• At the heart of Fortress Europe: A new study about Austria’s role in border externalization policies in the Balkans

    On the 28th of September 2020, Ayoub N. and six of his friends were chain pushed back from Austria to Slovenia, Croatia, and eventually back to Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), from where Ayoub had begun his journey to Austria a few weeks earlier. Ayoub, like many others, had been stuck for years in between the EU member states, in the Balkans, and this was just another attempt to reach the Schengen Zone. He continued trying even after this push-back. In July 2022, Ayoub was still stuck inside the Balkan Circuit (Stojić Mitrović and Vilenica 2019), a region of transit with many loops, within which movement is circular, going forward and backwards because of border violence.

    Exactly one year after Ayoub and his group of friends experienced the chain push-back, Austrian Interior Minister, Karl Nehammer, finished his trip to Kosovo, Albania, and Montenegro meant to coordinate joint frameworks for fighting what he calls illegal migration, terrorism, and organized crime. During the trip, he announced that a “Return Conference” would take place a few months later in Vienna. The gathering in February 2022 brought together high-ranking officials from more than 22 countries, including representatives of EU agencies and think tanks. The main focus of the event was supporting Western Balkan[1] states with effective deportation practices through the newly established “Joint Coordination Platform against irregular migration.” BiH was mentioned as one of the platform’s main partners, and during the press conference organized after the event BiH Security Minister Selmo Cikotić stated that “With the support of the EU and some proactive partners, like Austria, we could move from a crisis situation to migration management.”

    It is not known to the public how the “return mechanisms” discussed would materialize and on what legal grounds the return of people would take place. In 2021, a parliamentary request for information focused specifically on Austria’s plans to return people to the Western Balkans, while another asked details about the role of BiH. In response to the queries, the interior minister emphasized that Austria is “only” providing good practice, expertise, and training, while partner countries can state their specific needs and are, in the end, responsible for ensuring that the human rights of those concerned will be upheld. This is a common rhetorical practice in the context of EU border externalization policies, with EU countries only providing knowledge and equipment, while “accession” countries in the Balkans have to fulfil the dark side of Europeanization.

    Austria took over a key role in building up a network of multilateral stakeholders that enables the fortification of Europe on diplomatic and informal levels, while states and locations near and far from Central Europe face the consequences of these policies; BiH is one example.

    Lobbying for Externalization

    In July 1998, Austria took over the EU presidency. As its first intervention on the issue of EU-migration policy, it introduced the Strategy Document on Immigration and Asylum Policies, which was sent to the European Council for further discussion. In this document, Austria advocated for a unified approach to migration in the Schengen area, which at that moment comprised 15 countries. It proposed the “Europeanization of migration policy,” while describing the existing approach and structures dealing with migration as “relatively clumsy.” The document called for more cooperation with “third states” in exchange for economic and other benefits. The Strategy envisaged that “Fortress Europe” should be replaced by the “concentric circles of the migration policy,” which included EU neighboring countries. Further, the neighboring partners “should be gradually linked into a similar system” that would eventually be similar to the “first circle,” meaning the EU member states. As for “transit countries,” the main approach would be to “eliminate push factors” in them. The Strategy called for the “tightening of the pre-accession strategy… as far as migration policies are concerned.” In addition, it stressed the need for agreements with third countries that would allow the return of people whose asylum applications were rejected, as well as the introduction of policies that would deter migration in general. The paper also argued that the Geneva Convention was outdated and that individual rights should be replaced with “political offers” of EU membership, or other types of cooperation.

    By the end of the year, this proposal had been amended twice, but in the end it was rejected. A number of non-governmental organizations, including the International Federation for Human Rights, condemned the document on account of its harsh language and the restrictive measures proposed. Even though it was never adopted, the document remains a guideline, and some of its measures were put in place, especially in Austria. Along with several Balkan neighboring countries, Austria became more involved in security-related questions in the region, establishing various organizations and groups that are visibly active in the field, including the Salzburg Forum as one key intergovernmental group. Since the early 1990s, the forum functioned as a lobbying group, not only within the framework of the EU and on a regional level between its partners, but also on an often invisible level that reaches far beyond the EU. Austria played a key role in establishing the forum and is also one of its leading members. While the forum did not always achieve its strategic goals (Müller 2016, 28), it became a testing ground for fueling anti-Muslim and anti-migrant sentiments in Europe, and spearheaded plans for the dark future of EU border externalization policies. The multilateral cooperation within the Forum was based on debate, dialogue, exchange of ideas, and strategic planning; the establishment of its operative tool, the Joint Coordination Platform, is another step in cementing the externalization of border management to the Balkans.

    Coordinating “Migration Management”

    The Joint Coordination Platform (JCP) is a network that coordinates political and strategic intervention outside the Schengen Area, monitoring and controlling the EU’s external borders, as well as actions in third countries. Although it was already in the planning for several years, the JCP was inaugurated in Vienna after the Return Conference in February 2022. The JCP office is led by former Frontex Vice-President Berndt Körner and by lawyer Bohumil Hnidek,[2] and will provide a hinge function for Frontex operations in the Balkans (Monroy 2022). As the Frontex agency is not allowed to organize deportations to third countries, in the future it may support deportations from different EU countries to the Balkans, while the JCP would coordinate and monitor the rest of the “local” operations. In September 2022, the first deportations from Bosnia to Morocco with the support of the JCP already took place.

    The investigative journalist Matthias Monroy further links the Vienna-based think tank ICMPD, led by former Austrian Vice-Chancellor Michael Spindelegger (ÖVP), to the operational implementation of regional return mechanisms to the Balkans. As early as 2020, the JCP started training police officers from BiH for conducting deportations. The training of 50 “return specialists” was recently described by Austrian Interior Minister Karner: “We help with training, impart standards, but that doesn’t change the responsibility that remains in the respective countries. It is about observing all international standards.”

    To understand ICMPD’s practices on the ground, it is worth reviewing the project descriptions of its Western Balkans and Turkey office in recent years. The long-standing partner of the Salzburg Forum implements migration management, border management, and capacity building in the Balkans, for example by providing the border police in Kosovo[3] with technical and biometric equipment to register people on the move; and supporting the border police in Albania[4] with equipment for land border surveillance and maritime border surveillance and control. Capacity building in Albania means in particular providing patrol boats and surveillance vehicles. The regional capacity building projects further cover information campaigns for people in Afghanistan, Iraq, and people on the move in the Western Balkans.[5] Labelled as protection and support for migrants, ICMPD invests in the enhancement of migrant information systems[6] for authorities in BiH to implement entry control, registration, and data collection mechanisms. The “electronic biometric residence permit cards,” which should be made available through such projects, point not only to the on-ground preparation but also to the implementation of what investigative journalists call “extra-European Dublin.” This includes for example “Balkandac,” a fingerprint database in the Balkans that would allow countries to deport third-country nationals to countries with readmission agreements before entering the EU Schengen area.

    It is important to highlight that ICMPD has entered the Joint Coordination Platform with years of experience in implementing EU border externalization projects in Africa and the Middle East (Naceur 2021).

    Another active regional partner of the Joint Coordination Platform is Hilfswerk International. Next to the 1 million Euro in Austrian Development Aid that was used as an emergency relief fund through IOM in BiH in 2021, the Upper Austrian Federal Government donated 100,000 Euro to support the construction of a water system in the Lipa camp.[7] The project was implemented by Hilfswerk International, which has been working in the Balkans and especially in BiH as a humanitarian aid organization since 1996. While the organization covers a broad range of services in BiH, it recently joined the niche of network and capacity building in the field of “migration management” in BiH, Serbia, North Macedonia, and Montenegro.

    Hilfswerk International has joined the field of migration management in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a player that can offer extensive experience on the ground. Considering the top-down and dysfunctional approach implemented by IOM in the region, Hilfswerk International is an organization that is closely linked to Austria-based actors and accessible for unbureaucratic and, according to its managing director, pragmatic solutions. As Regional Director Jašarević stated in an interview about their most recent project:

    … we all know, and it is not a secret, that the EU does not want migrants on their territory. And what now? Should we leave them here to suffer or to disappear? It’s not possible.

    They [the JCP] can use our infrastructure here if needed, but they also organize some events themselves. They are connecting donors and infrastructure. They know what is going on at a much deeper level than we do. And we are happy to contribute. They are working very hard as far as I know. Very few people and very big plans, but very capable people. I think it will be more visible this year. But it has only just started.[8]

    Balkan Route: better coordination with Austrian aid

    Even at the end of the 1990s, Austria’s political landscape paved the way for defining the Western Balkans as a strategic buffer zone for Europe’s increasingly restrictive migration and asylum policies. What has been drafted as a strategy to contain migration in “concentric circles” has since developed into the full-scale implementation of land and sea border zones that legitimate legislation, control, tracking, management of, and violence against people moving in circuits while trying to reach the EU Schengen zone.

    Our study can be used as a tool to further investigate Austrian-based and Austrian-initiated organizations, security corporations, and individual actors that are heavily involved in violent EU border externalization from Vienna to Sarajevo and beyond.

    The full study can be accessed here.


    Müller, Patrick. 2016. “Europeanization and regional cooperation initiatives: Austria’s participation in the Salzburg Forum and in Central European Defence Cooperation.” Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 45, no. 2: 24-34.

    Stojić Mitrović, Marta, and Ana Vilenica. 2019. “Enforcing
    and disrupting circular movement in an EU
    Borderscape: housingscaping in Serbia.” Citizenship Studies 23, no. 6: 540-55.

    Stojić Mitrović, Marta, Nidzara Ahmetašević, Barbara Beznec, and Andrej Kurnik. 2020. The Dark Sides of Europeanisation: Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the European Border Regime. Belgrade: Rosa-Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Europe; and Ljubljana: Inštitut Časopis za kritiko znanosti. https://rosalux.rs/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/169_the-dark-side-of-europeanisation-_vladan_jeremic_and_wenke_christoph_rls.

    [1] The authors only use the term Western Balkans in relation to the process of EU border externalization and accession plans of Albania, BiH, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia. See Stojić Mitrović et al. 2020, 20-22.

    [2] Bohumil Hnidek is a lawyer and the former Director for International Cooperation and EU Affairs to the Ministry of interior of the Czech Republic.

    [3] MIK: Manage increased influx of migrants in Kosovo, April, March 2021 (Fact Sheet ICMPD, 4).

    [4] EU4SAVEALB: EU Support for the Effective Management of Green and Blue Borders in Albania, February 2019-April 2022 (Fact Sheet ICMPD, 7-8).

    [5] IKAM: Information and capacity building on asylum, legal and irregular migration in Afghanistan, Iraq and the Western Balkans, March 2021-March 2022 (ICMPD Fact Sheet, 9).

    [6] MiS BiH: Enhancement of Migration Information System for Strengthening Migration, Asylum and Border Management in Bosnia and Herzegovina, November 2021-March 2023 (ICMPD Fact Sheet, 9-10).

    [7] In mid-June 2022, people living in Lipa reached out to local volunteers in BiH to inform them that for a week they did not have running water. At that moment, the temperatures were over 40 degrees. Even though less than 400 people were in the camp (capacity is 1,500), people were crammed in containers (six in each) with one small fan, and were receiving a gallon of water per person a day. Every day, one cistern was used. According to the testimony, there was no water in the bathrooms and toilets, either. After the information was published on social media, people in the camp told local volunteers that the employees in the camp threatened some of the residents, warning them that they cannot talk about the camp and saying that if they did not like the place they could leave.

    [8] Interview Suzana Jašarević online, 15 March 2022.


    #Autriche #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #push-backs #refoulements #refoulements_en_chaîne #Slovénie #Croatie #migrerrance #violence #Balkan_Circuit #Return_Conference #Joint_Coordination_Platform_against_irregular_migration #renvois #expulsions #Joint_Coordination_Platform (#JCP) #Frontex #ICMPD #Michael_Spindelegger #return_specialists #spécialistes_du_retour #Salzburg_Forum #Kosovo #militarisation_des_frontières #complexe_militaro-industriel #Albanie #surveillance #surveillance_des_frontières #biométrie #Balkandac #empreintes_digitales #réadmission #Hilfswerk_International #Lipa #Bosnie #Bosnie_et_Herzégovine #Serbie #Macédoine_du_Nord #Monténégro

    • At the Heart of Fortress Europe

      The study provides a broad mapping of Austrian-based multilateral cooperation, actors, and or­ganisations that are heavily involved in EU border externalisation policies far beyond Austrian borders – and therefore in the violent and sometimes lethal approach to people on the move.

      Since the ‘long summer of migration’ in 2015 and the sealing of the Balkan Route in 2016, people on the move are trying to make their way to the European Schengen area via Bosnia-Herzegovina. According to Frontex, the Western Balkans has become one of the main migrant routes to Europe. The actors examined here are therefore of particular importance.



    • Balkans : la #Serbie, la #Hongrie et l’Autriche s’unissent contre l’immigration illégale

      La Serbie a accepté mercredi, en concertation avec la Hongrie et l’Autriche, de déployer des forces de police supplémentaires à sa frontière Sud avec la Macédoine du Nord, afin de lutter contre l’immigration illégale. L’Autriche va envoyer 100 policiers en renfort dans cette zone.

      La Serbie est parvenue à un accord avec la Hongrie et l’Autriche, mercredi 16 novembre, sur le déploiement de patrouilles de police conjointes le long de sa frontière Sud.

      « Nous avons convenu d’engager plus de police (...) à la frontière avec la Macédoine du Nord », a déclaré le président serbe Aleksandar Vucic, lors d’une conférence de presse organisée après la signature de l’accord avec les Premiers ministres hongrois et autrichien, Viktor Orban et Karl Nehammer.

      L’accord vise à freiner en amont les arrivées dans l’Union européenne (UE), la Serbie étant utilisée comme un pays de transit par les migrants. La route des Balkans occidentaux, via la Turquie, la Bulgarie, la Macédoine du Nord et la Serbie, reste la principale porte d’entrée dans l’UE pour les migrants. Près de 130 000 entrées irrégulières dans l’UE à partir de la route des Balkans occidentaux ont été enregistrées sur les dix premiers mois de l’année 2022, soit le nombre le plus fort depuis le pic de la crise migratoire de 2015, selon Frontex.
      « La migration illégale ne devrait pas être gérée, elle devrait être stoppée »

      Karl Nehammer a annoncé que son pays allait déployer 100 officiers de police pour aider son voisin serbe à patrouiller la frontière avec la Macédoine du Nord. Ces patrouilles seront secondées par des moyens techniques tels que « des caméras à vision thermique, des drones et des véhicules », a précisé le Premier ministre autrichien. Le même genre de matériel est déjà utilisé à la frontière serbo-hongroise où, depuis 2017, une clôture s’étend sur 160 km.

      Viktor Orban a, de son côté, affirmé que, depuis le début de l’année 2022, la Hongrie avait empêché 250 000 franchissements illégaux de frontières, dont beaucoup organisés par des passeurs armés. « La migration illégale ne devrait pas être gérée, elle devrait être stoppée », a-t-il ajouté, décrivant la situation à la frontière avec la Serbie comme « difficile ».

      Conséquence du mur érigé entre la Serbie et la Hongrie : les migrants se tournent vers les passeurs, seuls espoirs pour les aider à franchir. Résultat, dans la zone, leur mainmise s’exerce partout, dans les camps informels comme à l’intérieur des centres officiels, comme a pu le constater InfoMigrants sur place en octobre.
      En finir avec le « tourisme de l’asile »

      Toujours mercredi, Aleksandar Vucic a déclaré que son pays imposait désormais des visas aux ressortissants de la Tunisie et du Burundi, une mesure déjà annoncée en octobre mais qui entre ces jours-ci en vigueur.

      L’UE et la Suisse avaient fait pression pendant plusieurs semaines sur la Serbie afin qu’elle modifie sa politique des visas. Ces pays avaient reproché à la Serbie de servir de porte d’entrée vers l’UE à des migrants turcs, indiens, tunisiens, cubains et burundais, dispensés de visas jusque là pour venir dans le pays. C’est maintenant chose faite.

      Le président de la Serbie, du pays candidat à l’UE depuis 2012, avait promis que Belgrade alignerait sa politique des visas sur celle de Bruxelles « d’ici la fin de l’année » en commençant par la révocation des dispenses accordées aux Tunisiens, Burundais et Indiens. « Bientôt, deux autres pays seront soumis à cette même mesure car nous devrons avoir le même régime de visas que l’UE », a-t-il prévenu, sans préciser de quels pays il s’agissait.

      « Je suis reconnaissant envers le président de la Serbie pour tout ce qu’il fait pour en finir avec le ’tourisme de l’asile’ », a réagi, mercredi, Karl Nehammer.

      Ensemble, les Tunisiens, les Burundais, les Indiens, les Cubains et les Turcs représentent seulement 20% des migrants passés par la route des Balkans occidentaux depuis janvier 2022. La grande majorité des personnes qui transitent par la Serbie ne sont donc pas des exilés exemptés de visas. La plupart sont originaires d’Afghanistan et de Syrie.


  • Respingimenti alla frontiera: la nomina di Matteo Piantedosi al Viminale vista da Trieste

    Il nuovo governo Meloni non si è ancora praticamente insediato che già a livello locale in Friuli-Venezia Giulia le forze politiche dell’estrema destra propongono di tornare ai respingimenti illegali delle persone, richiedenti asilo inclusi, alla frontiera tra Italia e Slovenia. Siamo stati a Trieste per fare il punto della situazione

    Il nuovo governo Meloni non si è ancora praticamente insediato che già a livello locale in Friuli-Venezia Giulia le forze politiche dell’estrema destra propongono di tornare alle “riammissioni informali attive” -cioè ai respingimenti illegali delle persone, richiedenti asilo inclusi- alla frontiera tra Italia e Slovenia.
    Una misura (https://altreconomia.it/respingimenti-migranti-trieste-documenti-negati) attivata nella primavera 2020 proprio dall’allora capo di gabinetto al ministero dell’Interno, Matteo Piantedosi, appena nominato al Viminale. Siamo stati a Trieste per fare il punto della situazione anche dell’operato del centro diurno a pochi passi dalla piazza della stazione ferroviaria.



    #frontière_sud-alpine #Italie #Slovénie #push-backs #refoulements #réadmissions #Matteo_Piantedosi #Trieste

  • Slovenia e flussi migratori: via il filo spinato, arrivano i droni

    Il nuovo governo sloveno ha promesso, entro fine hanno, la rimozione delle famigerate barriere di filo spinato anti-migranti al confine con la Croazia. Non sarà un “liberi tutti”, ma solo la sostituzione di un rozzo meccanismo di controllo con altri più sofisticati

    • La Slovénie, la frontière et les réfugiés : des drones à la place des barbelés

      Le 15 juillet, le nouveau gouvernement slovène de gauche a entrepris la destruction du « mur » de barbelés érigé sur les frontières du pays avec la Croatie. Cela ne veut pas dire que celles-ci seront moins surveillées, bien au contraire : après les barbelés, place aux drones !

      Les premiers rouleaux de fil de fer barbelé à la frontière avec la Croatie avaient été posés en novembre 2015 près de Rigonce, dans le sud de la Styrie, un village qui était devenu l’une des principales voies d’accès à la Slovénie le long de la route des Balkans. Ensuite, les barrières se sont étendues sur toute la frontière, au grand étonnement de la population locale, qui a vu les soldats du génie militaire arriver pour placer des « barrières techniques » parfois jusque dans les jardins ou les cours des maisons. Cela n’avait pas manqué de soulever de vives protestations en Croatie et quelques manifestations symboliques ont été organisées ces dernières années le long de la frontière. La dernière a eu lieu au début de ce mois en Carniole Blanche (Bela Krajina), où des organisations non gouvernementales, l’office local du tourisme et des institutions culturelles ont descendu un tronçon de la rivière Kolpa avec une trentaine de bateaux, pour appeler le gouvernement à ôter sans attendre les barrières et à changer de politique de contrôle aux frontières.
      Durant la campagne électorale, le centre-gauche avait promis qu’en cas de victoire, il retirerait très rapidement les barbelés. Au lendemain de la victoire, certains se disaient même prêts, non sans enthousiasme, à former des équipes de volontaires pour aller détruire les barrières. Le gouvernement de Robert Golob s’est néanmoins empressé de dire aux citoyens de ne pas se ruer à l’assaut de ces clôtures honnies…

      Les 200 km de barbelés et les panneaux anti-migrants entre la Slovénie et la Croatie seront entièrement supprimés d’ici la fin de l’année, a confirmé le gouvernement. Le 15 juillet, les premiers mètres de la barrière ont été symboliquement retirés près du poste frontière de Krmačina, dans le sud-est du pays, en présence des représentants du ministère de l’Intérieur et de la police slovène. Peu avant, la ministre de l’Intérieur, Tatjana Bobnar, avait déclaré devant le Parlement que ces barrières seraient supprimées, afin que « plus personne ne meure en essayant de traverser la frontière ». La dernière victime en date est une jeune fille kurde qui s’est noyée en décembre dernier dans la Dragonja, le petit fleuve côtier qui sépare la Slovénie de la Croatie en Istrie. En tout, 23 personnes au moins sont mortes sur le sol slovène en tentant de remonter la route des Balkans. Selon les organisations qui s’occupent de l’aide aux migrants, les obstacles ont rendu la traversée des rivières plus difficile, augmentant les risques de noyade, surtout en hiver ou quand le niveau des eaux est élevé.

      “Il n’est nullement question d’ouvrir la frontière mais seulement de remplacer un mécanisme de contrôle rudimentaire par d’autres moyens plus sophistiqués.”

      Pour les ONG, cependant, le problème ne tient pas seulement aux barrières, mais surtout à l’attitude hostile contre les réfugiés adoptée par les institutions et la police, qui agissent de manière arbitraire en faisant obstacle aux demandes d’asile et en procédant à des refoulements forcés. Une stratégie qui n’a jamais été ouvertement assumée, mais qui a été mise en place dès le début de la crise, en 2015, par le gouvernement centriste de Miro Cerar. À l’époque, la Slovénie, qui redoutait de devenir un cul-de-sac pour les réfugiés syriens fuyant la guerre, avait lancé toute une série de mesures pour protéger l’ordre public, dont l’attribution à l’armée de tâches de contrôle des frontières ou même des manifestations. L’achat de canons à eau très modernes pour la police n’avait alors même pas fait débat. Ces gadgets ont été largement utilisés par l’ancien gouvernement conservateur pour réprimer les manifestations antigouvernementales et les protestations contre les restrictions imposées pendant l’épidémie de Covid-19.

      La suppression des barrières ne va certainement pas marquer un tournant décisif dans l’attitude des Slovènes envers les réfugiés. En résumé, il n’est nullement question d’ouvrir la frontière mais seulement de remplacer un mécanisme de contrôle rudimentaire par d’autres moyens plus sophistiqués. L’accord de coalition prévoit en effet le remplacement des barbelés par le renforcement de dispositifs de contrôle alternatifs, comme des systèmes de vidéosurveillance et des drones.

      Ljubljana ne veut pas du tout donner l’impression d’avoir lâché prise, mais la Slovénie tient au contraire à montrer qu’elle veut continuer à s’engager dans la lutte contre les migrations clandestines. Cela ne semble pourtant pas trop convaincre les Autrichiens, qui ont suspendu de facto le régime Schengen avec la Slovénie et ont « provisoirement » rétabli les contrôles aux frontières, depuis 2015. Les protestations de Ljubljana demandant le retour de l’ouverture de la frontière n’ont pas eu d’effets, et se sont heurtées aux réponses plutôt méprisantes de Vienne, où l’on ne cesse de répéter que le flux de migrants en provenance de Slovénie augmente.

      Schengen pour améliorer les relations de voisinage
      La situation devrait toutefois s’améliorer, au moins entre la Slovénie et la Croatie, mais pas à cause de la suppression des barrières. La frontière, établie il y a plus de trente ans, lors de la proclamation d’indépendance des deux pays, était initialement présentée comme une ligne de démarcation provisoire, mais elle est rapidement devenue une véritable frontière d’État. Les contrôles devraient être suspendus entre les deux pays l’année prochaine, quand la Croatie rejoindra à son tour l’espace Schengen. Une véritable libération pour les frontaliers qui, surtout en été et pendant les vacances, sont obligés de passer des heures et des heures dans les files d’attente pour pouvoir aller travailler ou rentrer chez eux. En trente ans, les deux pays n’ont pratiquement rien fait pour améliorer ce transit. L’adhésion de la Croatie à l’espace Schengen sera aussi un moyen de rétablir le dense réseau de relations qui existe au sein des populations locales, des deux côtés de la frontière. Les contacts n’ont jamais été complètement interrompus, mais s’étaient beaucoup compliqués, dans une zone qui par le passé n’avait jamais été divisée par une frontière.


  • Par les temps qui courent, c’est pas tous les jours qu’un Etat décide de démanteler un mur...
    Slovenia to dismantle border fence with Croatia

    Slovenia has announced that it will be taking down its border fence on the Croatian border by the end of the year. The Interior Ministry confirmed the plan to the news agency STA.

    Slovenia’s new government has vowed to remove the controversial fence that separates it from neighbouring Croatia. Construction on the fence started in late 2015 during the height of the what is often referred to as the ’European refugee crisis,’ when hundreds of thousands of people fled to EU countries from war-torn Syria.

    The fence was designed to curb irregular migration into Slovenia through the Balkans. It was extended several times since 2015, and is currently about 200 kilometers long.

    Many people have been insured trying to scale the structure, suffering considerable cuts on the barbed wire that was placed on top of the fence.
    New government wants to change direction

    Slovenia shares a 670 kilometer-long border with Croatia, meaning that roughly a third of their shared border has been fortified with a fence.

    Both countries are members of the European Union, but only Slovenia is also part of the Schengen Area — a group of European countries that have abolished border controls at their shared borders. In part because of this, Slovenia has seen a lot of people trying to cross its borders to get to other Schengen countries, like Germany, Austria or Italy.

    Both Croatia and Slovenia have repeatedly come under fire for their treatment of migrants and refugees; Croatia in particular has faced repeated accusations of conducting illegal pushbacks into neighboring Bosnia.

    The Slovanian new government, which was sworn in last week, wants to change the country’s border policies. The left-liberal government under Prime Minister Robert Golob committed itself to demolishing the border fence in its coalition agreement, and they have announced plans to instead monitor the border with drones and cameras.

    #murs #barrières_frontalières #Croatie #Slovénie #frontière_sud-alpine #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_Balkans

    Mais bon... au lieu des murs... des #drones #caméras_de_vidéosurveillance... c’est pas vraiment un changement de cap... voir :
    Slovenia e flussi migratori : via il filo spinato, arrivano i droni

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • Slovenija objavila koliko će trajati rezanje ograde na granici s Hrvatskom, mijenjaju politiku prema migrantima: Učit će ih jezik i integrirati u društvo

      Slovenska vojska ovih dana počinje s uklanjanjem 200 kilometara ograde na granici prema Hrvatskoj. Kako je najavila Tatjana Bobnar, ministrica unutrašnjih poslova u vladi Roberta Goloba, vojnici dnevno mogu ukloniti 200 metara žice, što znači da će posao biti gotov za 150 radnih dana, tj. potkraj veljače naredne godine. Ministrica Bobnar najavila je i značajne promjene u migracijskoj politici zemlje

      Bobnar uvjerava da će policija nakon uklanjanja žice temeljito obavljati nadzor granice te tako nastaviti osiguravati primjerenu razinu sigurnosti pograničnom stanovništvu.

      ’Vlada i MUP zalažu se za sigurne rute migranata i siguran prelazak granice za građane, stanovnike i migrante. Zbog toga smo osnovali novo savjetodavno tijelo koje se već sastalo s predstavnicima državnih tijela, organizacijama i predstavnicima civilnog društva koji rade na području migracija te će pripremiti cjelovitu migracijsku strategiju. Oni će se usredotočiti na osiguravanje sigurnijih putova migracija, učinkovitije procedure azila i dobivanje boravišnih dozvola kako bi se olakšali uvjeti za međunarodnu zaštitu i sustavnu integraciju u društvo. Azilante je potrebno sustavno integrirati u društvo i tržište rada te im omogućiti učenje jezika, a spriječiti iskorištavanje radnika’, smatra ministrica Bobnar.
      Slovenska ministrica vanjskih poslova Tatjana Bobnar

      Dakako, desna oporba smatra da je u pitanju zabrinjavajući zaokret. Oporbena Nova Slovenija (NSi) predviđa pogoršanje sigurnosne situacije jer se zbog nedostatka pšenice očekuju veće migracije iz sjeverne Afrike, a ojačat će i balkanska krijumčarska ruta, smatraju. Policijska kontrola, kako predviđa vlada, neće biti dovoljna.

      ’Nije realno to da dodatna tehnička sredstva, poput dronova koje ministrica često spominje, mogu pružati istu razinu sigurnosti kao tehničke barijere’, komentirao je odluku zastupnik Nove Slovenije Janez Žakelj. NSi stoga predlaže selektivno uklanjanje ograde, ne svugdje.

      Podsjetimo, Slovenija je izgradila 194 kilometra ograde tijekom migrantskog vala 2015., u razdoblju u kojem je kroz državu prolazilo pola milijuna ljudi, na vrhuncu čak 14.000 dnevno. ’Tada je ta krajnja mjera bila nužna, meni je bilo krajnje neugodno, nisu se dobro osjećali ni drugi u vladi’, prisjetio se za Televiziju Slovenije tadašnji premijer Miro Cerar.

      Po njegovu mišljenju, to je bio jedini način da se kontrolira gomila ljudi i da se o pravilno brine o njima. Inače, prijetilo je zatvaranje austrijske i talijanske granice, a ni južni susjed, kako kaže, nije se ponio baš susjedski.

      ’Hrvatska tada nije bila kooperativna, znamo da se i sama ilegalno organizirala i slala izbjeglice preko zelene granice, noću, preko rijeka’, podsjetio je Cerar.

      Ogradu je privremeno postavila tadašnja vlada i najavila da će biti uklonjena u najkraćem mogućem roku.


    • Slovenia’s interior minister faces no-confidence vote

      Opposition SDS Democrats tabled a motion of no-confidence on Tuesday against Interior Minister #Tatjana_Bobnar, alleging that he should be removed from office for his government’s decision to remove the long border fence erected to fight irregular migration between 2015 and 2016.

      The motion against Bobnar alleges misconduct and dereliction of duty and notes that his government’s decision to dismantle the fence built to stop the flow of irregular migrants has led to a surge in irregular migration.

      The government’s decision has had “security and political consequences,” said SDS lawmaker Branko Grims. Between January and August, Slovenia saw a 13% increase in irregular border crossings compared to the whole of last year, police data shows.

      Grims also pointed to the high increase in expressions of intent to apply for international protection. “Slovenia is becoming a destination country for illegal migrants,” he said.

      SDS has claimed for weeks that Bobnar has been knowingly opening borders to irregular migrants and putting citizens at risk.

      “If you work honestly and lawfully, you can face anyone in good conscience and defend your decisions at any time with reasonable arguments,” said Bobnar before the motion’s announcement, noting that she did not fear a motion that accused her of “solidarity and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms”.

      In Slovenia, the opposition frequently uses no-confidence votes against ministers without actually being able to oust them. Instead, this allows the opposition to mount targeted attacks on the government and get significant airtime.

      The coalition parties said they firmly support Bobnar.


    • Skriva li Mrežnica tijelo sirijskog migranta Rateba?

      Policija za taj dan i događaj kojeg Sirijci navode, nema evidenciju

      Mladi Sirijac Rateb Almohamad nestao je 30.listopada u 6 sati ujutro dok je s rođacima prelazio rijeku Mrežnicu na području iznad Generalskog Stola. Od tog dana gubi mu se svaki trag.

      Tvrde to njegovi rođaci koji ga traže preko društvenih mreža i već desetak dana pokušavaju doznati bilo kakvu informaciju. No, oni koji bi po logici trebali imati informaciju, a to je policija – trag nemaju.

      Ratebovi rođaci navode da je mladić tog jutra krenuo preko rijeke Mrežnice zajedno s dvojicom rođaka. Riječ je o klasičnoj grupi migranata koji su željeli iz Bosne do Slovenije preko Hrvatske. Prema njihovim tvrdnjama, dvojica su prešla Mrežnicu i došla na drugu stranu obale, dok je Rateba povukla voda te su vidjeli da se utapa i zove u pomoć. Nisu mu mogli više pomoći jer ih je, tako bar kažu, već pronašla hrvatska policija. Navode da su rekli da im se rođak utapa, no odgovora nije bilo.

      Rateb je, tvrde rođaci, iz Sirije s obitelji izbjegao prije 6 godina, a obitelj mu otad živi u Turskoj. Kažu da je na put prema zapadnim zemljama krenuo prije mjesec dana. U prilog svojim tvrdnjama poslali su njegove fotografije, ali i “screenshot” zadnje lokacije na kojoj su prelazili rijeku Mrežnicu. Kako bilo, krenuli su u potragu za Ratebom vjerujući da je još uvijek negdje živ i da će dobiti informacije.

      Inače, dvojica rođaka koji su bili s njim, sada su u Bosni.

      Karlovačka policija, barem prema onom što smo doznali danas, dok još uvijek čekamo službeni odgovor na upit, uopće nema evidentirane događaje s migrantima tog dana, u to vrijeme i na tom mjestu. U prijevodu, nitko ništa nije tražio za spomenuti događaj, iako su tog dana, ali na drugoj rijeci, imali pronalazak petorice migranata iz Alžira te Iraka, ali i pronalazak utopljenika u Kupi, uz slovensku granicu.

      Ukoliko Sirijci govore istinu, moguće je da tijelo nesretnog migranta još uvijek krije rijeka Mrežnica, nizvodno prema Zvečaju i Dugoj Resi. U ovom razdoblju dojava o pronalascima leševa u Mrežnici nije bilo.




      Young Syrian Rateb Almohamad disappeared on October 30 at 6 am as he was crossing the Mrežnica River with his relatives in the area above the General Table. From that day on, all trace of him is lost. This is claimed by his relatives who are looking for him on social networks and have been trying to find out any information for ten days. But those who logically should have information, and that is the police - have no clue. Rateb’s relatives state that the young man set off across the Mrežnica River that morning together with two relatives. This is a classic group of migrants who wanted to travel from Bosnia to Slovenia via Croatia. According to their claims, the two crossed the Mrežnica and came to the other side of the coast, while Rateba withdrew the water and they saw him drowning and calling for help. They couldn’t help him anymore because, so they say, the Croatian police had already found them. They say they said their cousin was drowning, but there was no answer. His relatives would be grateful for any information and ask for help According to relatives, Rateb fled Syria with his family 6 years ago, and his family has been living in Turkey ever since. He is said to have set out for Western countries a month ago. In support of their claims, they sent photos of him, but also a “screenshot” of the last location where they crossed the river Mrežnica. Either way, they set out in search of Rateb believing he was still somewhere alive and would get the information. By the way, the two relatives who were with him are now in Bosnia. The Karlovac police, at least according to what we learned today, while we are still waiting for an official answer to the inquiry, have no recorded events with migrants on that day, at that time and place. In translation, no one asked for anything for the mentioned event, although on that day, but on another river, they had the discovery of five migrants from Algeria and Iraq, but also the discovery of drowned in Kupa, along the Slovenian border. If the Syrians are telling the truth, it is possible that the body of the unfortunate migrant is still hidden by the Mrežnica River, downstream towards Zvečaj and Duga Resa. There were no reports of corpses in Mrežnica during this period.


  • fin mars 2022 : Cure detalji o tragediji na Kupi : ’Ušli smo u vodu, krenuli s pretragom i na jednom dijelu našli utopljenika’

    Traduction en ligne :
    –-> Cure détails sur la tragédie sur le Kupa : « Nous sommes allés dans l’eau, avons fait une recherche et avons trouvé un homme noyé dans une partie »

    La police croate, après un rapport de collègues slovènes, a arrêté un groupe de migrants en provenance du Congo. L’un est mort, malgré la réanimation, et un autre noyé a été retrouvé à Kupa

    La nuit dernière, la police slovène a informé ses collègues croates qu’un groupe plus important de migrants se trouvait à Kupa. Des policiers de Vrbovsko, des forces spéciales de Rijeka et avec eux des pompiers se rendent sur le terrain car le terrain est inaccessible. Après trois kilomètres de marche, ils trouvent cinq hommes figés qui disent que le sixième est proche.

    « La personne était inconsciente, alors ils l’ont aidé professionnellement, mais ils ont essayé de la réanimer, mais la personne est décédée. Lorsque l’ambulance est arrivée, ils ont constaté le décès de cette personne. le poste de police de Vrbovsko », a déclaré Tomislav Horvat , chef du service des migrations illégales de la police de Primorje-Gorski Kotar.

    La nuit était froide, la température de l’air moins 1 et le Kupa sauvage 7 degrés. 22 pompiers de cinq brigades de pompiers volontaires se sont rendus sur les lieux. Ils disent n’avoir jamais vu des gens aussi épuisés et hypothermiques. Bien qu’ils aient été noyés par des couvertures, ils tremblaient constamment sur des brancards. Et le tout premier qu’ils ont trouvé leur a annoncé une autre terrible nouvelle.

    "Des collègues ont dit d’où il venait, c’est-à-dire du Congo, donc il a aussi dit que son frère s’était noyé, c’est-à-dire qu’il avait disparu dans la Kupa", a déclaré Dalibor Mareković , commandant du DVD de Vrbovsko.

    Il va à la police et le GSS a commencé hier à rechercher son frère autour de Severin na Kupi.

    "C’est là que nous sommes allés dans l’eau et avons commencé à fouiller le terrain pour trouver le corps d’un noyé dont nous avons pris soin et transporté par l’eau. Ces villages sont abandonnés depuis longtemps, ce sont déjà des ruines, donc le terrain est totalement inaccessible, la jungle .", a déclaré Goran Tomac , chef de la station HGSS Delnice.

    Dans de rares endroits, vous pouvez vous approcher de la rivière, qui a gonflé de pluie et de neige jusqu’à 4 mètres la nuit du drame.

    "Avec un dériveur et une chienne, c’est un kayak debout, nous sommes partis tous les quatre et nous avons descendu un ou deux kilomètres jusqu’à lui", a expliqué Bruno Stipancic , membre de la station HGSS de Delnice.

    Cette fois, Kupa a coûté la vie à deux migrants.

    Il y a huit jours à peu près au même endroit un autre, un Camerounais qui a déjà été enterré.

    "En tant que ville, nous avons fourni certains fonds et nous avons une tombe commune pour toutes ces personnes et nous les enterrons jusqu’à ce que les proches se manifestent", a déclaré Drazen Muftić, le maire de Vrbovsko.

    Pour eux deux, c’était la fin du chemin vers une vie meilleure. Les cinq détenus d’ici la fin de la journée devraient être transférés dans un centre d’accueil à Zagreb. Ils auraient admis qu’ils étaient au moins 11 dans le groupe et qu’ils avaient tenté de traverser la Coupe avec un radeau improvisé, mais personne ne sait où se trouve maintenant le reste du groupe.


    #Croatie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #Alpes #montagne #décès #mort
    #Kolpa #Kupa


    Ajouté à cette métaliste des morts à la frontière Slovénie-Croatie :

    Elle-même ajouté à la métaliste des morts dans les Alpes :

  • 03.04.2022

    Plusieurs étrangers ont été trouvés le long de la rive de la Kupa près de Vrbovsko. L’un était mort dans la rivière, l’autre est mort malgré la réanimation

    This week, another man lost his life (https://www.novilist.hr/novosti/crna-kronika/vise-stranaca-pronadeno-uz-obalu-kupe-kod-vrbovskog-jedan-je-bio-mrtav-u-rijeci-drugi-preminuo-unatoc-reanimaciji/?meta_refresh=true), killed by unjust European policies. According to the report from the Slovenian police, people have been found in the area along the #Kupa River in the wider #Vrbovsko area. There, they found five people inaccessible terrain along the banks of the #Kupa_River, and after a short time, another man who was unconscious and hypothermic. He was assisted and the officers attempted to save him, but despite an attempt at resuscitation, the man died.

    #Croatie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #Alpes #montagne #décès #mort


    Ajouté à cette métaliste des morts à la frontière Slovénie-Croatie :

    Elle-même ajouté à la métaliste des morts dans les Alpes :

    • –-> du coup, cet article mentionne deux morts (et non pas un) le 3 avril 2022

      La police croate, après un rapport de collègues slovènes, a arrêté un groupe de migrants en provenance du Congo. L’un est mort, malgré la réanimation, et un autre noyé a été retrouvé à Kupa

      La nuit dernière, la police slovène a informé ses collègues croates qu’un groupe plus important de migrants se trouvait à Kupa. Des policiers de Vrbovsko, des forces spéciales de Rijeka et avec eux des pompiers se rendent sur le terrain car le terrain est inaccessible. Après trois kilomètres de marche, ils trouvent cinq hommes figés qui disent que le sixième est proche.

      « La personne était inconsciente, alors ils l’ont aidé professionnellement, mais ils ont essayé de la réanimer, mais la personne est décédée. Lorsque l’ambulance est arrivée, ils ont constaté le décès de cette personne. le poste de police de Vrbovsko », a déclaré Tomislav Horvat , chef du service des migrations illégales de la police de Primorje-Gorski Kotar.

      La nuit était froide, la température de l’air moins 1 et le Kupa sauvage 7 degrés. 22 pompiers de cinq brigades de pompiers volontaires se sont rendus sur les lieux. Ils disent n’avoir jamais vu des gens aussi épuisés et hypothermiques. Bien qu’ils aient été noyés par des couvertures, ils tremblaient constamment sur des brancards. Et le tout premier qu’ils ont trouvé leur a annoncé une autre terrible nouvelle.

      "Des collègues ont dit d’où il venait, c’est-à-dire du Congo, donc il a aussi dit que son frère s’était noyé, c’est-à-dire qu’il avait disparu dans la Kupa", a déclaré Dalibor Mareković , commandant du DVD de Vrbovsko.

      Il va à la police et le GSS a commencé hier à rechercher son frère autour de Severin na Kupi.

      "C’est là que nous sommes allés dans l’eau et avons commencé à fouiller le terrain pour trouver le corps d’un noyé dont nous avons pris soin et transporté par l’eau. Ces villages sont abandonnés depuis longtemps, ce sont déjà des ruines, donc le terrain est totalement inaccessible, la jungle .", a déclaré Goran Tomac , chef de la station HGSS Delnice.

      Dans de rares endroits, vous pouvez vous approcher de la rivière, qui a gonflé de pluie et de neige jusqu’à 4 mètres la nuit du drame.

      "Avec un dériveur et une chienne, c’est un kayak debout, nous sommes partis tous les quatre et nous avons descendu un ou deux kilomètres jusqu’à lui", a expliqué Bruno Stipancic , membre de la station HGSS de Delnice.

      –-> puis l’article parle d’un autre mort (fin mars 2022) :


  • News found in the FB group « Dead and missing in the Balkans », 25.03.2019

    I have very small information about one person who drowned in the Kolpa river on the border croatia / slovenia.
    the coordinates are 45.485706,14.911013. Near Planica, Croatia.
    The person that travelled with him has been deported back to Kladusa on the 25th of march.
    His name was Mehdi, from Casablanca Morocco.
    He was 26 / 27 years old.

    cas cartographié ici :


    #Croatie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #Alpes #montagne #décès #mort


    Ajouté à cette métaliste des morts à la frontière Slovénie-Croatie :

    Elle-même ajouté à la métaliste des morts dans les Alpes :

  • 07.11.2019
    Migrante di 20 anni morto di freddo a #Ilirska_Bistrica

    A riportare la notizia è il giornale sloveno Večer. L’uomo, un ragazzo di origine siriana, è morto per il freddo. Sarebbe stato trovato nei boschi intorno al #monte_Nevoso. Vani i tentativi di rianimarlo da parte di un medico che nel frattempo era giunto sul posto.

    Ieri mattina a Ilirska Bistrica un giovane di 20 anni di origini siriane è morto per ipotermia. A dare la notizia è il quotidiano sloveno Večer nella giornata di oggi 8 novembre. A trovarlo nei boschi nella zona del monte Nevoso sarebbero stati i parenti che vivono in Germania e che erano stati allertati proprio dallo stesso giovane in gravi condizioni fisiche, impossibilitato a proseguire.

    Sul posto un medico

    I parenti si sarebbero quindi messi in viaggio a bordo di una Renault scenic con targa tedesca e con alla guida una cittadina greca, per tentare di trovarlo. Dopo averlo individuato, l’avrebbero caricato sulla macchina dirigendosi verso la stazione di Polizia di Ilirska Bistrica. Qui hanno chiesto aiuto e un medico del centro sanitario della località si è recato sul posto. Non c’è stato nulla da fare per il giovane siriano che, in un primo momento e sempre come riporta il quotidiano sloveno, sarebbe stato rianimato.

    Infine, sarebbe stato lo stesso medico ad ordinare l’autopsia che ha indicato l’ipotermia come causa del decesso.


    #Croatie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #Alpes #montagne #décès #mort


    Ajouté à cette métaliste des morts à la frontière Slovénie-Croatie :

    Elle-même ajouté à la métaliste des morts dans les Alpes :

    • Migrant umro od hladnoće pred policijskom postajom

      Mladi izbjeglica iz Sirije umro je od hladnoće i iscrpljenosti pred zgradom slovenske policije u Ilirskoj Bistrici, kamo su ga dovezla braća koja žive u Njemačkoj, a nije mu mogla pomoći ni liječnica koja je pokušavala s reanimacijom, objavila je u petak slovenska policija.

      Policija je objavila da se je u četvrtak ujutro pred zgradu policijske postaje u Ilirskoj Bistrici dovezao osobni automobil marke Renault Senic, njemačkih registarskih tablica. Za volanom je bila državljanka Grčke, a s njom još dvojica Sirijaca s reguliranim statusom u Njemačkoj te muškarac koji je pokazivao “minimalne znakove života”.

      Nakon što su stranci iz vozila upozorili na slabo stanje putnika odmah je pozvana pomoć iz obližnjeg doma zdravlja čija je liječnica na mjestu događaja mladog muškarca reanimirala, ali je on unatoč tome umro.
      Liječnica je odredila sanitarnu obdukciju. Utvrđeno je da je uzrok smrti podhlađenost i iscrpljenost, a policija je utvrdila da je umrli 20-godišnji državljanin Sirije, prenose slovenski mediji.

      Navodno je policija došla do podatka da je preminuli u Njemačku telefonom zvao svoju braću koja tamo imaju uređen status te im kazao da je dezorijentiran i na kraju snaga, da ne može nastaviti put i da zato dođu po njega - piše N1.

      Otkrili su da se nalazi u Sloveniji, u jednoj šumi blizu Ilirske Bistrice, gdje je ove godine inače pojačan tok ilegalnih migracija zbog blizine granice s Italijom.
      Pronašli su ga zahvaljujući koordinatama koje im je nastradali prije toga poslao, a čim su vidjeli u kakvom je stanju obratili su se policiji i zatražili pomoć, prenose priopćenje policije slovenski mediji.


  • 27.11.2018
    Migrant drowns in Reka river

    Koper, 27 November - The #Ilirska_Bistrica police have apprehended a group of six illegal migrants on Tuesday morning, presumably coming from Algeria. One migrant reportedly drowned while crossing the Reka river (SW).


    #Croatie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #Alpes #montagne #décès #mort #Reka_river


    Ajouté à cette métaliste des morts à la frontière Slovénie-Croatie :

    Elle-même ajouté à la métaliste des morts dans les Alpes :

    • Beyond the Mediterranean, the MMP team recorded several deaths on land routes in Europe. On 27 November, the remains of four men were found on train tracks near the town of Fylakas, in north-eastern Greece. Local authorities reported that a night train ran over the group of migrants, who may have been sleeping on the lines. On the same day, a young Algerian man reportedly drowned in the Reka river, in Ilirska Bistrica, Slovenia. He was travelling with a group of six migrants, who were apprehended by authorities on 27 November.


    • V reki Reki se je utopil prebežnik

      Potapljači so ob 12.30 v reki Reki našli moško truplo, so sporočili s Policijske uprave Koper. Zdravnica ni ugotovila znakov nasilja, razlog za smrt je bila utopitev.

      Ilirskobistriški policisti so zjutraj pri Topolcu prijeli šest nezakonitih prebežnikov, sporočajo s PU-ja Koper. Po prvih podatkih gre za Alžirce, ki so policistom povedali, da sta dva iz skupine prečkala reko Reko, a eden izmed njiju ni prišel na drugi breg oziroma je ob prečkanju izginil pod površje.

      Nemudoma je stekla reševalna akcija, v kateri se je 15 policistom priključilo še šest gasilcev iz Ilirske Bistrice in pripadnika tamkajšnje civilne zaščite ter rafting kluba Mrzla voda. Pregledovali so breg reke, zatem pa še reko s čolnom. Takoj so aktivirali tudi potapljače.

      Ob 12.30 so potapljači v reki dejansko našli moško truplo. Zdravnica ni ugotovila znakov nasilja, razlog za smrt je bila utopitev.

      Policisti bodo v nadaljevanju ugotavljali okoliščine, opravili razgovore in identificirali utopljenega. Na policiji so izrekli pohvalo tako policistom kot tudi prostovoljcem, ki so se trudili rešiti moškega.
      Na temo migracij je sicer potekal posvet, poimenovan Stičišče znanja, ki ga je organizirala SID banka v sodelovanju z Akademijo Finance.
      Šefic : Potreben je družbeni dogovor
      Na posvetu je nekdanji državni sekretar na ministrstvu za notranje zadeve Boštjan Šefic dejal naslednje : « Migracije bodo tudi v prihodnje del našega življenja, zato bo pri soočanju z njimi potreben družbeni dogovor, sicer bomo ta problem še naprej reševali tako kot danes, ko povzročajo samo trenja. »

      Migracije Slovenije ne bodo zaobšle, aktualne bodo tudi v prihodnje, zato je po njegovem prepričanju izjemnega pomena, da se tako v Sloveniji kot EU-ju poglobimo v izzive, ki jih prinašajo. Predvsem pa bo potrebna strpna, argumentirana in na realnih podatkih temelječa razprava, je prepričan nekdanji državni sekretar, pristojen za migracije na vrhuncu migrantske krize leta 2015.

      Osnovna težava EU-ju pri spoprijemanju z migracijami je, da države ne izvajajo tega, kar so se dogovorile. Kot opozarja Šefic, bo treba vzpostaviti programe v izvornih državah migracij, pomagati državam tranzita in se zavedati, da nezakonite migracije niso rešitev za popolnjevanje vrzeli na področju trga delovne sile.

      Pri dolgoročnem naslavljanju tega vprašanja pa se bo treba lotiti odpravljanja vzrokov za migracije, je dejal na letnem posvetu Stičišče znanja.

      Slovenija ima dokumente in strategije, s katerimi se s fenomenom migracij lahko učinkovito spoprijema. Vendar pa težava nastane zaradi različnih razlag teh rešitev in pri tem se pojavljajo konflikti, je dejal in pozdravil odločitev vlade, da pripravi novo strategijo.

      Slovenija še vedno ni ciljna država prebežnikov, za mednarodno zaščito pa zaprosi minimalno število tistih, ki pridejo v državo, je poudaril Šefic. Glede vprašanja, ali je v kratkem računati na večji migrantski val, pa odgovarja, da se ta trenutek države zavedajo izzivov, ki jih prinašajo neregulirane migracije, kar je lahko zagotovilo, da podobnega eksodusa, kot smo mu bili priča leta 2015, ne bo. Pri tem pa je pomemben zlasti odnos med EU-jem in Turčijo, je opozoril.


    • Texte publié sur la page FB de No name kitchen : le nom de #Nasim apparaît sur ce post :

      There are three ways of reaching Europe without a visa, and for those people who are fleeing difficult situations in their countries of origin, the Balkan route is the least dangerous. That’s why many people from Morocco and Argelia are here. They decided to take this overland route instead of falling into the trap of dying at sea. They also have the option of flying safely to Turkey. However, this route is long and winding. It can last for more than one year.
      On its part, Europe has incorporated a stumbling block on the route: Slovenian and Croatian police, who undertake illegal deportations of any undocumented person found in their country. Some days ago, Nasim, who had chosen this route, found his death in a river, located only a few kilometres from the border with Italy. Yesterday we talked to his friends. As they were crossing one of the rivers on the route, they saw the police and decided to cross faster to escape. Nasim couldn’t swim and he drowned. His friends tried to save him without success. Ignoring this situation, authorities decided to deport illegally the rest of the group and take these young people to the Croatian police. His friends weren’t allowed to see Nasim’s body in the morgue. Moreover, it seems that Croatian police considered that the situation wasn’t traumatic enough and, when they took the migrants to the border with Bosnia, at night, they made these young people leave the car one by one, beating each of them. The boy bearing the brunt of this extreme situation was the one who hours before had been taken to hospital after collapsing due to the death of Nasim. One of the policemen, wearing – as all of them do - a ski-mask, took the boy’s head using both hands and hit his face with his knee.
      We normally avoid giving names on our posts, in respect of the privacy of the people we know thanks to our work. However, we think that Nasim - that boy always standing at the front of the queue for the shower- deserves to be remembered. He died at the early age of 25, as a direct result of the ridiculous European border policies, when he was pursuing his dream.


  • Bangladeshi migrant found dead near Slovenia-Croatia border (04.12.2021)

    The body of a migrant from Bangladesh has been found in Slovenia near the border with Croatia. Police say it is the first such death in this part of the border region.

    Police in the town of Koper, on Slovenia’s Adriatic coast, said that the dead body of a 31-year-old man was found on Saturday, December 4, in the Dragonja Valley, between the Dragonja and Sečovlje border crossings in southwest Slovenia.

    The man’s documents were found near his body. Police said that he was a Bangladeshi citizen and that the Embassy of Bangladesh had been informed.

    An autopsy was ordered to determine the cause of the man’s death, but initial information indicated that he died of hypothermia a day before he was found, a spokesperson from the Koper Police Department told InfoMigrants.

    While deaths of migrants have been recorded in the past on the Croatia-Slovenia border, this was the first known fatality in this region of the Dragonja valley, the spokesperson said.


    Border patrols

    Slovenian police, supported by the army, are deployed along the 670-km border with Croatia. Border surveillance of irregular migrants is conducted with the help of mounted police, dogs and technical equipment such as drones, thermographic cameras and helicopters.

    The interior ministry announced in 2020 that drones were increasingly being used to monitor the movements of migrants from above. “When migrants try to flee being apprehended, they run in several directions and drones make it easier for police officers to follow and apprehend them,” the ministry said in an article published online in June, 2020.

    Migrants usually “avoid populated areas and travel at night, using forest paths and remote terrain, while they spend the day resting in hidden-away locations,” the ministry continued.

    “Most of them use GPS navigation on smartphones in airplane mode, which prevents them being traced ... Illegal migrants very quickly adapt to police measures and frequently change both their routes and border crossing methods.”

    The police spokesperson in Koper confirmed that border patrols and surveillance have continued during the past 18 months.

    Both Croatia and Slovenia are members of the European Union, but Croatia is outside the Schengen visa-free area.

    There are thousands of migrants trapped in the Balkan states, unable to cross national borders to continue their journeys. Many are sleeping rough in cold winter weather.


    #Croatie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #Alpes #montagne #décès #mort


    Ajouté à cette métaliste des morts à la frontière Slovénie-Croatie :

    Elle-même ajouté à la métaliste des morts dans les Alpes :

  • Une petite fille de 10 ans meurt noyée dans la rivière frontière entre la Croatie et la Slovénie

    Une petite fille turque de 10 ans est morte dans la #Dragonja, la #rivière qui sépare la Croatie de la Slovénie, à seulement 30 km de l’Italie. Elle était sur les épaules de sa mère, qui tentait de gagner l’autre rive, lorsqu’elle a été happée par le courant.

    Elle était recherchée depuis sa disparition, le 9 décembre dernier. Une petite fille turque de 10 ans est morte noyée dans la rivière Dragonja, frontière naturelle entre la Slovénie et la Croatie, dans le nord-ouest de l’Istrie. Le 11 décembre, son corps a été retrouvé sous l’eau, à deux mètres de profondeur, et à 400m du lieu de sa disparition, a précisé Suzana Sokač, une représentante de la police, au média slovène Dvevnik (https://www.dnevnik.si/1042978940/kronika/nadaljuje-se-iskanje-deklice-ki-jo-je-odnesla-dragonja).

    Une cinquantaine de personne au total - des policiers, des pompiers, des chiens de sauvetage, et des plongeurs de l’armée slovène - avaient entrepris des recherches le long de la rivière jusqu’à son embouchure dans la mer Adriatique, durant deux jours.

    La petite fille avait disparu, alors que sa famille tentait de traverser la rivière pour gagner la Slovénie, sur l’autre rive. Elle a été emportée par les eaux alors qu’elle se trouvait sur les épaules de sa mère.


    Cette dernière est quant à elle saine et sauve. Elle a réussi à s’accrocher à un arbre et n’a pas été emportée par le courant, « très fort à cet endroit », indique le journal italien L’Espresso (https://espresso.repubblica.it/attualita/2021/12/10/news/migranti_tragedia_confine_di_schengen-329668240). Cette femme de 47 ans a réussi à grimper sur une échelle tendue par un policier croate et un policier slovène, et à sortir de l’eau, selon un communiqué de la police. « Elle était à moitié consciente, comme si elle était prise de convulsions, a raconté un habitant. Elle a de la chance d’être en vie ».

    Les policiers ont également pu sauver ses trois autres enfants. Ses deux garçons de 18 et 5 ans avaient réussi à traverser la rivière et ont été interceptés côté slovène. Son troisième garçon, âgé de 13 ans, était encore sur la rive croate. C’est lui qui a donné l’alerte, en allant chercher de l’aide auprès d’un riverain. « Il ne connaissait pas un mot d’anglais. Il était mouillé et a juste crié : ‘Help ! Help !’ », a expliqué l’habitant.

    Une étape sur la route des Balkans

    D’après ce riverain, la zone autour de la rivière Dragonja est régulièrement fréquentée par les migrants. ’’Mais quand ils voient la lumière et les gens, ils s’éloignent", a-t-il déclaré, en ajoutant que ce n’était pas la première fois qu’il aidait des exilés en détresse.

    Selon L’Espresso, la zone, où des clôtures de fils barbelés ont été érigées par endroits, est désormais une étape pour de nombreux migrants afghans, pakistanais et bangladais, qui font chemin sur la route migratoire des Balkans. Traverser la Dragonja de la Croatie à la Slovénie leur permet d’entrer dans l’espace Schengen, et de se rapprocher de l’Italie. Une fois la frontière passée, la ville italienne de Trieste n’est plus qu’à 30 km.

    La semaine dernière, le corps d’un homme bangladais de 31 ans avait été retrouvé au même endroit, après avoir traversé le cours d’eau. Une autopsie a été ordonnée pour déterminer la cause du décès. Mais les premières constatations indiquent qu’il est mort d’hypothermie, un jour avant d’avoir été retrouvé, avait déclaré à InfoMigrants un porte-parole du département de police de Koper. Ce jour-là, les températures étaient négatives.

    Le 1er janvier 2020, un corps avait été retrouvé près de là, à Socerb, à la frontière slovène : celui d’un Algérien de 29 ans, décédé après une chute dans un précipice.

    Depuis quelques années, la frontière entre la Slovénie et la Croatie, longue de 670km, est très surveillée. La police y patrouille régulièrement, appuyée par des drones, des caméras thermiques et des hélicoptères. « Lorsque des migrants tentent de fuir, ils courent dans plusieurs directions et les drones permettent aux policiers de les suivre et de les appréhender plus facilement », avait déclaré le ministère de l’Intérieur slovène en juin 2020.

    D’après le porte-parole de la police de Koper, une ville slovène au bord de l’Adriatique, la surveillance des frontières et les opérations de contrôle se sont poursuivies au cours de ces 18 derniers mois.


    #Croatie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #Alpes #montagne #décès #mort


    Ajouté à cette métaliste des morts à la frontière Slovénie-Croatie :

    Elle-même ajouté à la métaliste des morts dans les Alpes :

    • Desetletno turško deklico, ki jo je odnesla Dragonja, našli mrtvo

      V Dragonji so danes našli truplo desetletne turške deklice, ki jo je v sredo zvečer med prečkanjem reke z mamo odnesel močan tok. Truplo so našli dva metra pod vodo.

      Okoli pol ene ure so kakih 400 metrov stran od njenega izginotja danes našli truplo desetletne deklice, ki jo je med prečkanjem Dragonje v sredo odnesel močan tok reke, je potrdila Suzana Sokač, predstavnica policijske uprave Istrske. »Oseba je bila najdena približno dva metra pod vodo,« pa so smrt potrdili tudi v PU Koper.
      Na terenu 50 slovenskih policistov, gasilcev ...

      Desetletno deklico so na obeh straneh Dragonje iskali vse od srede zvečer, ko jo je z maminih ram odnesel močan tok Dragonje. Takrat jim je iz reke uspelo rešiti povsem izčrpano 47-letno Turkinjo, ki je deklico skušala spraviti s hrvaške na slovensko stran. Zraven je imela še dva druga otroka in nečaka. Ni ji uspelo. Deklico je odneslo, sama se je komaj še uspela držati za podrto deblo sredi reke. Močno podhlajeno so jo odpeljali v bolnišnico v Pulju.

      Deklico so tudi danes iskali tako na slovenski kot na hrvaški strani reke. Razmere so bile težke, reka je narasla. Policisti, poklicni in prostovoljni gasilci, vodniki reševalnih psov, pripadniki podvodne reševalne službe Slovenije in potapljači Slovenske vojske so bili na terenu od devetih zjutraj, so sporočili s PU Koper. Skupno jih je bilo okoli 50. »Prav tako policisti pomorske policije in URSP izvajajo pregled in iskanje ob izlivu reke Dragonje v morje,« so še dodali.
      Na Hrvaškem tudi s podvodnimi droni

      Iskalno akcijo je izvajalo tudi večje število reševalnih služb na Hrvaški strani reke Dragonje. Večjemu številu potapljačev so se na hrvaški strani danes pridružili člani antiteroristične enote Lučko, poročajo hrvaški mediji. »Reka je visoka, vse je odvisno od tega, v kakem stanju je deklica,« je za medije povedal Robert Boban Paulović, načelnik PP Buje. »Upamo, da se je uspela rešiti na kopno. Upamo, da bomo našli kakšno sled. Vse moči smo usmerili v to, da jo najdemo,« pa je dodal Marko Rakovac, član hrvaške gorske reševalne službe, ki je prav tako priskočila na pomoč. Na delu so tudi sledni psi. Dragonjo bodo prečesali tudi s pomočjo podvodnih dronov.
      Nesel jim je lestev

      Za hrvaške medije je o dramatičnih trenutkih v sredo zvečer spregovoril Jonatan Strojan iz Dramca, ki je poklical policijo in pomagal pri reševanju ženske iz vode. Povedal je, da je na njihova vrata potrkal 13-letni deček, ki je kričal le »help, help« , torej na pomoč. »Bil je premočen. Policija je prišla v roku desetih minut, sam sem šel pogledat, ali kdo potrebuje mojo pomoč. Potrebovali so vrv in lestev,« je razložil za Dnevnik Nova TV. »Ženska ni bila pri zavesti. Kot bi bila v nekem krču. Imela je srečo, da je bila še živa,« je dodal. Tudi sam je zabredel v reko. V tem času so pri njem doma poskrbeli za dečka, ki je prišel prosit za pomoč. Dali so mu nova oblačila, čevlje, hrano in pijačo. Jonatan pravi, da je migrantov tam naokrog veliko, a ker se izogibajo lučem in domačinov, ki kaj veliko ne vidi. »Sploh si ne morem predstavljati, kako grozno je to za otroke. Ne vedo, kaj bo z mamo, gledajo, kako ji iz rok v vodo pade njihova sestra … Grozljivo,« strne svoje občutke.


    • Ta smrt je na tvojih plečih, Evropa. Na tvojih plečih, Slovenija

      Desetletne deklice si spletajo kitke, božajo sosedove mačke, hihitajo se s prijateljicami in igrajo nogomet. V šoli imajo priljubljene predmete, učijo se tujih jezikov, pričkajo se s svojimi brati in sestrami. In ob decembrskih večerih težko zaspijo, ker razmišljajo o tem, ali bodo lahko budne dočakale novo leto.

      Danes so desetletno deklico mrtvo potegnili iz mrzle Dragonje. Dva metra pod vodo so potapljači našli njeno truplo. V reki, mimo katere se vsako leto skoraj vsi mi vozimo na svoje počitnice. Utopila se je v četrtek, ko je s svojo družino želela prečkati mejo, v želji po boljšem življenju.

      Umrla je na našem pragu, kot že toliko prebežnikov. Kot je na našem pragu, v dolini Dragonje, pred nekaj dnevi zmrznil 31-letni moški. In kot so v Kolpi umirali ljudje pred njima.
      suzana lovec

      Desetletne deklice si spletajo kitke in se izpod svojih toplih pernic ob koncih tedna zbujajo pozno. Desetletne deklice ne bi smele biti prestrašene, premražene in jokajoče, umirajoče v reki, utopljene v krutosti naše migracijske politike.

      Ta smrt je na tvojih plečih, Evropa, ki s svojo zastraševalno migracijsko politiko hočeš natanko to. Da ljudje, ki jih nimaš za svoje, ostanejo pred tvojimi vrati. Pa čeprav mrtvi.

      Ta smrt je na tvojih plečih, Slovenija, ki v tem že dolgo pridno sodeluješ. Na meje postavljaš rezilno žico, ki ji po “evropsko” rečeš tehnična ovira. V Centru za tujce razčlovečiš. Na terenu, če le lahko, preslišiš prošnje za azil. Izvajaš push-backe ; ljudi pošiljaš nazaj na Hrvaško in od tam v BiH, zavedajoč se, da jih tam čaka sistematično nasilje. In s tem kršiš lastno zakonodajo, ustavo, mednarodne konvencije, človekove pravice. In ko te na to opozarjajo, tisti redki humanitarci, nevladniki, pravniki, kulturniki in novinarji, ki še zmorejo opozarjati, gledaš stran. Opozarjajo te že leta in ti gledaš stran. V Evropo, ki vse to dopušča. Evropo, ki je zrasla na zaklinjanju, da je vsako življenje enako vredno.

      Desetletne deklice si spletajo kitke in ob sobotnih večerih gledajo risanke. Zdaj je tak večer.

      Nihče ne trdi, da so migracijske politike lahka stvar. Da vprašanja niso kompleksna in da ne terjajo kompleksnih odgovorov. Jih. A povsem jasno je, da je edini napačen odgovor na migracije – kršenje človekovih pravic. Natanko to, kar Evropa in Slovenija že dolgo počneta. Delamo natanko to, česar ne bi smeli. V ljudeh smo nehali videti ljudi.


    • Morire al confine

      Giovedì scorso una quarantasettenne con i suoi quattro bambini ha cercato di guadare il fiume per entrare in Slovenia. Il figlio diciottenne e un altro bimbo di cinque anni sono riusciti ad arrivare sulla sponda slovena; la donna con sulle spalle la bambina è rimasta in mezzo al corso d’acqua, mentre l’altro figlio tredicenne anni è restato bloccato sul versante croato. Le acque, ingrossate dalle piogge dei giorni precedenti, hanno trascinato via la bimba, mentre la madre è rimasta aggrappata ad un tronco. È stato il figlio sulla sponda croata a dare l’allarme, bussando alla porta di una casa e urlando in inglese le uniche parole che conosceva: “help”, “help”. Il proprietario è andato immediatamente sul posto e poco dopo è arrivato anche un agente della polizia croata che si è buttato nel fiume, ma non è riuscito a far altro che a impedire che la piena portasse via anche la donna. A quel punto dall’altra parte del confine sono arrivati i poliziotti sloveni. Hanno usato il guinzaglio del cane per legare l’agente che si è tuffato in acqua e poi, con l’aiuto di una scala, messa tra le due sponde, hanno tratto in salvo la donna.

      I profughi sono stati immediatamente riconsegnati ai croati, che prima li hanno trasportati a Pola, dove sono stati ricoverati in ospedale (in Slovenia l’ospedale di Isola distava solo pochi chilometri) e poi li hanno trasferiti al centro profughi di Zagabria, dove hanno chiesto asilo politico. Ora la salma della bimba attende di venir portata in Turchia, dove verrà sepolta nel villaggio natale della famiglia.


    • Tužan kraj potrage : U rijeci pronađeno tijelo djevojčice (10) koja je s obitelji prelazila rijeku

      Djevojčicu je, podsjetimo, odvukla jaka struja kada je s turskom državljankom pokušala prijeći rijeku i doći u Sloveniju. Policija je ženu uspjela spasiti. Riječ je o migrantima.

      Desetogodišnja djevojčica za kojom se od jučer tragalo nakon što je nestala u nabujaloj rijeci Dragonji pronađena je mrtva u subotu oko 12.30 sati, izvijestila je istarska policija. “Mrtvo tijelo djevojčice pronađeno je u vodi na mjestu koje je oko 400 metara nizvodno od mjesta nestanka, a pronašli su je djelatnici interventne postrojbe PU istarske”, izvijestila je glasnogovornica istarske policije Suzana Sokač koja je u ime policije izrazila sućut obitelji. Inače u pretrazi za djevojčicom tijekom jučerašnje dana i jutros sudjelovali su policijski službenici iz Buja, pripadnici interventne jedinice policije iz Pule, pripadnici specijalne policije iz Rijeke i ATJ Lučko sa svojim roniocima, HGSS sa psima tragačima, djelatnici Civilne zaštite državne intervencijske postrojbe Rijeka, djelatnici Crvenog križa obučeni za potrage na brzim vodama, vatrogasci i pripadnici lokalnih DVD-a te slovenski policajci i vatrogasci.


  • Slovenia: stop alla diga sulla Sava, un fiume però già a pezzi

    Un tribunale amministrativo della Slovenia ha fermato la costruzione della diga di Mokrice, sulla Sava: il danno ambientale supera di gran lunga i benefici energetici della nuova centrale, fortemente voluta dal governo. Ma nel tratto sloveno del grande fiume molte altre nuove centrali sono in progetto o già costruite

  • Slovenia: fuori controllo

    In Slovenia contagi in aumento e ospedali al limite. Le misure per frenare la diffusione del virus sono state adottate ma nessuno, governo in primis, sembra intenzionato a farle rispettare

  • Populismo in salsa slovena

    Quarta settimana di fila di proteste di piazza nella capitale slovena. Migliaia di manifestanti contro il Green pass e contro la classe politica slovena. A guidare le proteste una figura relativamente nuova, Zoran Stevanović

  • Borderline | The Wire

    Harsh living conditions have always brought people together in the Kupa-region on the Croatian-Slovenian border, but today the stream of life is cut in two by a razor wire to keep refugees from entering Slovenia.



    #film #film_documentaire #documentaire #Tiha_Gudac
    #frontières #barbelé #Croatie #Slovénie #Kupa #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #migrations #asile #réfugiés #rivière #clôture #fermeture_des_frontières #frontière_sud-alpine

    ping @isskein

    • Slovenia, Croazia : filo spinato

      «Mi chiedono ’sei pro o contro l’immigrazione?’, ma la domanda non ha senso, non c’è da essere pro o contro, l’immigrazione esiste. Piuttosto, bisogna scegliere come gestirla». Un’intervista a Tiha K. Gudac, regista del documentario Žica, filo spinato

      «Žica », letteralmente “filo spinato”, è il secondo documentario della regista croata Tiha K. Gudac (classe 1982). Dopo aver esordito nel 2014 con «Goli», che ripercorre la storia del nonno internato a Goli Otok, Gudac si occupa questa volte del filo spinato che il governo sloveno ha posizionato sul confine tra Croazia e Slovenia e sull’impatto che questo nuovo muro ha sulle comunità locali. Il film è parte del progetto «Borderline» prodotto da Off World e dedicato a diversi confini europei, raccontati attraverso sei documentari. Žica, uscito nel 2021, ha vinto il premio “Menzione speciale” al RAFF – Rab Film Festival.

      Com’è nata l’idea di un film sul filo spinato tra Slovenia e Croazia?

      Tutto è iniziato nel 2016, quando si è sviluppato il progetto «Borderline», con l’obiettivo di realizzare una serie di documentari sulle frontiere dell’Unione europea. Io ho proposto il confine croato-sloveno e realizzato un primo trailer. Allora c’era qualcosa di davvero macabro nel paesaggio: le autorità slovene avevano posto a terra dei rotoli di «nastro spinato» (razor wire), che è molto più tagliente del normale filo spinato e può incidere la carne fino all’osso. Per questo, si trovavano molti animali morti lungo il confine. La mia idea è stata selezionata e le riprese sono iniziate nel 2019.

      Qual è la situazione al confine croato-sloveno oggi?

      I rotoli di nastro spinato sono stati sostituiti con una recinzione sulla quale è stato collocato il filo spinato. La barriera è più lunga e più resistente, ma perlomeno meno pericolosa per chi ci cammina vicino.

      Nel tuo documentario ti concentri sulle conseguenze che il filo spinato ha nella vita quotidiana di chi ci vive vicino. Da dove sei partita?

      Mi sono concentrata sull’area attorno al fiume Kupa (Kolpa, in sloveno) che divide i due paesi, in particolare, la zona di Petrina (Slovenia) e Brod na Kupi (Croazia). Si tratta di una regione che in Croazia è nota con il nome di Gorski Kotar e dove si registrano gli inverni più rigidi, secondi solo a quelli del monte Velebit. Date queste difficili condizioni di vita, la popolazione locale si è unita, da un lato all’altro del confine, e oggi rappresenta un’unica comunità in cui si parla sia sloveno che croato, e anche una terza lingua dialettale, che è un miscuglio delle prime due.

      L’impressione che si ha, guardando il tuo film, è che l’armonia locale sia stata distrutta da un’agente esterno...

      È così, non si tratta di un’esagerazione. Penso alla storia di Zlatko, uno dei protagonisti del documentario. Lui vive sul lato croato del fiume, ma siccome in quel punto non c’è una strada, lui attraversa la Kupa con una piccola barca per fare la spesa o cercare ciò che gli serve dal lato sloveno del fiume. Tanti altri, invece, hanno la casa da un lato e i campi dall’altro e quindi utilizzano i piccoli ponti per andare dall’altra parte. Ecco, con l’arrivo del filo spinato sono stati chiusi tutti i valichi minori e ora le persone devono fare a volte un giro di 40 km per arrivare dall’altra parte.

      C’è una bella scena nel film, in cui si vede la polizia locale mentre cerca di convincere gli abitanti della necessità del filo spinato...

      Tutti i protagonisti del film si trovano in una situazione in cui non vorrebbero essere. I poliziotti sono persone del luogo che hanno trovato un lavoro sicuro e stabile in un’area in cui non ci sono fabbriche o grandi imprese. Ora si ritrovano a dover posizionare filo spinato e fare respingimenti illegali. La popolazione locale, naturalmente, non ne vuole sapere del filo spinato, perché separa le comunità, impedisce agli animali di raggiungere il fiume ecc. I migranti, infine, arrivano dall’altro capo del mondo e cercano di sopravvivere e di attraversare il confine.

      Il film segue anche le vicende di Omar e Mohammed, due migranti che dalla Bosnia Erzegovina cercano di raggiungere l’Italia. La loro testimonianza dei respingimenti è molto forte...

      Mi ricordo un giorno, durante le riprese, quando ci siamo messi a chiacchierare a Velika Kladuša (Bosnia Erzegovina), facendo finta di avere una conversazione normale. Uno di loro mi ha chiesto quali fossero i miei hobby e quand’è venuto il suo turno ha detto: “Io cammino per la Croazia finché non mi riportano di qua”. Hanno provato ad arrivare in Slovenia 10–15 volte e ogni volta sono stati picchiati e respinti. Il comportamento violento della polizia croata non è solo inaccettabile perché viola i diritti umani di queste persone ma, se vogliamo, è anche irresponsabile nei confronti dei cittadini europei, perché traumatizza delle persone che poi arriveranno in Europa, cariche di paura e di rabbia.

      Che idea ti sei fatta del modo in cui i governi europei stanno rispondendo alla questione migratoria?

      Ho l’impressione che non si voglia vedere la realtà. Si parla di “crisi”, quando in verità le migrazioni non sono un fenomeno passeggero, ma che anzi durerà e, temo, peggiorerà nei prossimi anni. Il focus del mio film era il filo spinato ma inevitabilmente si è allargato all’immigrazione e mi sono resa conto che sul tema la gente ha una visione in bianco e nero. Mi chiedono “sei pro o contro l’immigrazione?”, ma la domanda non ha senso, non c’è da essere pro o contro, l’immigrazione esiste. Piuttosto, bisogna scegliere come gestirla. E siccome si tratta di un fenomeno complicato, serve una risposta articolata e non semplice come un muro o una barriera di filo spinato, che in ultima istanza non serve a nulla.

      Il tuo film è già stato presentato in diversi festival in Germania e nei Balcani. Quali sono state le reazioni finora?

      Il pubblico ne è stupito, perché si parla di luoghi familiari, molto vicini. In Slovenia, tuttavia, il film non è ancora stato proiettato, lo sarà a breve al festival del cinema di Portorose. Ma per quanto riguarda i respingimenti o la violenza sui migranti in generale, non mi sembra che ci sia un vero dibattito pubblico. Ci sono tante inchieste, pubblicazioni, ma quando si guarda alle dichiarazioni dei responsabili politici, c’è solo negazione. E mi dispiace, vorrei che la società reagisse di più, perché altrimenti finisce che ci si abitua pian piano a tutto, come al filo spinato davanti alla propria casa. E se guardiamo agli ultimi dieci anni in Europa, con la scusa del male minore o del male necessario, ci siamo in realtà abituati all’avanzata del fascismo.


  • En septembre 2021... la #barrière_frontalière entre la #Slovénie et la #Croatie s’allonge...

    The news coming from Slovenia confirms that the EU member states will indeed start with additional securitization of their borders in order to prevent access to refugees from Afghanistan. Namely, the Slovenian Minister of the Interior announced the additional installation of barbed wire on the border with Croatia.

    Slovenija produžuje bodljikavu žicu na granici s Hrvatskom

    SLOVENIJA će produžiti ogradu na granici s Hrvatskom namijenjenu onemogućavanju ilegalnih migracija, najavio je ministar unutarnjih poslova Aleš Hojs.

    Prilikom posjeta Savinjskoj regiji (centar Celje), koja se proteže od hrvatske do austrijske granice, Hojs je pogledao stanje na granici s Hrvatskom i kako se ona kontrolira te najavio postavljanje još nekoliko desetaka kilometara protumigrantske ograde. Ona se od velike migracijske krize 2015.-2016., kad je Slovenija počela postavljati bodljikavu žicu, do sada već protegnula na više od polovice dužine međusobne granice dviju država.
    Ministar: Europa će pomagati samo onima koji doista trebaju pomoć

    Vlada je u zaključnoj fazi potpisivanja ugovora o postavljanju više desetaka kilometara nove granične zapreke na južnoj granici, kazao je tom prilikom novinarima Hojs dodavši da bi radovi mogli započeti za dva do tri tjedna. Prema riječima Hojsa, člana stranke premijera Janeza Janše, trenutno obavještajni podaci ne govore o mogućem većem migrantskom valu iz Afganistana nakon što su tu zemlju preuzeli talibani. Kako je dodao, to je zasluga i činjenice što europski ministri unutarnjih poslova nedavno nisu dopustili da se nakon pada Afganistana u ruke talibana za moguće izbjeglice i migrante širom otvore vrata Europske unije, kao što je to bilo u krizi 2015./2016.

    “To znači da će Europa pomagati samo onima kojima je pomoć doista potrebna, a to su ranjive skupine, žene i djeca”, kazao je Hojs.

    Slovenija se nalazi na takozvanoj balkanskoj izbjegličkoj ruti prema zapadnoj i središnjoj Europi, no za razliku od prije nekoliko godina, njena policija bilježi sve manje pokušaja ilegalnog ulaska izbjeglica i migranata. Prema službenim podacima, u prvih sedam mjeseci ove godine bilo je 4495 nezakonitih ulazaka, što je za preko 70 posto manje nego u istom razdoblju lani, kad ih je zabilježeno 7577. Među zatečenim ilegalnim migrantima najviše je onih iz Afganistana, Pakistana i Bangladeša, koji čine polovicu svih ilegalnih ulazaka, a jako je smanjen broj Pakistanaca, Marokanaca i Alžiraca.

    Vlada Janeza Janše zaoštrila je ove godine propise koji omogućuju dobivanje azila, a Slovenija se kao predsjedateljica Vijeća Europske unije u ovom semestru usprotivila uspostavljanju tzv. humanitarnih koridora za moguće izbjeglice iz Afganistana. Žičanu ogradu na granici s Hrvatskom, na početku velikog migrantskog vala iz Sirije 2015.-2016., počela je postavljati nekadašnja vlada Mire Cerara, a do sada se žica nalazi na više od 200 kilometara njene dužine.


    #murs #frontières #migrations #réfugiés #asile #route_des_balkans #frontière_sud-alpine #barbelés #clôture


    En 2020:
    La #Slovénie érige de nouvelles barrières à sa frontière avec la #Croatie

  • Accordo Italia-Slovenia sui controlli al confine : “guai” a essere trasparenti

    Il ministero dell’Interno si rifiuta di fornire i dettagli della cooperazione tra le forze di polizia di Roma e Lubiana sui pattugliamenti lungo il confine ripresi a fine luglio. Il vero scopo dell’attività resta così poco chiaro. Intanto il governo sloveno acquista 55 droni per sorvegliare le frontiere

    Il “delicato momento nella gestione delle frontiere interne all’Unione europea” giustifica la mancanza di trasparenza. Resta così opaco il mandato dei pattugliamenti misti lungo il confine italo-sloveni, ripresi il 30 luglio 2021, rispetto a cui non è possibile conoscere né il #protocollo_di_intesa su cui si basano né le indicazioni operative date alle forze di polizia italiana. La Direzione centrale dell’immigrazione e della polizia delle frontiere, braccio operativo del ministero dell’Interno, non ha infatti dato seguito alla richiesta, avanzata tramite accesso civico, con cui Altreconomia aveva chiesto conto dello stato dell’arte della cooperazione tra le autorità di Roma e Lubjana. Un buio preoccupante soprattutto in vista delle ripercussioni sui diritti delle persone in transito sulla rotta balcanica che presumibilmente aumenteranno in relazione alla drammatica situazione afghana.

    La risposta della Direzione non aggiunge molto a quanto già annunciato. “Dopo un lungo periodo di sospensione dovuto alla pandemia da Covid-19 per la ripresa dei servizi misti è stato stipulato un apposito protocollo d’intesa che è stato sottoscritto dai direttori dei Servizi di Polizia di frontiera italiano e Sloveno” si legge. L’accordo, sottoscritto il 15 luglio a Roma e il 21 luglio a Lubjana, prevede pattuglie miste composte da “personale del Paese ospitante e personale della forza di Polizia dell’altro Paese” che coprono il territorio “lungo la comune fascia confinaria tra i due Paesi” con lo scopo di potenziare l’attività di vigilanza al fine “di contrastare in maniera più efficace la criminalità transfrontaliera, con particolare riferimento all’attività di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione irregolare”. Come detto, la Direzione non ha fornito copia del protocollo di intesa sottolineando che non è possibile renderlo noto in quanto minerebbe la tutela della sicurezza, dell’ordine pubblico e alle relazioni internazionali che l’Italia intrattiene con i Paesi terzi. Aggiungendo poi che “l’attuale delicato momento nella gestione delle frontiere interne all’Unione europea non consente la divulgazione di accordi di cooperazione che disciplinano i controlli che vengono effettuati alle frontiere terrestri e i controlli di ‘#retrovalico’ concordati con i Paesi confinanti senza ledere la riservatezza che deve caratterizzare tutte le attività bilaterali internazionali dello Stato italiano nei settori amministrativi interessanti e soprattutto nel settore involgente attività di ‘ordine e sicurezza pubblica”.

    Viene sottolineato come il “contenuto dei documenti richiesti contiene informazioni che attengono ad interlocuzioni intercorsi tra l’autorità politica nazionale e l’omologo sloveno dettagliando informazioni concernenti l’organizzazione e il funzionamento dei servizi di polizia finalizzati al contrasto dell’immigrazione illegale nonché relative ai contingenti delle forze armate a disposizione delle autorità provinciali di pubblica sicurezza per i controlli nelle zone confinarie”. Merita attenzione la definizione di “contrasto dell’immigrazione illegale”. “Il pattugliamento congiunto ha una efficacia non solo minima ma persino risibile rispetto all’obiettivo annunciato di contrasto alle organizzazioni criminali –ha scritto a inizio agosto Gianfranco Schiavone, membro dell’Associazione per gli studi giuridici sull’immigrazione (asgi.it)-. Sui sassosi sentieri del Carso non si incontrano i vertici ma neppure i quadri intermedi e neppure quelli bassi e persino bassissimi di tali organizzazioni ma solo persone disperate con i piedi piagati in cammino da settimane nei boschi di Croazia e Slovenia, tuttalpiù accompagnate da alcuni passeur la cui posizione nelle rispettive organizzazioni criminali è così infima da essere assimilabile a carne da macello”.

    In altri termini, il vero mandato delle operazioni di polizia “rischia” di diventare il controllo capillare del territorio per impedire alle persone in transito, migranti e richiedenti asilo, di raggiungere il territorio.

    La Direzione centrale è stata di poche parole anche rispetto alla nostra richiesta relativa al numero di persone identificate e, tra queste, del numero di coloro che hanno manifestato volontà di richiedere asilo. Viene fornito invece un numero sui risultati di polizia dei pattugliamenti: “nel corso del 2021 sono state arrestate 58 persone di cui 31 per favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione irregolare.

    Il muro di silenzio si alza anche con riferimento ai mezzi utilizzati sul confine e al numero di forze di polizia utilizzati. Le poche informazioni che si conoscono provengono dalla nota stampa del ministero dell’Interno che annunciava con enfasi l’utilizzo di droni e visori notturni, ben visibili, con tanto di foto, anche nella nota stampa slovena. Il 15 luglio 2021 -giorno della firma a Roma dell’accordo (l’incontro preliminare tra i rispetti ministri e capi di polizia è datato 4 giugno)- sul sito del ministero dell’Interno sloveno veniva però aperta una gara pubblica “per l’acquisto di veicoli aerei senza pilota e accessori” per un valore totale che si aggira intorno ai 400mila euro. Il bando (https://www.enarocanje.si/Obrazci/?id_obrazec=407420), chiuso il 5 agosto, richiedeva ai partecipanti di garantire la fornitura di un totale di 55 droni. La maggior parte, 29, sono veicoli di piccole dimensioni con un’autonomia di volo minima di 25 minuti e una distanza di gestione di quattro chilometri. L’amministrazione slovena richiede, inoltre, una formazione specifica per il “volo di notte e in condizioni di volo fuori dalla visibilità”. Non viene indicato il luogo di utilizzo specifico dei droni, si sa però che il 75% del bando è finanziato attraverso i fondi europei di sicurezza dell’Unione europea, ovvero lo strumento di sostegno finanziario a beneficio degli Stati Ue proprio per la gestione delle frontiere.

    L’accordo tra Roma e Lubjana incide potenzialmente anche sul tema delle riammissioni di persone in transito e richiedenti asilo della polizia italiana verso la Slovenia. La trasparenza è così necessaria per poter monitorare ciò che avviene in questa tappa della rotta balcanica anche in vista di un possibile aumento dei flussi legati alla situazione afghana. Le premesse non sono positive. Il governo di Lubjana, di turno alla presidenza del Consiglio dell’Unione europea dal luglio al dicembre 2021, ha chiaro il modello da perseguire nella gestione del fenomeno migratorio.

    Durante la presentazione dell’agenda politica della presidenza slovena alla Commissione per le libertà civili, la giustizia e gli affari interni (Libe) del Parlamento europeo, il ministro dell’Interno Aleš Hojs ha sottolineato come da una riunione informale di fine luglio tra ministri degli interni dei Paesi membri sia emersa la volontà politica di compiere progressi graduali nella “definizione della politica migratoria comune dell’Unione europea”. “Stiamo seguendo la situazione in Afghanistan -ha aggiunto- come emerso dal comunicato congiunto dei ministri della sessione straordinaria di due giorni fa, risponderemo anche ai possibili effetti della situazione sull’Ue”. La politica migratoria da “sposare” per Hojs è quella contenuta in un documento, dai toni e contenuti molto duri in cui si legge che gli Stati membri, con il supporto di Frontex, restano determinati “nel proteggere efficacemente i confini esterni dell’Unione europea e prevenire gli ingressi illegali”.


    #frontières #frontière_sud-alpine #Italie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #coopération_bilatérale #gardes-frontière #militarisation_des_frontières #patrouilles_mixtes #drones #business #complexe_militaro-industriel #réadmssions


    ajouté à le fil de discussion autour des patrouilles mixtes à la frontière italo-slovène :
    Et plus précisément ici :

    • Rotta balcanica: riprendono i pattugliamenti tra Italia e Slovenia. Un mandato “opaco”

      Il 30 luglio sono ripartiti i controlli congiunti italo-sloveni lungo il confine per contrastare i “flussi migratori irregolari”. L’Italia nuovamente alla prova del rispetto della legalità alla frontiera orientale dopo la sospensione delle riammissioni illegali. L’analisi di Gianfranco Schiavone

      Il 30 luglio 2021 sono ripartiti “nelle province di Trieste/Koper e Gorizia/Nova Gorica i pattugliamenti congiunti italo sloveni lungo la comune fascia confinaria al fine di rafforzare i rispettivi dispositivi di contrasto ai flussi migratori irregolari provenienti dalla rotta balcanica”. Così recita il comunicato stampa della questura di Trieste pubblicato il giorno stesso. I pattugliamenti, vi si legge, sono frutto di un accordo “sottoscritto nei giorni scorsi dalle competenti autorità di polizia di Roma e di Lubiana” (appare curioso che si ometta la data dell’accordo).

      La decisione politica di attivare i pattugliamenti congiunti con forze di polizia italiane e slovene era stato resa pubblica dal ministero dell’Interno con nota stampa del 14 giugno 2021 a seguito dell’incontro tra la ministra Luciana Lamorgese e il suo omologo sloveno Hojs avvenuto a Lubiana. Nella nota ministeriale si poteva leggere come fosse “previsto un piano comune di vigilanza per i valichi di frontiera anche con l’impiego di droni e visori notturni per contrastare efficacemente le organizzazioni criminali che sfruttano il traffico dei migranti”. Le finalità del pattugliamento vengono dunque descritte in modo alquanto ambiguo: nella nota della questura triestina si fa riferimento in maniera più esplicita al contrasto dei flussi migratori irregolari, ovvero l’obiettivo dichiarato appare quello di bloccare i migranti; nella nota stampa del ministero, che usa un linguaggio più ovattato, si dichiara che l’obiettivo che si intende perseguire è invece il contrasto alle organizzazioni criminali che organizzano il traffico. Si potrebbe ritenere in modo superficiale che in fondo si tratta di accenti diversi della medesima finalità, ma non è così.

      Se assumiamo infatti la lettura in base alla quale l’attività delle cosiddette pattuglie miste italo-slovene è finalizzata al contrasto delle organizzazioni criminali che organizzano il traffico degli esseri umani, è ben difficile non vedere come tale motivazione appare alquanto poco credibile in quanto il contrasto al traffico internazionale di esseri umani per essere efficace richiede un’attività di intelligence e semmai inchieste coordinate tra le diverse autorità giudiziarie, cioè un complesso di attività che veramente assai poco ha a che fare con un pattugliamento fisico dell’area di frontiera vicino al confine.

      Il pattugliamento congiunto della fascia di confine tra Italia e Slovenia attuato con uso di uomini, droni (e cani, come non annunciato nei comunicati per non ferire la sensibilità di chi legge ma ampiamente riferito dalle testimonianze raccolte su quanto accade in Slovenia) ha una efficacia non solo minima ma persino risibile rispetto all’obiettivo annunciato di contrasto alle organizzazioni criminali giacché sui sassosi sentieri del Carso non si incontrano i vertici ma neppure i quadri intermedi e neppure quelli bassi e persino bassissimi di tali organizzazioni ma solo persone disperate con i piedi piagati in cammino da settimane nei boschi di Croazia e Slovenia, tuttalpiù accompagnate da alcuni passeur la cui posizione nelle rispettive organizzazioni criminali è così infima da essere assimilabile a carne da macello.

      Non deve stupire che le stesse inchieste giudiziarie che si sono basate finora su questo tipo di attività di polizia non abbiano mai portato a pressoché nulla di rilevante. Le organizzazioni di trafficanti non modificheranno la loro strategia sul confine italo-sloveno a seguito dei pattugliamento bensì alzeranno il prezzo dei loro servigi in ragione del più difficoltoso tratto da percorrere aumentando così i loro guadagni e lasciando indietro solo coloro che non possono pagare. Ancora una volta, come già avviene in altri contesti, operazioni di polizia presentate come finalizzate a contrastare il traffico internazionale di esseri umani, non solo sono irrilevanti in relazione a tale obiettivo bensì divengono di fatto fattori che vanno a potenziare l’operato e il giro d’affari delle organizzazioni che si afferma di volere combattere.

      Appare dunque evidente come i pattugliamenti sembrano rispondere all’altra, malcelata finalità, ovvero quella di intercettare nelle immediate vicinanze della frontiera interna italo-slovena da parte slovena, un certo numero di rifugiati, probabilmente i più disgraziati tra loro, al fine di impedirne a forza l’ingresso in Italia. I pattugliamenti congiunti, da quanto è dato sapere si svolgeranno infatti in assoluta prevalenza nell’area a ridosso del confine dal lato della Slovenia. Quando invece le operazioni verranno attuate sul lato italiano esse potrebbero prestarsi a far riprendere in forme ancor più nascoste quelle riammissioni informali attuate nel corso del 2020 e la cui radicale illegittimità è stata più volte messa in luce fin dall’inizio (Altreconomia ne ha scritto a più riprese, ad esempio qui e qui).

      Se fosse, come appare, quella di ostacolare/respingere i migranti che cercano asilo la effettiva finalità dei pattugliamenti, ciò, oltre a sollevare non pochi interrogativi etici (è questa l’attività alla quale si deve dedicare la polizia in una società democratica?) fa comunque emergere in capo alle autorità italiane precise responsabilità giuridiche. È noto infatti che la situazione dell’effettivo rispetto del diritto di asilo in Slovenia è quanto mai critica e che le disfunzioni sulla procedura di asilo in quel Paese sono profonde come emerge in modo in equivoco in tutti i rapporti internazionali: tra tutti si veda l’autorevole rapporto AIDA 2020 Update: Slovenia, a cura dell’Ecre (European council on refugees and exiles). Soprattutto è ampiamente noto che la Slovenia attua da tempo riammissioni sistematiche verso la Croazia impedendo ai migranti, compresi quelli “riammessi” dall’Italia, di presentare la domanda di asilo e rinviandoli in Croazia, Paese che a sua volta, con un meccanismo a catena e con l’uso di inaudite violenze, li deporta in Bosnia ed Erzegovina dove vengono sottoposti a trattamenti inumani e degradanti. Si tratta di riammissioni, o più propriamente si dovrebbero chiamare respingimenti a catena, documentati da un enorme numero di autorevoli rapporti internazionali e la cui illegalità è stata già dichiarata anche dalla stessa giurisprudenza slovena (vedasi sentenza I U 1490/2019-92 del 16 luglio 2020 del Tribunale amministrativo della Slovenia) e recentemente anche dai tribunali austriaci.

      Le autorità italiane non possono fingere di ignorare il quadro fattuale sopra descritto pena il loro coinvolgimento in fatti che configurano gravi violazioni delle norme interne ed internazionali. Richiamo in particolare l’attenzione su quanto disposto dal Testo unico sull’immigrazione (art. 19 comma 1, novellato dalla legge 173/2020) che dispone che “Non sono ammessi il respingimento o l’espulsione o l’estradizione di una persona verso uno Stato qualora esistano fondati motivi di ritenere che essa rischi di essere sottoposta a tortura o a trattamenti inumani o degradanti. Nella valutazione di tali motivi si tiene conto anche dell’esistenza, in tale Stato, di violazioni sistematiche e gravi di diritti umani”. Il citato articolo, insieme ad altre disposizioni, attua nel nostro ordinamento, dandone un’applicazione estensiva, il fondamentale divieto di non refoulement tutelato in via indiretta dalla Convenzione europea dei diritti dell’uomo (Cedu), la quale prevede, all’art. 2 e art. 3, rispettivamente, il diritto alla vita ed il divieto di tortura e di trattamenti inumani o degradanti.

      Secondo la costante interpretazione della Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo, il rispetto di tali obblighi comporta il tassativo divieto di respingere o estradare una persona verso luoghi ove i citati diritti correrebbero il rischio di essere violati. Appare persino superfluo approfondire in questa sede il complesso tema della applicabilità della Convenzione europea dei diritti dell’uomo ad atti riconducibili agli Stati firmatari che siano posti in essere o abbiano effetto nel territorio di uno Stato che non è parte del Consiglio d’Europa (sul tema evidenzio solo che la giurisprudenza della Corte EDU ha progressivamente ampliato le ipotesi di applicazione extraterritoriale della Cedu) dal momento che è pacifico che l’Italia è responsabile della violazione del divieto di non refoulement nel caso in cui sia pienamente a conoscenza di fatti e prassi illegittime e non provveda, per ciò che di sua competenza, ad impedirne la violazione da parte di un altro Stato dell’Unione europea, soggetto, come l’Italia, ai medesimi obblighi; una co-responsabilità nella violazione dell’art. 3 della Cedu che diventa addirittura eclatante nel caso di collaborazioni delle nostre forze di polizia nello Stato in cui le citate violazioni sono commesse. Questo è dunque il gravissimo scenario che sembra profilarsi nel mandato “opaco” che allo stato attuale delle conoscenze sembra assegnato alle pattuglie miste italo-slovene.

      È inderogabile ed urgente che siano subito resi noti i contenuti dell’accordo di polizia sottoscritto tra Roma e Lubiana (nonché le concrete indicazioni operative date alle forze di polizia italiane) senza che vengano posti artificiosi ostacoli alla sua piena conoscenza. Parimenti è necessario che senza indugio il Parlamento si avvalga dei poteri che l’ordinamento giuridico gli conferisce per monitorare una situazione che può configurarsi di eccezionale gravità per il possibile coinvolgimento di istituzioni della Repubblica in azioni contrarie a norme e a principi fondanti l’ordinamento costituzionale.


    • The flow of arrivals from the Balkan Route into North East Italy has significantly increased during the month of August. Associations and groups of volunteers supporting people in Trieste said that they have provided direct help to 659 people during this month, including 103 minors. It is thought very likely that the actual number of arrivals and transits is much higher, with many people not stopping long in the immediate border area. During the last weeks, there have been several reports of smugglers being arrested while transporting people-on-the-move into Italian territory. At the same time, the intensity of control practices along the borders has also increased: in just one day 150 people were found and transferred to quarantine facilities in the Friuli-Venezia Giulia (FVG) region.

      This has once again pushed public and official discourse towards the need to reintroduce informal readmissions to Slovenia, touted to recommence in July of this year. Yet there remains no official confirmation about reintroduction of “informal readmissions” (pushbacks) by witnesses on the ground, though rumors have begun to circulate about groups rejected from the Italian territory. The Ministry of the Interior refused to provide details of the cooperation between the police forces of Rome and Ljubljana on border patrols. But in the absence of official statements, the installation of 55 #drones by Slovenian authorities sits in line with the growing surveillance of transit across this border.

      Volunteers in Piazza della Libertà in Trieste also witnessed a serious episode of institutional racism in August. An ambulance was called in order to provide medical assistance to an underage boy newly arrived via Slovenia. The health operators initially refused to assist the person, treating him aggressively and disrespectfully. The boy was only given medical assistance after several attempts to seek help and a strong insistence on the part of the volunteers present. Further barriers to health care are also having wider impacts for peoples mobility beyond Trieste, seen most overtly in the lack of access to vaccinations. Without the “green pass”, which marks proof of vaccination, people-on-themove in FVG are unable to access longdistance travel in order to continue their journey.

      Source : Border Violence Monitoring Network, August 2021, pp. 16-17

    • Ripartono oggi le pattuglie miste al confine italo-sloveno nelle province di Trieste/#Koper e Gorizia/Nova Gorica

      Da oggi, 30 luglio, ripartono, nelle provincie di Trieste/Koper e Gorizia/Nova-Gorica, i pattugliamenti congiunti italo sloveni lungo la comune fascia confinaria, al fine di rafforzare i rispettivi dispositivi di contrasto ai flussi migratori irregolari provenienti dalla rotta balcanica.

      L’accordo per la ripresa delle pattuglie miste italo-slovene, intervenuto a più di un anno dalla sospensione dei servizi congiunti interrotti a causa della pandemia in corso, è stato sottoscritto nei giorni scorsi dalle competenti autorità di Polizia di Roma e di Lubiana.

      Le pattuglie miste, che opereranno lungo gli itinerari congiuntamente individuati attraverso una sinergica analisi del rischio dai competenti Uffici territoriali, potranno utilizzare anche strumenti tecnologici, quali i droni.

      Scopo principale dei servizi sarà il contrasto al favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione irregolare, ma da questi deriverà, più in generale, anche il potenziamento dell’attività di vigilanza lungo la comune fascia confinaria, in funzione di contrasto alla criminalità transfrontaliera.

      Detta iniziativa, che rafforza la collaborazione già esistente tra i due Paesi, segna la ripresa delle attività congiunte nell’ambito della cooperazione di Polizia, momentaneamente interrotte dalla pandemia.


  • #Refoulements_en_chaîne depuis l’#Autriche (2021)

    In a recent finding, the Styria Regional Administrative Court in Graz ruled that pushbacks are “partially methodically applied” in Austria, and that in the process, the 21-year-old complainant was subject to degrading treatment, violating his human dignity. The ruling further shed light on the practices of chain pushbacks happening from Italy and Austria, through Slovenia and Croatia, to BiH. The last chain pushback from Austria all the way to BiH was recorded by PRAB partners in early April 2021, while in 2020, 20 persons reported experiencing chain pushbacks from Austria and an additional 76 from Italy.

    Source: rapport “#Doors_Wide_Shut – Quarterly report on push-backs on the Western Balkan Route” (juin 2021)

    #push-backs #refoulements #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #Slovénie #Croatie #frontière_sud-alpine #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Alpes

    • MEPs slam Slovenian Presidency for their role in chain-pushbacks

      In the first week of September (2. 8. 2021), MEPs in the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs confronted Slovenian Interior Minister Aleš Hojs as he presented the priorities for Slovenian presidency of the Council of the European Union in Brussels. With evidence provided by BVMN and network members InfoKolpa and Are You Syrious, representatives of The Left in the European Parliament took the Presidency to task for its systemic policy of chain-pushbacks and flagrant abuse of the rule of law. Members also shamed the Slovenian Ministry of Interior for continuing to ignore a Supreme Court ruling which established Slovenia had violated the rights of a Cameroonian plaintiff and are obligated to allow him access to the Slovenian asylum system and to stop returning people to Croatia as there is overwhelming evidence of chain-refoulement and degrading treatment often amounting to tortute.

      Presenting the evidence

      Malin Björk, whose fact-finding trip to Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia was facilitated by Are You Syrious and Infokolpa, then handed over the Black Book of Pushbacks to Minister Hojs, a dossier of cases recorded by the Border Violence Monitoring Network which collates pushback violations from across the Balkans since 2017. The book has a concerningly large section on Slovenian chain pushbacks, sharing the voices of 1266 people documented by BVMN who had either been chain pushed back (via Croatia) to Bosnia-Herzegovina or Serbia. The cases speak of systemic gatekeeping of asylum, misuse of translation, the registering of minors as adults, and fast-tracked returns to Croatian police who would then carry out brutal pushbacks. All point to a high level of complicity by the Slovenian authorities in the brutalisation of people-on-the-move, a fact reinforced by the April ruling of the Slovenian Supreme Court.

      Yet this first hand evidence is in reality just the tip of the iceberg, and a recent open letter on the matter revealed how according to officially available data, over 27,000 returns of potential asylum seekers were carried out by Slovenian authorities in the recent years, resulting in chain refoulement via Croatia to non-EU countries such as Bosnia-Herzegovina.

      “I expect you as a responsible Minister, not only for your country, but for the EU Presidency to take part of this document and tell us what you will do to stop the illegality, impunity and the brutality.”

      More weak denials

      Interior Minister Hojs doubled down on his stance that Slovenia was managing its borders according to the Rule of Law, even despite his own national court ruling the complete opposite. In an unsurprising move, reminiscent of many Interior Ministers across the EU, Hojs levied accusations of fake news and dismissed the Black Book set before him as a fabrication. Referring to his short attempt to actually look at the evidence presented in the book Hojs stated: “How many lies can be concentrated on one half page, I immediately closed the book and did not touch it again”. With the Minister unwilling to leaf through the 244 pages dedicated to crimes carried out by Slovenia, the network welcome him to view the visual reconstruction of a pushback published last year which vividly captured the experience of those denied asylum access in Slovenia and then brutalised while being collectively expelled from Croatia.

      “I have read the Black Book already in parliament and have seen what they write about me and the Slovenian police. All lies.”

      – Minister Hojs Speaking to Slovenian TV

      The fact is that Minister Hojs is personally not mentioned in the Black Book, though his actions are documented on countless pages, implies that someone is indeed lying. Court judgements, the testimony of thousands of pushback victims, and hard video evidence all highlight the fragility of the Slovenian government’s “fake news” line. While already deeply concerning at a national level, the fact that this administration is also spearheading the EU Presidency shows the extent to which perpetrators of pushbacks have been enabled and empowered at the highest level in Brussels. As a recent webinar event hosted by InfoKolpa and BVMN asked: Can a country responsible for mass violations of Human Rights be an honest broker in the preparations of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum? Until the ruling by the Supreme Court is implemented and people-on-the-move have their mandated right to request asylum in Slovenia, this question will continue to be answered firmly with a “no”.

      Today, our MEPs talked to @aleshojs 🇸🇮 Minister of Home Affairs about the thousands of men, women and children who have been denied over the past years the right to seek asylum in Slovenia, and forcefully handed over to Croatian. @Border_Violence #StopPushbacks pic.twitter.com/XvNLvoCLhY

      — The Left in the European Parliament (@Left_EU) September 2, 2021

      MEP statement

      “I was in Velika Kladusa in Bosnia, I was astonished to meet many migrants and refugees that had been to Slovenia, but they had been told that the right to seek asylum did not exist in you country. One of the persons that I met there was from Cameroon and had escaped political persecution. Once he thought he was in safety in Slovenia he called the police himself to ask to be able to claim asylum. Instead he was as so many others, as thousand of others, handed over to the Croatian police who brutalised him and sent him back to Bosnia.

      This case is a little bit special, compared to the many thousands of others, because on 9th April this year the Slovenian Supreme Court itself ruled that Slovenian police had violated the principle of non-refoulement, the prohibition of collective expulsion and denied the him the right to seek international protection.

      You (Minister Hojs) have had meetings with Commissioner Johansson and you have said you will stand up for the right to seek asylum for asylum seekers. Now your own court has found that you fail in this case. So my questions are: Will you stand by your words and provide a humanitarian visa for this person so that he can come back to Slovenia to apply for asylum as he was supposed to have been granted two years ago? And the second is more structural of course, how will you ensure that people have the right to apply for asylum in Slovenia, that they are not brutally pushed back to Croatian police, who are then illegally pushing them back to Bosnia in a kind of chain pushback situation which is a shame, a shame, at European borders?”

      – Malin Björk MEP

      The case referred to is part of strategic litigation efforts led by network member InfoKolpa, which resulted in a landmark judgement issued on 16 July 2020 by the Slovenian Administrative Court. The findings prove that the Slovenian police force in August 2019 carried out an illegal collective expulsion of a member of a persecuted English-speaking minority from Cameroon who wanted to apply for asylum in the country. The verdict was confirmed on 9th April 2021 by the Slovenian Supreme Court, which ruled the following: the Slovenian police violated the principle of non-refoulement, the prohibition of collective expulsions and denied the asylum seeker access to the right to international protection. The state was ordered to ensure that the plaintiff is allowed to re-enter the country and ask for international protection, but no effort has been made by the authorities to respect the ruling of the court. The case is thus another confirmation of the Slovenian misconduct that persistently undermines the foundations of the rule of law, specifically international refugee law and international human rights law.

      We fear for Slovenia.


    • Briefly reviewing the topic of pushbacks at European borders, it is important to report on the case of a young refugee from Somalia who was prevented from seeking asylum in Austria and was expulsed, or more precisely, pushed back to Slovenia, contrary to international and European law. His case will soon be reviewed at the Provincial Administrative Court of Styria (https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/migrant-tuzio-austriju-slucaj-bi-mogao-imati-posljedice-i-za-hrvatsku-policiju/2302310.aspx), and if he wins the case, it will be the second verdict that indicates systematic and sometimes chained pushbacks of refugees through Austria, Slovenia, and thus Croatia all the way to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      Reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa Dobrodosli, du 16.09.2021

    • Violenze e respingimenti: la “stretta” della Slovenia sui migranti. Con l’aiuto dell’Italia

      Solo a settembre oltre 100 persone in transito sono state respinte a catena in Bosnia ed Erzegovina. Molte di loro sono state fermate a pochi chilometri dal confine italiano. I pattugliamenti misti della polizia italiana e slovena potrebbero spiegare l’aumento delle persone rintracciate. La denuncia del Border violence monitoring network

      Otto casi di respingimenti a catena dalla Slovenia alla Bosnia ed Erzegovina nel mese di settembre 2021. Più di cento persone coinvolte, in prevalenza cittadini afghani e pakistani, che denunciano violenze da parte della polizia slovena. Molte di loro (almeno 34) sono state fermate a “un passo” dal confine italiano: la “stretta” del governo di Lubiana sul controllo del territorio, in collaborazione con la polizia italiana, sembra dare i primi risultati.

      La denuncia arriva dalla rete Border violence monitoring network (Bvmn) che monitora il rispetto dei diritti delle persone in transito nei Paesi balcanici: “Non si hanno testimonianze dirette di poliziotti italiani coinvolti ma si presume che l’aumento nella sorveglianza del territorio e l’alto numero di persone arrestate nel nord della Slovenia sia una conseguenza dell’accordo tra Roma e Lubiana” spiega Simon Campbell, coordinatore delle attività della rete. Il ruolo dell’Italia resta così di primo piano nonostante le riammissioni al confine siano formalmente interrotte dal gennaio 2021.

      Nel report di Bvmn di settembre 2021 vengono ricostruite dettagliatamente numerose operazioni di respingimento che “partono” dal territorio sloveno. Intorno alle sette e trenta di sera del 7 settembre 2021 un gruppo di quattro cittadini afghani, tra cui un minore, viene fermato vicino alla città di Rodik, nel Nord-Ovest della Slovenia a circa cinque chilometri dal confine con l’Italia. Il gruppo di persone in transito viene bloccato da due agenti della polizia di frontiera slovena e trasferito in un centro per richiedenti asilo. Ma è solo un’illusione. Quarantotto ore dopo, il 9 settembre verso le 17, i quattro si ritroveranno a Gradina, nel Nord della Bosnia ed Erzegovina: nonostante abbiano espresso più volte la volontà di richiedere asilo le forze di polizia slovena le hanno consegnate a quelle croate che hanno provveduto a portarle nuovamente al di fuori dell’Ue. Una decina di giorni dopo, il 19 settembre, un gruppo di otto persone, di età compresa tra i 16 e i 21 anni, riesce a raggiungere la zona confinaria tra Slovenia e Italia ma durante l’attraversamento dell’autostrada A1, all’uscita di una zona boscosa, interviene la polizia. All’appello “mancano” due persone che camminavano più avanti e sono riuscite a raggiungere Trieste: le guardie di frontiera lo sanno. L’intervistato, un cittadino afghano di 21 anni, sospetta che “una sorta di videocamera con sensori li aveva ha individuati mentre camminavano nella foresta”. O forse uno dei 55 droni acquistati dal ministro dell’Interno sloveno per controllare il territorio di confine. A quel punto le forze speciali slovene chiedono rinforzi per rintracciare i “fuggitivi” e nel frattempo sequestrano scarpe, telefoni cellulari, power bank e soldi ai membri del gruppo identificati che dopo circa mezz’ora sono costretti a entrare nel retro di un furgone. “Non c’era ossigeno perché era sovraffollato e la polizia ha acceso l’aria condizionata a temperature elevate. Due persone sono svenute durante il viaggio” spiega il 21enne. Verso le 12 la polizia croata prende il controllo del furgone: il gruppo resta prigioniero nel veicolo, con le porte chiuse e senza cibo e acqua, per il resto della giornata. Alle due del mattino verranno rilasciati vicino a Bihać, nel cantone bosniaco di Una Sana.

      Sono solo due esempi delle numerose testimonianze raccolte dal Border violence. I numeri dei respingimenti a catena sono in forte aumento: da gennaio a agosto 2021 in totale erano state 143 le persone coinvolte, solo nel mese di settembre 104. Un dato importante che coinvolge anche l’Italia. Le operazioni di riammissione dall’Italia alla Slovenia sono formalmente interrotte -anche se la rete segnala due casi, uno a marzo e uno a maggio, di persone che nonostante avessero già raggiunto il territorio italiano sono state respinte a catena fino in Bosnia- ma il governo italiano fornisce supporto tecnico e operativo al governo sloveno per il controllo del territorio grazie a un’intesa di polizia tra Roma e Lubiana di cui non si conoscono i contenuti.

      Sono ripresi infatti nel mese di luglio 2021 i pattugliamenti misti al confine nelle zone di Gorizia e Trieste. “Al momento dobbiamo approfondire l’effettivo funzionamento dell’accordo: non abbiamo testimonianze dirette di poliziotti italiani coinvolti -continua Campbell-. Presumiamo però che l’alto livello di sorveglianza del territorio e il numero di persone che vengono catturate in quella zona dimostra che l’intesa sui pattugliamenti assume un ruolo importante nei respingimenti a catena verso la Bosnia”. Paese in cui la “malagestione” del fenomeno migratorio da parte del governo di Sarajevo si traduce in una sistematica violazione dei diritti delle persone in transito e in cui le forze di polizia sotto accusa del Consiglio d’Europa per i metodi violenti che utilizza. Elementi che il Viminale non può considerare solo come “collaterali” delle politiche con cui tenta di esternalizzare i confini.

      La particolarità dei respingimenti da parte delle autorità slovene è che sono realizzati alla luce del sole. “La caratteristica di queste operazioni consiste nel fatto che i migranti vengono consegnati ‘ufficialmente’ alle autorità croate dagli ufficiali sloveni ai valichi di frontiera sia stradali che ferroviari -spiegano gli attivisti-. Prendendo come esempio la Croazia la maggior parte dei gruppi vengono allontanati da agenti che eseguono le operazioni con maschere, in zone di confine remote”. In Slovenia, invece, spesso vengono rilasciate tracce di documenti firmati per giustificare l’attività di riammissione. “Nonostante questa procedura sia la Corte amministrativa che la Corte suprema slovena hanno ritenuto che queste pratiche violano la legge sull’asilo perché espongono le persone al rischio di tortura in Croazia”.

      Una violenza denunciata, a inizio ottobre 2021, da un’importate inchiesta giornalistica di cui abbiamo parlato anche su Altreconomia. I pushaback sloveni, a differenza di quelli “diretti” che si verificano in Croazia e in Bosnia ed Erzegovina, sono più elaborati perché “richiedono più passaggi e quindi possono durare più giorni”. “Siamo rimasti tre giorni in prigione. Non abbiamo potuto contattare nessun avvocato, non ci hanno fornito un traduttore. Ci hanno dato solo una bottiglia di acqua al giorno e del pane” racconta uno dei cittadini afghani intervistati. Oltre al cattivo trattamento in detenzione, diverse testimonianze parlano di “violenze e maltrattamenti anche all’interno delle stazioni di polizia slovene” e anche al di fuori, con perquisizioni violente: in una testimonianza raccolta dalla Ong No name kitchen, un cittadino afghano ha denunciato una “perquisizione intensiva dei genitali”. I maggiori controlli sul territorio sloveno, possibili anche grazie alla polizia italiana, rischiano così di far ricadere le persone in transito in una spirale di violenza e negazione dei diritti fondamentali.


    • “They were told by the officers that they would be taken to Serbia.... at 12am they were dropped at the Bosnia-Croatia border, near the town of Velika Kladuša”

      Date and time: September 24, 2021 00:00
      Location: Velika Kladuša, Bosnia and Herzegovina
      Coordinates: 45.1778695699, 16.025619131638
      Pushback from: Croatia, Slovenia
      Pushback to: Bosnia, Croatia
      Demographics: 11 person(s), age: 17-22 , from: Afghanistan, Pakistan
      Minors involved? No
      Violence used: kicking, insulting, theft of personal belongings
      Police involved: 2 Slovenian officers wearing blue uniforms, 2 Croatian officers wearing light blue uniforms, 2 police vans
      Taken to a police station?: yes
      Treatment at police station or other place of detention: detention, personal information taken, papers signed, denial of food/water, forced to pay fee
      Was the intention to ask for asylum expressed?: Yes
      Reported by: No Name Kitchen

      Original Report

      On 20th September 2021, 6 Afghan males between the ages of 17 and 22 attempted to cross the border from Slovenia into Italy near the city of Trieste. They had been traveling for 3 days from Serbia before reaching this point. They walked for 4 hours to the border with another group, but the weather was cold and raining so they decided to try taking a taxi instead. As they were hidden in the taxi they did not have enough space for their bags, and so during this ride they had no water or food.

      The two groups set off in two different taxis. The first made it across the border, but as the second one was approaching it after a 40-minute journey, a police car began chasing them. The driver of the taxi stopped on a small bridge and escaped on foot, but the men in the car were arrested by two Slovenian police officers. The officers have been described as one young man and one old man, both wearing blue short-sleeved tops. The men were then taken to a police station near the Italian border. Here they spent 1 night. The respondents remarked that they were treated well, that the police cooperated and did not try to scare them, and that they were given food, water, and blankets. However, it was cold, and a few of the group became ill. The police tried to interview them about their attempt across the border, but after receiving no response told them to rest and take their food.

      On the morning of 21 September, the group was all given a COVID test and taken to a quarantine facility. Here they spent 3 nights. Again, the respondent stated that they were treated well. They were allowed to use their mobile phones for 2 hours per day and were given good quality food and medical care from a nurse/doctor. The group stated that they intended to claim asylum except for one that was going to Germany because he had a brother there. They also filled out a form stating that they faced threat in Afghanistan. Communication was initially made in English, but a Pashtu-speaking interpreter from Pakistan was provided for the interview. One of the group, the 6th member, was allowed to stay in Slovenia as he was 17.

      On the morning of 24 September the group of 5, all Afghan males between the age of 18 and 22, were given all of their belongings and driven to a small checkpoint on the Croatian border. The checkpoint was described as a two-sided road with a container on each side. Here they were handed over to two Croatian officers, which the Slovenian officers spoke with. The Croatian officers have been described as one woman around 40-45 years old and one man around 50, with both wearing light blue short-sleeved shirts consistent with the uniform of the Croatian Granicna Policija (border police), and one wearing a jacket. Here the respondents remarked that the good treatment ended and that the Croatian officers began acting “insane”. They were driven to a police station near the Croatia-Slovenia border. Here their sim cards were all taken, meaning the group could not access their phones or location services anymore. In the station, there was also a group of 7 Pakistani men. Initially, the two groups were held in separate rooms, but when another detainee arrived at the station all 11 men were put in the same room. The respondents described the room as 2x2m, designed for 1 person, and smelling very bad.

      The two groups were kept in these conditions from 10 am-7 pm, with no food or water. They asked for these repeatedly and were eventually given something to eat after paying with their own money. One of the group of 5 was kicked twice for no apparent reason. The group stated their intention to claim asylum, and again filled out a form stating that they faced threat in Afghanistan. In response, the woman officer asked: “why did you leave Afghanistan? If there was war you should fight not leave”. The group remarked that they refused to engage, stating that “she doesn’t know politics, doesn’t know when someone should stay or leave, there is different reasons”.

      At around 8 pm all 11 men were given their belongings back, minus their sim cards. As the belongings were jumbled and all given at once, some things were lost or potentially stolen. They were then ordered to get in a van which was driven by the same two officers. The group of 5 asked to be returned to Serbia as they had contacts there and had spent time there. They also had Serbian refugee camp ID cards. They were told by the officers that they would be taken to Serbia. The officers then began driving slowly, stopping often and parking to pass the time. The groups asked for something to drink and gave money in return for cola and water. At 12am they were dropped at the Bosnia-Croatia border, near the town of Velika Kladuša.

      The group walked into Velika Kladuša. They spent all night outside with no blankets, sleeping bags, or comfortable places to sleep. The weather was freezing. They tried to enter a restaurant at 7am but were not allowed in. After 2 nights in the cold weather, the group of 5 decided to return to Serbia. The return cost between €500-600. They crossed the border into Serbia at a bridge, where the group remarked that there was no police in sight.


    • Voir aussi le "report of the Council of Europe Committee for the Prevention of Torture on the situation in Croatia"

      The European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) has published today the report on its ad hoc visit to Croatia from 10 to 14 August 2020. The report is made public pursuant to Rule 39 §3 (1) of the Rules of Procedure (2) of the CPT following written statements made by a senior Croatian official pertaining to the content of the report which were placed into the public domain. The Committee deemed such statements as a misrepresentation of the contents of the report, the professional integrity and modus operandi of the members of the CPT’s delegation. Consequently, the Committee decided to publish the report of the visit in full.

      In a report on Croatia published today, the CPT urges the Croatian authorities to take determined action to stop migrants being ill-treated by police officers and to ensure that cases of alleged ill-treatment are investigated effectively.

      The Committee carried out a rapid reaction visit to Croatia from 10 to 14 August 2020, and in particular along the border area to Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), to examine the treatment and safeguards afforded to migrants deprived of their liberty by the Croatian police. The CPT’s delegation also looked into the procedures applied to migrants in the context of their removal from Croatia as well as the effectiveness of oversight and accountability mechanisms in cases of alleged police misconduct during such operations. A visit to the Ježevo Reception Centre for Foreigners was also carried out.

      The report highlights that, for the first time since the CPT started visiting Croatia in 1998, there were manifest difficulties of cooperation. The CPT’s delegation was provided with incomplete information about places where migrants may be deprived of their liberty and it was obstructed by police officers in accessing documentation necessary for the delegation to carry out the Committee’s mandate.

      In addition to visiting police stations in Croatia, the CPT’s delegation also carried out many interviews across the Croatian border in the Una-Sana Canton of BiH, where it received numerous credible and concordant allegations of physical ill-treatment of migrants by Croatian police officers (notably members of the intervention police). The alleged ill-treatment consisted of slaps, kicks, blows with truncheons and other hard objects (e.g. butts/barrels of firearms, wooden sticks or tree branches) to various parts of the body. The alleged ill-treatment had been purportedly inflicted either at the time of the migrants’ “interception” and de facto deprivation of liberty inside Croatian territory (ranging from several to fifty kilometres or more from the border) and/or at the moment of their push-back across the border with BiH.

      In a significant number of cases, the persons interviewed displayed recent injuries on their bodies which were assessed by the delegation’s forensic medical doctors as being compatible with their allegations of having been ill-treated by Croatian police officers (by way of example, reference is made to the characteristic “tram-line” haematomas to the back of the body, highly consistent with infliction of blows from a truncheon or stick).

      The report also documents several accounts of migrants being subjected to other forms of severe ill-treatment by Croatian police officers such as migrants being forced to march through the forest to the border barefoot and being thrown into the Korana river which separates Croatia from BiH with their hands still zip-locked. Some migrants also alleged being pushed back into BiH wearing only their underwear and, in some cases, even naked. A number of persons also stated that when they had been apprehended and were lying face down on the ground certain Croatian police officers had discharged their weapons into the ground close to them.

      In acknowledging the significant challenges faced by the Croatian authorities in dealing with the large numbers of migrants entering the country, the CPT stresses the need for a concerted European approach. Nevertheless, despite these challenges, Croatia must meet its human rights obligations and treat migrants who enter the country through the border in a humane and dignified manner.

      The findings of the CPT’s delegation also show clearly that there are no effective accountability mechanisms in place to identify the perpetrators of alleged acts of ill-treatment. There is an absence of specific guidelines from the Croatian Police Directorate on documenting diversion operations and no independent police complaints body to undertake effective investigations into such alleged acts.

      As regards the establishment of an “independent border monitoring mechanism” by the Croatian authorities, the CPT sets out its minimum criteria for such mechanism to be effective and independent.

      In conclusion, nonetheless the CPT wishes to pursue a constructive dialogue and meaningful cooperation with the Croatian authorities, grounded on a mature acknowledgment, including at the highest political levels, of the gravity of the practice of ill-treatment of migrants by Croatian police officers and a commitment for such ill-treatment to cease.


      Pour télécharger le rapport :

      #CPT #rapport


      Commentaire de Inicijativa Dobrodosli (mailing-list du 08.12.2021) :

      Jerko Bakotin writes for Novosti (https://www.portalnovosti.com/odbor-vijeca-europe-hrvatska-policija-sustavno-zlostavlja-migrante-i-) that this report is “perhaps the strongest evidence publicly available so far in support of previously hard-to-dispute facts. First, that Croatian police massively and illegally denies refugees and migrants the right to asylum and expels them from the depths of the territory, that is, conducts pushbacks. Second, that these pushbacks are not officially registered. Third, the pushbacks are done with knowledge, and certainly on the orders of superiors.” Civil society organizations point out (https://hr.n1info.com/vijesti/rh-sustavno-krsi-prava-izbjeglica-koristeci-metode-mucenja-a-zrtve-su-i-d) that the Croatian government is systematically working to cover up these practices, and there will be no change until all those who are responsible are removed and responsibility is taken. Unfortunately, it is likely that the Croatian political leadership will instead decide to shift the blame to refugees and declare international conspiracies against Croatia (https://www.telegram.hr/politika-kriminal/jednostavno-pitanje-za-bozinovica-i-milanovica-sudjeluje-li-i-vijece-europe). As a reaction to the published report, Amnesty International points out (https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/12/human-rights-body-has-condemned-croatian-authorities-for-border-violence) that due to the European Commission’s continued disregard for Croatia’s disrespect for European law, and their continued support in resources, it is really important to ask how much the Commission is complicit in human rights violations at the borders.

    • Another important report (https://welcome.cms.hr/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/Polugodisnje-izvjesce-nezavisnog-mehanizma-nadzora-postupanja-policijski) came out on Friday - in a working version that was later withdrawn from a slightly surprising address where it was published - on the website of the Croatian Institute of Public Health. It is the report of the Croatian "independent mechanism for monitoring the conduct of police officers of the Ministry of the Interior in the field of illegal migration and international protection”. Despite the tepid analysis of police treatment - which can be understood given the connection of members of the mechanism with the governing structures, as well as a very problematic proposal for further racial profiling and biometric monitoring of refugees using digital technologies, the report confirmed the existence of pushbacks in Croatia: “through surveillance, the mechanism found that the police carried out illegal pushbacks and did not record returns allowed under Article 13 of the Schengen Borders Code.” We look forward to the publication of the final version of the report.

      –-> via Inicijativa Dobrodosli (mailing-list du 08.12.2021)

  • Ljubljana, la capitale #sans_voiture

    Un reportage du journal de 13 heures de France 2 fait un détour par Ljubljana, la capitale sans voiture de la #slovénie, qui « a le même niveau sonore qu’une forêt. » Lire la suite...

    #Alternatives_à_la_voiture #Marche_à_pied #Transports_publics #Vélo #Vie_sans_voiture #Ville_sans_voitures #vidéo

  • Modra rijeka

    Modra rijeka, Črnomelj, Slovenija, 25.3.2021


    Un #poème de #Mak_Dizdar :

    Where it is none knows
    We know little but it’s known

    Beyond forest beyond valley
    Beyond seven beyond eight

    Still worse still crazier
    Over weary over bitter

    Over blackthorn over bramble
    Over heat over strictness

    Over foreboding over doubts
    Beyond nine beyond ten

    Still deeper still stronger
    Beyond quiet beyond dark

    Where no cock crows
    Where no horn’s voice is heard

    Still worse still crazier
    Beyond mind beyond god

    There is a blue river
    It is wide it is deep

    A hundred years wide
    A thousand summers deep

    Don’t even dream of its length
    Insurmountable dark and murk

    There is a blue river

    There is a blue river—
    We must cross the river


    #rivière_Kolpa #Kupa #frontière_sud-alpine #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #frontières #frontières
    #art #art_et_politique #poésie #vidéo


    ajouté au fil de discussion sur les migrants morts dans la rivière Kolpa (Kupa) à la frontière entre la #Croatie et la #Slovénie :

    Lui-même ajouté à la métaliste sur les morts à la frontière sud-alpine :

  • Torture, Covid-19 and border pushbacks: Stories of migration to Europe at the time of Covid-19

    The lived experience of people navigating the EU external border during the Covid-19 pandemic has brought into sharper focus the way border violence has become embedded within the landscape of migration. Here BVMN are sharing a feature article and comic strip from artistic journalist collective Brush&Bow which relays the human stories behind pushbacks, and the protracted violence which has come to characterise journeys along the Balkan Route. The researchers and artists spent time with transit communities along the Western Balkan Route, as well as speaking to network members Centre for Peace Studies, No Name Kitchen & Info Kolpa about their work. Combined with the indepth article (linked below) the comic strip brings to life much of the oral testimonies collected in the BVMN shared database, visualising movement and aspiration – as well as the counterforce of border violence.

    Authors: Roshan De Stone and David Leone Suber
    Illustrations and multimedia: Hannah Kirmes Daly
    (Brush&Bow C.I.C)
    Funded by: The Journalism Fund


    #push-back #refoulements_en_chaîne #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Croatie #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #dessin #BD #bande_dessinée #Slovénie #Italie #frontière_sud-alpine #Bosnie #Trieste #migrerrance #Trieste #violence

    • #Torture and pushbacks: Stories of migration to Europe during Covid-19

      Violent and often sadistic pushbacks from Italy, Slovenia and Croatia are a damning indictment of Europe’s broken migrant policy.

      Anatomy of a pushback: from Italy to Bosnia

      Trieste, Zagreb – On April 13 last year, Italy’s Coronavirus death-toll surpassed 20,000, making headlines worldwide. In the afternoon on that same day, Saeed carefully packed a bag. In it, a phone, three power banks, cigarettes, a sleeping bag and a photograph of his two children back in Pakistan.

      During the March lockdown, Saeed was forcibly held in Lipa camp for migrants and asylum seekers, in the Bosnian canton of Una Sana, right next to the Croatian border. Having travelled this far, he was ready for the final leg of his journey to Europe.

      That night, Saeed left the camp. On the way to the Croatian border, he was joined by nine other men.
      People on the move use GPS tracking systems to cross land borders far away from main roads and inhabited locations. (Hannah Kirmes Daly, Brush&Bow C.I.C)

      For 21 days, the group walked through the forests and mountains in Croatia, Slovenia and into Italy, avoiding roads and towns, always careful not to be seen. Never taking their shoes off, not even to sleep, ready to run at a moment’s notice if the police spotted them.

      When Covid-19’s first wave was at its peak in the spring of 2020, EU member states increased border security by sending the army to patrol borders and suspended freedom of movement as a measure to prevent the spread of the virus.

      This greatly affected migration, giving migrants and asylum seekers yet another reason to go into hiding. Saeed and his companions knew this well. But as they finally crossed the final border into Italy, they assumed the worst was over.

      Winding their way down the mountains, the group stopped at the border town of Bagnoli to order a dark, sweet, coffee - a small reward. Across the street, a woman looked out of her window and reached for the phone. Minutes later, police were on the scene.

      As the police later confirmed, it is thanks to calls from local inhabitants living in border areas that most migrants are intercepted by authorities.

      Bundled into an Italian police van, Saeed and his acquaintances were handed over to Slovenian officials, and driven back to the Croatia-Bosnia border in less than 24 hours. No anti-Covid precautions were taken, and requests for asylum were ignored.

      When the van finally stopped, they were released into an open field by a river bank. Plain-clothes officers speaking Croatian ordered them to undress.

      Blisters ripped open as Saeed’s skin tore off as he pried off his shoes. Two of the men were beaten with telescopic batons. Another was whipped with a piece of rope tied to a branch. “Go back to Bosnia” was the last thing they heard the Croatian officers shout as they climbed back up the Bosnian bank of the river.

      On the morning of May 7, Saeed walked barefoot to the same Bosnian camp he had left three weeks before. This was his first ’pushback’.


      Trieste’s Piazza Liberta, in front of the main train station, above, is the final destination for many people on the move arriving from Bosnia.

      Since the start of the pandemic, the EU border agency Frontex reported a decrease in the overall number of irregular border crossings into Europe. This has been the case on all main routes to Europe aside from one: the Balkan route, a route migrants and asylum seekers take by foot to cross from Turkey into central Europe.

      On July 10, two months after that first pushback from Italy, Saeed sits in Piazza Liberta, the main square in front of Trieste’s train station.

      Young men from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Eritrea, Iraq and Syria sit with him on the square’s benches, forming small groups in the setting sun. For nearly two years now, this square has been the meeting point for ’people on the move’ – migrants and asylum seekers escaping war, famine and poverty in their countries, arriving by foot from Turkey and through the Balkans.

      They sit in Piazza Liberta waiting for the arrival of a group of volunteers, who hand out food, medication and attend to the blisters and welts many have on their feet as a result from the long weeks of restless walking.

      Saeed is in his thirties, clean shaven and sporting ’distressed’ jeans with impeccably white trainers. He would look like any other tourist if it wasn’t for the scars across his arms.

      “There are two borders that are particularly difficult to cross to reach Europe,” he explains.

      The first is at the Evros river, separating Greece and Turkey. This is the only alternative to anyone who wants to avoid the risk of crossing by boat to the Greek islands, where recent reports of pushbacks by the Greek police back to Turkey are rife.

      “The second border is the one between Bosnia and Croatia,” he pauses. “The road between these two borders and all the way to Italy or Austria is what we call ’The Game’.” "It is by doing The Game that I got these," he says pointing to his scars.

      The Game is one of the only alternatives to reach Europe without having to cross the Mediterranean Sea. But crossing the Balkans is a similarly dangerous journey, like a ’game’, played against the police forces of the countries on the route, so as to not get caught and arrested.

      With the outbreak of the pandemic, The Game has become more difficult and dangerous. Many have reported cases of sexual and violent abuse from the police.

      In Croatia, police officers forced people to lie on top of one another naked as they were beaten and crosses were spray-painted on their heads. To add insult to injury, all their possessions were stolen, and their phones would be smashed or thrown in the water by authorities.

      The last of thirteen siblings, Saeed wants to reach a cousin in Marseille; an opportunity to escape unemployment and the grinding poverty of his life back in Pakistan.

      From the outskirts of Karachi, Saeed lived with his two children, wife and seven relatives in two rooms. “I would go out every morning looking for work, but there is nothing. My daughter is sick. I left because I wanted to be able to provide for my family.”

      Despite his desire to end up in France, Saeed was forced to apply for asylum in Italy to buy himself time and avoid being arrested and sent back to Bosnia.

      Under current regulations governing refugee law, Saeed’s asylum application in Italy is unlikely to be accepted. Poverty and a dream for a better future are not recognised as valid reasons to be granted status in Europe. Instead, in order to keep those like Saeed out, in 2018, the European Commission proposed to almost triple funding for border enforcement between 2021 and 2027, for an overall investment of $38.4 billion.

      Despite being a skilled electrician looking for work, Saeed’s asylum application makes it impossible for him to legally work in Italy. To survive, he started working as a guide for other migrants, a low-level smuggler making the most of what he learned during The Game.

      He pulls a second phone out of his pocket and takes a call. “There are 70 men crossing the mountains from Slovenia who will be here by 4 am tomorrow,” he says. The large group will be split into smaller groups once they arrive at the Italian border, Saeed explains, so as to not be too noticeable.

      The mountain paths around Trieste are full of signs of life; sleeping bags, shoes and clothes scattered where groups decided to stop and camp the night before doing the final stretch to Trieste’s train station.

      “When they arrive, I’ll be their point of contact. I’ll show them where to access aid, how to get an Italian sim card and give them money that their families have sent to me via Western Union.” He pauses, “I know some of them because we were in the same camps in Bosnia. I try to help them as I know what it is like, and in return they pay me a small fee.” The amount he receives varies between 5 and 20 euro ($5.8 - $23.55) per person.

      All along the route there are those like Saeed, who manage to make a small living from the irregular migration route. However, it isn’t easy to recognise a smuggler’s good intentions, and not every smuggler is like Saeed. “There are also smugglers who make a big business by stealing money or taking advantage of less experienced people,” he says.

      Pointing to two young Afghan boys, Saeed shrugs, “They asked me where they could go to prostitute themselves to pay for the next part of the journey. There are many people ready to make money out of our misery.”

      Border violence and the fear of contagion

      Since the start of pandemic, The Game has become even more high stakes. For migrants and asylum seekers on the Balkan route, it has meant adding the risk of infection to a long list of potential perils.

      “If the police are looking for you, it’s hard to worry about getting sick with the virus. The most important thing is not to get arrested and sent back,” said Saeed.

      Covid-19 rules on migration have had the effect of further marginalising migrants and asylum seekers, excluding them from free testing facilities, their right to healthcare largely suspended and ignored by national Covid-19 prevention measures.

      This is confirmed by Lorenzo Tamaro, representative of Trieste’s Autonomous Police Syndicate (SAP). Standing under one of Trieste’s sweeping arches he begins, “The pandemic has made it more dangerous for them [migrants and asylum seekers], as it is for us [the police]."

      For all of 2020, Italian police have had to deal with the difficult task of stopping irregular entries while also performing extraordinary duties during two months of a strictly enforced lockdown.

      “The pandemic has revealed a systemic crisis in policing immigration in Europe, one we have been denouncing for years,” Tamaro says. He refers to how Italian police are both under-staffed and under-resourced when facing irregular migration, more so during lockdowns.

      Broad shouldered, his voice carries the confidence of someone who is no stranger to interviews. “Foreigners entering our territory with no authorisation are in breach of the law, even more so under national lockdown. It’s not us [the police] who make the law, but it is our job to make sure it is respected.”

      Born in Trieste himself, Tamaro and his colleagues have been dealing with immigration from the Balkans for years. The emergency brought on by increased arrivals during Italy’s tight lockdown period pushed the Ministry of Interior to request the deployment of a 100-strong Italian army contingent to the border with Slovenia, to assist in the detection and arrest of people on the move and their transfer to quarantine camps on the outskirts of the city.

      “We have been left to deal with both an immigration and public health emergency without any real support,” Tamaro says. “The army is of help in stopping irregular migrants, but it’s then us [the police] who have to carry out medical screenings without proper protective equipment. This is something the Ministry should have specialised doctors and medics do, not the police.”

      To deal with the increase in arrivals from the Balkan route, Italy revived a 1996 bilateral agreement with Slovenia, which dictates that any undocumented person found within 10 kilometres of the Slovenian border within the first 24 hours of arrival, can be informally readmitted to Slovenia.

      “In my opinion readmissions work,” Tamaro says. “Smugglers have started taking migrants to Udine and Gorizia, which are outside of the 10 km zone of informal readmissions, because they know that if stopped in Trieste, they risk being taken back to Slovenia.”

      On September 6, the Italian Interior Minister herself acknowledged 3,059 people have been returned to Slovenia from Trieste in 2020 alone, 1,000 more than the same period in 2019.

      Human rights observers have criticised this agreement for actively denying people on the move to request asylum and thus going against European law. “We know Italy is sending people back to Slovenia saying they can apply for asylum there. But the pushback does not end there,” says Miha, a member of the Slovenian solidarity initiative Info Kolpa.

      From his airy apartment overlooking Ljubljana, Miha explains how Slovenia resurfaced a readmission agreement with Croatia in June 2018 that has allowed an increase in pushbacks from Slovenia to Croatia.

      “Italy sends people to Slovenia and Slovenia to Croatia,” Miha says, “and from Croatia, they get pushed back further to Bosnia.”

      “What Europe is ignoring is that this is a system of coordinated chain-pushbacks, designed to send people back from Europe to Bosnia, a non-European Union country. And adding to the breach of human rights, no one is worrying about the high risk of contagion,” Miha concludes.

      Torture at Europe’s doorstep


      A section of the border between Croatia and Slovenia runs along the Kulpa river, as shown in the video above. People on the move try to cross this river in places where there is no fence, and some drowned trying to cross it in 2018 and 2019.

      As pushbacks become more normalised, so has the violence used to implement them. Because the Croatian-Bosnian border is an external EU-border, Croatia and Bosnia do not have readmission agreements similar to those between Italy and Slovenia.

      As such, pushbacks cannot simply happen through police cooperation — they happen informally — and it is here that the greatest violence takes place.


      People on the move have been posting evidence of the violence they are subjected to across the Balkan route. The video above was posted on TikTok in the summer of 2020, showing the beatings suffered by many of those who try and cross from Bosnia to Croatia and are pushed back by Croatian police.

      Despite the Bosnian-Croatian border running for more than 900 km, most of the border crossing happens in a specific location, in the Una Sana canton, the top eastern tip of Bosnia.

      The border here is a far cry from the tall barbed wire fences one might expect. The scenery cuts across a beautiful landscape of forestry and mountain streams, with winding countryside roads gently curving around family-run farms and small towns.

      “I’ve seen it all,” Stepjan says, looking out from his small whitewashed home, perched less than 100 meters from the actual Bosnian-Croatian border. A 45-year old man born and raised in this town, he adds, “People have been using this route for years to try and cross into Europe. Sometimes I give them [people on the move] water or food when they pass.”

      Many of the locals living on either side of the border speak German. They themselves have been migrants to Germany in the 90s, when this used to be a war zone. Asked about the allegations of physical abuse inflicted upon migrants, Stepjan shrugged, replying, “It’s not for me to tell the police how to do their job.”

      “By law, once a person arrives on Croatian territory they have the right to seek asylum,” says Nikol, a Croatian activist working with the organisation No Name Kitchen on this stretch of the border. “But this right is denied by Croatian police who force people to return to Bosnia.”

      Sitting in a smoky cafe in Zagreb, Nikol (a psuedonym) says she wishes to remain anonymous due to intimidation received at the hands of Croatian and Bosnian authorities punishing people providing aid to people on the move. She is planning her return to Bihac as soon as Covid regulations will allow her to move. Bihac is the key town of the Una Sana canton, the hotspot where most of the people on the move are waiting to cross into Croatia.

      She knows all about the violence perpetrated here against migrants and asylum seekers trying to enter Europe. “The Croatian police hands people over to men in plain uniform and balaclavas, who torture migrants before forcing them to walk back across the border to Bosnia.”

      Many migrants and asylum seekers that have managed to cross Croatia have reported stories of men dressed in black uniforms and wearing balaclavas, some sort of special unit with a mandate to beat and torture migrants before sending them back to Bosnia.

      Nikol has a gallery of pictures depicting the aftermath of the violence. “There is so much evidence of torture in Croatia that I am surprised there are still journalists looking to verify it,” she says as she flicks through pictures of beatings on her phone.

      Scrolling through, she brings up picture after picture of open wounds and arms, backs and bodies marked with signs of repeated beatings, burns and cuts.

      She goes through a series of pictures of young men with swollen bloody faces, and explains: “These men were made to lie on the ground facing down, and then stamped on their heads to break their noses one after the other.”
      Activists and volunteers receive pictures from people on the move about the beatings and torture endured while undergoing pushbacks. (Hannah Kirmes Daly, Brush&Bow C.I.C)

      “These are the same techniques that the Croatian police used to terrorise Serbian minorities in Croatia after the war,” she adds.

      Finding Croats like Nikol willing to help people on the move is not easy. Stepjan says he is not amongst those who call the police when he sees people attempting to cross, but a policeman from the border police station in Cabar openly disclosed that “it is thanks to the tip offs we get from local citizens that we know how and when to intervene and arrest migrants.”

      As confirmed by Nikol, the level of public anger and fear against people on the move has grown during the pandemic, fueled by anti-immigrant rhetoric linked with fake and unverified news accusing foreigners of bringing Covid-19 with them.

      Much of this discourse takes place on social media. Far-right hate groups have been praising violence against migrants and asylum seekers through posts like the ones reported below, which despite being signalled for their violent content, have not yet been removed by Facebook.
      Hate speech and violent threats against people on the move and organisations supporting them are posted on Facebook and other social media on a daily basis. Despite being reported, most of them are not taken down. (Hannah Kirmes Daly, Brush&Bow C.I.C)

      Nikol’s accounts are corroborated by Antonia, a caseworker at the Center for Peace Studies in Zagreb, who is working closely on legal challenges made against Croatian police.

      “We continue to receive testimonies of people being tied to trees, terrorised by the shooting of weapons close to their faces, having stinging liquids rubbed into open wounds, being spray-painted upon, sexually abused and beaten with bats and rubber tubes on the head, arms and legs.”

      In July this summer, an anonymous complaint by a group of Croatian police officers was made public by the Croatian ombudswoman. In the letter, officers denounced some of their superiors of being violent toward people on the move, suggesting that such violence is systematic.

      This was also the opinion of doctors in Trieste, volunteering to treat people’s wounds once they arrive in Italy after having crossed Croatia and Slovenia. Their accounts confirm that the violence they often see marked on bodies is not just the consequence of police deterrence, but is aimed at causing long-term injuries that might make a further journey impossible.

      Neither the Croatian nor the Slovenian national police have responded to these allegations through their press offices. The EU Home Affairs spokesperson office instead did reply, reporting that “Croatian authorities have committed to investigate reports of mistreatment at their external borders, monitor this situation closely and keep the Commission informed on progress made.”

      And while the EU has sent a monitoring team to meet the Croatian Interior Minister, it nevertheless continues to add to Croatia’s internal security fund, sending over €100 million ($120 million) since 2015 to manage migration through visa systems, policing and border security.

      Back to square one…


      Pushbacks from Italy, Slovenia and Croatia all the way back to Bosnia end with people on the move returning to overcrowded reception facilities, unsanitary camps, squats or tents, in inhumane conditions, often without running water or electricity. People in the video above were queuing at a food distribution site outside one of the IOM camps on the Bosnian-Croatian border in winter 2020.

      “These people have travelled thousands of kilometres, for months, and are now at the door of the European Union. They don’t want to return home,” Slobodan Ujic, Director of Bosnia’s Service for Foreigners’ Affairs, admitted in an interview to Balkan Insight earlier this year.

      “We are not inhumane, but we now have 30,000, 40,000 or 50,000 unemployed, while keeping 10,000 illegal migrants in full force…we have become a parking lot for migrants for Europe,” Ujic added.

      Public opinion in Bosnia reflects Ujic’s words. With a third of Bosnians unemployed and many youth leaving to Europe in search of better opportunities, there is a rising frustration from Bosnian authorities accusing the EU of having left the country to deal with the migration crisis alone.

      During the summer of 2020, tensions flared between Bosnian residents and arriving migrants to the point where buses were being stopped by locals to check if migrants were travelling on them.

      Today, thousands of people in Bosnia are currently facing a harsh snowy winter with no suitable facilities for refuge. Since the start of January the bad weather means increased rains and snowfall, making living in tents and abandoned buildings with no heating a new cause for humanitarian concern.

      In Bosnia around 7,500 people on the move are registered in eight camps run by the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM). The estimated number of migrants and asylum seekers in the country however, tops 30,000. The EU recently sent €3.5 million ($4.1 million) to manage the humanitarian crisis, adding to the over €40 million ($47 million) donated to Bosnia since 2015 to build and manage temporary camps.

      With the start of the pandemic, these reception centres became more like outdoor detention centres as Bosnian authorities forcefully transferred and confined people on the move to these facilities despite overcrowding and inhumane conditions.

      “I was taken from the squat I was in by Bosnian police and confined in a camp of Lipa, a few kilometers south of Bihac, for over a month,” Saeed says. “We had one toilet between 10 of us, no electricity and only one meal a day.”

      On December 23, 2020, Lipa camp, home to 1,300 people, was shut down as NGOs refused to run the camp due to the inhumane conditions and lack of running water and electricity. This came at a time where the closure of the camp had also been advocated by Bosnian local authorities of the Una Sana canton, pressured in local elections to close the facility.

      As people evacuated however, four residents, allegedly frustrated with the fact that they were being evicted with nowhere to go, set the camp on fire.


      The trauma of living through forced lockdown in those conditions will have a lasting effect on those who have lived it. “I still have nightmares about that place and the journey,” Saeed says, avoiding eye contact.

      “Most nights I hear the sound of dogs barking and I remember the running. But in my dreams, I am paralysed to the ground and I cannot move.”

      When Saeed managed to escape Lipa camp in June 2020, it took him three weeks to walk back to Trieste. “Now I spend my days here,” he gestures across, pointing his open palms at Piazza Liberta.

      As he speaks, Saeed is joined by two friends. A long scar twists a line of shiny nobbled skin across the scalp of one of them: a souvenir from the baton of a Croatian police officer. The other has burnt the tips of his fingers to avoid being fingerprinted and sent back to Greece.

      The absurdity of Europe’s migration policy is marked on their bodies. The trauma imprinted in their minds.

      “I dream of being able to drive a car to France, like any normal person, on a road with only green traffic lights ahead, no barriers to stop me.”

      #game #Katinovac

  • Le Ghana et l’Afrique du Sud devant la France pour la liberté de la presse Philippe Rosenthal

    Le #journalisme, « principal vaccin » contre la désinformation en pleine pandémie, est « totalement ou partiellement bloqué » dans plus de 130 pays, rapporte Reporters sans frontières (RSF), qui a publié ce mardi 20 avril l’édition 2021 de son classement mondial de la liberté de la presse.

    La #France absente de la zone blanche de la carte de la liberté de la presse. « Le journalisme, est totalement ou partiellement bloqué dans 73 % des pays évalués », écrit Reporters sans frontières (RSF). Tous les ans la situation sur la liberté de la presse dans 180 pays et territoires est scrutée par l’ organisation indépendante basée à Paris dotée d’un statut consultatif auprès de l’Organisation des Nations unies, de l’Unesco, du Conseil de l’Europe et de l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF).

    Ce rapport annuel montre que « l’exercice du journalisme », ce que RSF nomme comme étant le « principal vaccin contre le virus de la désinformation, est gravement entravé dans 73 des 180 Etats du Classement établi » par l’association et « restreint dans 59 autres, soit au total 73 % des pays évalués ». Ces chiffres correspondent au nombre de pays classés rouge ou noir sur la carte mondiale de la liberté de la presse, c’est-à-dire ceux dans lesquels le journalisme est dans une « situation difficile », voire « très grave » et à ceux classés dans la zone orange, où l’exercice de la profession est considérée comme « problématique ».

    La France (34e), classée pourtant jaune, dans le groupe où la situation est plutôt bonne selon RSF, est cependant derrière l’#Espagne (29e), le #Royaume-Uni (33e) et devant la #Slovénie (36e), classée toujours jaune, qui est, elle, classifiée par RSF comme étant un pays qui bloque le journalisme en obligeant, par exemple, l’agence de presse STA à suivre la ligne politique du gouvernement au risque d’être privée de financement d’Etat. La France, pays des droits de l’homme par excellence n’est en tout cas pas dans la zone blanche de la carte de la liberté de la presse, qui indique une situation d’exercice du journalisme sinon optimale du moins très satisfaisante comme cela est le cas pour la #Norvège, la #Finlande, la #Suède, le #Danemark.

    Les #Etats-Unis et la France derrière des pays africains. La France, classée donc en jaune, se trouve, comme le montre RSF derrière des pays comme, la #Costa_Rica, la #Jamaïque, l’#Uruguay, le #Suriname, la #Namibie, le #Cap-Vert, le #Ghana et l’#Afrique_du_Sud. L’organisation indépendante, qui place curieusement le Royaume-Uni (33e) juste devant la France alors qu’il garde le journaliste d’investigation, Julian #Assange, dans la prison à haute sécurité de #Belmarsh, où sa santé physique et mentale continuent de se dégrader, met la Russie en rouge en indiquant que ce pays a « déployé son appareil répressif pour limiter la couverture médiatique des manifestations liées à l’opposant Alexeï #Navalny ».

    Le deux poids, deux mesures est, d’emblée visible dans ce rapport. En effet, pourquoi placer le Royaume-Uni en 33e position et la #Russie en 150e quand un reporter de renommé international ayant dénoncé les violations des droits de l’Homme et les meurtres de l’armée américaine est enfermé en prison à Londres ? Il semble que RSF prenne une défense arbitraire pour un pays occidental et porte un bandeau sur les yeux. Pourtant, RSF, souligne que le cas du fondateur de #Wikileaks est un « type de revers pour le journalisme ».

    Même si les Etats-Unis sont d’après RSF en 44e position et classée toujours en jaune bien loin derrière la France et le #Ghana, le problème a été, selon l’organisation, la dernière année du mandat de Donald Trump qui « s’est caractérisée par un nombre record d’agressions (près de 400) et d’arrestations de journalistes (130), selon le US Press Freedom Tracker, dont RSF est partenaire ».

    L’organisation Reporters sans frontières, qui même si elle prend une position favorable pour le Royaume-Uni alors que Julian Assange y est emprisonné, ne peut pas cacher le fait que la liberté de la presse est réellement en danger dans de nombreux pays occidentaux. Aussi, on peut vraiment écrire que la France, le Royaume-Uni et les Etats-Unis peuvent apprendre de pays africains comme le Ghana et l’Afrique du Sud. Cela prouve que de graves dérives non démocratiques ont actuellement lieu dans ces pays.

    Même si « l’Europe et l’Amérique (Nord et Sud) restent les continents les plus favorables à la liberté de la presse » et « même si la zone des Amériques enregistre cette année la plus grande dégradation des scores régionaux (+2,5 %) », RSF informe que « le continent européen accuse pour sa part une détérioration conséquente de son indicateur “#Exactions” » car « les actes de violence ont plus que doublé au sein de la zone Union européenne-Balkans, alors que cette dégradation est de 17 % au niveau mondial ».

    L’organisation indépendante et défenderesse de la presse https://rsf.org/fr/classement-mondial-de-la-liberte-de-la-presse-2021-le-journalisme-est-un-vaccin précise que « les agressions contre les journalistes et les interpellations abusives se sont notamment multipliées » en #Pologne (64e, -2), en #Grèce (70e, -5) , en #Serbie (93e) et en #Bulgarie (112e, -1) mais aussi en #Allemagne, en France (34e) et en #Italie (41e).

    • Classement mondial de la liberté de la presse 2021 : le journalisme est un vaccin contre la désinformation, bloqué dans plus de 130 pays

      L’édition 2021 du Classement mondial de la liberté de la presse établi par Reporters sans frontières (RSF) démontre que le principal vaccin contre le virus de la désinformation, à savoir le journalisme, est totalement ou partiellement bloqué dans 73 % des pays évalués par RSF.


      Le Classement mondial de la liberté de la presse, qui évalue tous les ans la situation de la liberté de la presse dans 180 pays et territoires, montre que l’exercice du journalisme, principal vaccin contre le virus de la désinformation, est gravement entravé dans 73 des 180 Etats du Classement établi par RSF et restreint dans 59 autres, soit au total 73 % des pays évalués. Ces chiffres correspondent au nombre de pays classés rouge ou noir sur la carte mondiale de la liberté de la presse, c’est-à-dire ceux dans lesquels le journalisme est dans une “situation difficile”, voire “très grave” et à ceux classés dans la zone orange, où l’exercice de la profession est considérée comme “problématique”.

      Le blocage du journalisme est révélé par les données du Classement qui mesurent les restrictions d’accès et les entraves à la couverture de l’actualité. RSF a enregistré une dégradation flagrante de l’indicateur sur la question. Les journalistes sont confrontés à une “fermeture des accès” au terrain comme aux sources d’information, du fait ou au prétexte de la crise sanitaire. Seront-ils d’ailleurs rouverts après la fin de la pandémie ? L’étude montre une difficulté croissante pour les journalistes d’enquêter et de faire des révélations sur des sujets sensibles, en particulier en Asie et au Moyen-Orient, ainsi qu’en Europe.

      Le baromètre Edelman Trust 2021 révèle une défiance inquiétante du public envers les journalistes : 59 % des personnes interrogées dans 28 pays considèrent que les journalistes tentent délibérément d’induire le public en erreur en diffusant des informations dont il savent qu’elles sont fausses. Néanmoins, la rigueur et le pluralisme journalistiques permettent de contrer la désinformation et les “infodémies”, c’est-à-dire les manipulations et les rumeurs.

      Par exemple, face à la Covid-19, les présidents Bolsonaro au Brésil (111e, -4) et Maduro au Venezuela (148e, -1) ont fait la promotion de médicaments dont l’efficacité n’a jamais été prouvée par le monde médical : heureusement, des enquêtes comme celles de l’Agência Pública brésilienne ou des articles fouillés publiés par les derniers journaux indépendants vénézuéliens ont établi la vérité des faits. En Iran (174e, -1), les autorités ont renforcé leur contrôle sur l’information et multiplié les condamnations de journalistes pour mieux minimiser le nombre de décès liés à la Covid-19. En Egypte (166e), le pouvoir du président al-Sissi interdit tout simplement la publication de chiffres sur la pandémie autres que ceux du ministère de la Santé. Au Zimbabwe (130e, -4), le journaliste d’investigation Hopewell Chin’ono a été jeté en prison peu de temps après avoir révélé un scandale de détournement d’argent public dans l’acquisition de matériel destiné à lutter contre l’épidémie.

      Les principales évolutions au Classement mondial
      => https://rsf.org/fr/classement-mondial-de-la-liberte-de-la-presse-2021-le-journalisme-est-un-vaccin