nationals. None of the people Human Rights Watch interviewed underwent any formal return procedure before being forced back over the border.

      The summary return of asylum seekers without consideration of their protection needs is contrary to European Union asylum law, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the 1951 Refugee Convention.

      Croatian authorities should conduct thorough and transparent investigations of abuse implicating their officials and hold those responsible to account, Human Rights Watch said. They should ensure full cooperation with the Ombudswoman’s inquiry, as required by national law and best practice for independent human rights institutions. The European Commission should call on Croatia, an EU member state, to halt and investigate summary returns of asylum seekers to Bosnia and Herzegovina and allegations of violence against asylum seekers. The Commission should also open legal proceedings against Croatia for violating EU laws, Human Rights Watch said.

      As a result of the 2016 border closures on the Western Balkan route, thousands of asylum seekers were stranded, the majority in Serbia, and found new routes toward the EU. In 2018, migrant and asylum seeker arrivals increased in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from fewer than 1,000 in 2017 to approximately 22,400, according to the European Commission. The Commission estimates that 6,000 migrants and asylum seekers are currently in the country. Bosnia and Herzegovina has granted international protection to only 17 people since 2008. In 2017, 381 people applied for asylum there.

      Bosnia and Herzegovina has only one official reception center for asylum seekers near Sarajevo, with capacity to accommodate just 156 people. Asylum seekers and migrants in the border towns of Bihac and Velika Kladusa, where Human Rights Watch conducted the interviews, are housed in temporary facilities managed by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) – a dilapidated building, a refurbished warehouse, and former hotels – or they sleep outdoors. The IOM and UNHCR have been improving the facilities. The EU has allocated over €9 million to support humanitarian assistance for asylum seekers and migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      “Just because the EU is sending humanitarian aid to refugees in Bosnia and Herzegovina, that does not justify turning a blind eye to violence at the Croatian border,” Gall said. “Brussels should press Zagreb to comply with EU law, investigate alleged abuse, and provide fair and efficient access to asylum.”

      For detailed accounts by the people interviewed, please see below.

      Human Rights Watch interviewed 13 men, 6 women, and one 15-year-old unaccompanied boy. All interviewees’ names have been changed in order to protect their security and privacy. All interviews were conducted in English or with the aid of a Persian or Arabic speaking interpreter. Human Rights Watch informed interviewees of the purpose of the interview and its voluntary nature, and they verbally consented to be interviewed.

      Denied Access to Asylum Procedure, Summarily Returned

      All 20 people interviewed said that people who identified themselves as Croatian police or whom they described as police detained them well inside Croatian territory and subsequently returned them to Bosnia and Herzegovina without any consideration of asylum claims or human rights obstacles to their return.

      Nine said that police detained them and others and took them to a police station in Croatia. The others said that police officers took them directly to the border with Bosnia-Herzegovina and made them cross.

      Those taken to police stations said they were searched, photographed, and questioned about details such as their name, country of origin, age, and their route entering Croatia. They were not given copies of any forms. They said they were held there in rooms with limited or no seating for between 2 and 24 hours, then taken to the border. Three people said they asked for asylum at the police station but that the police ignored or laughed at them. Six others said they dared not speak because police officers told them to remain quiet.

      Faven F. and Kidane K., a married couple in their thirties from Eritrea, said they had been walking for seven days when they were detained on November 9, close to Rijeka, 200 kilometers from the border. They said that four men in green uniforms detained them in the forest and took them in a windowless white van without proper seats to a police station in Rijeka:

      They delivered us to new police. One was in plain clothes, the other one in dark blue uniform that said “Policija” on it…. At the station, they gave us a paper in English where we had to fill in name, surname, and place of birth…. A lady officer asked us questions about our trip, how we got there, who helped us. We told them that if Croatia can give us asylum, we would like to stay. The lady officer just laughed. They wrote our names on a white paper and some number and made us hold them for a mug shot. Then they kept us in the cell the whole night and didn’t give us food, but we could drink tap water in the bathroom.

      Yaran Y., a 19-year-old from Iraq, was carrying his 14-year old sister Dilva, who has a disability and uses a wheelchair, on his back when they were detained along with at least five others at night in the forest. Yaran Y. said he told officers he wanted asylum for his sister, but that the police just laughed. “They told us to go to Brazil and ask for asylum there,” Yaran Y. said.

      Ardashir A., a 33-year-old Iranian, was travelling with his wife and 7-year-old daughter in a group of 18 people, including 3 other children, the youngest of whom is under age 2. He said that Croatian police detained the group 12 kilometers inside Croatian territory on November 15 and took them to a police station:

      They [Croatian police] brought us to a room, like a prison. They took our bags and gave us only a few slices of bread. There were no chairs, we sat on the floor. Two people in civilian clothes came after a while, I don’t know if they were police, but they took a group picture of us and refused to let us go to the toilet. A 10-year-old child really needed to go but wasn’t allowed so he had to endure. After two hours they took us … to the border.

      Adal A., a 15-year-old boy from Afghanistan traveling on his own said that he was detained on November 15 near Zagreb and taken in a white windowless van to a police station:

      They searched us at the police station and took our phones, power banks, bags, and everything we had. They took three kinds of pictures: front, side, and back. We had to hold a paper with a number. I was asked questions about my name, where I am from, my age, and about the smuggler. I told them I’m 15. We then sat in a room for 24 hours and received no food but could get water from the tap in the toilet.

      Palmira P., a 45-year-old Iranian, said that a female police officer mistreated Palmira’s 11-year-old daughter during a body search in a police station courtyard on the outskirts of Rijeka in early November: “She pulled my daughter’s pants down in front of everyone. My daughter still has nightmares about this policewoman, screaming out in the middle of the night, ‘Don’t do it, don’t do it!’”

      Everyone interviewed said that Croatian police confiscated and never returned or destroyed their phones and destroyed power banks and phone chargers. Four people said that Croatian police forced them to unlock their phones before stealing them.

      Madhara M., a 32-year-old from Iran, said a police officer found a €500 bill in his pocket on November 15: “He looked at it, inspected it, and admired it and then demonstratively put it in his pocket in front of me.”

      Accounts of Violence and Abuse

      Seventeen people described agonizing journeys ranging from 15 minutes to five hours in windowless white police vans to the border. In two cases, people described the vans with a deep dark blue/black stripe running through the middle and a police light on top. A Human Rights Watch researcher saw a police van matching that description while driving through Croatia.

      Croatian roads close to the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina cross windy, mountainous terrain. People interviewed said they had experienced nausea, vomited, or felt extreme cold or heat in the van. A 23-year-old Syrian woman said she believed the difficult van ride and pushback caused her to miscarry her 7-week pregnancy. Amez A., a 28-year-old Iraqi, said police sprayed what he thought was teargas into the van before closing the back doors and driving off, making everyone in the car vomit and have difficulty breathing.

      Sixteen people, including women and children, said that they were slapped, pummelled with fists, beaten with police batons made of rubber or wood, or kicked by people they described as or who identified themselves as Croatian police during the pushbacks.

      In many cases, the violence was accompanied by abusive language in English. Human Rights Watch observed marks and bruises on nine people and viewed photographs of injuries on four more who said they were the result of beatings by Croatian police officers. Four people said that they required treatment at Bosnian hospitals.

      Adal A., the 15-year-old unaccompanied boy, described a particularly vicious beating on November 16:

      They wore dark blue uniforms with masks, and as I exited the van, both police hit me with their batons. I felt a blow to my neck and I fell forward and wanted to get up. At that point, I was on the Bosnian side of the border stones, where another six Croatian police officers stood waiting. They were all over me, beating me. I don’t know how they beat me, but it was hard and strong, and I tried to protect my face. I was so badly beaten on my back that I still can’t sleep on it properly because of the pain. When they saw that my nose was bleeding, and that my hand was injured and that I couldn’t walk, they stopped…. They yelled “Go!” and as I was trying to leave, they fired guns in the air.

      Human Rights Watch interviewed Adal A. four days after he said this had happened and observed marks and bruises on his legs and arms.

      Aftab A., 37, from Iran, said that police officers in dark blue uniforms beat him and his 12-year-old son in what he called the “Tunnel of Death:”

      They [police] make this tunnel [lined up on each side] and you have to pass. They took us out of the van one by one and they started beating me with batons from both sides. I was beaten on my arm, shoulder, and on my knee with batons. My son was beaten with batons on his back and on his head…We kept screaming ‘my son my son!’ or ‘my dad my dad!’ but they didn’t care. They kept beating at us until we crossed the border. Even my wife was struck across her back with a baton. The child was so scared and was crying for half an hour and then wouldn’t speak for a long time.

      Madhara M., 32, from Iran, was taken to the border on November 15 along with four others, including a married couple. He said that Croatian police beat him and then threw him into a ditch he said separates Croatia from Bosnia and Herzegovina:

      There were about eight police officers in front of the van. But there were more behind them making sure we can’t run away. The first punch broke my tooth… I fell, and the officer rolled me over, and punched me in the eye. It was so painful, I tried to escape by crawling, but the police struck me with the baton on my back. Suddenly, I received a second blow on the same eye. Then the police officers grabbed me and threw me into the ditch. All along, they were laughing and swearing in English, things like ‘I will fuck your mother.’

      Bahadur B. and Nabila N., both 32 and from Iran, are a married couple who were traveling with Madhara M. Nabila N., who was three-months’ pregnant at the time, described the violence at the border:

      They [Croatian police] were standing four on one side and four on the other side. We call it the ‘terror tunnel.’ They told us to get out. Bahadur tried to help me down from the van, as I was stiff from the ride. When he did, the police started beating him…I turned and screamed at them to stop beating my husband, but…. I stumbled on a bag in the darkness…When I got up, I was face-to-face with a police officer who was wearing a mask. I kept screaming, “Please don’t do it, we will leave” but he deliberately hit me hard with his baton across my hand. I kept screaming “baby, baby!” during the whole ordeal but they didn’t listen, they just laughed.

      Both Yaran Y., 19, and his sister Dilva, 14, who has a physical disability, said they required medical treatment after Croatian police used physical force during the pushback in early July. Yaran Y. said:

      I was carrying Dilva on my back the whole way while others pushed her wheelchair. Our family travelled with five other people. It was dark, when the police surprised us by firing shots in the air. They police wore dark or black color uniforms and there were six or seven of them. I asked one of the police officers for asylum but he harshly pushed me so I fell with my sister on my back. In the fall, my sister and I landed on a sharp wooden log which severely injured her foot and my hand.

      A Human Rights Watch researcher observed scars on Dilva’s foot and Yaran’s hand and saw pictures of the fresh injuries.

      Sirvan S., 38, from Iraq, said Croatian police in dark blue uniforms beat him and his youngest son, age 6, during a pushback on November 14: “My son and I were beaten with a rubber baton. I was beaten in the head and on my leg. My son was beaten with a baton on his leg and head as well as he was running from the police.” Sirvan’s wife, 16-year-old daughter, and 14-year-old son witnessed the violence.

      Gorkem G., 30, travelling with his 25-year-old pregnant wife, 5-year-old son, and 2-year-old daughter, said that Croatian police pushed his son, so he fell hard to the ground. “He only wanted to say “hi” to the police,” Gorkem G. said

      Family members described the anger, frustration, and trauma they experienced seeing the police officers beat their loved ones. A 10-year-old Yazidi boy from Iraq said, “I saw how police kicked my father in his back and how they beat him all over. It made me angry.” His father, Hussein H., said that police officers had dragged him out of the van at the border and kicked and punched him when he was on the ground.

      Fatima F., 34, a Syrian mother of six, travelled with her husband’s 16-year-old brother and three of her children, ages 2, 4, and 10. She said that three police officers in dark uniforms beat her husband’s brother in front of her and her children:

      They were merciless […] One officer was by the van, one in the middle of the line of people, and one close to the path [into Bosnia and Herzegovina]. They kept beating the others with batons, and kicking. They [the officers] saw me and the kids but they just kept beating the men despite the kids crying. They didn’t beat me or the children, but the children were very afraid when they saw the men being beaten. My oldest girl kept screaming when she saw my husband’s brother get beaten…[she] screams out in the middle of the night.

      In three cases, people said they were forced to cross ice-cold rivers or streams even though they were near a bridge.

      Thirty-year-old Abu Hassan A. from Iran, travelling in a group of seven other single men, said:

      They [police] were wearing masks. There was a bridge about 50-60 meters away. More than six police were guarding the bridge. It [the stream] was about 5-6 meters wide and waist high and muddy. They told us we have to cross. Then the police… beat me with batons and kicked me, and the first handed me over to the second police who did the same thing, and then handed me over to the third, who did the same thing. After that, I was close to the riverbank, where two other police were waiting. The first one beat me again with baton and pushed me toward the other. They beat me on the legs, hands, arms, shoulders. This is what they did to force us to go into the water and across. I could barely stand or walk for a week after.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/12/11/croatia-migrants-pushed-back-bosnia-and-herzegovina

    • Why are police in Croatia attacking asylum seekers trapped in the Balkans?

      Hearing increasing reports of police brutality against refugees on the Croatia-Bosnia border, Human Rights Watch is demanding action from Zagreb and the EU Commission.

      In November, I spent four days talking to migrants, including asylum seekers, in dilapidated, freezing buildings in Bihac and Velika Kladusa in Bosnia Herzegovina, an area close to the Croatian border. I heard the same story over and over: Croatian police officers beat and robbed them before illegally forcing them over the border to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      Unfortunately, in my work as the Eastern Europe and Balkans researcher at Human Rights Watch, these stories are not new to me. But what really struck me this time around was the sheer brutality and cruelty of the police assaults.

      “They are merciless,” 34-year-old Fatima*, from Syria, said of Croatian police officers. She and her three young children, the youngest only two years old, were forced to watch Croatian police officers beat her 16-year-old brother-in-law. “My 10-year-old daughter suffered psychologically since it happened, having nightmares,” Fatima said.

      Nabila*, an Iranian woman who was three months pregnant at the time, told me a police officer struck her on her hand with a baton though she told him and other officers repeatedly that she was pregnant.

      Sirvan*, from Iraq, said a Croatian police officer beat his six-year-old son with a baton on his leg and his head as he was trying to run away from the police beatings.

      Yaran*, also from Iraq, was carrying his 14-year-old sister, Dilva*, who has a physical disability and uses a wheelchair, when Croatian police officers manhandled them. “When they captured us, I immediately told them ‘asylum’ but one police officer just pushed me hard so I fell backwards with my sister on my back.” They both required medical treatment after they were forced back to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      Croatia’s interior ministry has denied any wrongdoing but testimonies from migrants continue to emerge.

      Since March 2016, when the Western Balkan route was closed, many people have found themselves stuck in the Balkans. After fleeing countries such as Syria, Afghanistan, Iran, Eritrea, Pakistan and Bangladesh, people had travelled through Turkey to Greece or Bulgaria, and onwards to Macedonia and Serbia.

      There are now between 6,000 and 8,000 people trapped in Serbia and around 6,000 in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who want to move onwards to EU states and particularly to Western Europe.

      Many have tried to cross to Hungary and Croatia but are met with violence from border guards. Most of the people I talked to had been walking for days inside Croatia by the time police detained them.

      Some were taken to police stations, where they were denied food for up to 24 hours; others were taken directly to the border. They were transported in windowless locked vans on winding mountainous roads on trips of up to five hours. People kept sliding off the narrow benches, bumping into each other, and throwing up.

      At the border, a “Tunnel of Terror” – as some called it — greeted them. A gauntlet of police officers beat them, pushing each person to the next officer and then to the next, laughing and mocking them on the way.

      Tired and beaten, migrants and asylum seekers were then chased down a slippery slope or thrown into a ditch four to five meters deep that is the de facto border between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina or made to wade across an ice-cold stream.

      Most of the 20 people I interviewed, including parents with their children, the girl with a disability, and pregnant women, said they were brutally forced across the border in the cold of dark winter nights.

      Every person I interviewed also said that Croatian police robbed them of their phones and money. They kept the good phones, forcing people to surrender their passcodes, and smashed the rest. Money, if found, was stolen too.

      All this is going on at the EU’s borders. With total impunity.

      And it has been going on for some time. I documented similar abuses on Croatia’s border with Serbia two years ago. The government rejected our allegations and the EU didn’t act. In two years, rather than improving, the situation has got worse.

      More recently, the Croatian government dismissed concerns raised by UN refugee agency UNHCR and the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights and told us they didn’t have enough evidence to bring prosecutions and that allegations can’t be confirmed.

      The EU provides funds for humanitarian assistance to migrants and asylum seekers in Bosnia and Herzegovina that, while helpful, cannot justify turning a blind eye to neighbouring member state, Croatia, blatantly breaking EU laws and ignoring violence committed against those same people.

      Croatian authorities need to take these allegations seriously. They need to immediately open an investigation into the summary returns and violence by Croatian police against migrants and asylum seekers. And they need to hold those responsible to account.

      It’s also well past time for EU institutions to break their silence and send a strong message to Zagreb that pushbacks and violence flies in the face of Croatia’s legal obligations. The EU should make failure by Zagreb to address this issue come at a serious cost.

      *Names have been changed to protect identities.

      https://lacuna.org.uk/migration/why-police-croatia-attacking-asylum-seekers-trapped-in-the-balkans

      #Velika_Kladusa

    • Croatia violating EU law by sending asylum seekers back to Bosnia

      Hidden cameras capture apparent expulsions by Croatian border police in forest.

      Croatian police are returning groups of asylum seekers across the EU’s external border with Bosnia, a video obtained by the Guardian suggests, in an apparent breach of EU law.

      Footage shared by the watchdog organisation Border Violence Monitoring (BVM) shows a number of alleged collective expulsions or “pushbacks” of migrants in a forest near Lohovo, in Bosnian territory.

      The videos, filmed on hidden cameras between 29 September and 10 October, capture 54 incidents of people being pushed back in groups from Croatia into Bosnia with 368 people in total returned, according to the footage.

      Bosnia-Herzegovina’s security minister, Dragan Mektić, told the news channel N1 the behaviour of the Croatian police was “a disgrace for an EU country”.

      Croatian police are returning groups of asylum seekers across the EU’s external border with Bosnia, a video obtained by the Guardian suggests, in an apparent breach of EU law.

      Footage shared by the watchdog organisation Border Violence Monitoring (BVM) shows a number of alleged collective expulsions or “pushbacks” of migrants in a forest near Lohovo, in Bosnian territory.

      The videos, filmed on hidden cameras between 29 September and 10 October, capture 54 incidents of people being pushed back in groups from Croatia into Bosnia with 368 people in total returned, according to the footage.

      Bosnia-Herzegovina’s security minister, Dragan Mektić, told the news channel N1 the behaviour of the Croatian police was “a disgrace for an EU country”.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CAmdAjzcrcA


      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/dec/17/croatia-violating-eu-law-by-sending-back-asylum-seekers-to-bosnia?CMP=s

    • ‘Unverifiable information from unknown migrants’? – First footage of push-backs on the Croatian-Bosnian border

      By now our database contains more than 150 push-back reports from the Bosnian-Croatian border. In light of this figure it seems hard to deny this illegal practice of collective expulsions of people seeking protection, perpetrated by the Croatian police and often accompanied by violence. The people returning from the border with broken arms or legs, or showing bloodshot eyes and marks of beatings with batons on their backs, are no isolated cases. Their injuries and testimonies prove irrefutably institutionalised and systematically applied practices – even if the Croatian Minister of the Interior [1] continues to deny these accusations and instead prefers to accuse refugees of self-injury [2]. Meanwhile, various large international media have taken up the topic and report on developments at the Bosnian-Croatian border. The Guardian, for example, recently published a video showing a refugee bleeding from several wounds just after a pushback [3]. Yet, for some reason, up to now the available evidence has not been enough to hold the responsible persons and institutions accountable. New video material provided to BVM by an anonymous group should now close this gap in evidence.

      VIDEO MATERIAL PROVES ILLEGAL PUSH-BACKS FROM CROATIA

      On 20 November we received a letter containing extensive video footage from the Bosnian-Croatian border area. For security reasons, the informants themselves prefer to remain anonymous; yet for the extensiveness and level of detail of the material in concordance with other reports, we consider it authentic. The footage was filmed by hidden cameras in a forest near Lohovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, (Coordinates 44.7316124, 15.9133454) between 29 September and 10 October 2018 and show 54 push-backs.

      At least 350 refugees, including small children, minors and women, can clearly be seen on the video recordings as victims of these pushbacks, which take place several times a day and at night. Should they occur just as frequently as during the filmed period, the number of push-backs at this border crossing alone exceeds 150 per month. For the first time, the material can unambiguously prove that the Croatian police systematically conducts collective expulsions on Bosnian territory.

      The group’s report accompanying the material reads:

      “These push-backs are not conducted at an official border checkpoint and without the presence of Bosnian officials and are therefore illegal. In addition, documentation by various NGOs suggests that asylum applications by refugees were previously disregarded.”

      These expulsions over the green border do not follow formal return procedures [4] and can thus not be justified with the 2007 readmission agreement between the EU and Bosnia. The only legal way to return people would be through the readmission process at the official border crossing after a readmission application has been made to the Bosnian authorities.

      PROOF OF MULTIPLE CRIMINAL OFFENCES

      In not complying with these procedures, the police officers involved violate international law, in particular the prohibition of collective expulsions laid down in Article 4 of the Fourth Additional Protocol to the European Convention on Human Rights [5] and Article 19 of the European Charter of Fundamental Rights [6]. Similarly, the right to asylum, as agreed in the Geneva Convention on Refugees [7] and Article 18 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, is not granted.

      “According to first-hand accounts, the officials inflict violence during approximately one in five push-backs in Lohovo, which is considerably less than on other push-back locations on the Bosnian-Croatian border. Here as in other locations, mobile phones are almost always destroyed and returned in a yellow plastic bag.”

      In the videos themselves, the violence becomes apparent in the form of kicks and insults. Shots and screams that can be heard at close range indicate that the beatings and humilliations which are extensively documented by various NGOs [8], take place nearby.

      Interestingly enough, the group seems to be planning to release even more video material from the border:

      “We already have more recordings from other locations and will publish them as soon as we have collected enough material. Since push-backs at other locations often take place at night, we work here with thermal cameras and other special equipment.”

      With their work, the group aims to contribute to the end of push-backs and police violence in Croatia, they state:

      “We demand that the human rights violations at the Bosnian-Croatian border stop immediately. For this it is necessary that they are examined in an official investigation both internally, by the Croatian Minister of the Interior, and by the European Commission, which co-finances Croatian border security from the Internal Security Fund (ISF).”

      BVM supports these demands. Now more than ever, the evidence is calling for immediate investigations by the Croatian authorities as well as by the European Union of which Croatia is a member state and which co-funds Croatian border security. The European Commission should call on Croatia to stop and investigate collective expulsions of asylum seekers to Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as allegations of violence perpetrated by Croatian officers. The EU Commission should also open legal proceedings against Croatia for violating EU laws.

      We would like to make the material that was sent to us available to the general public, in order to make them visible as evidence of the everyday events at the borders of the European Union.

      The data package, including the report, an overview of the content of the material and all the videos, can be accessed or downloaded here:

      https://files.borderviolence.eu/index.php/s/EYZdTo0OeGXrCqW

      In case of queries we can establish encrypted communication with the anonymous group.


      https://www.borderviolence.eu/proof-of-push-backs

    • Human rights group files complaint against Croatian police

      A Croatian NGO working with migrants has filed a complaint against police who it claims used excessive force and violence against migrants, illegally pushing them back at the border with Bosnia.
      A human rights organization in Croatia on Wednesday filed a complaint against several Croatian police officers, whose identities are unknown. The organization claims that they are guilty of using excessive force, violence and other illegal behavior against migrants and refugees that were pushed back at the border with Bosnia.

      The complaint by the Center for Peace Studies (CMS), a Zagreb-based NGO, is based on footage published in recent days by Border Violence Monitoring (BVM), an international organization that collects evidence of abuse and illegal push-backs against migrants on the Balkan route.

      Video and witness statements

      BVM received the footage from an anonymous source in November. The organization said that it had verified that the videos were credible. They also argued that the footage was in line with hundreds of witness statements from migrants collected over the past year, according to which Croatian police systematically push back migrants towards Bosnia.

      The footage was reportedly filmed in September and allegedly shows a group of migrants lined up and Croatian police forcing them to return to Bosnia, without giving them the possibility to ask for asylum or international humanitarian protection. BVM said that this was against international law, because the incidents occurred in the so-called “green zone,” in the forest between the two countries, not at border crossings, and without the presence of Bosnian border guards.

      The footage also shows some incidents of Croatian police kicking, threatening and insulting migrants.

      Collective forced push-backs

      The Center for Peace Studies said that, for the first time, the footage offers undeniable proof corroborating the many complaints against Croatian police presented in recent months by international organizations including the Council of Europe, UNHCR, and Human Rights Watch. “The footage shows collective forced push-backs and the use of unjustified violence,” CMS said.

      The NGO has asked for an investigation by the judiciary as well as the resignation of the interior minister and some high-ranking members of Croatian police.

      Croatian Interior Minister Davor Bozinovic said that he had not seen any video in which Croatian police made use of violence and that there was no substantial evidence that showed illegal conduct by the police. Croatia has always rejected accusations that its police engage in illegal behavior against migrants.

      http://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/14039/human-rights-group-files-complaint-against-croatian-police

    • En Bosnie, des milliers de réfugiés sont bloqués dans la neige aux frontières de l’Union européenne

      La Bosnie-Herzégovine est devenue un cul-de-sac aux portes de l’Union européenne, où sont bloqués plusieurs milliers d’exilés. Malgré les violences de la police croate et une neige redoutable, ils cherchent à continuer leur route vers l’Ouest.

      Depuis l’été, les témoignages et les rapports des organisations internationales s’accumulent : la police croate maltraite systématiquement les migrants et les réfugiés, et procède à des rapatriements forcés extra-légaux en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Le 16 décembre, le réseau Border violence monitoring a ainsi publié d’accablantes vidéos montrant comment les forces de l’ordre regroupaient des réfugiés arrêtés alors qu’ils tentaient d’entrer en Croatie et les forçaient à reprendre la route de la Bosnie-Herzégovine.

      Ces vidéos, réalisées en caméra cachée, documentent 54 cas de refoulement, effectués entre le 29 septembre et le 10 octobre dans la forêt de Lehovo, dans les régions montagneuses et très peuplées de Krajina, qui marquent la frontière entre les deux pays. Sur les vidéos, on peut dénombrer au moins 350 réfugiés, dont des femmes et des enfants. « Pour la première fois, des documents prouvent que la police croate mène systématiquement des expulsions collectives sur le territoire bosnien, note Border Violence Monitoring. Ces refoulements ne sont pas menés à un poste-frontière et ont lieu sans présence de représentants légaux de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, ils sont donc contraires au droit international. »

      https://twitter.com/Border_Violence/status/1074178137217478656

      Deux jours plus tôt, Human Rights Watch publiait un rapport accablant sur les actes de violence et de torture commis par la police croate. Zagreb interdit bien souvent aux réfugiés de déposer une demande d’asile, contrevenant ainsi à ses obligations internationales. L’organisation internationale affirme avoir recueilli les témoignages de 20 personnes, dont 16 évoquaient des brutalités systématiques, voire de véritables actes de torture commis par les forces de l’ordre croates, ainsi que des vols d’argent et de téléphones portables.

      Le Commissaire des Nations unies pour les réfugiés confirmait de son côté en août 2018 avoir reçu des rapports qui soulignaient que la Croatie avait illégalement refoulé 2 500 migrants et demandeurs d’asile vers la Bosnie-Herzégovine et la Serbie depuis le début de l’année dernière. Ces accusations ont été réfutées par le premier ministre croate Andrej Plenković, dans une réponse à une interpellation du Conseil de l’Europe.

      Depuis plusieurs mois, les associations et les collectifs croates de soutien aux réfugiés font d’ailleurs l’objet d’un véritable harcèlement : attaques de leurs locaux ou de leurs véhicules par des « inconnus », poursuites judiciaires contre plusieurs militants. Ces collectifs viennent d’ailleurs de publier une « Lettre ouverte aux citoyens de l’Union européenne depuis la périphérie », soulignant que les politiques de fermeture des frontières pourraient faire basculer tous ces pays de la périphérie européenne – membres ou non de l’Union – dans des régimes de plus en plus autoritaires.

      Dragan Mektić, le ministre de la sécurité de Bosnie-Herzégovine, a pourtant confirmé à la télévision N1 la réalité de ces mauvais traitements. « Le comportement de la police croate est une honte pour un pays membre de l’Union européenne. Les policiers se font les complices des trafiquants, en poussant les migrants dans les mains des réseaux criminels », a-t-il expliqué. Depuis la fermeture de la « route des Balkans », au printemps 2016, et l’édification d’un mur de barbelés le long de la frontière hongroise, les candidats à l’exil empruntent de nouvelles routes depuis la Grèce, transitant par l’Albanie, le Monténégro et la Bosnie-Herzégovine, ou directement depuis la Serbie vers la Bosnie-Herzégovine, devenue une étape obligatoire sur la route vers l’Union européenne.

      La région de Bihać constitue effectivement un cul-de-sac. Selon les chiffres officiels, 18 628 réfugiés ont été enregistrés en Bosnie-Herzégovine en 2018. Au 18 décembre, 5 300 se trouvaient dans le pays, dont au moins 4 000 dans le canton de Bihać, les autres étant répartis dans des centres d’accueil à proximité de la capitale Sarajevo ou de la ville de Mostar. La majorité d’entre eux ne fait que transiter, alors que des températures polaires et de fortes neiges se sont abattues sur la Bosnie-Herzégovine depuis la fin du mois de décembre.

      À Velika Kladuša, une petite ville coincée à la frontière occidentale du pays, le camp de Trnovi a été évacué mi-décembre et tous ses habitants relogés dans l’ancienne usine Miral, aménagée en centre d’hébergement d’urgence par l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). « Les conditions sont très précaires, mais au moins, il y a du chauffage », se réjouit Husein Kličić, président du Comité cantonal de la Croix-Rouge.

      Les entrées en Bosnie-Herzégovine se sont ralenties avec l’arrivée de l’hiver, 450 par semaine en novembre contre 1 200 un mois plus tôt, selon Peter Van der Auweraert, directeur de l’OIM dans le pays, mais les flux ne se sont pas taris : en ce début janvier, de nouveaux groupes arrivent tous les jours au Monténégro, explique Sabina Talovic, volontaire dans la ville de Pljevlja, proche des frontières de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Ces flux devraient recommencer à enfler une fois le printemps revenu.

      L’urgence est désormais de passer l’hiver. Selon Damir Omerdić, ministre de l’éducation du canton d’Una-Sana, une trentaine d’enfants installés avec leurs familles dans l’ancien hôtel Sreda, dans la ville de Cazin, devraient même pouvoir intégrer l’école primaire d’un petit village voisin et des négociations sont en cours avec un autre établissement. « Ils passeront deux ou trois heures par jour à l’école. Notre but est de leur permettre de faire connaissance avec d’autres enfants », explique-t-il à Radio Slobodna Evropa.

      La police du canton d’Una-Sana a observé, courant décembre, plusieurs groupes de réfugiés en train de s’engager dans le massif de Plješevica, qui fait frontière avec la Croatie. Non seulement, des secteurs n’ont toujours pas été déminés depuis la fin de la guerre, mais seuls des montagnards expérimentés et bien équipés peuvent s’engager en plein hiver dans ces montagnes dont les sommets culminent à plus de 1 600 mètres. Les policiers bosniens n’ont aucun mandat pour stopper les réfugiés qui prennent cette route dangereuse – mais si jamais ils parviennent à franchir ces montagnes, on peut hélas gager que la police croate les arrêtera.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/130119/en-bosnie-des-milliers-de-refugies-sont-bloques-dans-la-neige-aux-frontier

    • Entre violences et désespoir, le quotidien des migrants oubliés en Bosnie-Herzégovine

      Ils sont plus de 3 500 dans les #camps surpeuplés à la frontière avec la Croatie, des centaines dans les squats insalubres à Sarajevo, et bien d’autres encore dans le reste du pays. Depuis plus d’un an, la Bosnie-Herzégovine subit afflux massif de migrants, auquel les autorités ont toutes les peines de faire face. Pour ces candidats à l’exil bloqués à la lisière de l’Union européenne, l’espoir de passer se fait de plus en plus ténu. « Entre violences et désespoir, le quotidien des migrants oubliés en Bosnie-Herzégovine », un Grand reportage de Jean-Arnault Dérens et Simon Rico.


      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/15228/entre-violences-et-desespoir-le-quotidien-des-migrants-oublies-en-bosn
      #campement

    • In Bosnia, a Migrant Way Station Is Becoming a Winter Prison

      For years, the country remained untouched by the global migrant crisis, but now, even in a place where many people were once refugees, tensions are on the rise.

      BIHAC, Bosnia and Herzegovina—Zohaib Ali, a 22-year-old student from Pakistan, has attempted to cross into the European Union through the mountainous border separating Bosnia and Herzegovina from Croatia 16 times. Many of the migrants he met during his repeated efforts have now made it to Italy or France. “I tried, and they tried. … [I had] bad luck,” he told Foreign Policy in December. But bad luck is not the only element to blame.

      Ali speculated that if he had come to Bosnia earlier in the spring of 2018, when the border with Croatia wasn’t so heavily guarded, he might have succeeded. Instead, he arrived in August, finding himself in one of the world’s most difficult migration bottlenecks.

      For years, the global migrant crisis was a remote concern for Bosnia. Migrants traveling along the Balkan corridor first arrived in Greece by sea from Turkey and then moved toward Macedonia and Serbia in order to enter Croatia and Hungary, both EU member states. As in 2015 and 2016, countries along the route have closed their borders, sending migrants fanning out across the Balkans.

      Now, migrants leaving Greece go through jagged mountains and dense woodland to reach Albania, then Montenegro, only to find themselves stuck in Bosnia. This small, ethnically divided country with a dearth of economic opportunities has found itself at the epicenter of the crisis, as more people make their way in and can no longer find a way out.

      Since January 2018, more than 23,000 migrants and asylum-seekers have arrived in Bosnia. The year before, there were fewer than 1,000.

      The shift has caught the country’s authorities flat-footed. Many international actors, including the Council of Europe’s commissioner for human rights, have expressed concerns over the slow and chaotic response to the needs of these new arrivals.

      Despite his determination to reach his brother in Germany or his sister in Canada, Ali has resolved to spend the winter in northwestern Bosnia before he attempts his next crossing in the spring. Maybe borders won’t be so heavily guarded and Croatian police so brutal, he speculates. He wasn’t beaten or attacked with dogs, as was the case for many less fortunate migrants, who have accused Croatian forces of systematic violence. But he was the victim of theft on multiple occasions. “They took my rucksack with belongings,” he recounted matter-of-factly.

      It’s an uncomfortable compromise. Ali’s efforts to find help to get out of Bosnia have been anything but fruitful. When a smuggler promised to get him a safe passage to Italy, Ali handed over 16,000 euros ($18,000), and in return, he received nothing.

      In Bosnia, he was told that he would need a visa. Then a smuggler took his passport and never gave it back, making his presence in Bihac—without documents or refugee status—completely illegal. “It’s not a problem,” Ali said. “There [are] too many migrants here. No one will notice.”

      Extreme temperatures are a factor, too. “The cold in the mountains is like ice going inside you, in your blood,” Ali said. In these conditions, around 4,000 others have made the same pragmatic decision—Bosnia will have to do, for now.

      For migrants and asylum-seekers stuck in Bosnia through the winter, options are limited. They’re allowed to stay in one of four refugee camps along the border with Croatia. The camps are temporary and were never intended for their current purpose.

      https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/02/20/in-bosnia-a-migrant-way-station-is-becoming-a-winter-prison-bihac-cro



  • Kathryn Clark - Home
    http://www.kathrynclark.com

    Inspired by the historical storyboard of the Bayeux Tapestry, Refugee Stories is a series of embroidery panels that follow the journey of the Syrian refugees into Europe. The monumental scale of the crisis, the second largest mass migration in history, is documented in various points along the refugees’ journey out of Syria and into Western Europe. Each point along their journey was affected by geography: whether by sea or land, pastoral farmland or war torn desert. Using international news stories, Google Earth, and numerical data from the United Nations, each panel pieces together the journey in one schematic map.

    http://www.kathrynclark.com/refugee-stories.html


    #art #cartographie #narration #Syrie #conflit #réfugié·es


  • Orban šalje bodljikavu žicu Crnoj Gori za doček migranata

    Mađarska Vlada donirala Crnoj Gori spiralnu žicu za pokrivanje 25 kilometara granice za slučaj migrantske krize


    http://www.vijesti.me/vijesti/orban-salje-bodljikavu-zicu-crnoj-gori-za-docek-migranata-986295

    Commentaire par ECRE, vue sur twitter :

    An extended hand or a cold shoulder? The Hungarian government is offering to donate barbed wire to cover 25 km of the state border to prepare Montenegro for a higher influx of migrants

    https://twitter.com/ecre/status/990931614078328833

    #Hongrie #Macédoine #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #murs #barrières_frontalières #cadeau #route_des_balkans

    @reka : des idées de tag ?


  • Je mentionnais ici le très bon #film de #Andrea_Segre, #L'ordre_des_choses (L’ordine delle cose) :
    http://seen.li/dqtt

    Le film prend le point de vue de Corrado Rinaldi, un homme de loi qui aide à régulariser le débarquement des immigrants en traitant avec les autorités libyennes.

    Sur le fil de discussion en lien avec les accords entre l’#Italie et l’#UE/#EU avec la #Libye et notamment avec les #gardes-côtes_libyens.

    Je remets ici le film, également pour ajouter l’interview à Segre publiée sur Franceinfo.
    https://www.francetvinfo.fr/partenariats/lordre-des-choses-un-film-de-andrea-segre-au-cinema-le-7-mars_2621934.h
    L’interview commence par ce constat : « cette fiction que vous avez imaginée est devenue réalité » (hélas).

    Quelques passages très intéressants de l’interview :

    J’ai réalisé un documentaire, #Mare_Chiuso, qui a été distribué à partir de mars 2012 ; c’est-à-dire au moment où la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme, basée à Strasbourg, a condamné l’Italie pour les opérations de refoulement de migrants en provenance d’Afrique sub-saharienne et les accords, conclus sous l’ère #Berlusconi, avec la Libye de Mouammar #Kadhafi. C’est une condamnation historique car elle a été unanime. L’Italie a été épinglée parce que sa marine militaire a directement participé à des opérations visant à refouler des migrants vers les côtes libyennes, sans que ces derniers n’aient eu la possibilité de demander asile. Ce qui est une violation des traités et conventions dont le pays est signataire. En 2012, Mare Chiuso s’est inscrit dans la campagne destinée à faire pression sur le gouvernement italien pour condamner politiquement la façon dont l’Italie traitait les migrants. Et j’ai compris au cours de cette campagne que le verdict de la Cour de Strasbourg avait été interprété par l’ensemble de la classe politique italienne, y compris le Parti démocrate (de centre gauche), comme un conseil implicite, à savoir celui d’organiser des opérations de refoulement sans que l’Italie ne puisse être accusée d’avoir violé les droits des migrants.

    #accord_d'amitié #traité_de_Benghazi #trattato_di_Bengasi

    C’est à la même période que les opérations de sauvetage des migrants ont été lancées dans le cadre de #Mare_Nostrum, l’opération militaro-humanitaire lancée par #Enrico_Letta, président du Conseil italien en 2013, pour secourir les migrants en mer après le naufrage meurtrier de Lampedusa. Ces opérations ont permis de positionner des navires militaires italiens dans les eaux territoriales internationales, en face de la Libye. Cette flottille a été renforcée par d’autres pays européens. La présence de tous ces navires a permis de continuer à former les garde-côtes libyens en dépit du chaos qui régnait dans leur pays.

    #Letta #3_octobre_2011

    Une certitude : le gouvernement italien est arrivé avec le soutien des Européens à conduire des opérations de #refoulement en étant pleinement conscient des conséquences humaines qu’elles entraînaient. Les fonctionnaires italiens et européens ont visité les centres de détention et se sont entretenus avec les miliciens qui les gèrent. Ils avaient une vision assez claire de la situation en Libye. Par conséquent, le choix de faire aboutir ces opérations de refoulement, coûte que coûte, est bien l’expression d’une débâcle éthique et morale.

    #push-back #milices #débâcle_éthique #débâcle_morale

    Avant l’été 2015, les Allemands et d’autres pays européens ont demandé à l’Italie d’arrêter les opérations de sauvetage parce qu’elles ouvraient les portes de l’Europe. Par ailleurs, à cette même période, tous les efforts européens se sont déplacés vers les Balkans qui étaient le théâtre d’une autre crise migratoire. À partir de ce moment, les ONG ont pris le relais pour porter secours aux migrants, mais la marine italienne a continué à coordonner les opérations de sauvetage. Quelques mois plus tard, les Européens sont revenus en Italie avec un message sans ambiguïté : « Nous avons fermé “la route des Balkans”, il faut faire de même en Méditerranée ». L’Europe se donne dès lors les moyens humains et matériels pour fermer la porte en Libye. Les autorités italiennes ont pu alors bénéficier des ressources financières et humaines émanant de l’Union européenne pour boucler les démarches entamées depuis près de quatre ans. Pour atteindre ce but, et c’est terrible, les pays européens ont accepté que la conséquence inévitable de leur nouvelle politique de refoulement serait la détention de migrants dans des centres gérés par des miliciens libyens, au mépris de leurs droits les plus élémentaires. Autrement dit, durant toutes ces années de préparation, les Européens n’avaient trouvé pour partenaires que ces miliciens, connus également pour être des trafiquants. Résultat : l’Europe a conforté le pouvoir des milices libyennes pour parvenir à ses fins, et s’est compromise sur un plan moral et éthique.

    #Méditerranée #route_des_balkans #balkans

    Dans la brochure qui était offerte dans la salle de cinéma, l’interview était plus long. Je recopie ici deux passages intéressants :

    « Quand à ces opérations de rapatriement, soi-disant volontaires, nous atteignons des sommets d’hypocrisie. C’est évident que l’on ne peut pas parler de volontariat quand on propose à un migrant, qui vit un enfer, de rentrer chez lui »

    #retour_volontaire

    « J’estime que la transformation xénophobe de la société européenne est liée à la pression que nous sommes en train de créer au niveau de nos frontières. »

    #xénophobie #racisme

    • Dans la même brochure un extrait traduit d’un texte de #Igiaba_Scego, écrivaine et journaliste d’origine somalienne :
      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Igiaba_Scego

      Le texte complet, en italien, ici :
      https://lordinedellecose.it/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Pamphlet-WEB-1.pdf

      Que je copie-colle ci-desssous :
      A noi mai

      Ho sempre amato il film Casablanca. Un classico della cinematografia mondiale. Un intenso Humprhey Bogart, una fatata Ingrid Bergman, una storia d’amore che non ha uguali nel mondo della celluloide. I loro sguardi languidi, intensi, unici sono rimasti nel cuore di molti di noi. Bogie&Ingrid in the star with diamonds, ci verrebbe da dire parafrasando i Beatles, ma c’è dell’altro. E questo altro sono i rifugiati di cui il film parla. Infatti pochi si accorgono, o addirittura non l’hanno mai saputo, che Casablanca mette in scena il dramma dei rifugiati europei in fuga dal nazismo. Una folla fatta di anarchici, ebrei, dissidenti, antifascisti, gente comune, famiglie, bambini che hanno perso ogni cosa. Nel film la città marocchina è solo un riflesso di Marsiglia, un riflesso edulcorato di quella città francese che durante la guerra pullulava di trafficanti e di miseria. Hollywood non ci mostra quella miseria,non può, non sarebbe Hollywood senza un abito da sera e un paio di tacchi a spillo, ma ecco in Casablanca nonostante il glamour spunta qua e là quella verità che negli anni ‘40 era sotto gli occhi di tutti. Ho sempre trovato particolarmente intensa la scena in cui due anziani signori parlano tra loro in inglese rifiutandosi di usare la madrelingua tedesca.
      Il motivo è semplice vogliono (ancor prima di arrivarci) abituarsi all’idioma del nuovo mondo che verrà per loro, vogliono provare a sentirsi un po’ a casa in quella lingua così straniera. C’è una scena che tutti ricordano di #Casablanca, una scena a me particolarmente cara, quella in cui i rifugiati riuniti al Rick cafè (il luogo in cui potevano trovare i trafficanti e vendersi per ottenere un visto) cantano la Marsigliese per contrastare il canto arrogante dei nazisti. L’attrice Madeleine Lebeau, che interpreta Yvonne l’amante di Bogart, ci regala un fotogramma indimenticabile dove piange gridando il nome della patria perduta, Vive La France, dice e noi tutti ci commuoviamo. Le lacrime di Madelaine sono vere, infatti lei e il marito, come i personaggi del film, avevano fatto un viaggio allucinante che li aveva portati dalla Francia occupata fino a Lisbona. Il tutto usando documenti falsi, andando incontro a respingimenti e rimanendo intrappolati in quel non luogo che per molti rifugiati era Marsiglia.La vita di Madelaine sembra quella di una rifugiata siriana di oggi, la coincidenza colpisce. Sono storie quelle di Casablanca di rifugiati europei che l’Europa ha però presto dimenticato, ma che i suoi scrittori non hanno mai perso di vista. Come non pensare ad #Hercule_Poirot di #Agatha_Christie? Quell’investigatore impomatato sempre preoccupato per i suoi baffetti era anche lui un rifugiato. La dama del giallo l’avrebbe inventato ispirandosi a uno dei tanti belgi che l’Inghilterra aveva accolto (ne accoglierà 250.000) durante la prima guerra mondiale.
      L’Europa ha dimenticato quando era lei a scappare dalle guerre. Si scappava anche dalle carestie come gli irlandesi negli Stati Uniti. E poi non ultima l’epopea degli emigranti italiani che in mancanza di tutto si riversavano nelle terze classi dei bastimenti con la speranza di trovare un paese dove ricominciare. L’Europa ha davvero la memoria corta e nel dimenticare non vuole cercare soluzioni per le migrazioni odierne che la vedono come territorio di approdo. Oggi siamo intrappolati in una narrazione binaria per quanto riguarda migranti e rifugiati provenienti in Europa dal Sud globale. Il paradigma in uso è quella del contenimento o respingimento. Ed ecco che le nostre orecchie sono bombardate da una parte da “aiutiamoli a casa loro”, “Non possiamo prenderci carico di tutta l’Africa” o un secco “non li vogliamo, se la sbrigassero da soli”, dall’altra invece si parla solo di accoglienza, dove la buona volontà si unisce a tratti ad una visone solo migratoria dell’altro condita da un paternalismo a tratti coloniale. Sono pochi a parlare oggi di diritto alla mobilità e apartheid di viaggio. Pochi a parlare di reciprocità nei diritti sia per chi scappa dalle guerre sia per chi vuole semplicemente coronare un sogno.
      Così costringiamo sia i rifugiati, sia i migranti a viaggi impossibili. Anzi ultimamente stiamo costringendo molte persone, con una schizofrenia europea che non ha pari nella storia, a fingersi rifugiate. Se scappi da una guerra forse ti tollero (formalmente) un po’, ma se vieni per trovare un lavoro o per studiare non entrerai mai (o peggio entri, ma ti farò rimanere un illegale a vita, sfruttabile da mafie e caporali).
      E ora nel Mediterraneo queste contraddizioni le stiamo pagando con i morti in mare, il terrorismo nelle città, l’ansia che non ci da tregua. Questa idea di fortezza Europa sta intrappolando gli altri fuori e gli europei dentro un recinto malefico, che ci rende sempre più deboli davanti a chi vuole la distruzione delle democrazie.
      Viviamo di fatto in un pianeta dove se nasci nel posto giusto (nel Nord del mondo ricco, il cosiddetto occidente, ma anche la Cina, il Giappone, l’Australia) hai la possibilità di andare dove ti pare, basta un visto, un biglietto aereo e un trolley. Non serve altro. Ed ecco per chi nasce nel posto giusto un ventaglio di possibilità da seguire. E lì si può pensare di andare a studiare all’estero, lavorare per un po’ in un altro paese, trasferirsi per amore (o bisogno), e si perché no farsi una meritata vacanza se questo si desidera. Si è turisti e al limite, anche quando si decide di emigrare, non si viene definiti migranti economici, ma espatriati. Gli italiani lo sanno bene, i media infatti chiamano cervelli in fuga i tanti giovani che vanno all’estero per trovare il lavoro che in Italia non si trova più. Si, cervelli in fuga, anche se molti all’estero non hanno la possibilità di usare il loro cervello, ma sono costretti a raccogliere le cipolle in Australia, fare i camerieri a cottimo a Londra o vivere l’atroce situazione di essere illegale a New York City. L’emigrazione interna, italiana ed europea, viene edulcorata con perifrasi sempre più acrobatiche, Ma questa migrazione (come quella degli spagnoli, dei portoghesi, degli slovacchi, dei polacchi, dei bulgari, oggi addirittura anche dei rumeni e degli albanesi) non fa rumore, perché (per fortuna aggiungo io) è possibile in clima di legalità di viaggio. Questo purtroppo non è possibile per somali, eritrei, ghanesi, gambiani, senegalesi, ecc. Dall’Africa o dall’Asia (Afghanistan e paesi mediorientali soprattutto) si suppone che i corpi hanno come fine ultimo la migrazione, a volte è così (molti effettivamente sono in fuga da guerra e dittatura), ma altre volte no, le situazioni sono sempre complesse e legate al singolo individuo. Non si pensa mai che un corpo del Sud globale voglia studiare, specializzarsi, lavorare per un po’ e avere la possibilità dopo un lungo soggiorno di tornare indietro, al paese, con le conoscenze acquisite. Non si pensa che un corpo del Sud anche quando fugge da guerre e dittature ha bisogno di leggi sull’asilo chiare, di un percorso burocratico facilitato e di un viaggio sicuro fatto attraverso corridoi umanitari, molto lontani dalle attuali agenzie dell’orrore guidate da trafficanti senza scrupoli. Va detto chiaramente ai nostri governanti che gli abitanti del Sud non vanno considerati parassiti da fermare ad ogni costo o vittime passive da aiutare. Hanno un passato e possono riavere un futuro. Ma invece di collaborare ad una sinergia di intenti, il Nord mette in campo per “difendersi” i fantasmi della nostra contemporaneità: i tristi muri, gli apparati securitari, le strutture extraterritoriali che gestiscono enormi flussi di denaro, gli accordi ricatto con sedicenti leader locali (spesso autonominati o da noi imposti) che come usurai chiedono sempre di più ad una Europa disunita e confusa. Chiediamo agli altri di fare il lavoro sporco, di farli morire un po’ più in là questi rifugiati/migranti, non a favore di telecamera insomma. Nessuno dice agli abitanti spaventati del Nord che un viaggio legale è sicuro per il “migrante”, il rifugiato, lo studente ed è sicuro anche per il paese di approdo, perché con un sistema legale si ha la vera percezione di chi effettivamente arriva nel nostro territorio e perché. Possiamo monitorare la situazione, evitando di farci infiltrare da presenze non gradite. E soprattutto il viaggio legale ci toglierebbe dal ricatto in cui siamo precipitati pagando tagliagole e dittatori. Inoltre nessuno parla all’europeo spaventato della contraddizione del continente che da una parte non vuole le persone del Sud (anche se poi gli studi sottolineano che l’Europa senza migranti è perduta, niente più pensioni per esempio) e dall’altra vuole le sue risorse che si prende con la forza usurpando territori e cacciando popolazioni. È utopia, mi chiedo, cambiare il paradigma di questa relazione malata tra Europa (Occidente in genere) e Sud globale? Non credo sia impossibile. Io lo dico sempre che i miei genitori dalla Somalia sono venuti in Italia in aereo (non con il barcone!), erano gli anni ‘70. e ho l’immagine anche di tanti famigliari e dei loro viaggi circolari. Si andava in Svezia, in Egitto, in Francia per tornare poi a Mogadiscio. Mio fratello Ibrahim studiava a Praga. E all’epoca nessuno di loro aveva un passaporto europeo, ma viaggiavano con il passaporto somalo che oggi invece è considerato carta straccia in qualsiasi consolato. Forse dobbiamo ridare dignità ai documenti delle nazioni del Sud del mondo. Uscire dall’idea di fortezza. E cominciare a costruire una relazione diversa. Quindi non considerare chi fugge dalla guerra come un disperato, ma come una persona che a causa della guerra ha perso momentaneamente tutto, ma che è stata studente, maestra, ingegnere, dottoressa e potrà tornare ad esserlo. E lo stesso vale per chi non è in fuga, ma cerca semplicemente fortuna. I media velatamente li considerano usurpatori, invasori. E’ chiaro che questo sguardo e questo linguaggio devono cambiare.
      Perché respingere se si possono creare ponti e scambi commerciali o culturali utili?
      Se ci si può difendere reciprocamente dai pericoli (come il terrorismo) che ci colpiscono? Inoltre non sarebbe un cambio di rotta smettere di pagare dittatori per tenere nei moderni lager giovani uomini e donne e mettere in campo invece una cooperazione che non avvalla la corruzione reciproca come purtroppo è sempre stato, ma le eccellenze? Ahinoi le barriere crescono un po’ ovunque. E non è solo il Mediterraneo il dilemma. Per gli africani, per fare un esempio, è difficile al momento attuale anche viaggiare dentro il continente africano stesso. Basta pensare ai centri di detenzione in Angola. Barriere e muri sono addirittura più alti dentro il continente che fuori. La paura del Nord contagia anche il Sud e la cattiva politica spesso sguazza (per ragioni elettorali) dentro queste inquietudini. Ma serve un approccio più sereno.
      Serve soprattutto rompere il monopolio dei trafficanti che dal 1990, attraverso ricatti e violenze, si stanno arricchendo sulla pelle dei migranti e degli europei.
      Il viaggio legale del sud aiuterebbe il nord a non alimentare un mercato sommerso fatto di crimine e terrorismo, perché lì vanno i soldi che vengono depredati ai giovani in cerca di futuro. Terrorismo che (ricordiamolo!) poi usa quel denaro per compiere attentati nelle nostre città, come abbiamo visto a Manchester, a Barcelona, a Parigi, a Londra.
      Legalizzare il viaggio ci permetterebbe inoltre di mettere a riparo anche il nostro futuro. In un momento di incertezza come questo, dove l’Italia e il Sud Europa sono esposti a mille pericoli, ci conviene fare la guerra a chi è più a sud di noi? Che Dio non voglia, ma se un giorno negassero il viaggio legale anche a noi che abbiamo ora passaporti considerati forti? Basta un cambio di rotta negli equilibri politici ed economici o qualche sfortunato evento che ci schiaccia verso il basso nella scala dei poteri globali. Nulla di così improbabile purtroppo. Negli anni ‘60 i somali, belli, eleganti, facevano belle feste davanti al mare con aragoste e branzini, se qualcuno allora avesse detto loro che i figli e i nipoti avrebbero preso un barcone (e non l’aereo come loro) per andare in Europa, facendosi ricattare, stuprare, imprigionare, non ci avrebbero creduto, Avrebbero scosso la testa dicendo “a noi mai”, avrebbero riso probabilmente. E invece è successo. Il futuro è sempre incerto amici miei. Preoccuparsi per i diritti degli altri non è buonismo, ma significa anche (oltre ad essere segno di umanità) preoccuparsi dei propri. Perché non si sa a chi toccherà la prossima volta il fato avverso. Almeno affrontiamolo tutti quanti con dei diritti in tasca. Datemi retta, lo so per esperienza, è meglio. Preoccuparsi per i diritti degli altri non è buonismo, ma significa preoccuparsi dei propri. Perchè non si sa a chi toccherà la prossima volta il fato avverso.

      #WWII #seconde_guerre_mondiale #histoire #réfugiés_européens #deuxième_guerre_mondiale #paternalisme #paternalisme_colonial #fuite_Des_cerveaux #inégalité


  • Bloqués en #Serbie : les #réfugiés perdus de la « route des Balkans »
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/260218/bloques-en-serbie-les-refugies-perdus-de-la-route-des-balkans

    Un point d’eau installé par une ONG près de la frontière hongroise © Laurent Geslin Malgré sa fermeture officielle, il y a bientôt deux ans, la « #route_des_Balkans » est toujours active. Environ 5 000 réfugiés sont bloqués en Serbie qui, de pays de transit, s’est brutalement transformée en cul-de-sac. D’autres exilés continuent d’arriver, via la Turquie, la Grèce, puis la Macédoine ou la Bulgarie.

    #International



  • Croatian media report new ‘Balkan route’

    Croatian media have reported the emergence of a new ’Balkan route’ used by migrants to reach western Europe without passing through Macedonia and Serbia.

    Middle Eastern migrants have opened up a new ’Balkan route’ in their attempt to find a better life in western Europe after the traditional route through Macedonia and Serbia was closed. This is according to a report by Zagreb newspaper Jutarnji list.

    From Greece, the new route takes them through Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia.

    http://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/7522/croatian-media-report-new-balkan-route?ref=tw
    #parcours_migratoires #route_migratoire #Balkans #ex-Yougoslavie #route_des_balkans #Albanie #Monténégro #Bosnie #Croatie #Slovénie #migrations #asile #réfugiés

    • Bosnia and the new Balkan Route: increased arrivals strain the country’s resources

      Over the past few months, the number of refugees and asylum seekers arriving to Bosnia has steadily increased. Border closures – both political and physical – in other Balkan states have pushed greater numbers of people to travel through Bosnia, in their attempt to reach the European Union.

      In 2017, authorities registered 755 people; this year, in January and February alone, 520 people arrived. The trend has continued into March; and in the coming weeks another 1000 people are expected to arrive from Serbia and Montenegro. Resources are already strained, as the small country struggles to meet the needs of the new arrivals.

      https://helprefugees.org/bosnia-new-balkan-route

    • Le Monténégro, nouveau pays de transit sur la route des migrants et des réfugiés

      Ils arrivent d’#Albanie et veulent passer en #Bosnie-Herzégovine, étape suivante sur la longue route menant vers l’Europe occidentale, mais des milliers de réfugiés sont ballotés, rejetés d’une frontière à l’autre. Parmi eux, de nombreuses familles, des femmes et des enfants. Au Monténégro, la solidarité des citoyens supplée les carences de l’État. Reportage.

      Au mois de février, Sabina Talović a vu un groupe de jeunes hommes arriver à la gare routière de Pljevlja, dans le nord du Monténégro. En s’approchant, elle a vite compris qu’il s’agissait de réfugiés syriens qui, après avoir traversé la Turquie, la Grèce et l’Albanie, se dirigeaient vers la Bosnie-Herzégovine en espérant rejoindre l’Europe occidentale. Elle les a conduits au local de son organisation féministe, Bona Fide, pour leur donner à manger, des vêtements, des chaussures, un endroit pour se reposer, des soins médicaux. Depuis la fin du mois d’avril, 389 personnes ont trouvé un refuge temporaire auprès de Bona Fide. L’organisation travaille d’une manière indépendante, mais qu’après quatre mois de bénévolat, Sabina veut faire appel aux dons pour pouvoir nourrir ces migrants. Elle ajoute que le nombre de migrants au Monténégro est en augmentation constante et qu’il faut s’attendre à un été difficile.

      Au cours des trois premiers mois de l’année 2018, 458 demandes d’asiles ont été enregistrées au Monténégro, plus que la totalité des demandes pour l’année 2016 et plus de la moitié des 849 demandes enregistrées pour toute l’année 2017. Il est peu vraisemblable que ceux qui demandent l’asile au Monténégro veuillent y rester, parce le pays offre rarement une telle protection. En 2017, sur 800 demandes, seules sept personnes ont reçu un statut de protection et une seule a obtenu le statut de réfugié. Cette année, personne n’a encore reçu de réponse positive. Il suffit néanmoins de déposer une demande pour avoir le droit de séjourner à titre provisoire dans le pays. C’est un rude défi pour le Monténégro de loger tous ces gens arrivés depuis le mois d’août 2017, explique Milanka Baković, cadre du ministère de l’Intérieur. Les capacités d’accueil du pays sont largement dépassées. Selon les sources du ministère, un camp d’accueil devrait bientôt ouvrir à la frontière avec l’Albanie.

      “Nous prenons un taxi pour passer les frontières. Ensuite, nous marchons. Quand nous arrivons dans un nouveau pays, nous demandons de l’aide à la Croix Rouge.”

      Ali a quitté la Syrie il y a trois mois avec sa femme et ses enfants mineurs. Ils vivent maintenant à Spuž, dans un centre pour demandeurs d’asile établi en 2015. Avant d’arriver au Monténégro, la famille a traversé quatre pays et elle est bien décidée à poursuivre sa route jusqu’en Allemagne, pour rejoindre d’autres membres de leur famille. « Nous prenons un taxi pour passer les frontières. Ensuite, nous marchons. Quand nous arrivons dans un nouveau pays, nous demandons de l’aide à la Croix Rouge ou à qui peut pour trouver un endroit où nous pouvons rester quelques jours… Nous avons peur de ce qui peut nous arriver sur la route mais nous sommes optimistes et, si Dieu le veut, nous atteindrons notre but. »

      Comme tant d’autres avant eux, Ali et sa famille ont traversé la Grèce. Certains ont franchi la frontière entre l’Albanie et le Monténégro en camionnette en payant 250 euros des passeurs. Les autres ont emprunté une route de montagnes sinueuse et des chemins de traverse difficiles avant de traverser la frontière et de redescendre jusqu’à la route de Tuzi, sur les bords du lac de Skadar. Là, il y a une mosquée où les voyageurs peuvent passer la nuit. Certains poursuivent leur route et tentent de traverser les frontières de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, en évitant de se faire enregistrer.

      S’ils sont appréhendés par la police, les migrants et réfugiés peuvent demander l’asile et le Monténégro, comme n’importe quel autre pays, est obligé d’accueillir dans des conditions correctes et en sécurité tous les demandeurs jusqu’à ce qu’une décision finale soit prise sur leur requête. Dejan Andrić, chef du service des migrations illégales auprès de la police des frontières, pense que la police monténégrine a réussi à enregistrer toutes les personnes entrées sur le territoire. « Ils restent ici quelques jours, font une demande d’asile et peuvent circuler librement dans le pays », précise-t-il. Toutefois des experts contestent que tous les migrants traversant le pays puissent être enregistrés, ce qui veut dire qu’il est difficile d’établir le nombre exact de personnes traversant le Monténégro. La mission locale du Haut commissariat des Nations Unies aux réfugiés (UNHCR) se méfie également des chiffres officiels, et souligne « qu’on peut s’attendre à ce qu’un certain nombre de personnes traversent le Monténégro sans aucun enregistrement ».

      Repoussés d’un pays à l’autre

      Z. vient du Moyen-Orient, et il a entamé son voyage voici cinq ans. Il a passé beaucoup de temps en Grèce, mais il a décidé de poursuivre sa route vers l’Europe du nord. Pour le moment, il vit au centre d’hébergement de Spuž, qui peut recevoir 80 personnes, ce qui est bien insuffisant pour accueillir tous les demandeurs d’asile. Z. a essayé de passer du Monténégro en Bosnie-Herzégovine et en Croatie mais, comme beaucoup, il a été repoussé par la police. Selon la Déclaration universelle des droits humains, chaque individu a pourtant le droit de demander l’asile dans un autre pays. Chaque pays doit mettre en place des instruments pour garantir ce droit d’asile, les procédures étant laissées à la discrétion de chaque Etat. Cependant, les accords de réadmission signés entre Etats voisins donnent la possibilité de renvoyer les gens d’un pays à l’autre.

      Dejan Andrić affirme néanmoins que beaucoup de migrants arrivent au Monténégro sans document prouvant qu’ils proviennent d’Albanie. « Dans quelques cas, nous avons des preuves mais la plupart du temps, nous ne pouvons pas les renvoyer en Albanie, et même quand nous avons des preuves de leur passage en Albanie, les autorités de ce pays ne répondent pas de manière positive à nos demandes. » Ceux qui sont repoussés en tentant de traverser la frontière de Bosnie-Herzégovine finissent par échouer à Spuž, mais plus souvent dans la prison de la ville qu’au centre d’accueil. « Si les réfugiés sont pris à traverser la frontière, ils sont ramenés au Monténégro selon l’accord de réadmission. Nous notifions alors au Bureau pour l’asile que cette personne a illégalement essayé de quitter le territoire du Monténégro », explique Dejan Andrić.

      Selon la loi, en tel cas, les autorités monténégrines sont dans l’obligation de verbaliser les personnes pour franchissement illégal de la frontière. Cela se termine devant le Tribunal, qui inflige une amende d’au moins 200 euros. Comme les gens n’ont pas d’argent pour payer l’amende, ils sont expédiés pour trois ou quatre jours dans la prison de Spuž, où les conditions sont très mauvaises. Des Algériens qui se sont retrouvés en prison affirment qu’on ne leur a donné ni lit, ni draps. En dépit de ces accusations portées par plusieurs demandeurs d’asile, le bureau monténégrin du HCR réfute toutes les accusations de mauvais traitements. « Le HCR rend visite à ces gens et les invite à déposer une demande d’asile pour obtenir de l’aide, jamais nous n’avons eu de plainte concernant la façon dont ils étaient traités. »

      Néanmoins, un grand nombre de personnes qui veulent poursuivre leur route parviennent à gagner la Bosnie-Herzégovine. La route la plus fréquentée passe entre les villes de Nikšić et Trebinje. Du 1er janvier au 31 mars, la police a intercepté 92 personnes qui avaient pénétré dans la zone frontalière orientale en provenant du Monténégro, alors que 595 personnes ont été empêchées d’entrer en Bosnie par la frontière sud du pays. Des Monténégrins affirment avoir vu des gens qui marchaient vers la frontière durant les mois d’hiver, cherchant à se protéger du froid dans des maisons abandonnées. La police des frontières de Bosnie-Herzégovine explique que depuis le début de l’année 2018, les familles, les femmes et les enfants sont de plus en plus nombreux à pénétrer dans le pays, alors qu’auparavant, il s’agissait principalement de jeunes hommes célibataires.

      Violences sur les frontières croates

      Farbut Farmani vient d’Iran, il que son ami a tenté à cinq ou six reprises de franchir la frontière de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, et lui-même deux fois. « Une fois en Bosnie, j’ai contacté le bureau du HCR. Ils m’ont dit qu’ils allaient m’aider. J’étais épuisé parce que j’avais marché 55 kms dans les bois et la neige, c’était très dur. Le HCR de Sarajevo a promis qu’il allait s’occuper de nous et nous emmener à Sarajevo. Au lieu de cela, la police est venue et nous a renvoyé au Monténégro ». Parmi les personnes interpelées, beaucoup viennent du Moyen Orient et de zones touchées par la guerre, mais aussi d’Albanie, du Kosovo ou encore de Turquie.

      La police des frontières de Croatie affirme qu’elle fait son devoir conformément à l’accord avec l’accord passé entre les gouvernements de Croatie et du Monténégro. Pourtant, depuis l’été dernier, les frontières monténégrino-croates ont été le théâtre de scènes de violences. Des volontaires ont rapporté, documents à l’appui, des scènes similaires à celles que l’on observe aux frontières serbo-croates ou serbo-hongroises, alors que personne n’a encore fait état de violences à la frontière serbo-monténégrine.

      La frontière croate n’est d’ailleurs pas la seule à se fermer. En février, l’Albanie a signé un accord avec Frontex, l’agence européenne pour la protection des frontières, qui doit entrer en vigueur au mois de juin. L’accord prévoit l’arrivée de policiers européens, des formation et de l’équipement supplémentaire pour la police locale, afin de mieux protéger les frontières. Pour sa part, le gouvernement hongrois a annoncé qu’il allait offrir au Monténégro des fils de fer barbelés afin de protéger 25 kilomètres de frontière – on ne sait pas encore quel segment de la frontière sera ainsi renforcé. Selon le contrat, le fil de fer sera considéré comme un don, exempté de frais de douanes et de taxes, et la Hongrie enverra des experts pour l’installer.

      Pratiquement aucun migrant n’imagine son avenir dans les Balkans, mais si les frontières se ferment, ils risquent d’être bloqués, et pourraient connaître le même sort que les réfugiés du Kosovo qui sont venus au Monténégro pendant les bombardements de l’OTAN en 1999. D’ailleurs, beaucoup de Roms, d’Egyptiens ou d’Ashkali du Kosovo vivent toujours à Podgorica, souvent dans des conditions abominables comme à Vrela Ribnička, près de la décharge de la ville. L’été risque de voir beaucoup de réfugiés affluer dans les Balkans. Il est donc urgent de créer des moyens d’accueil dignes de ce nom.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Migrants-le-trou-noir-des-Balkans

    • Cittadini di Bosnia Erzegovina: solidali coi migranti

      La nuova ondata di migranti che passano dalla Bosnia Erzegovina per poter raggiungere l’UE ha trovato riluttanti e impreparate le autorità ma non la gente. I bosniaco-erzegovesi, memori del loro calvario, si sono subito prodigati in gesti di aiuto


      https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Bosnia-Erzegovina/Cittadini-di-Bosnia-Erzegovina-solidali-coi-migranti-188155
      #solidarité

    • La Bosnie-Herzégovine s’indigne des réfugiés iraniens qui arrivent de Serbie

      Les autorités de Sarajevo ne cachent pas leur colère. Depuis que Belgrade autorise l’entrée des Iraniens sur son sol sans visas, ceux-ci sont de plus en plus nombreux à passer illégalement par la Bosnie-Herzégovine pour tenter de rejoindre l’Union européenne.

      Par la rédaction

      (Avec Radio Slobodna Evropa) - Selon le Commissaire serbe aux migrations, Vladimir Cucić, à peine quelques centaines de réfugiés en provenance d’Iran auraient « abusé » du régime sans visa introduit en août 2017 pour quitter la Serbie et tenter de rejoindre l’Europe occidentale. « Environ 9000 Iraniens sont entrés légalement en Serbie depuis le début de l’année 2018. Il n’agit donc que d’un petit pourcentage », explique-t-il à Radio Slobodna Evropa.

      Pourtant, selon le ministre bosnien de la Sécurité, le nombre d’Iraniens arrivant en Bosnie-Herzégovine a considérablement grimpé après l’abolition par Belgrade du régime des visas avec Téhéran. Le 31 mai, Dragan Mektić a mis en garde contre un nombre croissant d’arrivées clandestines d’Iraniens en Bosnie-Herzégovine via la frontière serbe, dans la région de Zvornik et de Višegrad.

      Depuis le mois de mars 2018, quatre vol hebdomadaires directs relient Téhéran et Belgrade. Pour Vladimir Cucić, la plupart des visiteurs iraniens sont des touristes à la découverte de la Serbie. « Les Iraniens figurent à la septième place des nationalités représentées dans les centres d’accueils serbes », ajoute-t-il, où sont hébergées 3270 personnes. « Nous comptons actuellement un peu moins de 400 réfugiés iraniens dans les camps d’accueil. Rien de dramatique ».

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-Herzegovine-de-plus-en-plus-de-refugies-iraniens-en-proven
      #Iran #réfugiés_iraniens

    • Bosnie : à Sarajevo, des migrants épuisés face à des bénévoles impuissants (1/4)

      Depuis plusieurs mois, des dizaines de migrants affluent chaque jour en Bosnie, petit État pauvre des Balkans. En traversant le pays, les exilés entendent gagner la Croatie tout proche, et ainsi rejoindre l’Union européenne. L’État bosnien se dit dépassé et peu armé pour répondre à ce défi migratoire. Les ONG et la société civile craignent une imminente « crise humanitaire ». InfoMigrants a rencontré de jeunes bénévoles à Sarajevo, devant la gare centrale, unique lieu de distribution de repas pour les migrants de passage dans la capitale bosnienne.


      http://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/10148/bosnie-a-sarajevo-des-migrants-epuises-face-a-des-benevoles-impuissant

    • Réfugiés : bientôt des centres d’accueil en Bosnie-Herzégovine ?

      Au moins 5000 réfugiés sont présents en Bosnie-Herzégovine, principalement à Bihać et Velika Kladuša, dans l’ouest du pays, et leur nombre ne cesse d’augmenter. Débordés, les autorités se renvoient la patate chaude, tandis que l’Union européenne songe à financer des camps d’accueil dans le pays.

      La Fédération de Bosnie-Herzégovine possède à ce jour trois centres d’accueils, à Sarajevo, Delijaš, près de Trnovo, et Salakovac, près de Mostar, mais leur capacité d’accueil est bien insuffisante pour répondre aux besoins. Pour sa part, la Republika Sprska a catégoriquement affirmé qu’elle s’opposait à l’ouverture du moindre centre sur son territoire.

      Les réfugiés se concentrent principalement dans le canton d’Una-Sava, près des frontières (fermées) de la Croatie, où rien n’est prévu pour les accueillir. Jeudi, le ministre de la Sécurité de l’État, le Serbe Dragan Mektić (SDS), a rencontré à Bihać le Premier ministre du canton, Husein Rošić, ainsi que les maires de Bihać et de Cazin, tandis que celui de Velika Kladuša a boycotté le rencontre. Aucun accord n’a pu être trouvé.

      La mairie de Velika Kladuša, où 2000 réfugiés au moins séjournent dans des conditions extrêmement précaires, s’oppose en effet à l’édification d’un centre d’accueil sur son territoire. Pour leur part, les autorités centrales envisageaient d’utiliser à cette fin les anciens bâtiments industriels du groupe Agrokomerc, mais l’Union européenne refuse également de financer un tel projet, car ce centre d’accueil se trouverait à moins de cinq kilomètres des frontières de l’Union.

      « Nous allons quand même ouvrir ce centre », a déclaré aux journalistes le ministre Mektić. « Et ce sera à l’Union européenne de décider si elle veut laisser mourir de faim les gens qui s’y trouveront ». Pour Dragan Mektić, l’objectif est que la Bosnie-Herzégovine demeure un pays de transit. « Nous ne voulons pas que la Bosnie devienne un hot spot, et les routes des migrants sont telles qu’il faut que les centres d’accueil soient près des frontières, car c’est là que les migrants se dirigent », explique-t-il.

      “Nous ne voulons pas que la Bosnie devienne un hot spot, et les routes des migrants sont telles qu’il faut que les centres d’accueil soient près des frontières.”

      Une autre option serait de loger les familles avec enfants dans l’hôtel Sedra de Cazin, mais les autorités locales s’y opposent, estimant que cela nuirait au tourisme dans la commune. Une manifestation hostile à ce projet, prévue vendredi, n’a toutefois rassemblé qu’une poignée de personnes. Les autorités municipales et cantonales de Bihać demandent l’évacuation du pensionnat où quelques 700 personnes ont trouvé un refuge provisoire, dans des conditions totalement insalubres, mais avec un repas chaud quotidien servi par la Croix-Rouge du canton. Elles réclament également la fermeture des frontières de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, qui serait, selon elles, la seule manière de dissuader les réfugiés de se diriger vers le canton dans l’espoir de passer en Croatie.

      Le président du Conseil des ministres de Bosnie-Herzégovine, Denis Zvizdić (SDA), a lui aussi mis en garde contre tout projet « de l’Union européenne, notamment de la Croatie », de faire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine « une impasse pour les migrants ». Les réfugiés continuent néanmoins à affluer vers ce pays depuis la Serbie, et surtout depuis le Monténégro. Pour sa part, le gouvernement autrichien a annoncé l’envoi de 56 tentes en Bosnie-Herzégovine.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Crise-des-migrants-bientot-des-centres-d-accueil-en-Bosnie-Herzeg

    • Migrants : la Bosnie refuse de devenir la sentinelle de l’Europe

      La Bosnie refuse de devenir la sentinelle de l’Union européenne, qui ferme ses frontières aux milliers de migrants bloqués sur son territoire.

      Le ministre de la Sécurité de ce pays pauvre et fragile Dragan Mektic, a du mal à cacher son agacement face à Bruxelles.

      « Nous ne pouvons pas transformer la Bosnie en +hotspot+. Nous pouvons être uniquement un territoire de transit », a-t-il averti lors d’une visite la semaine dernière à Bihac (ouest).

      La majorité des migrants bloqués en Bosnie se regroupent dans cette commune de 65.000 habitants, proche de la Croatie, pays membre de l’UE.

      Le ministre a récemment regretté le refus de Bruxelles de financer un centre d’accueil dans une autre commune de l’ouest bosnien, Velika Kladusa. Selon lui, l’UE le juge trop proche de sa frontière et souhaite des centres plus éloignés, comme celui prévu près de Sarajevo.

      Le Premier ministre Denis Zvizdic a lui mis en garde contre tout projet « de l’Union européenne, notamment de la Croatie », de faire de la Bosnie « une impasse pour les migrants ».

      Ceux-ci « pourront entrer en Bosnie proportionnellement au nombre de sorties dans la direction de l’Europe », a-t-il encore prévenu.

      – ’Finir le voyage’ -

      Malgré des conditions de vie « très mauvaises » dans le campement de fortune où il s’est installé à Velika Kladusa, Malik, Irakien de 19 ans qui a quitté Bagdad il y a huit mois avec sa famille, n’ira pas dans un camp l’éloignant de la frontière : « Les gens ne veulent pas rester ici, ils veulent finir leur voyage. »

      Dans ce camp, chaque jour des tentes sont ajoutées sur l’ancien marché aux bestiaux où plus de 300 personnes survivent au bord d’une route poussiéreuse, à trois kilomètres d’une frontière que Malik et sa famille ont déjà tenté deux fois de franchir.

      La municipalité a installé l’eau courante, quelques robinets, mis en place un éclairage nocturne et posé quelques toilettes mobiles.

      Pour le reste, les gens se débrouillent, explique Zehida Bihorac, directrice d’une école primaire qui, avec plusieurs enseignants bénévoles, organise des ateliers pour les enfants, aide les femmes à préparer à manger.

      « C’est une situation vraiment désespérée. Personne ne mérite de vivre dans de telles conditions. Il y a maintenant beaucoup de familles avec des enfants, entre 50 et 60 enfants, dont des bébés qui ont besoin de lait, de nourriture appropriée », dit-elle.

      « Ces gens sont nourris par les habitants, mais les habitants ne pourront pas tenir encore longtemps parce qu’ils sont de plus en plus nombreux », met-elle en garde, déplorant l’absence de l’État.

      Selon le ministère de la Sécurité, plus de 7.700 migrants ont été enregistrés en Bosnie depuis le début de l’année. Plus de 3.000 seraient toujours dans le pays, la majorité à Bihac, où l’un d’eux s’est noyé dans l’Una la semaine dernière.

      Dans cette ville, 800 à 900 déjeuners sont désormais servis chaque jour dans la cité universitaire désaffectée investie par les migrants depuis plusieurs mois, selon le responsable local de la Croix Rouge Selam Midzic.

      Le bâtiment étant désormais trop petit, des tentes sont plantées dans un bosquet proche. D’autres squats sont apparus. « Le nombre de migrants augmente chaque jour », dit Selam Midzic.

      – Motif supplémentaire de zizanie -

      Le maire, Suhret Fazlic, accuse le gouvernement de l’abandonner. « Nous ne voulons pas être xénophobes, nous souhaitons aider les gens, et c’est ce qu’on fait au quotidien. Mais cette situation dépasse nos capacités », dit-il.

      La question s’est invitée dans la campagne des élections générales d’octobre, dans un pays divisé aux institutions fragiles. Le chef politique des Serbes de Bosnie, Milorad Dodik, a plusieurs fois prévenu que son entité n’accueillerait pas de migrants.

      Il a même accusé des dirigeants Bosniaques (musulmans) de vouloir modifier l’équilibre démographique du pays en y faisant venir 150.000 migrants pour la plupart musulmans.

      La Bosnie est peuplée pour moitié de Bosniaques musulmans, pour un tiers de Serbes orthodoxes et pour environ 15% de Croates catholiques.

      http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/07/09/migrants-la-bosnie-refuse-de-devenir-la-sentinelle-de-l-europe_1665144

    • Migrants : en Bosnie, la peur de « devenir Calais »

      De plus en plus de #réfugiés_pakistanais, afghans et syriens tentent de rejoindre l’Europe en passant par la frontière bosno-croate. Alors que les structures d’accueil manquent, cet afflux ravive des tensions dans un pays divisé en deux sur des bases ethniques.

      Le soir tombé, ils sont des dizaines à arriver par bus ou taxi. Samir Alicic, le tenancier du café Cazablanka à Izacic, un petit village situé à la frontière entre la Bosnie et la Croatie, les observe depuis trois mois faire et refaire des tentatives pour passer côté croate dans l’espoir de rejoindre l’Europe de l’Ouest. En 2017, ces voyageurs clandestins en provenance du Pakistan, de la Syrie et de l’Afghanistan étaient seulement 755 en Bosnie-Herzégovine, selon les chiffres officiels. Ils sont plus de 8 000 à la mi-juillet 2018 et leur nombre va sans doute exploser : d’après les autorités, ils pourraient être plus de 50 000 à tenter de transiter par le pays dans les prochains mois.

      Depuis le début de l’année, un nouvel itinéraire les a menés en Bosnie, un pays pauvre au relief accidenté qu’ils évitaient jusqu’ici et qui ne dispose que de deux centres d’accueil officiels, saturés, près de Sarajevo et de Mostar. Désormais, ils arrivent - chose inédite - par l’Albanie et le Monténégro. La route des Balkans par laquelle plus d’un million de migrants sont passés en 2015 et 2016 est fermée depuis mars 2016. Et les frontières entre la Serbie et la Hongrie et la Serbie et la Croatie sont devenues infranchissables.

      Catastrophe humanitaire

      Le nouvel itinéraire est ardu. D’abord, il faudrait franchir la frontière bosno-croate. Elle s’étale sur plus de 1 000 kilomètres, mais on y est facilement repérable. Plusieurs centaines de migrants auraient été renvoyés de Croatie vers la Bosnie sans même avoir pu déposer une demande d’asile. « On les voit revenir le visage tuméfié. Ils nous racontent qu’ils ont été tabassés et volés par les flics croates », raconte Alija Halilagic, un paysan dont la maison se trouve à quelques encablures de la frontière. Ici, ils essaient de passer par les champs, la forêt, la rivière ou même par une ancienne douane éloignée seulement d’une cinquantaine de mètres de l’actuelle. Pour qu’ils ne tombent pas sur les champs de mines, encore nombreux en Bosnie, la Croix-Rouge leur distribue un plan.

      Entre la Croatie et la Slovénie, la frontière est une bande étroite : la franchir sans être repéré est quasi impossible. Ce qui fait le jeu des passeurs qui demandent jusqu’à 5 000 euros pour faire l’itinéraire depuis la Bosnie, selon des sources rencontrées à Sarajevo. Parmi ces migrants bloqués en Bosnie, seuls 684 ont demandé l’asile politique depuis le début de l’année. Les Etats balkaniques restent perçus comme des pays de transit.

      La majorité s’est massée dans le nord-ouest du pays. Surtout à Bihac, une ville de 60 000 habitants à une dizaine de kilomètres d’Izacic, où sont concentrés 4 000 migrants. Ils sont rejoints par une cinquantaine de nouveaux arrivants chaque jour.

      Sur les hauteurs de la ville, ce jour-là à 13 heures passées, des centaines de personnes patientent sous un soleil de plomb. La distribution du repas durera deux heures et demie. Ils sont plus d’un millier à être hébergés dans cet ancien internat sans toit ni fenêtre. Le sol boueux, jonché de détritus, est inondé par endroits par l’eau de pluie. Le bâtiment désaffecté sent l’urine. Entre 15 et 40 personnes dorment dans chaque pièce, sur des matelas, des couvertures, quelques lits superposés. De grandes tentes sont installées dans un champ boisé, à côté du bâtiment. « Cet endroit n’est pas safe la nuit, raconte un migrant kurde. Il y a des bagarres, des couteaux qui circulent. La police refuse d’intervenir. » Une centaine d’enfants et une cinquantaine de femmes sont hébergés ici. Le lendemain, huit familles seront relogées dans un hôtel de la région.

      « Nous manquons de tout : de vêtements, de chaussures, de couvertures, de sacs de couchage, de tentes, de lits de camp. Chaque jour, nous courons pour aller chercher et rendre aux pompiers de la ville le camion qu’ils nous prêtent pour qu’on puisse livrer les repas », raconte le responsable de la Croix-Rouge locale, Selam Midzic. Les ONG craignent que le prochain hiver ne tourne à la catastrophe humanitaire. Pour tenter de l’éviter, le bâtiment devrait être rénové à l’automne. Les migrants pourraient être déplacés vers un centre d’accueil qui serait monté dans la région. Mais aucune ville des alentours n’en veut pour l’instant.

      L’afflux de migrants, souvent en provenance de pays musulmans, ravive des tensions. Depuis la fin de la guerre, la Bosnie est divisée sur des bases ethniques en deux entités : la République serbe de Bosnie (la Republika Srpska, RS) et la Fédération croato-musulmane. Elle est composée de trois peuples constituants : les Bosniaques musulmans (50 % de la population), les Serbes orthodoxes (30 %) et les Croates catholiques (15 %). Des migrants, le président de l’entité serbe, qui parle d’« invasion », n’en veut pas. « En Republika Srpska, nous n’avons pas d’espace pour créer des centres pour les migrants. Mais nous sommes obligés de subir leur transit. Nos organes de sécurité font leur travail de surveillance », a déclaré Milorad Dodik dans une interview au journal de référence serbe, Politika.

      Vols par effraction

      « La police de la République serbe expulse vers la Fédération tous ces gens dès qu’ils arrivent. Il y a des villes de la RS qui sont aussi frontalières avec la Croatie. Et pourtant, tout le monde vient à Bihac », s’indigne le maire de la ville, Suhret Fazlic. L’élu local estime que les institutions centrales sont trop faibles pour faire face à l’afflux de migrants. En outre, le gouvernement, via son ministère de la Sécurité, « se défausse sur les autorités locales. Et les laisse tous venir à Bihac en espérant qu’ils vont réussir à passer en Croatie. Nous avons peur de devenir Calais, d’être submergés ».

      A Izacic, les esprits sont échauffés. On reproche à des migrants de s’être introduits par effraction dans plusieurs maisons, appartenant souvent à des émigrés bosniens installés en Allemagne ou en Autriche. Ils y auraient pris des douches et volé des vêtements. Quelques dizaines d’hommes se sont organisés pour patrouiller la nuit. Des migrants auraient également menacé les chauffeurs de taxi qui les conduisaient jusqu’au village et tabassé un groupe qui descendait du bus, la semaine dernière. « Moi, ils ne m’embêtent pas. Mais ce qui me dérange, c’est qu’ils détruisent nos champs de maïs, de pommes de terre, de haricots quand ils les traversent à trente ou à cinquante. On en a besoin pour vivre. Ma mère âgée de 76 ans, elle les a plantés, ces légumes », se désole Alija Halilagic, attablé au Cazablanka. Certains habitants, comme Samir Alicic, aimeraient voir leurs voisins relativiser. « Les années précédentes, les récoltes étaient détruites par la sécheresse et la grêle. A qui pourrait-on le faire payer ? » fait mine de s’interroger le patron du bar.

      http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/07/29/migrants-en-bosnie-la-peur-de-devenir-calais_1669607
      #réfugiés_afghans #réfugiés_syriens

    • A contre-courant, #Sarajevo affiche sa solidarité

      Quelque 600 migrants parmi les 8 000 entrés dans le pays depuis le début de l’année sont actuellement en transit dans la capitale.

      La scène est devenue familière. Sur le parking de la gare de Sarajevo, ils sont environ 300 à former une longue file en cette soirée chaude de juillet. S’y garera bientôt une camionnette blanche d’où jailliront des portions des incontournables cevapcici bosniens, quelques rouleaux de viande grillée servis dans du pain rond, accompagnés d’un yaourt. Une poignée de femmes et quelques enfants se mêlent à ces jeunes hommes, venus de Syrie, d’Irak, du Pakistan ou d’Afghanistan et de passage en Bosnie sur la route vers l’Europe de l’Ouest. Environ 600 des 8 000 migrants entrés dans le pays depuis le début de l’année sont actuellement en transit dans la capitale. La majorité est bloquée dans le nord-ouest, en tentant de passer en Croatie.

      « Ici, l’accueil est différent de tous les pays par lesquels nous sommes passés. Les gens nous aident. Ils essaient de nous trouver un endroit où prendre une douche, dormir. Les flics sont corrects aussi. Ils ne nous tabassent pas », raconte un Syrien sur les routes depuis un an. Plus qu’ailleurs, dans la capitale bosnienne, les habitants tentent de redonner à ces voyageurs clandestins un peu de dignité humaine, de chaleur. « Les Sarajéviens n’ont pas oublié que certains ont été eux-mêmes des réfugiés pendant la guerre en Bosnie[1992-1995, ndlr]. Les pouvoirs publics ont mis du temps à réagir face à l’arrivée des migrants, contrairement aux habitants de Sarajevo qui ont d’emblée affiché une solidarité fantastique. Grâce à eux, une crise humanitaire a été évitée au printemps », affirme Neven Crvenkovic, porte-parole pour l’Europe du Sud-Est du Haut Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés.

      En avril, 250 migrants avaient mis en place un campement de fortune, quelques dizaines de tentes, dans un parc du centre touristique de Sarajevo. L’Etat qui paraissait démuni face à cette situation inédite ne leur fournissait rien. « Dès que nous avons vu venir des familles, nous nous sommes organisés. Des gens ont proposé des chambres chez eux, ont payé des locations », raconte une bénévole de Pomozi.ba, la plus importante association humanitaire de Sarajevo. L’organisation, qui ne vit que des dons des particuliers en argent ou en nature, sert actuellement un millier de repas par jour dans la capitale bosnienne et distribue vêtements et couvertures. Lors du ramadan en mai, 700 dîners avaient été servis. Des nappes blanches avaient été disposées sur le bitume du parking de la gare de Sarajevo.

      Non loin de la gare, un petit restaurant de grillades, « le Broadway », est tenu par Mirsad Suceska. Bientôt la soixantaine, cet homme discret apporte souvent des repas aux migrants. Ses clients leur en offrent aussi. Il y a quelques semaines, ils étaient quelques-uns à camper devant son établissement. Un groupe d’habitués, des cadres qui travaillent dans le quartier, en sont restés sidérés. L’un d’eux a demandé à Mirsad de donner aux migrants toute la nourriture qui restait dans sa cuisine. « Quand je les vois, je pense aux nôtres qui sont passés par là et je prends soin de ne pas les heurter, les blesser en lançant une remarque maladroite ou un mauvais regard », explique Mirsad. Dans le reste du pays, la population réserve un accueil plus mitigé à ces voyageurs.

      http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/07/29/a-contre-courant-sarajevo-affiche-sa-solidarite_1669608

    • La région de #Bihać attend une réponse des autorités de Bosnie-Herzégovine

      10 août - 17h30 : Le Premier ministre du canton d’#Una-Sava et les représentants de communes de Bihać et #Velika_Kladuša ont fixé à ce jour un ultimatum au Conseil des ministres de Bosnie-Herzégovine, pour qu’il trouve une solution pour le logement des réfugiés qui s’entassent dans l’ouest de la Bosnie. « Nous ne pouvons plus tolérer que la situation se poursuive au-delà de vendredi. Nous avions décidé que les réfugiés qui squattent le Pensionnat devaient être relogés dans un camp de tentes à Donja Vidovska, mais rien n’a été fait », dénonce le Premier ministre cantonal Husein Rošić.

      A ce jour, 5500 migrants et réfugiés se trouveraient dans l’ouest de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, dont 4000 dans la seule commune de Bihać, et leur nombre ne cesse de croître.


      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-police-renforts-frontieres
      #Bihac ##Velika_Kladusa

    • EASO assesses potential support to Bosnia Herzegovina on registration, access to procedure, identification of persons with special needs and reception

      Due to an increased number of mixed migration flows in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the European Commission has been in contact with #EASO and the project partners 1 of the IPA funded Regional Programme “Regional Support to Protection-Sensitive Migration Management in the Western Balkans and Turkey” on how to best support the Bosnian ‘Action Plan to Combat Illegal Migration’ 2 within the scope of the project and possibly beyond.

      Within that framework, an assessment mission with six EASO staff from the Department for Asylum Support and Operations took place from 30 July to 3 August in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The objective of the mission was to further assess the situation in the country and discuss the scope and modalities of EASO’s support, in cooperation with #Frontex, #IOM, #UNHCR and EU Delegation.
      #OIM

      After a meeting with the Bosnian authorities, UNHCR and IOM in Sarajevo, the EASO reception team travelled throughout Bosnia to visit current and future reception facilities in #Delijas and #Usivak (Sarajevo Canton), #Salakovac (Herzegovina-Neretva Canton), #Bihac and #Velika_Kladusa (Una-Sana Canton, at the country`s western border with Croatia). The aim of the visit was to assess the conditions on the ground, the feasibility of an increase of reception capacity in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the potential for dedicated support to the Bosnian authorities by EASO on the topic of reception conditions. EASO experts met with Bosnian officials, mobile teams from IOM, field coordinators from UNHCR and various NGO partners active in reception centres.

      The reception mission visited #Hotel_Sedra near Bihac, which since the end of July has started to host families with children relocated from informal settlements (an abandoned dormitory in Bihac and an open field in Velika Kladusa) within the Una-Sana Canton. It will soon reach a capacity of 400, while the overall capacity in the country is expected to reach 3500 before winter. A former military camp in Usivak (near Sarajevo) will also start to host families with children from September onward after the necessary work and rehabilitation is completed by IOM.

      The EASO reception team is currently assessing the modalities of its intervention, which will focus on expert support based on EASO standards and indicators for reception for the capacity building and operational running of the reception facilities in Bihac (Hotel Sedra) and Ušivak.

      In parallel, the EASO experts participating in the mission focusing on registration, access to asylum procedure and identification or persons with special needs visited reception facilities in Delijas and Salakovac as well as two terrain centres of the Service for Foreigners’ Affairs, namely in Sarajevo and Pale. Meetings with the Ministry of Security’s asylum sector allowed for discussions on possible upcoming actions and capacity building support. The aim would be to increase registration and build staff capacity and expertise in these areas.

      Currently, the support provided by EASO within the current IPA project is limited to participation to regional activities on asylum and the roll-out of national training module sessions on Inclusion and Interview Techniques. This assessment mission would allow EASO to deliver more operational and tailor made capacity building and technical support to Bosnia and Herzegovina in managing migration flows. These potential additional actions would have an impact on the capacity of the country for registration, reception and referral of third-country nationals crossing the border and will complement the special measure adopted by the European Commission in August 2018. The scope and modalities of the actions are now under discussions with the relevant stakeholders and will be implemented swiftly, once agreed by the Bosnian authorities and the EU Delegation.

      https://www.easo.europa.eu/easo-assessment-potential-support-bosnia-herzegovina

      Avec cette image postée sur le compte twitter de EASO :


      https://twitter.com/EASO/status/1038804225642438656

    • No man’s land. Un reportage sulla nuova rotta balcanica

      Nel 2018 sono state circa 100.000 le persone che hanno attraversato i Balcani nel tentativo di raggiungere lo spazio Schengen. Esaurite le rotte migratorie che nel 2015 erano raccontate da tutti mass media i profughi hanno aperto nuove vie, sempre più pericolose e precarie. Il cuore nevralgico della rotta è ora la Bosnia Erzegovina. No man’s land il reportage di William Bonapace e Maria Perino lo racconta.

      Dopo la chiusura di frontiere e l’innalzamento di muri e recinti il flusso migratorio da unico e compatto si è disciolto in una serie di vie parallele e trasversali che, partendo dalla Grecia puntano in parte ancora verso la Serbia (nel tentativo questa volta di passare attraverso la Croazia), in parte verso la Bulgaria e, in altri casi, direttamente dalla Turchia imbarcandosi sul mar Nero per raggiungere la Romania. Ma oggi la via più rilevante passa attraverso l’Albania e il Montenegro per giungere in Bosnia Erzegovina e, quindi, puntare verso nord-ovest, nel cantone bosniaco di Una Sana, dove il tratto croato da dover superare, oltre il confine bosniaco, per raggiungere la Slovenia è più breve.

      In Bosnia Erzegovina nel corso del 2018 secondo l’UNHCR sono transitati circa 22.400 migranti, 20 volte in più rispetto a quelli che transitarono nel 2017 (circa 1.166). Questi numeri, nonostante non facciano la stessa impressione di quelli del 2015, vanno rapportati alla situazione che vive il piccolo paese balcanico che “si è trovato coinvolto in una vicenda di proporzioni internazionali senza reali capacità di reagire a una tale emergenza, a causa della sua disastrata situazione economica e di una politica lacerata da contrapposizioni etnico-nazionali gestite in modo spregiudicato da parte di gruppi di potere che stanno spingendo il paese in un vortice di povertà e di disperazione, sempre più ai margini dell’Europa stessa.”

      La risposta europea è stata quella di inviare soldi (in aiuti umanitari), in una misura talmente ridotta che le tensioni interne stanno aumentando e molti profughi hanno deciso di rientrare nei campi serbi per passare l’inverno viste le precarie e drammatiche condizioni delle strutture di fortuna allestite in Bosnia Erzegovina.

      http://viedifuga.org/no-mans-land-un-reportage-sulla-nuova-rotta-balcanica

      –-> Per approfondire e leggere integralmente il reportage No man’s land si può consultare il sito (http://www.dossierimmigrazione.it/comunicati.php?tipo=schede&qc=179) di Dossier Statistico Immigrazione (IDOS).

    • People on the Move in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2018: Stuck in the corridors to the EU

      Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has been part of the “Balkan route” for smuggling people, arms and drugs for decades, but also a migrant route for people who have been trying to reach Western Europe and the countries of the EU in order to save their lives and secure a future for themselves. While in 2015, when millions of people arrived in Europe over a short period of time, BiH was bypassed by mass movements, the situation started changing after the closure of the EU borders in 2016, and later on, in 2017, with the increase of violence and push backs in Croatia, and other countries at the EU borders. This report offers insight into the situation on the field: is there a system responsible for protection, security, and upholding fundamental human rights? What has the state response been like? What is the role of the international community?


      https://ba.boell.org/en/2019/02/21/people-move-bosnia-and-herzegovina-2018-stuck-corridors-eu
      #rapport #limbe #attente


  • Réfugiés : la route par la Grèce a repris et se réduit depuis la Libye

    Les arrivées de migrants en Europe par la Grèce ont légèrement augmenté ces derniers mois. Celles de Libye vers l’Italie de juillet à septembre a atteint son niveau le plus bas en quatre ans, a dit jeudi l’ONU à Genève.

    Depuis quelques mois, « nous avons vu des réfugiés et des migrants utiliser davantage de chemins diversifiés pour rejoindre l’Europe », a dit la directrice régionale du Haut-Commissariat pour les réfugiés (HCR) Pascale Moreau. En septembre, 4800 personnes sont arrivées en Grèce par la mer, le chiffre le plus élevé sur un mois depuis l’accord conclu entre l’UE et la Turquie en mars 2016.

    https://www.swissinfo.ch/fre/r%C3%A9fugi%C3%A9s--la-route-par-la-gr%C3%A8ce-a-repris-et-se-r%C3%A9duit-depuis-la-libye/43700464
    #Grèce #asile #migrations #réfugiés #route_des_balkans #chiffres #statistiques #arrivées

    Et plus loin :

    En #Allemagne, des policiers grecs vont être déployés pour renforcer les contrôles aéroportuaires après l’interception dans des aéroports allemands de centaines de migrants venant de Grèce avec de faux papiers, selon la police. Dès la semaine prochaine, des officiers de liaison grecs seront déployés dans les aéroports de Francfort et de Munich pour faciliter les contrôles des passeports.

    Cette décision fait suite à une plainte du ministre allemand de l’Intérieur, selon lequel environ 1000 personnes voyageant depuis la Grèce avec des documents falsifiés ont été interceptées entre janvier et octobre dans les aéroports allemands.

    #faux_passeports #faux_documents #aéroports

    Mais ce qui est intéressant dans cet article, c’est aussi qu’on parle d’une « vaste opération interpol » :

    Par ailleurs, 40 personnes ont été arrêtées au cours d’une opération simultanée d’Interpol visant des trafiquants d’êtres humains au Tchad, au #Mali, en #Mauritanie, au #Niger et au #Sénégal, a-t-on appris jeudi auprès d’Interpol. Des poursuites vont être engagées contre elles pour trafic d’êtres humains, travail forcé et exploitation de mineurs, précise Interpol dans un communiqué.

    Au cours des opérations, plus de 500 victimes ont été secourues, parmi lesquelles se trouvaient 236 mineurs, dont certains ont été forcés à se prostituer. L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) et plusieurs ONG ont auditionné les victimes et ont veillé à ce qu’elles reçoivent le traitement nécessaire.

    Commentaire reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop :

    mais on n’y apprend rien, bien sûr, sur les conditions de cette opération, ni sur la manière dont les 40 personnes poursuivies ( sur les 500 interpellées/sauvées) ont été désignées comme telles, ni devant quel(s) tribunaux elles seront poursuivies... on apprend juste que les services allemands sont apparemment très impliqués dans ce qui s’appelle « l’#opération_épervier ».


  • Migrants et réfugiés : la #Bosnie-Herzégovine, nouveau #pays_de_transit ?

    La « #route_des_Balkans » est fermée depuis mars 2016, mais de plus en plus de réfugiés et migrants traversent la Bosnie-Herzégovine pour se rendre en Croatie avant de rejoindre les pays de l’Europe occidentale.

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-Herzeovine-refugies
    #Bosnie #transit #parcours_migratoires #itinéraires_migratoires #routes_migratoires #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #nouvelle_route_des_balkans

    • Migrants take new Balkan route through Bosnia

      A new Balkan route through Bosnia has opened up for migrants, four years after a crisis in which more than one million people landed on Europe’s shores.

      Hundreds of thousands of people fleeing war and poverty in the Middle East, Asia and Africa, took the so-called Balkans route northwest of Greece in 2015 and 2016.

      The route was effectively closed in March 2016 and until recently the few still making the journey avoided Bosnia and its mountains.

      Instead they opted for a route through Serbia before dodging the Croatian and Hungarian authorities in order to make it into the European Union (EU).

      But now an alternative migrants’ itinerary from Greece through Albania, Montenegro and Bosnia has emerged.

      The route, according to a western diplomatic source, matches the one taken by arms and drugs traffickers, indicating that human smuggling networks have been established.

      – Thousands paid to people smugglers -

      One migrant Ahmed Wessam, who spoke to AFP in Sarajevo, left the northeastern Syrian town of Hassake a month ago having paid people smugglers to get him to Europe.

      “A thousand dollars (800 euros) to go from Turkey to Greece, a thousand euros to go from Greece to Albania and so on,” Wessam told AFP.

      According to Bosnian authorities, since the beginning of the year 700 migrants have entered the country illegally and almost 800 were intercepted at the border.

      Most of them are Syrians, Pakistanis, Libyans or Afghans.

      The authorities fear that the end of the cold weather could spell a big hike in numbers.

      “We have no capacity to accept thousands of refugees... although they do not want to stay in Bosnia,” Prime Minister Denis Zvizdic said recently.

      Head of the medical charity Doctors Without Borders (MSF) in the Balkans Stephane Moissaing dismissed concerns of a repeat of the 2015 migrant crisis.

      However, the Bosnian authorities should “handle (the situation) in a humane way, so it does not become a real humanitarian crisis”, he said.

      The country’s current reception capacities are limited to a centre for asylum-seekers near Sarajevo, with space for just 154 people.

      The situation “gets complicated,” Bosnian Security Minister Dragan Mektic admitted recently, stating that there were currently between 45,000 and 50,000 migrants between Greece and Bosnia, many of whom might try their luck through Bosnia.

      The border with Croatia, an EU member state, is 1,000 kilometres (600 miles) long and Sarajevo has only 2,000 border police officers.

      According to Nidzara Ahmetasevic, a volunteer working with migrants in Sarajevo, the number of migrants in the country “is at least double” what the official figures show.

      “We are in contact with more than 300 people. We have found a solution (in terms of accommodation) for some 50, but we could fill two more houses of that size,” she said.

      – Baby due -

      Initially intended to be a hostel in a Sarajevo suburb, the large building where Wessam and his relatives have been staying has individual rooms equipped with toilets.

      The house was made available by a Bosnian who lives abroad.

      Samira Samadi, 35, another migrant staying there, left the central Iranian town of Ispahan in early 2017 along with her husband.

      She takes advantage of an MSF doctor’s visit to check if her pregnancy is proceeding well.

      “I want to go to Germany but... because of my wife’s pregnancy we can’t continue,” her husband Anoush Orak said.

      “We will probably wait here for the birth of our child.”

      The couple have already tried to illegally enter Croatia but the snow and forests put them off.

      Wessam, however, will depart in a “week, maybe 10 days”.

      “I do not know how to cross the border but we will try and retry. We have already crossed many times,” he said.

      http://www.digitaljournal.com/news/world/migrants-take-new-balkan-route-through-bosnia/article/518216

    • Migrants en Bosnie-Herzégovine : l’appel à l’aide de #Bihać

      Confrontés à la fermeture des frontières des Balkans, les candidats à l’exil tentent de trouver des routes alternatives. Depuis plusieurs mois, la Bosnie-Herzégovine fait ainsi face à une très forte hausse des passages illégaux. Le maire de Bihać, à la frontière croate, lance un S.O.S : la situation est hors de contrôle dans sa ville.

      Depuis le début de l’année, Bihać fait face à une hausse exponentielle d’arrivées de migrants. Située au nord-ouest de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, cette ville de 50 000 habitants se trouve en effet tout près de la frontière avec la Croatie, porte d’entrée dans l’Union européenne.

      La municipalité tente d’apporter son aide, mais elle n’a pas les capacités pour accueillir ces centaines de migrants. Face à l’urgence, le maire a fini par lancer un appel à l’aide il y a quelques jours. « Nous cherchons une solution car nous ne pouvons plus gérer la situation », a expliqué Šuhret Fazlić. « Les gens s’installent dans les parcs, dans la rue et entrent dans les bâtiments désaffectés. Nous ne pouvons plus attendre, la situation menace de devenir une catastrophe humanitaire. »

      « À Bihać, nous avons connu la guerre, la faim et l’isolement. Nous ne pouvons pas détourner le regard, nous sommes face à un problème sécuritaire. Des cas de maltraitance ont été constatés », s’inquiète le maire. Les autorités au niveau national, compétentes pour les questions migratoires, continuent pourtant d’ignorer les appels à l’aide des autorités locales. Selon le Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les Réfugiés (UNHCR), plus de 500 migrants ont été enregistrés à Bihać ces derniers jours.

      Lors d’un entretien avec l’ambassadrice slovène en Bosnie-Herzégovine, le Premier ministre du canton d’#Una-Sana, auquel est rattachée Bihać, a déclaré qu’il n’y aurait dans la région « ni construction, ni mise en place de camps ou de centres d’accueil pour les réfugiés ». Selon le ministère de l’Intérieur du canton d’Una-Sana, la police croate renverrait illégalement les migrants vers la Bosnie-Herzégovine.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Migrants-Bihac

    • Le UNHCR appelle la Bosnie-Herzégovine à augmenter ses capacités d’accueil

      29 avril 2018 – 21h30 Le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies aux réfugiés (UNHCR) appelé les autorités de Bosnie-Herzégovine à augmenter leurs capacités d’accueil en raison du nombre croissants de migrants et de réfugiés qui traversent le pays et qui, pour certains, veulent y demander l’asile. Pour l’instant, il existe un seul centre d’accueil pour les demandeurs d’asile, à Delijaš près de Trnovo, avec une capacité de 150 lits. Un autre centre pourrait ouvrir à Salakovac, près de Mostar, avec une capacité d’accueil de 100 à 120 lits. Le UNHCR a déjà investi 500 000 marks (environ 250 000 euros) pour sa réhabilitation.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/les-dernieres-infos-nuit-violences-lesbos

    • Che cosa sta succedendo in Bosnia?

      Da dicembre dell’anno scorso, la Bosnia è stata testimone di un flusso di persone sempre crescente in fuga dalla guerra. I volontari, quotidianamente presenti sul campo, sono molto preoccupati per il fatto che l’assenza e la mancanza di una risposta da parte delle istituzioni e delle organizzazioni non governative possa portare ad un tracollo della situazione.

      La Bosnia sta diventando la parte finale del collo della bottiglia lungo quella che potrebbe essere definita la nuova “rotta balcanica” di cui questo Paese non ha mai fatto parte. Si tratta di uno stato povero, uscito da pochi anni dalla guerra, circondato da montagne aspre e di difficile accesso, per terreni ancora pieni di mine anti-uomo. Nonostante tutto, è diventato un Paese di transito per i migranti che, nel tentativo di evitare la violenza della polizia ungherese e i respingimenti della polizia croata, più volte documentati da Are You Syrious, hanno intrapreso la via bosniaca.

      Secondo i dati dell’UNHCR, nelle prime due settimane di aprile sono stati registrati 13 casi di respingimenti dalla Bosnia verso la Serbia. I volontari che da un anno stanno documentando le violenze al confine serbo-ungherese sono pronti a spostarsi lungo il confine con la Bosnia per monitorare la situazione. Per il momento il confine tra la Bosnia e la Croazia, lungo 900 km, è a corto di personale e questo rende ancora facile l’attraversamento. Tuttavia, proprio questa settimana, l’UE ha deciso di stanziare nuovi fondi per aumentare il pattugliamento lungo le frontiere anche se non si sa bene dove verranno intensificati i controlli. Secondo quanto dichiarato da Dragan Mektić, il ministro della sicurezza in Bosnia Erzegovina, per proteggere i confini, servirebbero almeno 500 poliziotti di frontiera.

      Una pericolosa assenza da parte del governo e delle ong

      Il governo bosniaco ha dichiarato che non è in grado di farsi carico di un numero crescente di rifugiati. A febbraio Borislav Bojić, presidente della commissione parlamentare per i diritti umani, aveva avvertito che i fondi stanziati per la crisi migratoria sarebbero finiti a fine maggio. Tuttavia, recentemente, ha dichiarato di riuscire a gestire la situazione.

      Nell’unico centro per l’asilo a Delijaš vicino a Sarajevo, ci sono circa 160 posti, ovviamente costantemente occupati. Secondo quanto si legge nel rapporto pubblicato da Human Rights Watch, il governo, assieme ai partner internazionali, dovrebbe impegnarsi perché i diritti umani e la legge sui rifugiati vengano rispettati. Tuttavia nella realtà la situazione è molto preoccupante nonostante le dichiarazioni del rappresentante dell’Organizzazione Internazionale delle Migrazioni in Bosnia Erzegovina. “Stiamo fornendo supporto al governo per quanto riguarda la crisi migratoria nel Paese, nel rafforzamento delle capacità istituzionali, nel supporto alla polizia di frontiera e nell’assistenza diretta ai rifugiati”.

      L’UNHCR ha iniziato a fornire un contributo per alloggiare le persone negli ostelli e l’OIM ha iniziato a collaborare con i volontari per l’assistenza medica, fino ad ora gestita interamente con fondi e donazioni private. Molti migranti hanno denunciato il fatto che negli alloggi dell’UNHCR ricevono solo un pasto al giorno e alcuni si sono trasferiti nei posti messi a disposizione dei volontari.

      La complessità del sistema di asilo

      Il sistema di asilo in Bosnia Erzegovina impedisce alle persone di ottenere un riconoscimento del proprio status perché ci sono regole impossibili da rispettare. Quando una persona arriva in Bosnia, deve esprimere l’intenzione di chiedere asilo alla polizia di frontiera o al Ministero degli affari esteri. Successivamente ha 14 giorni per registrare la propria domanda di asilo. Questa procedura, tuttavia, può essere effettuata solo da coloro che si trovano nell’unico centro per l’asilo a Delijaš. Tutti gli altri invece vengono automaticamente esclusi, perché per fare la richiesta di asilo completa, è necessario presentare i documenti relativi alla propria residenza, attestazioni impossibili da ottenere per chi è fuori dal sistema di accoglienza ufficiale. I volontari, che gestiscono diverse case a Sarajevo, stanno cercando di capire, con l’aiuto dell’OIM, come poter registrare i migranti in modo che non vengano accusati di risiedere illegalmente nel Paese. Il governo bosniaco ha iniziato a diffondere illazioni sul fatto che le persone che arrivano sono richiedenti asilo falsi in quanto non desiderano fermarsi nel Paese. Nello stesso tempo però in Bosnia non esiste una legge che permette a queste persone di risiedervi legalmente. Potrebbe trattarsi di una mossa da parte del governo per accusare i volontari di aiutare persone non regolarmente registrate.

      Il sostegno da parte della popolazione locale

      Nonostante questa propaganda di stato, la mancanza di una risposta istituzionale e di un sistema di asilo adeguato, la popolazione locale è amichevole e si spende quotidianamente per aiutare le persone in transito. Molti di loro sono testimoni diretti degli orrori della recente guerra in Bosnia.

      In un parco di Sarajevo, c’è una costante distribuzione di cibo gestita dai locali. Nella più grande delle case gestite dai volontari, a circa 30 minuti dal centro di Sarajevo, gli abitanti consegnano ogni giorno donazioni. Inoltre i volontari organizzano distribuzioni quotidiane di cibo, di giorno e di notte, per assicurarsi che chi dorme per strada abbia almeno un sacco a pelo, coperte e qualcosa da mangiare.

      Molte persone, in tarda serata, prendono l’autobus per Bihać e Velika Kladuša, due città vicino al confine con la Croazia, con l’obiettivo di provare a valicare la frontiera. In entrambe le città i locali danno cibo e sostegno alle persone. In questi luoghi non sono disponibili aiuti medici da parte delle grandi ong, e l’intero sistema è totalmente gestito dalla gente locale.

      A Velika Kladuša, i volontari di AYS hanno anche scoperto che un ristorante locale sta cucinando pasti gratuiti per le persone. Quando la settimana scorsa i responsabili della Croce Rossa sono arrivata in questo paese, i locali hanno detto loro che era da novembre che stavano gestendo da soli la situazione e che era meglio che andassero via.

      La più grande ong umanitaria della Bosnia, Pomozi.ba, invierà cinque tonnellate di cibo raccolto dai locali a Velika Kladuša. La relazione per ora pacifica tra i rifugiati e gli abitanti del luogo è un equilibrio fragile e la mancanza di risposta istituzionale, col perpetrarsi e il deteriorarsi della situazione, potrebbe diventare un problema.

      Qual è la prospettiva futura?

      Per ora nessuno sa come si svilupperà la situazione nel Paese e quante persone attraverseranno la Bosnia il mese prossimo. Le autorità si aspettano che il numero degli arrivi aumenterà e che, con l’avvicinarsi dell’estate, ci sarà la necessità di un maggiore accesso alle strutture igieniche come le docce. L’ong Medici Senza Frontiere sta discutendo con Pomozi.ba su alcune possibili soluzioni e sullo stanziamento di nuovi fondi, in particolari nei due paesi di confine, Velika Kladuša e Bihac, ma devono ancora essere definite le tempistiche.

      Con l’arrivo di un numero sempre maggiore di famiglie, sarà necessario aumentare il numero degli alloggi e di strutture e servizi adatti per i bambini. Inoltre sta crescendo il numero di minori stranieri non accompagnati, che, secondo la legge del Paese, dovrebbero essere messi in strutture protette. Proprio per non rimanere bloccati in Bosnia, molti giovani mentono sulla propria età dichiarando di essere più vecchi di quello che effettivamente sono.

      La maggior parte delle persone che arrivano in Bosnia sono in viaggio da anni, hanno vissuto in campi profughi e hanno fresche nella memoria storie traumatiche. Lo stress psicologico in questi contesti è molto alto e, data la recente storia bosniaca, le competenze in questo campo da parte della popolazione locale sono molto alte.

      In una Bosnia dove si incontrano rifugiati di guerra e abitanti di un Paese del dopoguerra, sono tante le storie che si intrecciano. L’assenza delle organizzazioni internazionali è tale per cui ora la popolazione locale non vuole più il loro aiuto. Tuttavia, come è già avvenuto in altri contesti, la disponibilità ad aiutare diminuisce con il perdurare e il deteriorarsi della situazione.

      https://lungolarottabalcanica.wordpress.com/2018/05/03/che-cosa-sta-succedendo-in-bosnia

    • Bosnie-Herzégovine : les autorités dépassées par l’afflux de migrants et de réfugiés

      Alors que 400 migrants campent toujours dans un parc du centre de Sarajevo et que la ville de Bihać est débordée par l’afflux de réfugiés, les autorités peinent à s’organiser et à trouver des capacités d’accueil. Les autorités de #Republika_Srpska refusent de loger des demandeurs d’asile.


      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-Herzegovine-des-migrants-Sarajevo
      #Sarajevo

    • Commission européenne - Assistance humanitaire aux réfugiés et migrants - Bosnie-Herzégovine

      La Commission européenne a annoncé aujourd’hui 1,5 million d’euros d’aide humanitaire pour répondre aux besoins croissants des réfugiés, des demandeurs d’asile et des migrants bloqués en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Cela porte le financement humanitaire de la Commission à 30,5 millions d’euros pour répondre aux besoins dans les Balkans occidentaux depuis le début de la crise des réfugiés.

      Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid and Crisis Management Christos Stylianides said: “The number of refugees and migrants arriving in Bosnia and Herzegovina has increased and we must act swiftly. We are committed to help Bosnia and Herzegovina deal with this situation and deliver assistance to the most vulnerable refugees and migrants. Our funding will support their basic needs and provide emergency shelter, food and health assistance, as well as protection.”

      EU humanitarian aid will be provided in locations such as Sarajevo, Bihać and Velika Kladusa in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The funding aims to strengthen the provision of assistance, the protective environment and enhancing the capacity of organisations already providing first-line emergency response.

      Background

      Since the beginning of the refugee crisis in Western Balkans the European Commission has allocated more than €25 million in humanitarian aid to assist refugees and migrants in Serbia, and over €4 million to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. EU humanitarian aid helps the most vulnerable refugees and migrants to meet basic needs and preserve their dignity.

      In addition to humanitarian assistance, the European Commission provides Western Balkans partners with significant financial and technical support for activities related to migration and refugee crisis. This is done primarily through the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance. Since 2007 the Commission has been providing assistance to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the area of migration and border management through the Instrument of pre-accession amounting to €24.6 million. From January 2016 Bosnia and Herzegovina also benefits from the regional programme ’Support to Protection-Sensitive Migration Management’ worth €8 million.

      Around 4.900 refugees and migrants entered Bosnia and Herzegovina since early January 2018, according to government estimates. Approximately 2.500 refugees and migrants in need of assistance are currently stranded in the country. The EU will provide its assistance through humanitarian partner organisations already present in the country.

      http://www.europeanmigrationlaw.eu/fr/articles/actualites/commission-europeenne-assistance-humanitaire-aux-refugies-et-mi

    • Bosnia: respingimenti, violenze e pessime condizioni umanitarie alla nuova frontiera della rotta balcanica

      In Bosnia-Erzegovina si profila una crisi se non verrà avviata una risposta umanitaria coordinata prima che le temperature inizino a diminuire. Attualmente più di 4000 migranti e rifugiati stanno trovando rifugio in campi informali e abitazioni occupate lungo il confine della Bosnia con la Croazia.

      È una situazione nuova per la Bosnia, che prima di quest’anno non aveva visto un numero significativo di persone transitare attraverso il paese come parte della cosiddetta rotta balcanica. Anche se il flusso di persone che arrivano nel paese è in aumento da mesi, le condizioni umanitarie di base nei due punti di maggiore affluenza lungo il confine rimangono pesantemente inadeguate.

      Ai margini della città di Bihac, circa 3000 persone vivono dentro e intorno a una struttura di cemento in stato di deterioramento. Con dei fori aperti come finestre e pozze di fango e acqua piovana sul pavimento, l’ex dormitorio a cinque piani ora è pieno di gente che dorme su coperte, con tende allestite nei corridoi e lenzuola appese ai soffitti nel tentativo di creare un po’ di privacy. Un pendio boscoso dietro l’edificio è cosparso di altre tende.
      Nel frattempo, appena fuori dalla vicina città di Velika Kladuša, circa 1000 persone vivono in tende e rifugi improvvisati fatti di teloni e altri materiali di fortuna. Intorno ai ripari vengono scavate fosse per evitare gli allagamenti durante i forti temporali estivi.

      Adulti, famiglie e bambini non accompagnati si affollano in entrambe le località. Vengono da paesi come Pakistan, Afghanistan, Siria, Iraq e altri ancora. Come per tutti coloro che percorrono la rotta balcanica, il loro obiettivo è fuggire da conflitti e povertà nei loro paesi di origine.
      Una risposta lenta

      “Le pessime condizioni umanitarie negli insediamenti transitori al confine della Bosnia-Erzegovina sono rese peggiori da una risposta lenta e inadeguata alla situazione”, afferma Juan Matias Gil, capo missione di MSF per Serbia e Bosnia- Erzegovina.

      Da giugno 2018, MSF sta lavorando costantemente sul campo in entrambi i siti. In collaborazione con le autorità mediche locali, MSF gestisce una piccola clinica mobile per rispondere alle principali urgenze sanitarie di base mentre riferisce i casi più complessi all’assistenza sanitaria secondaria nel circostante Cantone di Una-Sana.

      “L’inverno si sta avvicinando e finora ci sono voluti mesi per fornire a questa popolazione in aumento servizi minimi di base” afferma Gil di MSF. “Con l’arrivo dell’inverno non c’è tempo da perdere. La mancanza di preparativi tempestivi potrebbe costare vite umane.”
      Gli inverni scorsi lungo la rotta balcanica

      Rifugiati e persone in movimento lungo la rotta balcanica hanno vissuto in condizioni disperate e disumane gli inverni passati.

      In Serbia e lungo i suoi confini, la mancanza di un piano per l’inverno coordinato a livello istituzionale ha lasciato migliaia di persone al freddo per diversi inverni consecutivi. Man a mano che le frontiere dell’UE si sono chiuse, migliaia di persone si sono ritrovate bloccate in condizioni di tempo gelido, bloccate in un paese che non è in grado di offrire ripari sufficienti.

      Durante gli scorsi inverni, nella regione MSF ha curato persone per ipotermia e congelamento e la clinica di MSF a Belgrado ha visto un aumento delle malattie respiratorie perché per scaldarsi le persone devono bruciare plastica e altri materiali di fortuna.

      Indipendentemente dalla stagione, migranti e richiedenti asilo che cercano di attraversare i confini settentrionali della Serbia hanno ripetutamente denunciato le violenze da parte delle guardie di frontiera. Nei primi sei mesi del 2017, le cliniche mobili di MSF a Belgrado hanno trattato 24 casi di traumi intenzionali che secondo quanto riferito si sono verificati lungo il confine tra Serbia e Croazia.
      Nuove rotte, continue problematiche

      Le persone che arrivano e cercano di attraversare il confine tra Bosnia e Croazia provengono principalmente da campi e insediamenti informali in Serbia, ma alcuni hanno tentato nuove rotte dalla Grecia attraverso l’Albania e il Montenegro per arrivare qui.

      Quello che è chiaro è che le persone che sono fuggite da conflitti e instabilità nei paesi d’origine continuano a cercare sicurezza in Europa. “Queste persone sono bloccate in Bosnia-Erzegovina”, dice Gil di MSF. “In assenza di canali sicuri per richiedere asilo e protezione internazionale, le persone sono continuamente costrette ad affrontare viaggi pericolosi e ad attraversare le frontiere in modo irregolare.”

      “Siamo preoccupati delle denunce di respingimenti e violenze contro i rifugiati e i migranti sul lato croato del confine“, conclude Gil. “Di fronte al protrarsi della stessa situazione anche in Bosnia-Erzegovina, ci aspettiamo che i migranti si troveranno ad affrontare lo stesso tipo di problemi che hanno avuto in altri punti della rotta balcanica: malattie della pelle e delle vie respiratorie, peggioramento delle condizioni di salute mentale e aumento della violenza.”

      https://www.medicisenzafrontiere.it/news-e-storie/news/bosnia-respingimenti-violenze-e-pessime-condizioni-umanitarie-a

    • Bihac, dove 4 mila migranti attendono di passare il confine tra la Bosnia e la Croazia

      “Le pessime condizioni umanitarie negli insediamenti transitori al confine della Bosnia- Erzegovina sono rese peggiori da una risposta lenta e inadeguata alla situazione”, afferma Juan Matias Gil, capo missione di Medici Senza Frontiere per Serbia e Bosnia-Erzegovina

      https://video.corriere.it/bihac-dove-4-mila-migranti-attendono-passare-confine-la-bosnia-croazia/b589f9d6-a54c-11e8-8d66-22179c67a670



  • HCR | Parallèlement à une baisse des arrivées de réfugiés et de migrants en Europe, abus et décès persistent
    https://asile.ch/2017/08/28/hcr-parallelement-a-baisse-arrivees-de-refugies-de-migrants-europe-abus-deces-

    Selon un nouveau rapport publié par le HCR, l’Agence des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés, le nombre d’arrivées de migrants et de réfugiés en Europe a chuté durant le premier semestre 2017. Toutefois, sans voies légales à disposition pour rejoindre l’Europe, beaucoup ont encore recours à des passeurs sans scrupule ainsi que des réseaux de […]


  • Perspectives on Human Trafficking and Modern Forms of Slavery

    Siddharth Kara
    Editorial | Social Inclusion | Publication date: 23 June 2017
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    Views: 170 Downloads: 117

    Freedom, Commerce, Bodies, Harm: The Case of #Backpage.com
    Elizabeth Swanson
    Article | Social Inclusion | Publication date: 23 June 2017
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    The UK’s Modern Slavery Legislation: An Early Assessment of Progress
    Gary Craig
    Article | Social Inclusion | Publication date: 23 June 2017
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    Trafficking and Syrian Refugee #Smuggling: Evidence from the Balkan Route
    Danilo Mandic
    Article | Social Inclusion | Publication date: 23 June 2017
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    International Human Trafficking: Measuring Clandestinity by the Structural Equation Approach
    Alexandra Rudolph and Friedrich Schneider
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    Child Labor Trafficking in the United States: A Hidden Crime
    Katherine Kaufka Walts
    Article | Social Inclusion | Publication date: 23 June 2017
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    Views: 163 Downloads: 85

    Identifying Victims of Human Trafficking at Hotspots by Focusing on People Smuggled to Europe
    Matilde Ventrella
    Article | Social Inclusion | Publication date: 23 June 2017
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    Views: 210 Downloads: 82

    Entrepreneurship and Innovation in the Fight Against Human Trafficking
    Christina Bain
    Commentary | Social Inclusion | Publication date: 23 June 2017

    http://www.cogitatiopress.com/socialinclusion/issue/view/63
    #traite #trafic_d'êtres_humains #revue #esclavage #néo-esclavage #route_des_balkans #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_syriens #passeurs #smugglers #enfants #enfance #UK #USA #Etats-Unis #travail #exploitation #hotspots #esclavage_moderne


  • Belgrade’s Young Refugees Once Hidden in Plain Sight, Now Disappear

    More than 1,000 men and boys were living around Belgrade’s train station until their eviction in May. Now many of them, including hundreds of children traveling alone, are missing or vulnerable to trafficking in their desperation to reach northern Europe.

    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2017/06/26/belgrades-young-refugees-once-hidden-in-plain-sight-now-disappear

    #disparitions #enfants #enfance #mineurs #MNA #mineurs_non_accompagnés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_balkans #Serbie #Belgrade #visibilité #in/visibilité