• Israel seeks to rewrite the laws of war | Israel-Palestine conflict | Al Jazeera

    L’état sioniste veut que ses propres lois de guerre fassent jurisprudence.

    According to the Israeli organisation Breaking the Silence, which is made up of military veterans, two doctrines have guided the Israeli assaults on Gaza since 2008. The first is the “no casualties doctrine”, which stipulates that, for the sake of protecting Israeli soldiers, Palestinian civilians can be killed with impunity; the second doctrine recommends intentionally attacking civilian sites in order to deter Hamas.


    This might seem egregious, but an officer in the International Law Department of the Israeli army was very candid about such changes in a 2009 interview for the newspaper Haaretz: “Our goal of military is not to fetter the army, but to give it the tools to win in a lawful manner.”

    “If you do something for long enough, the world will accept it,” he said, “The whole of international law is now based on the notion that an act that is forbidden today becomes permissible if executed by enough countries.”

    In other words, the way we calculate proportionality is not determined by some a priori moral edict but rather the norms and customs created by militaries as they adopt new and most often more lethal forms of war-making.

    Again, Netanyahu knows this all too well. He has stated that he personally approved the al-Mawasi strike after receiving satisfactory information on the potential “collateral damage” and the type of ammunition to be used.

    What is clear is that as Israel decimates Gaza and kills tens of thousands of people, it is also attempting to recreate the norms of war-making and significantly transform interpretations of the laws of armed conflict.

    If Netanyahu and his government succeed in rendering Israel’s version of proportionality acceptable among other state actors, then the laws of armed conflict will end up justifying rather than preventing genocidal violence. Indeed, the very architecture of the entire international legal order is now in the balance.

    #génocidaires #sionisme

  • Craig Mokhiber sur X : "

    Israel has murdered 200 UN staff in Gaza (many with their families), kidnapped and tortured countless others, attacked UN humanitarian facilities & vehicles, lied about & smeared the organization, & now has destroyed UN headquarters in Gaza. And still senior UN officials & spokespersons continue to tip-toe around the subject.

    The UN has a duty to directly condemn this, to name the perpetrators & to demand individual criminal accountability for them. And, in the name of the UN Charter, it is time for the SG & senior leaders to speak out against Israeli apartheid, settler colonialism & #genocide, without fear.

    #colonialisme #sionisme

  • For Israel, the War Itself Is the End, Not the Means - Opinion - Haaretz.com

    Those on whom it is permissible to step, to spit, to collect the taxes needed to finance the trappings of power. In return, the wild weeds get gurnisht. Here and there, they are allowed to die in war or to be taken hostage, which is really the same thing, and then they are praised to the skies. After all, sooner or later the government will once again need suckers who will die for it, so as to renew the holy war.

    Nobody is telling them the depressing truth: The war is not a means to some end. The war itself is the end. Why? Because it is much easier to control a country that is at war. Then, everything is so sacred. Forbidden. Secret. “Not now.” "Only when it’s over." But it will never be over. War is our life. We have no existence without it.


  • Israël, #Palestine, #Gaza : le tragique par la non-fiction, une conversation avec Nathan Thrall, prix Pulitzer 2024 | Le Grand Continent

    Au-delà des rapports froids et des images choquantes, comment dire le réel de la vie en Israël et en Palestine ?

    À l’occasion de son passage à Paris, nous avons invité Nathan Thrall, lauréat du prix Pulitzer pour Une journée dans la vie d’Abed Salama (Gallimard, 2024) à revenir sur son approche narrative : partir de la douleur d’une expérience humaine pour explorer un système complexe et bureaucratique de domination.


  • Smotrich Has Completed Israel’s Annexation of the West Bank - Opinion - Haaretz.com

    A few days ago, the constitutional revolution was completed, but no, not in Israel. Few were aware of it, but the Ben-Gvir-Smotrich-Netanyahu government has conspired to carry out two coups – one in Israel and the other in the West Bank.

    The first is aimed at eliminating the separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary and creating a dictatorship in Israel; the second seeks to annex the West Bank and perpetuate Jewish supremacy as a guiding principle there. In order to prevent the first from happening, hundreds of thousands of Israelis went to the streets. But no one did the same to stop the second – because what’s wrong with some more Jewish supremacy?

    The regime revolution in the West Bank is being conducted in accordance with the commitments Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gave to Religious Zionism leader Bezalel Smotrich as part of the coalition agreement. Its essence is the transfer of all the governing powers in the West Bank, except those directly relating to security, from the army to an apparatus headed by Smotrich himself.
    At the end of May, it happened.

    Quietly, without any ceremonies or press announcements, Yehuda Fuchs, the head of the army’s Central Command (and the commander of Israeli forces in the West Bank), signed an order creating a new position in the army’s Civil Administration, “deputy head for civilian affairs” and the Civil Administration’s head signed a document delegating powers to the holder of the new office.

    But the “deputy” is in fact a civilian appointed by Smotrich and is in no way a deputy because he is not subordinate to the head of the Civil Administration. He needs no approval for his actions, is not required to consult with or report to him. He is subordinate alone to Smotrich.

    The order and the letter of delegation of powers transferred most – in fact almost all – of the powers held by the head of the Civil Administration to the new deputy. Land management, planning and construction, enforcement against unpermitted construction, supervision and management of local authorities, professional licensing, trade and economy, management of nature reserves and archaeological sites.

    Israeli settler terrorism is state terror against Palestinians
    Far-right minister Strock’s miracle is a catastrophe for sane Israelis

    Smotrich carried out an administrative enema (excuse the image) on the head of the Civil Administration, emptying him of all its powers, and transferring them to Smotrich himself via the deputy he himself has appointed.
    If we describe things in a pictorial way: Since the order was signed, an officer has been wandering around the division’s headquarters in Beit El boasting the title “head of the Civil Administration,” but given the changes, he is effectively unemployed and can devote his time to organizing cultural and leisure activities for his subordinates. Someone should tell him that he may be a “head,” but this head has no body.

    However, transferring authority from an officer who is subordinate to the IDF commander in the West Bank to a civilian who is subordinate to the outpost Smotrich has established in the defense ministry has significance that far transcends issues such as work shifts and schedules. This is a dramatic change in the governing apparatus of the occupied territory, from one managed by a military administration, subject to international law which requires that it look after the occupied population, to a territory directly managed by civilian administration officials and Israeli publicly-elected officials, whose loyalty and duty are by definition given to Israeli citizens in general, and to Israeli citizens living in this occupied territory in particular. In order to understand how dramatic this change is, one should realize what international law was trying to achieve when it determined that occupied territory should be managed by a military government.

    International law regulates a state of occupation as a temporary management of the territory by the occupier, and it categorically prohibits its unilateral annexation. This is not just another prohibition, but a key principle meant to cement the principle which precludes the use of force in international relations except in self-defense. If it is clear sovereignty cannot be acquired by force, there will be less motivation for embarking on a war of aggression. In other words, this prohibition on unilateral annexation of an occupied territory principle is at the core of the international rule-based order established after World War II, that in its heart lies the desire to eradicate wars. The purpose of determining that an occupied territory will be managed by a temporary military administration, and not directly by the occupying government, was to create a buffer between the citizens of the occupying country, who are its sovereign, and the ruling apparatus in the occupied territory.

    This order is based on the understanding that the military is less committed to political considerations, whereas the ministries of an elected government are by definition committed to pursue them. The transfer of administrative powers to public servants of the occupying government and to its elected officials creates a direct rule by the occupiers’ citizens over the occupied territory, thereby expanding the occupiers’ sovereignty into the occupied territory. In other words: annexation. This is what Smotrich has succeeded in doing. He has completely removed the army (including military legal counseling) from the decision-making process regarding anything not directly related to security in the West Bank, in practice imposing Israeli sovereignty over the area.

    And this will have disastrous implications for the rights of Palestinians. The few restrictions the army has somehow placed on the dispossession and violation of Palestinian rights will now be removed. Members of the Regavim NGO, the Kohelet Forum and the Honenu organization, whom Smotrich has appointed to all the relevant posts in the new civil administration of the West Bank, mainly as legal advisers, will remove the remaining restrictions. They will pounce on the proverbial poor man’s [Palestinian] sheep, slaughtering it, tearing off its meat and sucking its marrow. It’s already happening. New settlements will be erected; new neighborhoods will be built at a rate we haven’t seen yet; large swathes of land will be allocated to violent Israelis in order to set up farms on them; Palestinian structures built without permits will be demolished at a dizzying pace, while illegal construction by settlers will be legalized. Fearless and shameless apartheid. Apartheid as a work plan.

    The great shame lies in the fact that no one has stood up to object, not in Israel nor around the world. The same world that imposed heavy sanctions on Russia when it annexed in criminal fashion the Crimean Peninsula, and later territory it had conquered after invading Ukraine, has gone silent, not sounding a peep when it comes to Israel.

    Indeed, the world uses a different yardstick when it comes to Israel. But in contrast to the prattle of Israel’s public diplomacy, this is positive discrimination, exempting Israel from the law. The only thing the annexationist criminals must be saying to themselves now is: why did we wait for 57 years? It’s so easy.

    #droit_international #cisjordanie

  • Netanyahu Coalition Advances Bill Allowing Israel’s Antiquities Authority to Operate in West Bank - Israel News - Haaretz.com

    The Ministerial Legislative Committee on Sunday approved for a preliminary reading in the Knesset a bill sponsored by Likud lawmaker Amit Halevi granting the Israel Antiquities Authority the right to operate in the West Bank.

    #Cisjordanie #sionisme #crimes

  • Nouveautés

    Le site Contre-Littérature a récemment publié un texte d’Isaac Asimov (1920-1992, biographie) qui, écrit aujourd’hui, lui aurait attiré les foudres des soutiens inconditionnels du gouvernement de Benyamin Netanyahou. L’écrivain américain d’origine russe, auteur de plus de cinq cents livres de science-fiction et de vulgarisation scientifique, aurait sans doute été traité d’antisémitisme pour avoir déclaré que les Juifs étaient un peuple comme les autres, capables de massacres et de persécutions, et que les horreurs qu’ils avaient vécues au cours de leur histoire ne les immunisaient pas contre cette maladie bien humaine. A lire.

    #Israël #Média #Asimov #sionisme #science-fiction

  • Israël saisit plus de 1200 hectares de terres en Cisjordanie occupée, un record depuis 30 ans
    Par : RFI avec AFP | Publié le : 03/07/2024 - 23:09

    Ces terres, situées dans la vallée du Jourdain, ont été déclarées « propriété du gouvernement » par l’autorité israélienne en charge des affaires foncières dans les Territoires palestiniens fin juin, selon des documents officiels consultés par l’AFP.

    Selon cette organisation anti-colonisation, « la taille de la zone (...) est la plus grande depuis les accords d’Oslo, et l’année 2024 marque un pic dans l’étendue des déclarations de terres d’État. »

    La décision israélienne « est un pas dans la mauvaise direction », a déclaré Stéphane Dujarric, le porte-parole du secrétaire général de l’ONU. « La direction dans laquelle nous voulons aller est de trouver une solution négociée à deux États » israélien et palestinien.


  • Israeli Air Base Is Linked to GPS ‘Spoofing’ Attacks - The New York Times

    Researchers at the University of Texas at Austin have identified an Israeli air base as a key source of GPS attacks that have disrupted civilian airline navigation in the Middle East.

    The attacks, known as spoofing, send out manipulated GPS signals that make airplane instruments misread their location.

    The researchers, Todd Humphreys and Zach Clements, said they are “highly confident” that the spoofing attacks originated from Ein Shemer Airfield in northern Israel. The Israeli military declined to comment on Tuesday.

    The researchers used data that was emitted by the spoofer and picked up by satellites in low-Earth orbit to determine its location. They then confirmed their calculations using data they collected on the ground in Israel.

    Spoofing, along with GPS jamming, has sharply risen over the last three years, particularly near war zones in Ukraine and Gaza, where militaries interfere with navigation signals to thwart missile and drone attacks.

    The Middle East has emerged as a spoofing hot spot. The University of Texas researchers did not say how many spoofing attacks they had linked to the military base, but a separate analysis estimated that more than 50,000 flights have been spoofed in the region this year.

    The attacks have made pilots think that they were above airports in Beirut or Cairo when they were not, according to researchers at SkAI Data Services and the Zurich University of Applied Sciences, who analyzed data from the OpenSky Network.

    Swiss International Air Lines say their flights are spoofed almost every day over the Middle East.

    Separately, Estonia and other Baltic nations have blamed Russia for disrupting signals in their airspaces. In April, Finnair temporarily suspended flights to an Estonian airport after turning back two flights because of severe GPS jamming.

    The attacks now cover large swaths of the globe far from any battlefield.

    In addition to causing navigation confusion, spoofing can trigger false alerts that airplanes are too close to the ground. But the attacks have not yet made flying dangerous because pilots can use alternative navigation methods.

    “Losing GPS is not going to cause airplanes to fall out of the sky,” said Jeremy Bennington, vice president of Spirent Communications, which provides testing for global navigation systems. “But I also don’t want to deny the fact that we are removing layers of safety.”


    • En réaction au touit de Ben Gvir :

      הגיע הזמן לפרק את הספינים, ולענות למבול התדרוכים וההאשמות השקריות של השב"כ ודובריו בתקשורת.

      מאז שנכנסתי לתפקידי כשר לביטחון לאומי, אחת המטרות העליונות שהצבתי לעצמי היא הרעת תנאי המחבלים בבתי הסוהר, וצמצום זכויותיהם למינימום המתחייב על פי חוק. כך התחייבתי לבוחריי ולעם ישראל עוד בבחירות, כאשר הודעתי שאדרוש את התפקיד.

      כל מה שפורסם אודות התנאים המפליגים של הרוצחים השפלים הללו בכלא, היה נכון. הם שלטו בבתי הכלא ללא עוררין, ועשו ככל העולה על רוחם.

      בשנה האחרונה, בטרם פרצה המלחמה, ניהלתי מלחמת חורמה כדי לבצע את הרפורמה המיוחלת בתנאיהם, ולממש את המנדט שקיבלתי מהציבור.
      הארגון המרכזי שנאבק בניסיונות שלי להוביל את הרפורמה החשובה הזו, ואף הצליח למנוע אותה, הוא השב"כ, בפיקודו של רונן בר. הוא נעמד על רגליו האחוריות, ושכנע פעם אחר פעם את ראש הממשלה שהרעת תנאי המחבלים תוביל להסלמה, לפיצוץ, להבערת המזרח התיכון. מה לא.

      בשבעה באוקטובר גילינו את האמת המרה: אויבינו אינם זקוקים לאף תירוץ כדי לבצע בנו טבח, ולהוביל ל"הסלמה". יש להם סיבה אחת שבגללה הם עושים זאת: הקיום שלנו כיהודים.

      לצד זאת, לאחר פרוץ המלחמה, הצלחתי לבצע סוף כל סוף את הרפורמה המיוחלת. תנאי המחבלים בכלא צומצמו למינימום: עצרנו את ההפקדות הכספיות, ביטלנו למחבלים את הקנטינות, הוצאנו את מכשירי החשמל מהתאים, הפסקנו את טיילת המחבלים, צמצמנו באופן דרמטי את שהות המחבלים במקלחות, ביטלנו את מעמד הדובר, הפסקנו את תפריט האוכל המפנק שהומר בתפריט מינימלי, ובקיצור - הפסקנו לחלוטין את תנאי הקייטנה. מחבלים המשוחררים כיום ממאסר מעידים על כך שלא ירצו לשוב לכלא הישראלי לעולם. בתי הכלא של מדינת ישראל הם כבר לא בדיחה עצובה.

      כחלק מהמלחמה, הצבא ביצע מעצרים רבים של מחבלים ומבוקשים בטרור באיו"ש, לצד מחבלים רבים שהובאו מעזה. חלק גדול מהעצורים שוכנו במחנה צבאי, שדה תימן, שם הוחזקו בידי הצבא. לאחרונה, בעקבות עתירה לבג"ץ, המלינה על תנאי המחבלים שם, בצה"ל ובשב"כ מיהרו להתקפל, ולהודיע כי ייבחנו תנאי הכליאה במקום, וכי מספר האסירים המוחזקים במקום יצומצם. בפועל נוצר מצב בו בגלל תנאי המחיה הקשים של האסירים (אנחנו מדברים על מחבלים מתועבים, כן?), ישנם כעת 1,500 מקומות כליאה פנויים בשדה תימן.

      גם בבתי הכלא המצויים תחת אחריות שב"ס, בהם נקלטו מחבלים רבים, נוצרה צפיפות. אך מעולם לא העליתי בדעתי לשחרר מחבלים מהכלא כי צפוף להם.

      וזוהי ליבת המחלוקת ביני לבין ראש השב"כ רונן בר:
      רונן בר טוען שתנאי המחבלים בכלא, בהם הצפיפות, נראים רע בעולם, ועלולים להוביל להסלמה.
      ואני טוען, שאם לכל מדינה אחרת בעולם היו עושים מה שנעשה לנו, היא היתה עושה פי כמה וכמה מול אותם מחבלים – ושמה פס אחד גדול על כל המצקצקים בלשונם. צפוף להם? פעם הבאה שיחשבו פעמיים לפני שהם יוצאים לשחוט, לאנוס ולבזוז.

      ובאשר לטענות של שב"כ לפיהן שב"ס והמשרד לביטחון לאומי לא עשו דבר בכדי להקים ולהוסיף מקומות כליאה חדשים – מדובר בהבלים, שזכו לשפרור מלא מצד תקשורת השמאל.
      אלו העובדות המדויקות: שב"ס החל כבר בפרויקט בינוי מואץ של מקומות כליאה חדשים, ומאז אוקטובר נוספו 2,500 מקומות כליאה חדשים. פרויקט נוסף החל בחודש אפריל האחרון, והוא כולל בניית 936 מקומות כליאה נוספים המתבצעת כעת, כאשר בנוסף לבינוי החירום במלחמה, שב"ס ישלים עד סוף השנה פרויקט בינוי של כ-1,200 מקומות כליאה ברחבי הארץ. כל זה, לצד העובדה שמאז תחילת המלחמה קלט שב"ס מספר שיא של למעלה מ-5,000 מחבלים שנעצרו בידי כוחות הביטחון.

      ייתכן מאוד שגם אחרי שתושלם הוספת מקומות הכליאה החדשים, למחבלים הרבים יהיה עדיין צפוף בכלא. אני כבר הצעתי פתרון הרבה יותר פשוט, של חקיקת עונש מוות למחבלים, שתפתור את סוגיית הצפיפות – חקיקה שגם אליה השב"כ מתנגד בתוקף. אבל עד שהחקיקה הזו בעזרת השם תעבור, לא יקרה כלום אם למחבל נו’חבה, שבשבעה באוקטובר שרף תינוקת, יהיה צפוף בתא המאסר בו הוא נמק.


    • https://english.almayadeen.net/news/politics/ben-gvir-confirms-atrocities-faced-by-palestinians-in-israel

      Israeli Police Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir confirmed Tuesday’s reports of the atrocious conditions being faced by Palestinian prisoners and defended the legitimacy of such measures. He emphasized that these steps were part of his campaign promises and aimed at minimizing the rights of Palestinians detained over alleged “terrorism” charges to the bare minimum allowed by law.

      “Since assuming my role as [Police] Minister, one of my top priorities has been to worsen the conditions for terrorists in prisons and reduce their rights to the minimum required by law,” Ben-Gvir said. “This was a commitment I made to my voters and the people of Israel during the elections when I announced my intention to take on this role.”

      Over the past year, before the outbreak of the war on Gaza, Ben-Gvir claimed to have led a fierce battle to make the conditions even stricter for Palestinian prisoners and inflict more terror upon them

      Following the outbreak of the war, Ben-Gvir declared success in implementing his desired sadistic changes. “The conditions for terrorists in prison were reduced to a minimum: we stopped financial deposits, canceled the canteens, removed electrical appliances from the cells, ended yard times for terrorists, drastically reduced their time in the showers, revoked the spokesperson status,” and made dire restrictions to their diet, he said.
      Overcrowded? Not Ben-Gvir’s problem

      Additionally, Ben-Gvir addressed the current overcrowding in prisons due to the detention of wanted Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. He mentioned a specific military camp, Sde Teiman, where many detainees were held under harsh conditions.

      As a matter of fact, two Palestinian detainees taken from Gaza to the Sde Teiman detention facility in occupied Palestine were beaten to death by the IOF, according to what two sources told the Israeli newspaper Haaretz.

      The two Palestinians were abducted by IOF troops in March from Khan Younis using the pretext that they were suspected members of the Palestinian Resistance. When they were taken, they were still alive, and the IOF strapped them and put them in a truck.

      However, when they arrived at Sde Teiman, a temporary IOF detention facility near Be’er Shevam, they were already dead.

      The IOF troops, unharmed, claimed that the two Palestinians possibly died due to the “extremely bumpy ride over rough terrain,” however, the investigation’s conclusions contradict these claims.

    • Does Israel Actually Want to Be Accused of More War Crimes in Gaza ? - Haaretz Today - Haaretz.com

      In an interview on Monday to Israel’s Army Radio, National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir gave his solution to the problem of prison overcrowding that prompted the release: “If they had listened to me about the ’death penalty for terrorists’ law, we would have killed them, and there would be more room in prisons.” Yes, he really said this – in a conversation about detainees.

  • Ayelet Waldman: My Father and Liberal Zionism’s Downfall

    On the morning of October 8, I looked up bleary-eyed from the computer on which I’d been scrolling nonstop for hours and said a version of what I have since heard so many Israelis say: “They hate us. They all want us dead. There’s no peace to be made with animals like that.” My husband stared at me in horror. He placed his hand on my shoulder, shaking me, and said, “How can you be saying this! You’re the one who taught me how to feel about Palestine!”

    I remember in his eyes an expression not merely of dismay but of betrayal. Who was this unrecognizable person with a snarl on her face and revenge in her heart? My urge was to shout at him that he didn’t understand, he couldn’t understand, but I managed to choke down my fury. It’s not that he shook me out of my incoherent, visceral rage. But he reminded me of who I’d been and, more important, who I wanted to be. Pretend, I said to myself. Pretend you are who you once were, until you are able to find yourself again.

    Though this spinning of my moral compass was dramatic and shattering, it was not an unfamiliar feeling when it comes to Israel. […]


    Like all observant parents, mine raised me in the tradition of their beliefs. I went to Zionist summer camps, visited Israel, lived for a year in high school on Kibbutz Kfar Blum in the Galilee, and did my junior year abroad at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Afterward, I decided to make my life in Israel on Kibbutz Hazorea, not far from Haifa, where my eldest brother, Yosi, lived. I was fulfilling my father’s Zionist dream.

    As a citizen of Israel, I was obliged to serve in the military, a duty I welcomed. My father had served in the Palmach, an elite Jewish fighting force that merged with the Haganah, the Zionist paramilitary organization that eventually became the Israeli army. Yosi had been a highly decorated officer in the paratroopers, while another brother had also served. I fully intended to follow in their footsteps, but when budget cuts caused the IDF for a short period to offer draft exemptions to girls, I jumped at the opportunity. Without really understanding or interrogating why, within two months I had packed my bags and left the country. I was 22 years old.

    Over the next years and decades I disengaged from Zionism, eventually becoming an advocate for Palestinian rights and sovereignty. Along with my husband, I edited a volume of essays called Kingdom of Olives and Ash: Writers Confront the Occupation. I gave lectures about the injustices of the Nakba and of occupation, I wrote op-eds and made television appearances defending the necessity of Palestinian self-determination, I received awards as a “Defender of Palestine.”

    This advocacy gave me purpose, but in the nine months since the Hamas attack and the Israeli invasion, I have grown increasingly hopeless, buffeted by feelings of despair, shame, anger, and disgust both with myself and the country of my birth. I felt powerless in the face of the catastrophic horror Israel is raining down on the people of Gaza.

    That was how I found myself accepting an invitation from a group of American rabbis to participate in an antiwar demonstration at a border crossing between Gaza and Israel. This would be my teshuvah, my repentance, for my violent yearning for vengeance as well as an affirmation of the fundamental values I had in those moments betrayed. What I didn’t realize then was that this trip would take me back in time to dig deeper into the inherent contradiction and willful blindness of the “liberal” form of Zionism that motivated my father when he first came to, in his own words, “colonize” Palestine for the Jews in 1948 — an ideology that lost much of its political influence long ago and was, for me, shattered by October 7 and the consequent invasion of Gaza.


    Though I had never before visited, Kibbutz Kissufim has played a starring role in the narrative of my father and my family for as long as I can remember. In June 1948, when he was 23 years old, my father, a socialist and Zionist, left Montreal and made his way to Palestine to be part of the forming of a Jewish state and to join the Jewish military forces in their battle against the Arab armies. As he was an aspiring journalist, his letters home, which my siblings and I came across only after his death in 2021, are long and filled with ideological musings and elaborate descriptions.

    In the first letter, upon reaching Palestine via Marseilles, he writes that the Jews are “all slightly slap-happy at the thought of having their own country.” It is, he writes, “the freest country in the world,” adding that “the country is now Eretz Israel and that’s the way it stays.” Throughout that summer, he writes with increasing exhilaration about the settlements and farms cropping up over areas conquered by Jewish forces. He writes that the Jews are “making the country look like a garden where it once looked like a desert,” repeating the phrase used by many Jews who arrived in Palestine in the 1940s, and one I myself learned in Hebrew school 35 years later.


    In none of our conversations about the early years did my father talk about his service in the Palmach or about the war. The reason became clear to me on the first day of my trip to Israel this past March, when I asked Yosi, the eldest of the four children of my father’s first marriage, to drive south with me so I could visit Kissufim for the first time.


    On our drive south to Kissufim, Yosi announced firmly that he was neither a subject of nor a partner in my investigations. “I’m just the driver,” he said. And for the next two hours, he talked without pause. When our father told his parents that he would avoid combat in 1948, it was either a wish or a lie, Yosi told me. In fact, he was a machine gunner who would have fought in intense battles in which those Arabs he claimed ran at the sound of a loud noise tore his unit to shreds, likely killing many of the young people he had recruited and trained. “It’s about six months that there is continuous fighting and they continuously lose people,” Yosi said. “You go out at night and you don’t know if you’ll come back in the morning.” For some, those battles continued after the war, into the early 1950s. “They did crazy things. All kinds of stupid raids.” Raids on whom, I asked. “Gaza,” Yosi said.

    I sat stunned. Raiding Arab villages long after the end of the war was not part of the picture of Zionist idealism my father had painted for me. […]

    As a result of his experiences during the war, Yosi said, our father suffered for his entire life from untreated PTSD.


    Over the years, and especially after 1967 when Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza, my father was forced to reckon with the “conflict,” the word he, like most Israelis, used to refer to the oppression of the Palestinian people . He supported “peace” and an end to occupation as part of the ethos of socialism and liberalism. My parents despised the Likud Party. They were members of Peace Now, an organization that works in opposition to the settlements and advocates for a two-state solution, and they donated to the New Israel Fund, a U.S.-based NGO that supports social justice and equality in Israel. In an interview on CBS Reports, my father denounced the military intertwinement of the U.S. and Israel and called for negotiation and peace. He celebrated the Oslo Accords and the efforts of Yitzhak Rabin toward a version, albeit a hollow one, of an independent Palestinian state, and he grieved when Rabin was murdered by a Jewish terrorist.

    But this dream of a leftist version of Zionism, the dream my father nurtured for his entire life, cannot exist without denial of the crimes and atrocities committed both during the founding of the state and after. My father’s fantasy of his war years and of the years on kibbutz is one all but devoid of Arabs. In his letters, he writes little of the Palestinians who were displaced, and only then with a casual racism that jars me, referring to them derisively as “Abdullah.” He does not acknowledge that the “rocky spot south of Haifa” where he and the members of his garin learned how to farm was Kabara, once a Palestinian village of over 117 homes. He makes no mention of the village of Al-Zraiye, 2.2 kilometers from Kissufim: 4,790 people driven from their homes in 1948.

    I don’t mean to single out my father in this. Israeli society as a whole has conspired to eradicate the memory of the more than 500 Palestinian villages depopulated and destroyed in 1948, the three-quarters of a million people expelled, despite attempts by some Jewish Israeli historians starting in the late 1980s to more accurately rewrite the narrative of the Nakba. This denial continues to this day.

    A decade ago, I went to Hebron with a group that included Israeli journalists to see Al-Shuhada Street, a once-bustling Palestinian market on which only Jews and foreigners are now allowed to tread, the Palestinian residents having been either evicted or forced to enter their homes through rear doors and windows. Al-Shuhada Street had been “sterilized” of Palestinians more than a decade previous, but an Israeli journalist who joined this group kept murmuring in wonder, “It’s not to be believed.” This grotesque violation of human and civil rights was going on an hour and 15 minutes from her home in Tel Aviv, but she, a journalist and self-described leftist, had managed to keep from knowing anything about it.

    The Jewish left in Israel has been in a downward spiral for decades. The social-democratic Labor Party dominated Israeli politics until 1977 and alternated power with Likud until the early aughts. According to Dahlia Scheindlin, an Israeli public-opinion researcher writing in Haaretz, “During the early 2000s, the portion of Jews who defined themselves as left wing dropped by half, from roughly 30 percent to about 15 percent,” and “by 2019, the left was drifting to the range of 11 to 14.” In the first few months after October 7, that number dropped to the single digits, though it has since crept back up to 12 percent.

    The reasons for the left’s withering are numerous and well documented: They include the increase in the number of “revisionist Zionists” who assert Jewish dominion from the river to the sea and the political enfranchisement of Mizrahi Jews, whose families came primarily from the Middle East and North Africa. Israelis of Mizrahi ancestry are the country’s largest ethnic bloc and vote overwhelmingly for Likud and other parties further to the right. But a hardening against the Palestinians has spread throughout Israeli society, including on the left, a hardening that is reminiscent of the callous disregard with which my father and his fellow socialist Zionists held the people whose lands they appropriated. There is a phrase that Jewish Israelis who consider themselves left or centrist have taken to using since October 7: Hitpakachti. It means “I have sobered up,” from believing that peace is possible, from believing they can live alongside Palestinians.

    Every Saturday night in Tel Aviv, thousands gather to protest against Netanyahu, a regular feature of many people’s weeks. “Let’s meet for dinner and a protest,” a friend said to me. There are a number of protests going on at the same time, each in its own designated area. In the center is the largest group, the Kaplanists (named for the square where they gather), organized around deposing Netanyahu and returning the hostages. The families of the hostages have their own areas. One group of families refrains from criticizing Netanyahu for fear of alienating him; the other is adamant that Netanyahu himself is what stands in the way of the hostages’ return. When I attended, I heard heartbreaking speeches from these family members, a mother berating Netanyahu for caring more about his political skin than her son’s life, a wife longing for her husband. People throughout the crowd held signs illustrated with the hostages’ faces. Yet in all those speeches, not once did I hear from the stage a denunciation of the war or any mention of the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza.

    I have heard myriad stories from friends about this shift on the part of people who once considered themselves progressives. One recounted a conversation with someone very close to him, “an amazingly sweet, sweet guy who has always voted left of center, one of the last in Jerusalem fighting for liberal values,” who stated unequivocally that the Israeli government should allow no food aid into Gaza. “I know what a kind, loving, intelligent, smart person he is,” my friend said, but he was legitimizing starvation as a tactic to be used against civilians to pressure Hamas. In January, Yigal Mosko, a journalist who has written extensively about military and settler abuses in the West Bank, posted a tweet justifying the destruction of Gaza framed as a letter to the people:

    Hello Gazans. You will soon return to your homes and find that they have been completely destroyed. You will clap your hands in despair and cry bitterly, “Why?” … Because of Kafir and Ariel and Shiri Bibas, because of the twin babies Guy and Roy Berdichevsky whose parents were murdered … When your heroic sons finished raping and murdering and entered Gaza with the abductees, you went out into the streets to cheer … You will now return to the same streets and will not recognize them. The buildings collapsed, the infrastructure was demolished, the roads were plowed with the tank chains. Yes, many thousands of you were also killed. What did you think would happen? … You don’t have a roof over your head to mourn them? Maybe dig a new hole, you’re good at that. You burned hundreds of millions on your terror tunnels instead of investing in a better future for your children.

    Tomer Persico, a Jewish Israeli philosopher with a long career of advocating for freedom of religion in Israel, posted a tweet, since deleted, with images of Gazans taking advantage of a rare respite in the bombing to cool off in the ocean, implying that this moment gave the lie to claims of genocide.

    Roni Aboulafia, a filmmaker and peace activist who believes a negotiated two-state solution is the only way forward, has a compassionate explanation for why even liberals and those who consider themselves humanists in Israel are not focused on the suffering of the people of Gaza. “We are all living through trauma,” she said. “Every day brings new stories of the horrors that survivors went through and are still going through. The hostage situation is a very, very painful open wound.” She added, “We are in a collective state of processing that limits our capacity to absorb Gazan pain and accept our accountability for it.”

    Very few Israeli Jews even talk about what is happening in Gaza. When I asked why, I was told again and again that the Israeli media do not cover events on the ground. The public does not see images or hear stories of dead Palestinian children or devastated communities. Al Jazeera, the only network to reliably report on the horrors ongoing in Gaza, was recently banned in Israel. Yet we live in an interconnected world; we live online. Though it’s true that our social-media and news silos can isolate us from the views and opinions of others, it is hard to imagine that anything but a concerted effort could keep a person from knowing the toll the war has taken on Palestinian civilians.

    This carefully nurtured ignorance reminds me of my father and his stories about kibbutz life in the 1940s, which never included raids across the border into Gaza, the driving out of villages full of people, the murder of civilians. It reminds me of another saying we learned in Hebrew school: “A land without a people for a people without a land.”

    This denial is not ubiquitous, however. As I wandered through the crowds at the Saturday protests, I encountered a smaller group, many of them clad in the purple of Standing Together, a Jewish and Palestinian organization that supports coexistence. I found the Gush Neged haKibush, the Anti-Occupation Bloc, banging drums and demanding peace and an end to the war. You can wander among these various groups as in a shopping-mall food court. Buy a T-shirt here, take a poster of a hostage there. Shout an anti-Netanyahu slogan here, bang a drum against the occupation there.


    For the majority of Jewish Israelis, the only grief they can feel is their own, the only dead worth mourning are their own.


    Only a country in deep denial could believe the Palestinians in Gaza would live in perpetually abject but passive misery. It is a denial so ingrained that Jewish Israelis extend it even to Palestinians who live outside the occupation in Israel proper. Yara Shahine Gharablé, a history graduate student and activist, encountered a Palestinian flag in Jerusalem during a school trip in eighth grade and only then realized that she herself was Palestinian. “I went to the internet and started reading, and at the end of the day I started crying,” she said. “I asked my mother about the Nakba; she’s like, ‘I do not want to talk about this. You’re making me nervous.’” Palestinians like herself, Shahine Gharablé says, feel that since October 7 there has been only one story they are expected and allowed to tell. Jewish friends asked why they had not heard her publicly condemn the Hamas invasion. “And I was like, and I haven’t been hearing from you since, I don’t know, 76 years,” she said. Since October 7, the divide has only grown between her and her Jewish classmates, including those she once considered allies and friends. “One community is going this way and the other is going this way, and it’s only getting escalated in a sharp way,” she said.


    By the upside-down, looking-glass logic of modern liberal Zionism, a person of conscience and principle becomes “sober” by embracing a willed oblivion, remembering only incidents of Palestinian terrorism and forgetting the generations of Palestinians who have sought redress through myriad legal and nonviolent ways. This “sobering up” is to focus on incidents of antisemitism on American college campuses, which are analyzed in excruciating detail in the Israeli and U.S. media. It is to embrace the balm of victimhood, to wrap ourselves in the mantle of an age-old hatred that led to the murder of 6 million — victimhood that has now been transferred to October 7, which is referred to again and again, including by Netanyahu and President Biden, as the worst tragedy the Jews have experienced since the Holocaust, in order to expiate the shame of the war in Gaza.

    To “sober up” is to forget the 750,000 Palestinians expelled and the 500 villages destroyed in 1948 and the massacres and abuses since. It is to mourn the 1,139 murdered in the horrific massacre by Hamas on October 7, the 240 taken hostage, 70 of whom are believed to still be alive, while ignoring the tens of thousands killed in Gaza, among them aid workers and physicians, the elderly and women, and children dismembered and burned alive.


    While the dwindling of the Israeli left is a tragedy, the reality is that in some way there never was an Israeli left to begin with. People like my father defined themselves as socialists devoted to the eradication of class distinction; democratic control over political, economic, and industrial institutions; and, as he wrote, “the interests of the commune” over their own self-interest. But their commune, their classless society, was composed exclusively of Jews. It was as if it had never occurred to him or them that the Palestinians who lived on the land they viewed as the Jewish homeland were also people who had a fundamental right to be part of it.

    But even if liberal Zionism is rotten to its core, there are still millions of Palestinians and Jews between the river and the sea, and none of them are going anywhere. And so the remnant of the Israeli left protests. They give testimonies to Breaking the Silence, they get arrested while demonstrating, they act as a buffer between the trucks carrying food to Gaza and the violent religious Jewish extremists trying to destroy that food. Jews and Palestinians create common cause in organizations like Standing Together and A Land for All. And I carry a bag of rice to a checkpoint a mile from the Gaza border knowing full well it will never reach its destination.

    #déni #sionisme

  • Running Amok | Mary Turfah

    The tendencies to revel and deny coexist, not just within the population but within the same person. Near the border with Egypt, a settler, there to block humanitarian aid from entering Gaza, tells a journalist that (a) the Palestinians are not starving, and (b) they will continue to receive no food (i.e. starve) until the hostages are released.

    #logique_du_chaudron #gaza #génocide #sionisme

  • Comment Israël cible les #journalistes à Gaza : « Le gilet presse nous met désormais en danger »

    Les bombardements israéliens sur #Gaza ont causé la mort de 108 journalistes depuis le 7 octobre. Une enquête menée par la plate-forme Forbidden Stories et douze médias internationaux, dont « Le Monde », suggère qu’une partie de ces frappes était délibérée.

    #sionisme #terrorisme #impunité

  • A l’ombre de la guerre à Gaza, Israël poursuit l’annexion de la #Cisjordanie

    M. Smotrich affirme avoir transféré de vastes pans de souveraineté des mains des militaires à celles du gouvernement civil : « Nous avons créé un système civil séparé », prétend-il. Au risque de faire voler un mythe en éclats : celui d’une occupation militaire qui serait temporaire, prendrait en compte les intérêts des Palestiniens et perdurerait jusqu’à un règlement négocié du confit.

    Depuis six décennies, ce cadre légal permet à Israël d’arguer de la légitimité de sa présence dans les territoires au regard du droit international, tout en y poursuivant une guerre coloniale.

    #impunité #sionisme

  • « Gaza Project » : comment Forbidden Stories a enquêté sur la mort de plus de 100 journalistes à Gaza

    25 juin 2024 – Par Cécile Andrzejewski, Léa Péruchon et Phineas Rueckert - Forbidden Stories

    « C’est l’une des attaques les plus flagrantes contre la liberté de la presse que j’ai jamais connues. L’impact dans ce domaine à Gaza, dans la région et dans le reste du monde est quelque chose que nous ne pouvons pas accepter. »

    Le directeur du programme du Comité pour la protection des journalistes (CPJ) Carlos Martínez de la Serna ne mâche pas ses mots à propos du bilan meurtrier infligé à la profession par le conflit à Gaza.

    Bien que les chiffres varient, les premières estimations du CPJ dénombrent 103 journalistes palestiniens parmi les plus de 37 000 morts de la guerre d’Israël contre Gaza depuis le 7 octobre 2023. Ce jour-là, des membres du Hamas, considéré comme organisation terroriste selon les États-Unis et l’Union Européenne, avaient attaqué Israël, tuant plus de 1 100 personnes, dont 767 civils, et prenant au moins 200 otages. Cinq autres journalistes – deux Israéliens et trois Libanais – font également partie des victimes, ce qui porte le nombre total de décès de journalistes à 108 en moins d’un an, selon le CPJ.

    Réagissant à ce nombre record, Forbidden Stories, dont la mission est de poursuivre le travail de journalistes tués, a enquêté sur le ciblage de professionnels de l’information à Gaza, mais aussi sur d’autres cas de membres de la presse qui auraient été visés, menacés ou blessés depuis le 7 octobre.


  • Rafael Shimunov sur X : https://x.com/rafaelshimunov/status/1805317652321063122

    Why does it sometimes feel like hardcore Zionists WANT to fuel antisemitism?

    Well, imagine a pharmaceutical company pumping pollution into the air, while it manufactures and sells the medicine for that pollution.

    That’s why. 🧵

    What is the goal of using our synagogues to sell occupied Palestinian land, especially in Gaza, West Bank & East Jerusalem when you can just rent a hall for your crime?

    What is the goal of the Israeli state using our religion’s symbols on flags, missiles, and fighter jets? On quadcopter drones before assassinating a vendor at his market stand with bullets to his head?

    The right wing Zionist’s goal is and always has been to FUEL antisemitism. They are driven by greed, and fascism.

    And when they manufacture fear, they recruit and maintain so called liberal Zionists. Which is why so many liberal Zionists are so confused as to why so many of their friends are luke warm, cold or even silent to them on this.

    Which then reenforces the right wing Zionist’s proposition: that every one simply hates Jews, no matter what, so you might as well join us to be safe.

    They’ve designed a self-fulfilling prophecy.

    It’s so transparent, but not to liberal Zionists. To them, the right wing are the “bad apples” of Zionism, not those who founded it.

    It’s also easy to fix.

    Liberal Zionists must learn how to inoculate themselves from misinformation, by first acknowledging the history of traumatized people being manipulated by predators, individuals or states. By any state, including Israel.

    #antisémitisme #sionisme

  • Over 20,000 children estimated to be lost, detained or buried under rubble

    Save the Children’s Regional Director for the Middle East, Jeremy Stoner, said:  

    “Families are tortured by the uncertainty of the whereabouts of their loved ones. No parent should have to dig through rubble or mass graves to try and find their child’s body. No child should be alone, unprotected in a war zone. No child should be detained or held hostage.

    “Children who are missing but living are vulnerable, face grave protection risks and must be found. They must be protected and reunited with their families. For the children who have been killed, their deaths must be formally marked, their families informed, burial rites respected, and accountability sought. As many have pointed out, Gaza has become a graveyard for children, with thousands of others missing, their fates unknown. There must be an independent investigation and those responsible must be held accountable. We desperately need a ceasefire to find and support the missing children who have survived, and to prevent more families from being destroyed.”

    #enfants #gaza #sionisme #zs

  • As a CNN War Reporter, Arwa Damon Thought She Had Seen Everything. Then She Went to Gaza - Israel News - Haaretz.com

    She describes one encounter that illustrates vividly that psychological death. “A woman told me, ’My son, who’s 7, screams every night. I keep being afraid he’ll have a fit. He’s been like this ever since he saw his sister’s head blown up.’ I realized that she had seen it too. But her tone of voice didn’t change when she told the story. To protect herself, she has to talk about what happened without showing any emotion at all. Because if she allows even a sliver of emotion to enter her voice, she’s going to shatter into a million pieces. She seemed to understand what was going through my mind, and she said, ’Yes, I know, but I also have living children who need me.’”

    #sionisme #zs #infanticide #génocide #gaza

    • Revue de presse internationale

      « Mort de l’âme humaine »

      À lire dans le quotidien israélien Haaretz, le témoignage d’une journaliste de guerre américaine travaillant pour CNN, « Arwa Damon pensait avoir tout vu », raconte Haaretz. « Pendant la guerre civile syrienne, elle est entrée à Homs par un égout et a ensuite été témoin des horreurs infligées par l’État islamique à Mossoul. Elle a couvert les plus terribles zones de guerre du Moyen-Orient. Mais rien n’était aussi atroce que ce qu’elle a vu à Gaza » où elle est entrée en tant que responsable d’une organisation humanitaire qu’elle a elle même créée, et non en tant que journaliste. « Mort, destruction, réfugiés, crises humanitaires : ce sont des choses que nous avons l’habitude d’accepter comme faisant partie de la réalité de la guerre », explique Arwa Damon. « Mais à Gaza, j’ai aussi vu la mort de l’âme humaine. Les Gazaouis sont comme des zombies ». Et elle souligne que « Gaza n’est pas comme les autres zones de guerre, car les habitants ne peuvent pas s’enfuir »... « Alors que la plupart des zones de guerre disposent d’une voie d’évacuation, (même si elle est dangereuse), à Gaza, les civils sont emprisonnés dans l’enfer, à moins qu’ils ne soient grièvement blessés et puissent être évacués pour des raisons médicales, ou qu’ils aient beaucoup d’argent ».

  • Niz sur X :

    To maintain an apartheid system (as described by @btselem, @hrw, @amnesty) and to maintain an illegal occupation (as defined by @UN) you need tools of oppression & subjugation, particularly against the media.

    That is the @IDF

    It is not a “defence” force. Its an occupying force!


    #zs #sionisme