• #Public_Domain_Day 2019 @ Nova
    http://constantvzw.org/site/Public-Domain-Day-2019-Nova.html

    In the course of 1948, the lives of the authors Sergej Eisenstein, Louis Jean Lumière, Marie-Elisabeth Belpaire, Jacques Feyder, Cissy van Marxveldt and many others came to an end. Seventy years later, in 2019, the intellectual property protection on their oeuvre expires. Finally, their works enter the Public Domain and are from now on available for reuse for everyone. Cinema Nova, in collaboration with Plus-tôt Te Laat and Constant, celebrates this resurrection with a a playful program (...)

    Public Domain Day

    / #Exhibition, #Screening


  • Forest Law + Night Soil - Nocturnal Gardening
    http://constantvzw.org/site/Forest-Law-Night-Soil-Nocturnal-Gardening.html

    On Tuesday evening, Z33 organizes, in the context of the #Alchorisma worksession, a #Screening of two films that focus on the themes of magic and spirituality. The two films show how artists respond, in their own way, to our contemporary interaction with elements from the earth and nature. Forest Law by Ursula Biemann & Paulo Tavares - Ecuador / Switzerland - 2014 - 38 min. Night Soil - Nocturnal Gardening by Melanie Bonajo - US/NL - Full HD one-channel color video with sound, 49:47 min. (...)

    Alchorisma

    / Screening


  • Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop, message de Vicky Skoumbi

    Les refoulements illégaux à #Evros (frontière gréco-turque) non seulement continuent mais leur nombre ne cesse d’augmenter.

    Selon le nouveau rapport du Conseil grec pour les Réfugiés, cette pratique de refoulement à la frontière nord-est de la Grèce est sur le point de devenir systématique. Personne n’y échappe : mineurs, femmes enceintes, demandeurs d’asile dont la demande est en cours de traitement et même des syriens ayant obtenu le statut des réfugiés peuvent à tout moment se retrouver embarqués sur un zodiaque en route vers la côte turque du fleuve qui sépare les deux pays. Le Conseil Grec pour les réfugiés a recueilli des nouveaux témoignages de 18 réfugiés qui ont été victimes de plusieurs violations de leur droits ,allant des injures et de coups de matraques jusqu’à la soustraction des documents administratifs et des téléphones portables, l’enlèvement et la détention arbitraire en vue d’un refoulement vers la Turquie, le tout perpétré par la police grecque en étroite collaboration avec de groupes armés cagoulés. Ces dénonciations viennent confirmer de rapports similaires antérieurs d’Amnesty International et de l’ONG allemande ProAsyl ; ils campent un décor cauchemardesque d’anomie la plus complète à laquelle seraient soumis les demandeurs d’asile à la frontière d’Evros. Dans le collimateur de ces opérations secrètes de la police grecque se trouve tout étranger avec ou sans papiers qui croise le chemin des forces de l’ordre. Un Syrien dont la demande d’asile est en cours de traitement a été arrêté au moment où il se rendrait à son travail, tandis qu’une femme algérienne, enceinte de huit mois, a été refoulé de force vers la Turquie, manquant ainsi son rendez-vous fixé avec l’office grec d’asile. Source Efimerida tôn Syntaktôn

    Ce #rapport est d’autant plus inquiétant qu’il est publié juste une dizaine de jours après la noyade de plusieurs personnes de nationalité turque, dont deux garçons de 3 et 5 ans dans les eaux glacées d’Evros. Il s’agissait d’une famille d’enseignants licenciés et poursuivis par le régime d’Erdogan.

    La police grecque enlève et refoule nuitamment à la frontière, les réfugiés se noient et l’Europe est saine et sauve...

    http://www.ekathimerini.com/226012/article/ekathimerini/news/greek-council-for-refugees-warns-of-rise-in-pushbacks-in-evros

    Greek Council for Refugees warns of rise in pushbacks in Evros

    The Greek Council for Refugees has issued a 14-page report containing refugee testimonies of “systematic pushbacks” by Greek police in the country’s northeastern border with Turkey in the Evros region.

    In a series of interviews, the victims – including families with children, pregnant women, and minors – describe beatings and inhuman treatment in the hands of the police in breach of international humanitarian law.

    The organization warns of a rise in the number of pushbacks and urged Greek authorities to investigate the claims.

    #Grèce #Turquie #frontières #refoulements #push-back #asile #migrations #réfugiés

    Ici le lien vers le rapport, en grec :
    http://gcr.gr/index.php/el/news/press-releases-announcements/item/790-anafores-gia-systimatikes-epanaproothiseis-ston-evro-apo-eksypiretoymenous-t

    • Rapport qui date de 2013... mais qui montre une continuité de la pratique des push-backs :
      #Frontex entre Grèce et Turquie : la Frontière du déni

      Dernier #rapport en anglais et en grec du Conseil Grec pour les Réfugié-e-s publiant un certain nombre de témoignages attestant de refoulements à la frontière gréco-turque en particulier au niveau de la rivière #Evros.

      Des refoulement ont également eu lieu de personnes en possession de documentations les autorisant á séjourner en UE, par ex. un réfugié en Allemagne souhaitant entrer en Grèce pour y accueillir son épouse et entamer avec elle les démarches de regroupement selon Dublin III.
      Les détails sordides faisant état de traitements inhumains et dégradants, de la violence physique à l’intimidations, abondent, que ce soit envers des hommes, des femmes ou des enfants.

      Ces témoignages attestent d’une tendance à l’arrestation par des personnes en noir, cagoulées, qui ne portent pas d’uniforme officiel de police. Les personnes interceptées sont transportées de force en bus vers des lieux de détention insalubres puis abandonnées à la frontière. Il est malheureusement évident que les entraves à la demande d’asile sont nombreuses.

      Ces pratiques ne sont pas nouvelles. Elles font notamment écho à de nombreux rapports publiés depuis 2011/2012, notamment le rapport de la campagne Frontexit sur la frontière gréco-turque en 2014 (disponible en EN/FR/Turc et grec)

      http://www.frontexit.org/index.php/fr/docs/58-rapport-frontex-greceturquie-frontiere-deni/file

      #Poséidon #opération_Poséidon #Mer_Egée #cartographie et #visualisation (mais la version mise sur le site a des cartes en très mauvaise résolution) #identification #screening #frontières #Turquie #Lesbos #Corinthe

      cc @i_s_


  • Migranti, Italia e Ue dialogano con l’Africa delle dittature

    A Roma si è tenuta la Conferenza ministeriale di lancio del Processo di Khartoum: la diplomazia europea apre agli aiuti nel Corno d’Africa e si attavola con le dittature

    http://www.polisblog.it/post/278184/migranti-italia-e-ue-dialogano-con-lafrica-delle-dittature
    #processus_de_khartoum #migration #asile #externalisation #dictature #screening #diplomatie #aide_au_développement #accords

    • Concerns over Eritrea’s role in efforts by Africa and EU to manage refugees

      Early in 2019 the Eritrean government will take over the chair of the key Africa and European Union (EU) forum dealing with African migration, known as the Khartoum Process.

      The Khartoum Process was established in the Sudanese capital in 2014. It’s had little public profile, yet it’s the most important means Europe has of attempting to halt the flow of refugees and migrants from Africa. The official title says it all: The EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative. Its main role is spelled out as being:

      primarily focused on preventing and fighting migrant smuggling and trafficking in human beings.

      Chairing the Khartoum Process alternates between European and African leaders. In January it will be Africa’s turn. The steering committee has five African members – Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, South Sudan and Sudan. A number of others nations, such as Kenya to Tunisia, have participating status.

      The African countries chose Eritrea to lead this critical relationship. But it’s been heavily criticised because it places refugees and asylum seekers in the hands of a regime that is notorious for its human rights abuses. Worse still, there is evidence that Eritrean officials are directly implicated in human trafficking the Khartoum Process is meant to end.

      That the European Union allowed this to happen puts in question its repeated assurances that human rights are at the heart of its foreign policies.

      The Khartoum Process

      The Khartoum Process involves a huge range of initiatives. All are designed to reduce the number of Africans crossing the Mediterranean. These include training the fragile Libyan government’s coastguards, who round up migrants at sea and return them to the brutal conditions of the Libyan prison camps.

      The programme has sometimes backfired. Some EU-funded coastguards have been accused of involvement in people trafficking themselves.

      The EU has also established a regional operational centre in Khartoum. But this has meant European officials collaborating with the security forces of a government which has regularly abused its own citizens, as well as foreigners on its soil. President Omar al-Bashir himself has been indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court.

      The centre requires European police and other officers to work directly with the security officials who uphold the Sudanese government. According to the head of the immigration police department,

      The planned countertrafficking coordination centre in Khartoum – staffed jointly by police officers from Sudan and several European countries, including Britain, France and Italy – will partly rely on information sourced by Sudanese National Intelligence.

      The centre also receives support from Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces, which grew out of the Janjaweed: notorious for the atrocities it committed in Darfur.

      These initiatives are all very much in line with the migration agreement signed in the Maltese capital in 2015. Its action plan detailed how European institutions would co-operate with their African partners to fight

      irregular migration, migrant smuggling and trafficking in human beings.

      Europe promised to offer training to law enforcement and judicial authorities in new methods of investigation and to assist in setting up specialised anti-trafficking and smuggling police units.

      It is this sensitive relationship that will now come under Eritrean supervision. They will be dealing with some of the most vulnerable men, women and children who have fled their own countries. It is here that the process gets really difficult, because Eritrean government officials have themselves been implicated in human trafficking. UN researchers, working for the Security Council described how this took place in 2011.

      More recently, survivors of human trafficking interviewed by a team led by Dutch professor Mirjam van Reisen, described how the Eritrean Border Surveillance Unit ferried refugees out of Eritrea, at a price.

      The danger is that implicated Eritrean officials will play a critical role in the development of the Khartoum Process.

      Europe’s commitment to human rights

      The EU has repeatedly stressed that its commitment to human rights runs through everything it does. Yet the Eritrean government, with which the EU is now collaborating so closely, has been denounced for its human rights abuses by no less than the Special Rapporteur for Eritrea to the UN Human Rights Council as recently as June 2018.

      As Mike Smith, who chaired the UN Commission Inquiry into Eritrea in 2015, put it:

      The many violations in Eritrea are of a scope and scale seldom seen anywhere else in today’s world. Basic freedoms are curtailed, from movement to expression; from religion to association. The Commission finds that crimes against humanity may have occurred with regard to torture, extrajudicial executions, forced labour and in the context of national service.

      The EU itself has remained silent. It is difficult to see how the EU can allow its key African migration work to be overseen by such a regime, without running foul of its own human rights commitments. European leaders need to reconsider their relationships with African governments implicated in gross human rights abuses if they are to uphold these values.

      The Khartoum Process may have reduced the flow of refugees and asylum seekers across the Mediterranean. But it hasn’t eliminated the need for a fresh approach to their plight.

      https://reliefweb.int/report/world/concerns-over-eritrea-s-role-efforts-africa-and-eu-manage-refugees
      #droits_humains

    • Concerns over Eritrea’s role in efforts by Africa and EU to manage refugees

      Early in 2019 the Eritrean government will take over the chair of the key Africa and European Union (EU) forum dealing with African migration, known as the Khartoum Process.

      The Khartoum Process was established in the Sudanese capital in 2014. It’s had little public profile, yet it’s the most important means Europe has of attempting to halt the flow of refugees and migrants from Africa. The official title says it all: The EU-Horn of Africa Migration Route Initiative. Its main role is spelled out as being:

      primarily focused on preventing and fighting migrant smuggling and trafficking in human beings.

      Chairing the Khartoum Process alternates between European and African leaders. In January it will be Africa’s turn. The steering committee has five African members – Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, South Sudan and Sudan. A number of others nations, such as Kenya to Tunisia, have participating status.

      The African countries chose Eritrea to lead this critical relationship. But it’s been heavily criticised because it places refugees and asylum seekers in the hands of a regime that is notorious for its human rights abuses. Worse still, there is evidence that Eritrean officials are directly implicated in human trafficking the Khartoum Process is meant to end.

      That the European Union allowed this to happen puts in question its repeated assurances that human rights are at the heart of its foreign policies.
      The Khartoum Process

      The Khartoum Process involves a huge range of initiatives. All are designed to reduce the number of Africans crossing the Mediterranean. These include training the fragile Libyan government’s coastguards, who round up migrants at sea and return them to the brutal conditions of the Libyan prison camps.

      The programme has sometimes backfired. Some EU-funded coastguards have been accused of involvement in people trafficking themselves.

      The EU has also established a regional operational centre in Khartoum. But this has meant European officials collaborating with the security forces of a government which has regularly abused its own citizens, as well as foreigners on its soil. President Omar al-Bashir himself has been indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court.

      The centre requires European police and other officers to work directly with the security officials who uphold the Sudanese government. According to the head of the immigration police department,

      The planned countertrafficking coordination centre in Khartoum – staffed jointly by police officers from Sudan and several European countries, including Britain, France and Italy – will partly rely on information sourced by Sudanese National Intelligence.

      The centre also receives support from Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces, which grew out of the Janjaweed: notorious for the atrocities it committed in Darfur.

      These initiatives are all very much in line with the migration agreement signed in the Maltese capital in 2015. Its action plan detailed how European institutions would co-operate with their African partners to fight

      irregular migration, migrant smuggling and trafficking in human beings.

      Europe promised to offer training to law enforcement and judicial authorities in new methods of investigation and to assist in setting up specialised anti-trafficking and smuggling police units.

      It is this sensitive relationship that will now come under Eritrean supervision. They will be dealing with some of the most vulnerable men, women and children who have fled their own countries. It is here that the process gets really difficult, because Eritrean government officials have themselves been implicated in human trafficking. UN researchers, working for the Security Council described how this took place in 2011.

      More recently, survivors of human trafficking interviewed by a team led by Dutch professor Mirjam van Reisen, described how the Eritrean Border Surveillance Unit ferried refugees out of Eritrea, at a price.

      The danger is that implicated Eritrean officials will play a critical role in the development of the Khartoum Process.
      Europe’s commitment to human rights

      The EU has repeatedly stressed that its commitment to human rights runs through everything it does. Yet the Eritrean government, with which the EU is now collaborating so closely, has been denounced for its human rights abuses by no less than the Special Rapporteur for Eritrea to the UN Human Rights Council as recently as June 2018.

      As Mike Smith, who chaired the UN Commission Inquiry into Eritrea in 2015, put it:

      The many violations in Eritrea are of a scope and scale seldom seen anywhere else in today’s world. Basic freedoms are curtailed, from movement to expression; from religion to association. The Commission finds that crimes against humanity may have occurred with regard to torture, extrajudicial executions, forced labour and in the context of national service.

      The EU itself has remained silent. It is difficult to see how the EU can allow its key African migration work to be overseen by such a regime, without running foul of its own human rights commitments. European leaders need to reconsider their relationships with African governments implicated in gross human rights abuses if they are to uphold these values.

      The Khartoum Process may have reduced the flow of refugees and asylum seekers across the Mediterranean. But it hasn’t eliminated the need for a fresh approach to their plight.

      https://theconversation.com/concerns-over-eritreas-role-in-efforts-by-africa-and-eu-to-manage-r


  • Salviamo i profughi, lasciamoli nel deserto

    Il governo italiano ha annunciato a Roma un’intesa per realizzare dei campi profughi nei paesi d’origine e di transito dei migranti per esaminare le richieste d’asilo sul posto. L’accordo, noto come “Processo di Khartoum”, è stato sottoscritto a fine novembre dai 28 paesi dell’Unione europea più Egitto, Eritrea, Etiopia, Gibuti, Kenya, Libia, Somalia, Sudan, Sud Sudan e Tunisia.

    http://www.internazionale.it/opinione/stefano-liberti/2014/12/01/salviamo-i-profughi-lasciamoli-nel-deserto
    #processus_de_Khartoum #screening #externalisation #migration #asile #réfugiés #pays_de_transit #camp_de_réfugiés



  • Et voilà...
    Audizione del ministro #Alfano sui flussi migratori

    «Il nostro nuovo obiettivo è quello di affidare l’esame dei migranti richiedenti asilo ad avamposti dell’Unione Europea in Africa per fare sì che lì avvenga lo #screening tra chi abbia diritto e chi no» Così il ministro Angelino Alfano nel corso di un’audizione al Comitato parlamentare di controllo sull’attuazione dell’Accordo di Schengen. Secondo il titolare del Viminale, infatti, si deve puntare ad un’equa distribuzione dei migranti che chiedono asilo. Sono solo 5 o sei i paesi europei che attualmente si fanno carico dell’intera vicenda dell’immigrazione.

    –-> notre objectif : que l’examen des migrants requérants d’asile soit fait dans les avant-postes de l’Union européenne, soit en Afrique...

    http://www1.interno.gov.it/mininterno/export/sites/default/it/sezioni/sala_stampa/notizie/2098_500_ministro/2014_11_19_schengen.html
    #asile #migration #externalisation #Afrique #Europe


  • Immigration department officials screen asylum seekers at sea ’via teleconference’

    The second asylum seeker boat to recently attempt the journey to Australia has been intercepted by Australian officials who allegedly screened people on board via a teleconference.

    A source from the immigration department has confirmed the ACV Triton, a 98-metre Australian customs patrol boat, intercepted the asylum seeker vessel on the weekend.

    The boat was initially thought to have come from Java, Indonesia, but Fairfax Media understands the boat departed from Sri Lanka.

    It is understood interpreters were brought into the Sydney and Melbourne offices of the department on Saturday and Sunday to help ’’screen’’ the asylum seekers.

    http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/immigration-department-officials-screen-asylum-seekers-at-sea-via-teleconfer

    #asile #migration #réfugiés #Australie #téléconférence #screening