• Félicien Kabuga, Who Financed Rwanda Genocide, Captured in France - The New York Times

    May 16, 2020 by Marlise Simons and Norimitsu Onishi — He was behind the radio station whose hate-filled invectives turned Rwandan against Rwandan, neighbor against neighbor, even spouse against spouse. He was the man, it was said, who imported the hundreds of thousands of machetes that allowed countless ordinary people to act upon that hatred in one of the last genocides of the past century.

    One of the most-wanted fugitives of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, Félicien Kabuga, was arrested Saturday morning in a rented home just outside Paris, protected by his children, the French authorities said. The capture of Mr. Kabuga, 84, who was living under a false identity, was the culmination of a decades-long international hunt across many countries on at least two continents.

    His arrest — considered the most important apprehension by an international tribunal in the past decade — could help bring long-awaited justice for his actions more than a generation after the killing of at least 800,000 and perhaps as many as one million ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus in the small central African nation.

    His trial could also help unravel some of the enduring mysteries of the killings, particularly how much planning went into the genocide, which also led to a catastrophic war in the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo and continues to destabilize much of central Africa today.

    Mr. Kabuga, one of Rwanda’s richest men before the genocide, is accused by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda of being the main financier and logistical backer of the political and militia groups that committed the genocide. He had been on the run for 23 years since he was indicted on multiple charges of genocide.

    “It is historical on many levels,” Rwandan’s justice minister, Johnston Busingye, said in a phone interview from the country’s capital, Kigali. “You can run, but you cannot hide. It can’t be forever.”

    A tribunal official said on Saturday that Mr. Kabuga had been tracked down in France after investigators followed communications among members of his family who, the official said, had acted as his support network.

    It was not known how and when Mr. Kabuga entered France, and how he had managed to evade detection while living in Asnières-sur-Seine, a well-off suburb just northwest of Paris.

    He was arrested at his home around 7 a.m. after a long investigation by French national police specializing in crimes against humanity, with help from the federal police in Belgium and the Metropolitan Police in London, according to France’s justice ministry.

    Mr. Kabuga was expected to be handed over to United Nations prosecutors, with his trial expected to take place in the tribunal’s successor court in Arusha, Tanzania.

    “Kabuga has always been seen by the victims and survivors as one of the leading figures,” Serge Brammertz, the chief prosecutor at the tribunal, said by phone on Saturday from The Hague. “For them, after waiting so many years, his arrest is an important step toward justice.”

    Mr. Kabuga’s capture could be the most important arrest of a figure wanted by an international tribunal since the 2011 apprehension of Gen. Ratko Mladic, the Serbian military leader who was later convicted of having committed genocide during the Bosnian war of the early 1990s, Mr. Brammertz said.

    The arrest ended a lengthy and often-frustrating search for Mr. Kabuga by international investigators across multiple countries.

    Stephen Rapp, a former chief prosecutor at the United Nations Rwanda tribunal, said that immediately after the genocide Mr. Kabuga fled to Switzerland, where he unsuccessfully applied for asylum, and was then seen in other European countries before settling in Kenya for several years. Mr. Rapp said the fugitive had used assumed names and several different passports.

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    In 2002, the United States government began circulating wanted posters in Nairobi, the Kenyan capital, one of his known hide-outs. In an attempt to use its own resources and official connections to catch him, the United States had offered a reward of up to $5 million for his capture.

    But with his huge bank account and high-level connections, Mr. Kabuga had managed until Saturday to escape an arrest warrant issued by the tribunal in 1997.

    In the late 1990s, Mr. Kabuga was traced to a house owned by Hosea Kiplagat, a nephew of Kenya’s president at the time, Daniel arap Moi of Kenya, according to a report published in 2001 by the International Crisis Group, a research organization. The study also detailed how investigators for the International Criminal Tribunal uncovered evidence that a Kenyan police officer might have tipped off Mr. Kabuga in 1997 that an arrest was imminent.

    The Kenyan government at the time disputed the allegations that it had not been diligent in its search for Mr. Kabuga.

    In 2001, the United Nations court froze bank accounts that Mr. Kabuga held or had access to in Switzerland, France, Belgium and Germany.

    Believed to have been one the most powerful men in Rwanda before the genocide, Mr. Kabuga, an ethnic Hutu, made his fortune in trade. Through the marriage of a daughter, he was linked to a former president, Juvénal Habyarimana, a Hutu, who was killed after his plane was shot down by a missile over the Rwandan capital in 1994.

    Extremist Hutus accused Tutsis of carrying out the assassination, eventually triggering 100 days of killings in which tens of thousands of Rwandans, including civilians, militia and the police, participated.

    The Rwandan government has tried thousands of people, and the United Nations Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda has tried close to 80, among them senior government figures. After Mr. Kabuga’s capture, at least six senior figures suspected of participating in or orchestrating the genocide remain on an international most wanted list.

    Mr. Kabuga was charged with using his fortune to fund and organize the notorious Interahamwe militia, which carried out the brunt of the slaughter, often carried out by hacking people to death.

    He is accused of issuing them weapons, including several hundred thousand machetes imported from China, which were shipped to his companies, as well as providing them transport in his company’s vehicles.

    The indictment against him also alleges that his radio station, Radio-Television Mille Collines, incited the killings through broadcasts that directed roaming gangs of killers to roadblocks and sites where Tutsi could be located.

    “His trial may help us understand to what extent the genocide was planned,’’ said Filip Reyntjens, a Belgian expert on the genocide. “Kabuga is often mentioned as someone who was involved through the funding of the extremist radio station. He’s also mentioned in the context of the purchase of machetes. All of that will need to be proven, but a trial could unearth of a lot of things 26 years after the genocide.’’

    Abdi Latif Dahir contributed reporting from Nairobi, Kenya.

    #Ruanda #génocide

  • Army man who guarded Kabuga ‘killed’ - Daily Nation

    Sunday July 8 2012 by JOHN-ALLAN NAMU - Army marksman Michael Sarunei told his family that his secret job was to guard Rwanda genocide suspect; he disappeared after taking photos

    A Kenya Army soldier allegedly assigned to protect wanted Rwandan genocide suspect Felicien Kabuga disappeared — and may have been murdered — after he secretly took pictures of the fugitive, investigations have revealed.

    The soldier was part of a shadowy unit set up by people close to the National Security Intelligence Service (NSIS) and the military or who appear to have had access to facilities controlled by the two institutions.

    The unit provided security for the runaway genocide suspect, who has a Sh400 million bounty on his head, while Army marksman Michael Sarunei told his family that his secret job was to guard Rwanda genocide suspect; he disappeared after taking photoshe was hiding in Kenya even as the government denied knowing his whereabouts.

    The startling facts about Kabuga, said to have been one of the brains behind the Rwanda killings, in which close to 800,000 people were hacked to death, were revealed yesterday in an investigative documentary aired on NTV last night.

    The disappearance of Michael Sarunei, an infrantryman who was part of Kabuga’s bodyguard, has raised questions about the government’s handling of the hunt for the fugitive businessman, whom the United States Government has always insisted was being harboured by Kenya.

    Contacted on Sunday, Government spokesman Alfred Mutua denied the involvement of the present government in the Kabuga saga. He said that all the allegations that have been made about Mr Kabuga’s refuge in Kenya point to events before President Kibaki took over at the end of 2002.

    “This particular government has not been aware of anything to do with the protection of Mr Kabuga. We are working very closely with the Rwanda government to ensure that this man is arrested,” Dr Mutua said.

    NTV investigations over the past five months, however, point to Mr Kabuga still being in the country.

    Relatives of Sarunei, who joined the Kenya Army infantry in 1996, told of the soldier’s mysterious disappearance early on February 13, 2009, after saying he was protecting Kabuga.

    They believe he was killed after he secretly took pictures of the elusive businessman. Three of those photographs were given to NTV. Shown to Rwandan Government officials and people who had worked at Kabuga’s radio station in Rwanda, they confirmed that the elderly man in a blue T-shirt was indeed the wanted suspect.

    Sarunei’s disappearance is the latest twist in the Kabuga saga, which previously resulted in the murder of a freelance journalist, Michael Munuhe, who was tortured to death as he prepared to lead FBI agents to Kabuga’s hideout in Nairobi.

    A relative of the soldier, who remains anonymous for his own safety, was interviewed by NTV reporter John-Allan Namu in Rift Valley, where he produced the pictures of a man later identified as Kabuga and video images of a white government Land Rover in which Sarunei was driven away by his captors.

    Said the source: “Four years ago Michael (Sarunei) began earning a lot of money. I asked him whether soldiers were getting paid better these days. He told me that he was working for a very rich man from Rwanda, who the government had wanted to keep in hiding, and that’s why he was getting paid a lot. Michael told me that the rich man who he and others were protecting was called Kabuga.”

    Sarunei had reportedly told his relative that his bosses had ordered him never to reveal anything about the man they were protecting or he would be killed.

    But Sarunei never heeded this warning. According to the source, in late 2008, when Kabuga was still in a Nairobi hospital, the soldier secretly photographed him. Unknown to him, the pictures were discovered by a colleague who alerted Kabuga and his protectors in government.

    According to the relative, on February 13, 2009, Sarunei was led out of his home one morning into a government vehicle, registration GK 029K, never to be seen again.

    NTV showed the pictures to Rwanda’s prosecutor-general Martin Ngoga, who confirmed they were of Kabuga, though 18 years older than widely circulated pictures of him.

    NTV also uncovered shocking new details about the mysterious death of Michael Munuhe, an FBI informer, whose body was found in the Gitu area of Karen in Nairobi on January 13, 2003.

    His brother, Josephat Mureithi Gichuki, is convinced that Munuhe was murdered because he was about to reveal Kabuga’s whereabouts to the US security agency.

    The police verdict was suicide, he says, but all evidence in the room where his brother was found pointed to a violent and bloody confrontation.

    Months after he was buried, a relative was sorting through his old clothes when he found a three-page letter written by Munuhe.

    It detailed how he was abducted one Wednesday night at the Safari Park Hotel exit by three armed men and driven for nearly four hours in the locked boot of a car.

    It is undated, but Munuhe’s elder brother was able to figure out that it was written in late December 2002, a few days before his death.

    He eventually ended up in a dark room where he was beaten and tortured to reveal information about his relations with the FBI.

    Eventually he was taken to a room where he came face-to-face with Kabuga, who was seated with three other men.

    “Kabuga told me about the tapes they had on my conversations with Mr Scott (believed to be his FBI contact) and three people. He criticised me for betraying him and Cheruiyot”.

    The name of then Internal Security permanent secretary Zakayo Cheruiyot has featured often in stories about Kabuga’s refuge in Kenya.

    However, Mr Cheruiyot, now the MP for Kuresoi, has always strenuously denied any involvement.

    The informant, now in hiding, told NTV that he worked in the same squad with Sarunei, and claimed that the name Sadiki Nzakobi was one of the aliases that Kabuga used in Kenya.

    He gave NTV some documents allegedly from the Department of Defence headquarters, and copies of documents procured from the Third Battalion of the Kenya Army in Nakuru.

    These appear to be evidence of the first attempts to legitimise Mr Kabuga’s stay in Kenya, after it became known that he was involved in the Rwanda genocide. The Department of Defence has dismissed the documents and neither NTV nor the Nation could independently verify their authenticity or origin.

    The documents appear to suggest that Mr Kabuga moved from an asylum seeker, to captain in the army and was honourably discharged and offered diplomatic immunity.

    The first letter was dated July 5, 2000. Its reference number is OP/DOD/0324/2000 and is addressed to the DoD commandant, written in reference to one Mr Sadiki Nzakobi.

    It says that Sadiki has sought asylum in Kenya due to insecurity in Somalia and should be assisted with the necessary military documentation to enable him stay in the country safely. It also asks that he be assisted with personal security to enable him access his personal doctor, a Dr Peter Rwakwach, so that he can undergo treatment.

    The letter bears the name of an S.K. Kamau, and was signed on behalf of the permanent secretary in the Ministry of Defence. We could not ascertain whether indeed such an individual ever worked at the Defence ministry.

    The Department of Defence at the time was overseen by the Internal Security PS, then Mr Cheruiyot.

    Colonel (retired) Dr Rwakwach is a medical practitioner who works in Nakuru and served in the armed forces as a military doctor, retiring in 2002. The doctor denied knowing anyone by the name Sadiki Nzakobi.

    The second document bears the letterhead of the Kenya Armed Forces 3rd Battalion in Nakuru and is a request for legal documents for Nzakobi. It claims that Nzokabi was the commanding officer of the DCOY or Delta Company, for seven years, resigning on September 6, 1998.

    Military intelligence

    Another letter, also bearing the same letterhead follows up on the requests made in the letter from the permanent secretary’s office. The letter gave Nzakobi the authority to be treated in any military hospital.

    Another letter, written on February 14, 2001 (Reference number OP/DOD/0652/2001) and also marked as confidential, states: “Please assist the above-mentioned person with military intelligence for his personal security. He is a person staying in this country under diplomatic immunity.”

    This letter bears the name of James Theuri, on behalf of the Defence PS. Again, we could not establish whether this individual worked for the department and in what capacity.

    The last document bearing the Kenya Rifles letterhead is a letter of discharge. This is the kind of letter any army officer would receive were he to have been honourably discharged.

    An officer from DoD told NTV that the letters did not follow the normal protocol for a civilian-led ministry communicating with the commandant.

    However, the informant insists that the documents are authentic.

    NSIS is yet to respond to NTV’s questions about the alleged involvement of government agents or people with access to government facilities in the protection of Kabuga in Kenya.

    NTV’s investigations led it to some of Kabuga’s intermediaries. One of NTV’s operatives was to be picked from Nyali Golf Club in Mombasa by a silver Toyota Harrier with a Tanzanian licence plate to meet two men who are from Rwanda.

    They were to be taken to house that Kabuga allegedly stayed in while in Mombasa. NTV was not able to continue with its quest to meet Kabuga as the deal was terminated for fear that the wanted man would be arrested.

    A day before the NTV crew could travel to Mombasa, the NSIS informant sent an SMS saying that some information about the investigation had leaked.

    Additional reporting By Oliver Mathenge

    #Ruanda #Kenya #génocide

  • Menschliche Überreste aus ehemaligen Kolonien


    Intensiv untersuchten Berliner Forscher fast 1200 Schädel aus illegalen Grabentnahmen einer ehemaligen Kolonie. Nun sollen sie zurück in ihre Herkunftsländer.

    Die Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz hat die Herkunft von knapp 1200 menschlichen Schädeln aus der ehemaligen Kolonie Deutsch-Ostafrika erforscht. Die Schädel gehören zu den anthropologischen Sammlungen, die die Stiftung 2011 von der Charité - den Berliner Universitätskliniken - übernommen hatte.

    „Wir haben die Schädel zunächst gereinigt und konservatorisch behandelt. Sie waren davor absolut unangemessen, sogar feucht gelagert, teilweise mit Schimmel befallen“, schilderte der Präsident der Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Hermann Parzinger, der Deutschen Presse-Agentur in Berlin. „Dann haben wir uns daran gemacht, die Herkunft dieser 1200 Schädel in einem Pilotprojekt aufzuarbeiten mit dem klaren Ziel der Repatriierung, also der Rückgabe.“

    Mit Abschluss der Forschungsarbeit ist die Herkunft geklärt. „Von den knapp 1200 untersuchten Schädeln sind etwa 900 aus Ruanda, circa 250 aus Tansania und dann noch gut 30 aus Kenia, einige wenige konnten wir nicht zuordnen“, sagte Parzinger. „Also stammen etwa 98 Prozent aus der ehemaligen Kolonie Deutsch-Ostafrika.“ An den Schädeln aus Kenia sei zu sehen, dass auch über die Grenzen der deutschen Kolonien hinaus gesammelt worden sei. „Die Sammlung entstand durch ein weltumspannendes Netzwerk.“

    An dem von der Gerda Henkel Stiftung geförderte Projekt waren aufseiten der Stiftung ein Archäologe, eine Anthropologin, ein Ethnologe und eine Museologin beteiligt. „Dazu kam ein Team mit Wissenschaftlern aus Ruanda“, berichtete Parzinger.

    Die Provenienzforschung habe in diesem Fall nicht primär dazu gedient, festzustellen ob etwas legal oder illegal hier ist. „Unter moralischen Gesichtspunkten hätten diese Schädel nie hierhergebracht werden dürfen.“ Es seien keine jahrtausendealten Skelette, die durch archäologische Ausgrabungen hierhergekommen seien, „sondern man hat Friedhöfe, Grabfelder der im späten 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert lebenden Gemeinschaften geöffnet oder öffnen lassen und die Überreste einfach entnommen - natürlich ohne Genehmigung der Gemeinschaften.“

    Nach Angaben Parzingers ist damit erstmals ein so großer Bestand von menschlichen Überresten (Human Remains) aufgearbeitet worden. Dies werde nun umfassend dokumentiert. „Es gehört dazu, dass wir all das, was wir darüber wissen, zusammenstellen, und alles mit diesen Informationen an die Länder zurückgeben wollen.“
    Nun geht es um die Modalitäten der Rückgaben

    Mit dem Projekt wurde für die Wissenschaftler auch deutlich, wie unterschiedlich je nach Region und Stammesgebiet die Grabriten waren. „In einem Gebiet etwa wurden keine Gräberfriedhöfe angelegt, sondern die Verstorbenen wurden in Höhlen gelegt“, sagte Parzinger. „Wenn ein Sammler so einen Ort, wo über Jahrzehnte, vielleicht Jahrhunderte Tote abgelegt wurden, geplündert hat, hatte er natürlich in kurzer Zeit einen großen Bestand. Das erklärt Schwerpunkte in der Sammlung.“

    Nun geht es um die Modalitäten der Rückgaben. „Wir sind im Gespräch mit den Botschaften aller drei betroffenen Länder. Gemeinsam müssen wir nun überlegen, wie weiter damit umgegangen wird, was die nächsten Schritte sind“, sagte Parzinger. Vom Stiftungsrat hat er bereits freie Hand bekommen für die Repatriierung in Absprache mit der Bundesregierung.

    #musées #colonialisme #Allemagne #Ruanda #Tanzanie #anthropologie #racisme #histoire

  • The Rise and Fall Of the Watusi - The New York Times
    En 1964 le New York Times publie un article sur l’extermination imminente des Tutsi. C’est raconté comme une fatalité qui ne laisse pas de choix aux pauvres nègres victimes de forces plus grandes qu’eux. Dans cette optique il s’agit du destion inexorable du peuple des Tutsi arrivant à la fin de son règne sur le peuple des Hutu qui revendique ses droits. L’article contient quelques informations intéressantes déformées par la vison colonialiste de l’époque.


    FROM the miniature Republic of Rwanda in central Africa comes word of the daily slaughter of a thousand people, the possible extermin­ation of a quarter of a million men, women and children, in what has been called the bloodiest tragedy since Hitler turned on the Jews. The victims are those tall, proud and graceful warrior­aristocrats, the Tutsi, sometimes known as the Watusi.* They are being killed

    *According to the orthography of the Bantu language, “Tutsi” is the singular and “Watutsi” the plural form of the word. For the sake of simplicity. I prefer to follow the style used in United Nations reports and use “Tutsi” for both singular and plural.

    Who are the Tutsi and why is such a ghastly fate overtaking them? Is it simply African tribalism run riot, or are outside influences at work ? Can nothing be done?

    The king‐in‐exile of Rwanda, Mwamni (Monarch) Kigeri V, who has fled to the Congo, is the 41st in line of suc­cession. Every Tutsi can recite the names of his 40 predecessors but the Tutsi cannot say how many centuries ago their ancestors settled in these tumbled hills, deep valleys and vol­canic mountains separating the great

    Nor is it known just where they came from—Ethiopia perhaps; before that, possibly Asia. They are cattle folk, allied in race to such nomadic peo­ples as the Somali, Gatlla, Fulani and Masai. Driving their cattle before them, they found this remote pocket of cen­tral Africa, 1,000 miles from the In­dian Ocean. It was occupied by a race of Negro cultivators called the Hutu, who had themselves displaced the ab­original pygmy hunters, the Twa (or Batwa). First the Tutsi conquered and then ruled the Hutu. much as a ??r‐man ruling class conquered and settled

    In the latest census, the Tutsi con­stitute about 15 per cent of Rwanda’s population of between 2.5 and 3 mil­lion. Apart from a handful of Twa, the rest are Hutu. (The same figures are true of the tiny neighboring king­dom of Burundi.)

    For at least four centuries the Tutsi have kept intact their racial type by inbreeding. Once seen, these elongated men are never forgotten. Their small, narrow heads perched on top of slim and spindly bodies remind one of some of Henry Moore’s sculptures. Their average height, though well above the general norm, is no more than 5 feet 9 inches, but individuals reach more than 7 feet. The former king, Charles III Rudahagwa, was 6 feet 9 inches, and a famous dancer and high jumper—so famous his portrait was printed on the banknotes—measured 7 feet 5 inches.

    THIS height, prized as a badge of racial purity, the Tutsi accentuated by training upward tufts of fuzzy hair shaped like crescent moons. Their leaps, bounds and whirling dances delighted tourists, as their courtesy and polished manners impressed them.

    Through the centuries, Tutsi feudal­ism survived with only minor changes. At its center was the Mwami, believed to be descended from the god of lightning, whose three children fell from heaven onto a hilltop and begat the two royal clans from which the Mwami and his queen were always chosen. Not only had the Mwami rights of life and death over his subjects but, in theory, he owned all the cattle. too — magnificent, long‐horned cattle far superior to the weedy native African bovines. Once a year, these were ceremonially presented to the Mwami in all their glory — horns sand‐polished, coats rubbed with butter, foreheads hung with beads, each beast attended by a youth in bark‐cloth robes who spoke to it softly and caught its dung on a woven straw mat.

    “Rwanda has three pillars.” ran a Tutsi saying: “God, cows and soldiers.” The cows the Mwami distributed among his subchiefs, and they down the line to lesser fry, leaving no adult Tutsi male without cows.

    Indeed, the Tutsi cannot live with­out cattle, for milk and salted butter are their staple food. (Milk is con­sumed in curds; the butter, hot and perfumed by the bark of a certain tree.) To eat foods grown in soil, though often done, is thought vaguely shame­ful, something to be carried out in private.

    THE kingdom was divided into dis­tricts and each had not one governor, but two: a land chief (umunyabutaka) and a cattle chief (umuuyamukenke). The jealousy that nearly always held these two potentates apart prompted them to spy on each other to the Mwami, who was thus able to keep his barons from threatening his own au­thority.

    Below these governors spread a net­work of hill chiefs, and under them again the heads of families. Tribute — milk and butter from the lordly Tutsi, and

    Just as, in medieval Europe, every nobleman sent his son to the king’s court to learn the arts of war, love and civil­ity, so in Rwanda and Burundi did every Tutsi father send his sons to the Mwami’s court for instruction in the use of weapons, in lore and tradition, in dancing and poetry and the art of conversation, in manly sports and in the practice of the most prized Tutsi virtue —self‐control. Ill‐temper and the least display of emotion are thought shameful and vul­gar. The ideal Tutsi male is at all times polite, dignified, amiable, sparing of idle words and a trifle supercilious.

    THESE youths, gathered in the royal compound, were formed into companies which, in turn, formed the army. Each youth owed to his company commander an allegiance which continued all his life. In turn, the commander took the youth, and subsequently the man, under his protection. Every Tutsi could appeal from his hill chief to his army com­mander, who was bound to support him in lawsuits or other troubles. (During battle, no commander could step backward, lest . his army re­treat; at no time could the

    The Hutu were both bound and protected by a system known as buhake, a form of vassalage. A Hutu wanting to enter into this relationship would present a jug of beer to a Tutsi and say: “I ask you for milk. Make me rich. Be my father, and I will be your child.” If the Tutsi agreed, he gave the applicant a cow, or several cows. This sealed the bargain­

    The Hutu then looked to his lord for protection and for such help as contributions to­ward the bride‐price he must proffer for a wife. In return, the Hutu helped from time to time in the work of his pro­tector’s household, brought oc­casional jugs of beer and held himself available for service

    The densely populated king­doms of the Tutsi lay squarely in the path of Arab slavers who for centuries pillaged throughout the central Afri­can highlands, dispatching by the hundreds of thou­sands yoked and helpless hu­man beings to the slave mar­kets of Zanzibar and the Persian Gulf. Here the explor­er Livingstone wrote despair­ingly in his diaries of coffles (caravans) of tormented cap­tives, of burnt villages, slaugh­tered children, raped women and ruined crops. But these little kingdoms, each about the size of Maryland, escaped. The disciplined, courageous Tutsi spearmen kept the Arabs out, and the Hutu safe. Feudalism worked both ways.

    Some Hutu grew rich, and even married their patrons’ daughters. Sexual morality was strict. A girl who became pregnant before marriage was either killed outright or aban­doned on an island in the mid­dle of Lake Kivu to perish, unless rescued by a man of a despised and primitive Congo tribe, to be kept as a beast of burden with no rights.

    SINCE the Tutsi never tilled the soil, their demands for labor were light. Hutu duties included attendance on the lord during his travels; carry­ing messages; helping to re­pair the master’s compound; guarding his cows. The reia­tionsiiip could be ended at any time by either party. A patron had no right to hold an unwilling “client” in his service.

    It has been said that serf­dom in Europe was destroyed by the invention of the horse

    UNTIL the First World War the kingdoms were part of German East Africa. Then Bel­gium took them over, under the name of Ruanda‐Urundi, as a trust territory, first for the League of Nations, then under the U. N. Although the Belgian educational system, based on Roman Catholic mis­sions, was conservative in out­look, and Belgian adminis­trators made no calculated attempt to undo Tutsi feudal­ism, Western ideas inevitably crept in. So did Western eco­nomic notions through the in­troduction of coffee cultiva­tion, which opened to the Hutu a road to independence, by­passing the Tutsi cattle‐based economy. And Belgian authori­ty over Tutsi notables, even over the sacred Mwami him­self, inevitably damaged their prestige. The Belgians even de­posed one obstructive Mwami. About ten years ago, the Belgians tried to persuade the Tutsi to let some of the Hutu into their complex structure of government. In Burundi, the Tutsi ruling caste realized its cuanger just in time and agreed to share some of its powers with the Hutu majority. But in Rwanda, until the day the system toppled, no Hutu was appointed by the Tatsi over­lords to a chief’s position. A tight, rigid, exclusive Tutsi aristocracy continued to rule the land.

    The Hutu grew increasingly

    WHEN order was restored, there were reckoned to be 21,­000 Tutsi refugees in Burundi, 14,000 in Tanganyika, 40,000 in Uganda and 60,000 in the Kivu province of the Con­go. The Red Cross did its best to cope in camps improvised by local governments.

    Back in Rwanda, municipal elections were held for the first time—and swept the Hutu into power. The Parmehutu —Parti d’Emancipation des Hu­tus—founded only in October 1959, emerged on top, formed a coalition government, and after some delays proclaimed a republic, to which the Bel­gians, unwilling to face a colonial war, gave recognition in terms of internal self‐gov­ernment.

    In 1962, the U.N. proclaimed Belgium’s trusteeship at an end, and, that same year, a general election held under U.N. supervision confirmed the Hutu triumph. With full in­dependence, a new chapter be­gan — the Hutu chapter.

    Rwanda and Burundi split. Burundi has the only large city, Usumbura (population: 50,000), as its capital. With a mixed Tutsi‐Hutu govern­ment, it maintains an uneasy peace. It remains a kingdom, with a Tutsi monarch. Every­one knows and likes the jovial Mwami, Mwambutsa IV, whose height is normal, whose rule

    As its President, Rwanda chose Grégoire Kayibanda, a 39‐year‐old Roman Catholic seminarist who, on the verge of ordination, chose politics in­stead. Locally educated by the Dominicans, he is a protégé of the Archbishop of Rwanda whose letter helped spark the first Hutu uprising. Faithful to his priestly training, he shuns the fleshpots, drives a Volkswagen instead of the Rolls or Mercedes generally favored by an African head of state and, suspicious of the lure of wicked cities, lives on a hilltop outside the town of Kigali, said to be the smallest capital city in the world, with some 7,000 inhabitants, a sin­gle paved street, no hotels, no telephone and a more or less permanent curfew.

    Mr. Kayibanda’s Christian and political duties, as he sees them, have fused into an im­placable resolve to destroy for­ever the last shreds of Tutsi power—if necessary by obliter­ating the entire Tutsi race. Last fall, Rwanda still held between 200,000 and 250,000 Tutsi, reinforced by refugees drifting back from the camps, full of bitterness and humilia­tion. In December, they were joined by bands of Tutsi spear­men from Burundi, who with the courage of despair, and outnumbered 10 to 1, attacked the Hutu. Many believe they were egged on by Mwami Ki­geri V, who since 1959 had been fanning Tutsi racial prideand calling for revenue.

    THE result of the attacks was to revive all the cumula­tive hatred of the Tutsi for past injustices. The winds of anti‐colonialism sweeping Af­rica do not distinguish be­tween white and black colo­nialists. The Hutu launched a ruthless war of extermina­tion that is still going on. Tut­si villages are stormed and their inhabitants clubbed or hacked to death, burned alive or herded into crocodile‐infest­ed rivers.

    What will become of the Tutsi? One urgent need is out­side help for the Urundi Gov­ernment in resettling the masses of refugees who have fled to its territory. Urundi’s mixed political set‐up is rea­sonably democratic, if not al­ways peaceful (witness the assassination of the Crown Prince by a political opponent

    In a sense the Tutsi have brought their tragic fate on themselves. They are paying now the bitter price of ostrich­ism, a stubborn refusal to move with the times. The Bourbons of Africa, they are meeting the Bourbon destiny—to be obliterated by the people they have ruled and patron­ized.

    The old relationship could survive no longer in a world, as E. M. Forster has described it, of “telegrams and anger;” a world of bogus democracy turning into one‐party states, of overheated U.N. assemblies, of press reports and dema­gogues, a world where (as in the neighboring Congo) a for­mer Minister of Education leads bands of tribesmen armed with arrows to mutilate women missionaries.

    THE elegant and long‐legged Tutsi with their dances and their epic poetry, their lyre­horned cattle and superb bas­ketwork and code of seemly behavior, had dwindled into tourist fodder. The fate of all species, institutions or individ­uais who will not, or cannot. adapt caught up with them. Those who will not bend must break.

    For the essence of the situ­ation in an Africa increasingly

    NOW, not just the white men have gone, or are going; far more importantly, the eld­ers and their authority, the whole chain of command from ancestral spirits, through the chief and his council to the obedient youth are being swept away. This hierarchy is being replaced by the “young men,” the untried, unsettled, uncer­tain, angry and confused gen­eration who, with a thin ve­neer of ill‐digested Western education, for the first time in Africa’s long history have taken over power from their fathers.

    It is a major revolution in­deed, whose first results are only just beginning to show up and whose outcome cannot be seen. There is only one safe prediction: that it will be vio­lent, unpredictable, bloody and cruel, as it is proving for the doomed Tutsi of Rwanda.

    #Ruanda #Burundi #histoire #Tutsi #Congo

  • Jean d’Ormesson : sa face obscure et négationniste. | Le Club de Mediapart


    e confesse que je n’ai pas lu les livres du « héros national » Jean d’Ormesson. A chaque fois que j’ai feuilleté un, il m’est tombé des mains. De plus ses minauderies télévisuelles et sa roublardise m’ont dissuadé de persister. Il sera donc ici question de ses positions dans des domaines aussi tragiques que les génocides : celui des Tutsi au Rwanda en 1994 et celui des Arméniens.

    #négationisme #nationalisme #racisme

  • African Modernism: Nation Building | Thinkpiece | Architectural Review

    As countries in Africa gained their independence, modernist architecture attempted to express their new identities

    In the late 1950s and the early ’60s most countries of Sub-Saharan Africa gained their independence. Architecture became one of the principal means for the young nations to express their national identity. Parliament buildings, central banks, stadia, conference centres, universities and independence memorials were constructed, often featuring heroic and daring designs.

    Modern and futuristic architecture mirrored the aspirations and forward-looking spirit dominant at that time. A coinciding period of economic boom made elaborate construction methods possible, while the tropical climate allowed for an architecture that blended the inside and outside, focused on form and the expression of materiality.


    ‘The paradigm of development-aid-charity has come to dominate African architecture to the exclusion of almost everything else’ | Thinkpiece | Architectural Review

    Only with change will Africa – confined by the expectation of being influenced rather than influencing – realise its true architectural potential

    It has often been said that the number of times the word ‘Africa’ is heard in a song is in almost inverse proportion to its quality: in other words, ‘Africa’ has become a lazy substitute for any number of ideas from the political to the social, cultural, historical, economic – you name it, ‘Africa’ covers it. In 2005, Kenyan writer Binyavanga Wainaina published a controversial essay, How To Write About Africa, which, to this day, remains Granta’s most forwarded article. With its uneasy combination of laugh-out-loud satire and sarcasm, Wainaina offers a number of tips for would-be writers on Africa: ‘always use the word “Africa” or “Darkness” or “Safari” in your title. Subtitles may include the words “Zanzibar”, “Congo”, “Big”, “Sky”, “Shadow”, “Drum”, “Sun” or “Bygone”.


    ‘Speak up, speak out, speak back’: Africa Architecture Awards 2017 | News | Architectural Review

    ‘What is African architecture?’, asks Mark Olweny, senior lecturer at Uganda Martyrs University and chair of the judging panel of this year’s Africa Architecture Awards, ‘What makes architecture work on this continent?’

    #afrique #architecture

    • Towards the end of the ’80s the ‘Ivorian Miracle’, the economic boom that underlay this development, came to an end. In the late ’90s the country descended into a period of internal conflict. Though no longer operating as a hotel, the Hôtel Ivoire, and especially its tower, remained an important player in the country’s dynamics. In the early 2000s it became the base for the militia group #Jeunes_Patriotes and was in 2004 taken over by French UN troops, both of which understood the strategic advantage that occupying the tower would lend them in controlling large swathes of the urban fabric of #Abidjan. When on 9 November 2004 Ivorian demonstrators amassed around the hotel to protest against the presence of French troops in their country, snipers from the French unit, positioned in the tower, shot and killed as many as 20 demonstrators. Far from being a simple piece of architectural infrastructure, the Hôtel Ivoire itself became an actor and part of the machinery of urban conflict. In 2011, under the management of Sofitel, it re-opened with much fanfare almost 50 years after its inauguration. Since then it has enjoyed a renaissance as one of the prime luxury hotels of West Africa.

      Hôtel Ivoire

      Alliance des jeunes patriotes pour le sursaut national

      Front populaire ivoirien

      Opération Licorne

      Le coût de cette opération est estimé à environ de 200 millions d’euros par an.

      Cette opération militaire débute en septembre 2002 (début de la crise politico-militaire en Côte d’Ivoire), indépendamment de l’opération des Nations unies, dans le cadre des accords de défense signés entre les deux pays le 24 août 1961. La France, puis la CEDEAO (Communauté des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest), envoient d’importants contingents militaires pour séparer les belligérants (forces d’interposition)3. Selon les autorités françaises, soutenues par une résolution des Nations unies, cette interposition aurait permis d’éviter une guerre civile et de nombreux massacres.
      La force Licorne est remplacée, le 21 janvier 2015, par les Forces françaises en Côte d’Ivoire.
      L’objectif en est la tenue d’élections démocratiques fin de l’année 2005 (fin octobre), mais celles-ci seront repoussées. Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies fait sien cet accord. Le 4 avril 2004, l’Opération des Nations unies en Côte d’Ivoire (ONUCI, 6 240 hommes) prend le relais des contingents de la CEDEAO, aux côtés de la force Licorne qui reste en soutien sous commandement français (4 600 hommes).

      Le 4 novembre 2004, prenant acte de l’échec de la voie de la négociation, le président Laurent Gbagbo engage l’« Opération Dignité », pour reconquérir militairement les territoires occupés. Le 6 novembre 2004, deux Soukhoï Su-25 de l’aviation gouvernementale ivoirienne mais pilotés par des mercenaires biélorusses, effectuent un raid aérien sur la position française de Bouaké. Ce bombardement sur la base française fait 9 morts et 38 blessés parmi les soldats français4 (2e régiment d’infanterie de marine, régiment d’infanterie-chars de marine, 515e régiment du train). Les forces françaises ripostent, quinze minutes après l’attaque en neutralisant les deux Soukhoï Su-25 après leur retour sur l’aéroport de Yamoussoukro. L’essentiel des forces aériennes ivoiriennes est anéanti dans les heures qui suivent : quatre hélicoptères de combat ivoiriens (2 MI 24, 1 MI 8 et 1 Puma) seront totalement détruits devant le palais présidentiel de Yamoussoukro par un raid nocturne de Gazelle HOT et canon du Batalat et deux MI 24 basés sur l’aéroport international d’Abidjan seront neutralisés.

      Le président français Jacques Chirac donne l’ordre de destruction de tous les moyens aériens militaires ivoiriens, afin d’empêcher toute nouvelle attaque des Forces armées nationales de Côte d’Ivoire (FANCI) contre les « rebelles » des Forces armées des forces nouvelles, qui serait contraire aux Accords de Marcoussis, et d’interdire d’autres agressions contre les positions françaises.

      Les évènements de novembre 2004, pendant lesquels l’armée française ouvre le feu sur des manifestants ivoiriens hostiles, mettent la force Licorne en position délicate vis-à-vis des populations civiles. La mort suspecte d’un ivoirien, en mai 2005, provoque la suspension, puis le blâme et la mutation, du général de division Henri Poncet et de son adjoint opérations, le général de Malaussène, ainsi que la suspension du colonel Éric Burgaud, chef de corps du 13e bataillon de chasseurs alpins et d’un sous-officier de ce bataillon par le ministre de la Défense, Michèle Alliot-Marie.

      L’opération Licorne a impliqué plus de 5 000 hommes et femmes au plus fort de la crise en novembre 2004. Les troupes françaises ont été ramenées à 2400 militaires depuis août 2007, puis à 1800 hommes à partir de mars 2008.

      Hôtel des Mille Collines

      The Hôtel des Mille Collines (French pronunciation: ​[otɛl dɛ mil kɔlin]) is a large hotel in Kigali, Rwanda. It became famous after 1,268 people took refuge inside the building during the Rwandan Genocide of 1994. The story of the hotel and its manager at that time, Paul Rusesabagina, was used as the basis of the film Hotel Rwanda.

      #France #Afrique #Françafrique #Côte_d_Ivoire #Ruanda #politique #guerre #histoire

  • Trois responsables FDLR condamnés en Allemagne

    Urteil im FDLR-Unterstützerprozess: Schuldig und auf freiem Fuß - taz.de

    Eigentlich ist es ein historisches Urteil, das der Strafsenat 6a des OLG Düsseldorf an diesem Freitag fällt. Die ruandische Hutu-Miliz FDLR (Demokratische Kräfte zur Befreiung Ruandas), die im Kongo unter wechselnden Namen seit zwanzig Jahren kämpft und für grausame Verbrechen an der Zivilbevölkerung Ostkongos verantwortlich gemacht wird, gilt nun amtlich als „terroristische Vereinigung“ – und zwar eine „besonders gefährliche terroristische Vereinigung“, wie die Vorsitzende Richterin Stein betont.

    Allein zwischen 2010 und 2012 seien gezielten FDLR-Angriffen im Ostkongo mindestens 536 Zivilisten zum Opfer gefallen, die Straftaten reichen von Freiheitsberaubung, Plünderung und grausamer Behandlung bis zu sexueller Gewalt und Mord.

    Seit 2009, so die Richterin, verfolge die Miliz – die aus jener Armee und jenen Milizen hervorgegangen ist, die 1994 in Ruanda einen Völkermord an mindestens 800.000 Menschen, zumeist Tutsi, verübten – im Ostkongo die Strategie, die „gesamte Bevölkerung als Feind anzusehen“. Damals sei in Reaktion auf kongolesisch-ruandische Militärschläge gegen die FDLR angeordnet worden, eine „humanitäre Katastrophe“ unter der Zivilbevölkerung anzurichten. „Dieser Befehl wurde seit 2009 immer wieder in die Tat umgesetzt“.

    Und das waren „nicht eigenmächtige Einzelaktionen marodierender Truppen, sondern großangelegte Bestrafungsoperationen.“ An anderer Stelle führt die Richterin aus: „Größere Militäroperationen werden nicht ohne Zustimmung der Führung der FDLR angeordnet.“

    Bernard T wird schließlich auch wegen Verstoßes gegen das Außenwirtschaftsgesetz verurteilt: zweimal hat er 2009 jeweils 60 und 100 Euro an Dritte zugunsten Murwanashyakas überwiesen, der selbst mit UN- und EU-Sanktionen belegt war und keine Finanztransaktionen mehr vornehmen durfte.

    Ansonsten werden Bernard T. und Félicien B. wegen „mitgliedschaftlicher Beteiligung an einer terroristischen Vereinigung im Ausland“ schuldig gesprochen, Jean-Bosco U. lediglich wegen „Unterstützung in fünf Fällen“.

    T. erhält 4,5 Jahre Haft und B. drei Jahre; beide Strafen werden unter Auflagen ausgesetzt. U. erhält zwei Jahre Haft auf Bewährung mit dreijähriger Bewährungsfrist.
    Alle drei waren geständig

    Dass sie alle drei jetzt auf freien Fuß gesetzt werden, liegt daran, dass alle drei geständig gewesen sind und Reue gezeigt haben – U. schon während der Vernehmung durch das BKA Anfang 2013, die anderen beiden gegen Ende des Prozesses, der im November 2012 begonnen hatte.

    #ruanda #allemagne #fdlr