• L’Ultra droite prend les rues de Lesbos

    Aujourd’hui à Lesbos, les ONG sont harcelées, menacées et attaquées par la police et l’ultra droite. La procédure d’asile est stoppée pour un mois et les nouveaux réfugié·e·s dorment dans un navire de guerre surpeuplé en attendant d’être expulsé·e·s vers leurs pays d’origine. Aucun solidaire ne peut les atteindre. Après avoir fui leurs pays, les gens sont en prison sur ce navire. Un témoignage sur place d’une militante de Mare Liberum.

    https://blogs.mediapart.fr/sabrina-lesage/blog/110320/lultra-droite-prend-les-rues-de-lesbos
    #extrême_droite #anti-réfugiés #asile #migrations #racisme #réfugiés #xénophobie #attaques_racistes #Grèce #Lesbos

    • Réfugiés : la #haine se réveille tout au long de la #route_des_Balkans

      Patrouilles de civils en armes dans le nord de la Grèce, manifestations xénophobes en Serbie, nationalistes croates qui s’enflamment, et Milorad Dodik qui appelle à la « défense de l’Europe chrétienne »... La crise provoquée par Recep Tayyip Erdoğan soulève une vague de réactions anti-migrants dans les Balkans, terres de transit vers l’Europe occidentale. Tour d’horizon avec nos correspondant.e.s.

      Grèce : violences en hausse contre les réfugiés et les humanitaires

      Depuis l’annonce par la Turquie, le 28 février, qu’elle n’empêchait plus les réfugiés présents sur son sol de franchir ses frontières occidentales, les actes xénophobes sont en forte hausse en Grèce. Dernier en date : l’incendie d’une école pour enfants réfugiés, gérée par une ONG suisse sur l’île de Lesbos. Il y a quelques jours, les images montrant des habitants de l’île en train de repousser violemment un canot rempli de migrants avaient fait le tour du monde. Des journalistes et des humanitaires ont aussi été menacés, leur matériel cassé, et certains ont même été physiquement agressés.

      À la frontière terrestre gréco-turque, dans la région de l’Evros, la tension monte dangereusement : des patrouilles civiles rassemblant anciens militaires, agriculteurs, pêcheurs et chasseurs s’organisent pour aider les forces de l’ordre à arrêter les migrants qui essaient de s’introduire en Grèce. Lundi, Jordan Bardella, le vice-président du Rassemblement national, était en visite sur place pour rencontrer ces citoyens grecs qui, fusils à l’épaule, sont prêts à « défendre » leurs frontières.

      Des manifestations ont néanmoins rassemblé plus de 7000 personnes à Athènes et à Thessalonique en fin de semaine dernière pour dénoncer le durcissement de la politique migratoire du gouvernement conservateur grec, la militarisation des frontières et les violences faites aux réfugiés et aux humanitaires.

      « L’armée bulgare est prête à réagir »

      Les rumeurs vont bon train en Bulgarie et, mardi, le ministère des Affaires étrangères a démenti une « information » laissant entendre qu’Athènes avait demandé à Sofia de vider les eaux d’un barrage à proximité de la frontière pour faire monter le niveau du fleuve Evros et empêcher les migrants en provenance de Turquie de pénétrer sur le sol grec. Rapportée par les médias grecs, cette « information » est le dernier acte de ce qu’une analyste bulgare a appelé « la pièce d’Erdoğan jouée aux frontières de l’Union européenne ».

      Le ministre de la Défense, le nationaliste Krassimir Karachanov, a exprimé mardi son mécontentement face au projet de construction d’un centre de rétention fermé par la Grèce dans la région de Serres, près de la frontière bulgare. « Une installation pour les migrants illégaux du côté grec, près de nos frontières, renforcera les tensions. C’est absurde et ce n’est pas l’acte d’un bon voisin », a-t-il écrit sur Facebook. « L’armée bulgare est prête à réagir. Je garantis que je ne permettrai pas à une nouvelle vague de migrants de venir dans notre pays. »

      La Bulgarie, dont le Premier ministre Boïko Borissov a tenté en vain une mission européenne de médiation auprès de Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, reste néanmoins épargnée par cette nouvelle crise, les migrants évitant soigneusement de s’aventurer près de ses frontières bulgares, par peur ou par impossibilité.

      La Macédoine du Nord craint plus le coronavirus qu’une nouvelle vague migratoire

      Malgré la proximité avec la Grèce et le peu de cas détectés dans le pays, le coronavirus reste le sujet n°1 dans l’actualité macédonienne, reléguant la question des réfugiés aux oubliettes. Ou presque. Samedi soir, la police a découvert 56 réfugiés (54 Pakistanais, 2 Afghans) dans la remorque d’un camion près de Gevgelia, la ville qui fait frontière avec la Grèce sur l’autoroute qui file de Skopje vers Thessalonique, mais les médias locaux ont très peu évoqué l’affaire.

      Le Premier ministre intérimaire Oliver Spasovksi a d’ailleurs très rapidement évacué la question migratoire lors de la conférence de presse qu’il a tenue dimanche, se contentant de répéter que la Macédoine du Nord résisterait à toute vague migratoire. « Nous aurons une tolérance zéro et nous n’autoriserons pas l’entrée de migrants, car c’est la politique de tous les États de la région. »

      Surenchères électorales en #Serbie

      Après des rassemblements anti-migrants dans les villes de Požarevac, Šid et Subotica, c’est devant le gouvernement, à Belgrade, que se sont rassemblés dimanche environ 200 manifestants, très majoritairement de jeunes hommes, à l’appel d’une « patrouille massive du peuple », se disant « prêts à défendre le pays si l’État et la police ne peuvent pas le faire ».

      Ces militants d’extrême-droite brandissaient des drapeaux serbes et grecs et des pancartes proclamant : « On ne veut pas de migrants », « La Serbie aux Serbes » ou encore, en anglais « Terrorists not welcome ». Arborant des insignes tchétniks et des badges à l’effigie du criminel de guerre Ratko Mladić, ils s’en sont pris au Commissariat pour les réfugiés, jetant des pavés dessus. « C’est une honte pour la Serbie, mais le faible nombre de personnes mobilisées par la haine est rassurant », a estimé le Commissaire aux réfugiés et aux migrations, Vladimir Cucić.

      Selon Gordan Paunović, de l’Ong Infopark, « la question n’est pas humanitaire ou sécuritaire aujourd’hui en Serbie, mais politique ». En effet, à l’approche des élections législatives et municipales prévues le 26 avril prochain, la droite et l’extrême-droite instrumentalisent la question des réfugiés pour tenter de marquer des points.

      En #Bosnie-Herzégovine, Milorad Dodik veut défendre « l’Europe chrétienne »

      Milorad Dodik, le membre serbe de la Présidence tripartite, a aligné son discours sur celui de l’extrême-droite européenne. Connu pour ses liens avec le nationaliste autrichien Heinz Christian Strache, il dénonce une « mise en danger de la chrétienté européenne », comme le rapporte Al Jazeera Balkans. « Ce qu’on propose à la Bosnie-Herzégovine c’est de devenir un parking à migrants », a-t-il expliqué, estimant qu’il s’agit là « d’une forme d’occupation du monde chrétien ».

      Selon l’homme fort de Banja Luka, l’attitude du Président turc Recep Tayyip Erdoğan s’inscrirait dans « un grand jeu stratégique », sous-entendant que ce dernier viserait à islamiser de l’Europe en ouvrant les frontières de son pays. Pas question néanmoins, estime-t-il, d’avoir une frontière étanche avec la Serbie, les deux États doivent « gérer cette question migratoire conjointement ».

      Zagreb propose son aide, les nationalistes croates s’enflamment

      « La #Croatie est prête à s’adapter à la situation de crise et à accueillir des enfants non-accompagnés », assure la ministre de la Démographie, de la Famille, de la Jeunesse et de la Politique sociale de Croatie Vesna Bedeković. Des propos qui font suite à la promesse du Premier ministre Andrej Plenković d’accueillir près de 5000 mineurs isolés, aujourd’hui bloqués dans des camps en Grèce. Ces jeunes devraient être hébergés dans deux centres d’accueil à Zagreb et à Split.

      En pleine crise à la frontière gréco-turque, cette décision du gouvernement conservateur a provoqué une vague de réactions négatives, dans les médias et sur les réseaux sociaux.

      « Les habitants des communes frontalières ne se sentent pas en sécurité, surtout en cette période de travaux agricoles, ils n’osent pas travailler dans les champs, sortir le soir », a lancé le très nationaliste Marijan Pavliček, adjoint au maire de Vukovar et chef du Parti conservateur croate. Les forces de l’ordre croates patrouillent depuis plusieurs années à la frontière avec la Serbie pour empêcher l’entrée de migrants, n’hésitant pas à recourir à la violence.

      « Tous les moyens de force légitimes doivent être activés pour protéger la frontière », a de son côté réagi le député Hrvoje Zekanović, qui préside le parti des Souverainistes croates.

      En #Slovénie, le futur « gouvernement anti-migrants » se prépare

      Ces derniers jours, la Slovénie est avant tout préoccupée par le coronavirus. Pour empêcher sa propagation, le petit pays a d’ailleurs fini par fermer sa frontière avec l’Italie voisine.

      La directrice générale de la police slovène a néanmoins exprimé sa « grande préoccupation » dans les colonnes de Nedelo, le journal du dimanche. Plus de 1240 migrants sont entrés illégalement en Slovénie au mois de janvier, une hausse de plus de 20 % par rapport à l’an dernier. Les autorités se veulent néanmoins rassurantes, expliquant que Ljubljana est prête en cas de « nouvelle vague migratoire ». Deux camions d’aide humanitaire ont été envoyés en renfort à la frontière gréco-turque.

      Anže Logar, qui doit prendre la tête du ministère des Affaires étrangères du futur gouvernement dirigé par Janez Janša, a annoncé mardi qu’il allait renforcer « pour le bien commun »la coopération avec les pays voisins, à commencer par la Croatie, « au vu de la crise sanitaire et migratoire inédite ».

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Refugies-la-haine-se-reveille-tout-au-long-de-la-route-des-Balkan

  • Mi smo tu / Noi siamo qui : sul confine tra l’Isonzo e la Balkan route

    Questo post nasce dopo un’escursione sul #Carso triestino seguendo i sentieri percorsi dai migranti. A spingerci la retorica sull’invasione e le continue richieste di provvedimenti straordinari e strumenti tecnologici (ultimo caso, l’ipotetico ricorso alle fototrappole) a fare da argine ai passaggi di persone attraverso i confini.

    Nel frattempo l’escalation di violenza di questi giorni – caratterizzata dall’ipocrisia della faccia moderata dell’Unione europea, più fascista dei fasci stessi, come abbiamo visto in Grecia dove del resto anche i fascisti sono impegnati, Alba dorata in testa, nella caccia al migrante – ha spostato su un piano se possibile ancora più deteriore e repressiva la politica verso i migranti.

    È domenica mattina, il cielo è coperto e noi quattro stiamo per percorrere una delle tratte finali della “Balkan Route” al contrario. Attraverseremo la frontiera dal bosco, perché oggi noi possiamo farlo. Cammineremo un passo dopo l’altro lungo una delle vie di entrata in Europa su cui hanno mosso i loro passi migliaia di persone in fuga da guerre, violenza, repressione politica, o semplicemente in cammino, vive, con lo sguardo aperto verso ciò che verrà.
    “Quando senti parlare del Carso ti immagini un territorio lunare, un cumulo di pietre scaricato dagli dei sulla terra Kras”, dice Davide, che del Carso conosce ogni piega, ogni pietra, sentiero e anfratto. E ogni singolo accento della lingua locale, che è anche la sua.

    Il Carso terreno duro, aspro, a tratti gentile. Un territorio brutalmente lacerato dalle XII battaglie dell’Isonzo e poi dalla Seconda guerra mondiale che ha lasciato molte ferite aperte. Alcune come in questi giorni si riaprono nel giorno in cui i fascisti carnefici si mascherano da vittime. Una striscia di terra, questa, che ha dato aiuto alla resistenza partigiana, quella che da est ha liberato queste terre dal nazifascismo affermando: “Mi smo tu” (noi siamo qui), come riecheggia in un inno dei partigiani del Litorale che viene tuttora cantato ogni anno alla Risiera di San Sabba il 25 aprile.

    Una terra divisa in due da un confine invisibile, alberi e rocce calcaree, taglienti come lame, prati e voragini che si aprono all’improvviso, fiumi sotterranei che continuano per chilometri unendo un territorio che la politica ha diviso e continua a farlo. Un frontiera invisibile che riprende forma con le resistenze di oggi, quelle dei migranti che attraversano questi boschi e camminano su queste pietre, le stesse su cui camminiamo noi, respirando libertà.

    Le prime vittime del “viaggio” di cui possiamo ricordarci risalgono agli anni Settanta. Morirono in tre. Congelati sulle pietre del gelido Carso. Trovarono pace grazie al sindaco partigiano che di morti in cerca di libertà ne aveva visti molti.
    Una storia ormai molto lontana, ma qui si continua a passare, sperare, morire… L’ultima delle vittime è caduta poche settimane fa, all’alba del primo giorno di questi anni Venti. Si tratta di Sid Ahmed Bendisari, precipitato da venti metri di altezza in fondo ad un burrone sotto il monte Carso poco distante dal castello di San Servolo. Un errore nel percorso, la stanchezza, forse un inciampo e scivola giù. Avrebbe compiuto trent’anni il prossimo 8 novembre. Impossibile trovare il suo nome sulla stampa nella consueta damnatio memorie riservata alle morti dei migranti. Morte di un padre. Sua moglie era con lui. Loro figlio attendeva ad Aïn Témouchent in Algeria a neanche trecento chilometri da Melilla, Spagna, Europa. Per tentare di raggiungerla sua mamma e suo papà dopo aver attraversato il nord Africa hanno proseguito il viaggio fino alla Turchia, quindi ai Balcani e quindi la morte a Trieste in una sorta di circumnavigazione terrestre del Mediterraneo per evitare un muro.

    *

    Vogliamo cercare di capirne qualcosa di più, per questo ci siamo detti, la cosa migliore è andare, muovere i nostri passi tra questi boschi e queste rocce. La nostra storia parte a pochi chilometri da Trieste, da Boršt, tradotto, chissà perché, Sant’Antonio in Bosco, frazione del comune di Dolina, San Dorligo della Valle come era stato goffamente italianizzato. In una giornata uggiosa di inizio febbraio ci avventuriamo nella landa carsica avvelenata dai nuvoloni neri che come ogni anno imperversano sopra Bazovica/Basovizza il 10 del mese. Questo febbraio, come non accadeva da almeno trent’anni, nazionalisti e ultradestra hanno perfino organizzato, senza nessuno che vi si opponesse come in passato, un corteo per le vie del paese: un reflusso di putrefazione e morte aliene alla terra che calpestiamo.

    Ci incamminiamo – Elena, Alessandro, Luca e Davide – percorrendo una delle vie dove i migranti sognano la libertà ma molto spesso cadono nelle trappole della paranoia creata dai politicanti per avere un consenso politico. Tutto qui si trasforma in futuri voti per il lato marcio della nostra società, i politici saldamente ancorati sulle loro sedie e quelli che da loro si aspettano dei favori.
    Il Carso di oggi è un misto di elementi diversi non solo umani: animali, vegetali e perfino minerali qui convivono senza l’assurda pretesa di affermare “questo è il mio territorio”, cosa che noi bipedi pensanti non capiremo mai. Nel bosco ci sono diverse varietà: querce, frassini, carpini e pini.

    E proprio il pino nero, ci diciamo, è un migrante della prima ora: piantato centinaia di anni fa per il rimboschimento del Carso e non autoctono, ora guardalo, come si trova a proprio agio in un territorio che nel bene o nel male lo ha ospitato. Sul pino nero le processionarie nidificano per poi liberare dei bruchi che in fila partono alla ricerca di un rifugio dove trasformarsi. Il loro incolonnamento ci fa pensare alla storia di queste terre, alle guardie di confine che si notavano durante la Guerra fredda, su e giù tra i boschi. Ora i migranti, anche loro in fila, per non perdersi, nella boscaglia e su questo terreno impervio. Dei confini di allora rimangono solo dei cartelloni tra gli alberi che avvertono la fine di uno stato e l’inizio di un altro. Era un territorio libero dalle ideologie e nazionalismi che in questi giorni vengono rimarcati nel giorno del vittimismo fascista, quello che ha lacerato con odio e intolleranza per sempre queste terre.

    Ci guardiamo un po’ in giro per scovare le fototrappole tanto sbandierate dai gerarchi leghisti, uno dei motivi per cui ci siamo messi in cammino. Non ne troviamo traccia delle scatole malefiche, che non verranno mai usate contro chi getta rifiuti nei boschi. Di rifiuti, purtroppo, ce ne sono in abbondanza. Chissà se chi li ha lasciati poi nelle città predica il decoro, chissà se si indigna per quelle due cose abbandonate dai migranti in fuga da guerre e fame.
    Nel grigiore dell’inverno che non c’è si notano le postazioni dei cacciatori, quelli che non accettano animali e mal sopportano i forestieri in cerca di pace, diventando i nuovi guardiani del confine nei tempi della evocata caccia ai migranti. Ne incontriamo un paio con il cane al guinzaglio. Ci guardano in maniera diffidente, sembrano non accettare le nostre ombre e il nostro cane che corre libero intontito dagli odori della natura e per nulla interessato alle regole di noi umani.

    Con passo lento si continua sulla strada del ritorno e all’arrivo davanti ad una birra ci confrontiamo su una giornata decisamente molotov.

    *

    Andando il corpo si attiva, e si attivano pensieri e riflessioni che condividiamo tra noi. Alessandro raccoglie le voci, vede le tracce, ascolta i racconti di chi attraversa l’altipiano, lui che vive qui, nella sua casa in pietra lontana dal traffico della città. È lui a guidarci nella ricostruzione di queste due storie, mentre camminiamo.

    Molti anni fa, 47 per la precisione. Sera del 12 novembre, anno 1973. Bora forte e novembre freddo – una volta era così! – in località Boršt/Sant’Antonio in Bosco, pochi chilometri da Trieste e altrettanti dal ciglione carsico con relativo confine. Cinque persone provenienti dal Mali bussano alla porta di una casa ai margini del paese. Erano arrivati in aereo a Spalato, poi in bus sino a Fiume. Volevano raggiungere Venezia, per poi recarsi in Francia, con la promessa di un lavoro, in nero si scoprirà in seguito.
    Qualcuno disse che dietro a tutto questo poteva esserci un’organizzazione che gestiva un traffico illegale di potenziali lavoratori da sistemare in Europa, le indagini successive non hanno portato a niente di rilevante. In ogni caso, qualcosa deve essere andato storto ai cinque ragazzi, forse non erano riusciti ad avere un visto, non lo sappiamo. Di certo erano in Jugoslavia, e per muoversi da li rimaneva come unica soluzione quella di andare a piedi a correggere la fortuna, verso un sogno occidentale. Erano a piedi quando arrivarono a Boršt, bussarono a una porta, avevano fame e freddo, molto freddo. Ma nessuno gli aprì.
    I cinque trascorsero la notte nei paraggi del casello ferroviario in disuso. Tre persone su cinque morirono assiderate, una persona seppur in gravi condizioni riuscì a salvarsi, mentre un’altra riuscì a richiamare l’attenzione di un abitante del luogo.
    Arrivarono i soccorsi, troppo tardi purtroppo. Persero la vita #Seydou_Dembele, anni 22, #Mamdor_Niakhate, anni 19, e #Diambou_Lassana, anni 27. Dopo quasi un mese venne ritrovato un altro corpo, quello di #Djibi_Somaili, anni 25; lui veniva dalla Mauritania.

    Si fanno molte supposizioni circa la loro presenza e la loro morte, alla fine la realtà emerge nuda e cruda, sono morti per assideramento. E per fame.
    La comunità del luogo rimase molto colpita, il piccolo paese di Boršt/Sant’Antonio in Bosco, fa parte del comune di San Dorligo, non del comune di Trieste, e nella tragedia di quel freddo inverno la piccola comunità si è stretta attorno a quei poveri migranti in fuga per una vita migliore donandogli pace nel cimitero del paese.
    Un paese che, già prima della Seconda guerra mondiale, ha conosciuto i valori della fratellanza e della solidarietà: qui è nato Drago Žerjal tra i fondatori nel 1927 della triestina Borba (Lotta in sloveno), organizzazione che aveva come obiettivo la “lotta senza compromessi contro il fascismo e per l’annessione del Litorale e dell’Istria alla Jugoslavia”.
    Si decide allora di procedere ad una sepoltura delle quattro persone nel piccolo cimitero del paese, in un luogo dello stesso cimitero esposto al sole, dove ogni anno vengono ricordati e commemorati.
    Partecipano in tanti al funerale, in pratica l’intera comunità e le tombe sono sempre curate e ricoperte di fiori freschi, su una lapide un braccialetto africano messo di recente. Oltre il muro di quel cimitero si vedono il monte Carso e, dall’altro lato, il mare.

    Ci guardiamo, non si sa se siamo più tristi o incazzati. Una disgrazia quella di Boršt: il freddo, la notte e la paura forse l’hanno generata. Chissà chi c’era dietro a quella porta che non è stata aperta. Forse una parte di ciascuna e ciascuno di noi.

    La seconda ricostruzione ci porta indietro solo di qualche settimana da oggi, al primo gennaio, anno bisesto 2020. È sempre Alessandro a parlare. Un uomo percorre a piedi, da solo, ci dice, la strada che dai pressi del Castello di San Servolo, sul confine tra Slovenia e Italia, porta alla stazione centrale ferroviaria di Trieste. Non so quanto sia la distanza in chilometri, so che è lunga, in particolar modo per chi viene da lontano e di questi luoghi non conosce niente. Non so se sia arrivato di corsa, quante strade abbia sbagliato, quante voci lo abbiano ignorato. Quanta forza e rabbia abbia avuto dentro sé.
    Entra in un bar, uno all’interno conosce il suo dialetto e capisce. Chiede aiuto, dice che un uomo, un suo amico, è precipitato nel vuoto “in montagna”. Per fortuna gli credono, lo caricano in macchina e lui li porta nel posto dove tutto questo si è verificato, su uno dei ciglioni della Val Rosandra.
    Poche ore prima, sul far del mattino, mentre tanti ancora dormivano per i fasti della nottata di Capodanno, un uomo di 29 anni, stava attraversando il confine assieme alla moglie di 27 anni e un amico, non conoscendo affatto la conformità del terreno carsico e il territorio circostante. Vengono dall’Algeria, sono arrivati qui attraverso la rotta balcanica e non passando per Gibilterra, più vicina al suo paese ma presidiata oltremodo per impedire il passaggio dei migranti.
    Hanno un figlio di 6 mesi, rimasto con i nonni in Algeria. La maggior parte dei migranti arriva attraverso la rotta balcanica partendo dal Pakistan, dall’Afghanistan e dall’Algeria.
    A pochi metri dalla moglie, all’improvviso, l’uomo scivola in un dirupo, venti metri più in basso. Impossibile raggiungerlo e cercare di dargli aiuto. L’amico poco distante dal luogo della tragedia non esita e si lancia in discesa senza sapere dove andare, verso un paese, in cerca di aiuto.
    Quando arrivano i soccorsi, il Soccorso Alpino di Trieste e i Vigili del Fuoco, per il giovane migrante non c’è più niente da fare. La moglie, in evidente e comprensibile stato di choc, sarà assistita dalla Caritas Diocesana di Trieste e richiederà asilo politico in Italia.
    Quanta strada hanno percorso viaggiando a piedi tra deserti, attraversando mari, rischiando in ogni giorno la vita nell’attraversare frontiere spesso invisibili senza capire dove realmente sarebbero arrivati. Quanti di noi sarebbero disposti a fare qualcosa del genere in cerca di un posto dove poter vivere liberi. Loro lo hanno fatto. Erano vicini alla meta, una meta alta venti ripidi metri di roccia calcarea. Nessuna targa, nessun ricordo per loro.

    In questo presente rosso sangue, non potevano mancare “i migliori”. La notizia di questa tragedia, data in pasto nei ritrovi delle carogne, metteva in luce quello che possiamo poi osservare ogni giorno, purtroppo, con commenti di questo genere:

    Niente ferie per i coglioni con tastiera, nessuna pausa per i cervelli in pausa. Poi fa niente se non venivano dal Marocco, fa niente se il reddito di cittadinanza non ci azzecca per un cazzo.

    *

    La zona della Val Rosandra è una delle tante vie di accesso che dalla Slovenia scendono verso Trieste e i suoi mezzi di trasporto, verso Milano o ancora oltre verso la Germania, la Francia e il resto d’Europa. Non è raro trovare mucchi di abiti, zaini, sacchi a pelo, documenti nei sentieri della Valle, battuti anche dalle centinaia di turisti e camminatori delle domeniche fuori porta. Da Draga a Boršt, nei pressi delle falesie dove arrampicava Comici, si snoda un nuovo crocevia di sentieri verso la speranza di un avvenire.

    Va a periodi, dipende anche dal tempo, se piove è più probabile, ci dice Alessandro. Nei mesi estivi di pomeriggio, nei mesi freddi al mattino. Non sono statistiche provate, è la mia esperienza. Passano anche quando tira vento forte, e la gente di norma sta chiusa in casa.

    Li incontro spesso, passano in pratica davanti casa. Non sono mai soli, generalmente in gruppi da 5 a 10 persone. Finora tra le persone che ho incontrato c’erano solamente uomini, anche se sarebbe più corretto definirli ragazzi. Non hanno in genere, credo, più di 20 anni, molti direi erano minori, anche se l’idea di minore per noi non coincide con quella dei paesi da dove provengono.
    Come siano potuti arrivare al confine che non c’è, quello tra Slovenia e Italia, non lo so e nemmeno ho mai pensato di chiederglielo. Non avrebbe senso e perché poi dovrebbero dirlo proprio a me.
    Non è poi così complicato parlare con alcuni di loro, superata una prima, doverosa, diffidenza. Non chiedono nulla, e non si aspettano nulla da noi “locali”. Di solito almeno uno in ciascun gruppo parla l’ inglese, e così può iniziare un dialogo per loro insperato.
    Non vogliono né acqua né cibo; non hanno nulla, né borse né zaini. Chiedono soltanto come arrivare alla stazione ferroviaria, ma non sanno esattamente dove si trovano. Alla faccia dei GPS e dei navigatori satellitari, non sanno nulla. Chi racconta il contrario racconta cazzate.
    Alcuni aspetti di questi incontri li tralascio. I telefoni in loro possesso, a volte tutt’altro che moderni, non funzionano, necessitano di una scheda diciamo “europea”. Che non hanno con sé e non sanno dove acquistare.

    Mi è capitato di incontrarli in giornate di pioggia, completamente fradici, forse avevano un cambio di indumenti, forse no, ma non mi hanno chiesto nulla, nemmeno di potersi in qualche modo asciugare.
    Mi sono chiesto quale strada o meglio sentiero percorrano, con quale logica. L’impressione è che vengano abbandonati a se stessi, ad un certo punto, qualche volta addirittura a ridosso della superstrada, delimitata da reti piuttosto alte e con i rischi che ne possono conseguire.
    Per la mia esperienza, superato il primo momento, e forse il timore legittimo di fronte a uno sconosciuto, l’aiuto offerto viene di buon grado accettato, sono già contenti e sorpresi che qualcuno gli parli senza chiedere nulla in cambio.
    Non mi è capitato di incrociare nessuno che avesse come obiettivo quello di rimanere qui. Cercano la stazione e il modo di arrivarci. Tutti i fenomeni che sostengono il contrario semplicemente non ci hanno mai scambiato parola, per paura o chissà ché. Questo è un fatto importante, che rende bene l’idea di quanto stupidità mista a ignoranza vi sia nel giudicare questa, a volte tragica, migrazione.

    Ci sono più o meno 5.500 chilometri tra Pakistan e Italia, mi sembrerebbe assurdo che questi ragazzi si sobbarchino un viaggio come questo avendo come meta… Trieste! Con tutto il rispetto, ma davvero sembra poco plausibile. Eppure ne avanza di gente che sui social media dice questo, chissà poi su quali basi.
    Per quanto ho potuto capire io, questi ragazzi sanno dove vogliono arrivare, il problema è che spesso usciti dai boschi non sanno dove si trovano e tanto meno come proseguire. La prima sfida è spiegare come prendere un mezzo pubblico, cos’è una obliteratrice (!), e che il biglietto a bordo non si può fare. Ecco, si inizia da qui.
    Da molti non sono ben visti, quando transitano per le stradine dei paesi, quando camminano semplicemente lungo la strada provinciale. Difficile che qualcuno gli rivolga la parola. La sensazione è che ci sia una sorta di paura non qualificabile che pervade gli abitanti del posto, anche coloro che molti anni fa erano trattati da chi risiedeva in città come un popolo da civilizzare, un popolo da educare alle buone maniere, da far mangiare con le posate…

    Ho assistito di persona a comportamenti schizofrenici da parte dei locali, a invocazioni di giustizia sommaria e di interventi immediati e risolutivi da parte dell’autorità. Stavano osservando solo persone che camminavano, che stavano seduti a terra. La gratitudine nei loro occhi invece io non la scordo e non la scorderò facilmente osservandoli nel momento in cui associano nei miei confronti e nei confronti della mia compagna un senso di fratellanza e solidarietà, espresso e condiviso senza dover dare niente in cambio.
    Un aiuto sostanziale, importante quanto una parola e un sorriso, un consiglio circa la strada da percorrere e la distanza dal primo treno a disposizione, un biglietto dell’autobus visto come un miraggio e l’imitazione del rumore dell’obliteratrice per azzerare i sospetti del guidatore e farlo star tranquillo.

    *

    Mentre continuiamo a camminare, riflettiamo sulla tratta migratoria balcanica, e su come, a differenza del tratto di mare tra nord Africa e Lampedusa su cui sono stati scritti libri e fatti film anche di successo, si faccia fatica a produrre una narrazione – e quindi un immaginario – diverso da quello prodotto dalla stampa, che vada oltre la cronaca dei giornali.

    Sono ancora troppo pochi i documenti video che raccontino le difficoltà, la violenza, l’abuso di potere sofferti da migliaia di persone ogni anno lungo la via balcanica. Almeno 50 mila nel 2019, secondo l’UNHCR. Tra i documenti più completi e recenti c’è quello offerto da Hassan Fazili e Fatima Hussaini, marito e moglie, afgani, registi, che con le loro due figlie Nargis e Zahra sono partiti per il viaggio per fuggire dalla pena di morte decisa dai talebani, che dal 2015 pendeva sulla testa di Hassan. Dopo una prima fuga in Tagikistan, e svariate richieste di asilo, la coppia decide di giocarsi l’ultima e la più pericolosa delle carte nelle loro mani: mettersi nelle mani dei trafficanti per arrivare in Germania, attraverso la Balkan Route. Raccontando la loro storia con i tre cellulari che avevano con loro. Dopo tre anni di viaggio “in cui a ogni passo avanti ci sembrava di cadere sempre più in basso”, la famiglia ce l’ha fatta. Il racconto e la denuncia di questo viaggio sono diventati Midnight Traveler, un documentario presentato al Festival di Berlino nel 2019.

    *

    Non è facile trovare e seguire le tracce. Cosa da animali da fiuto – come Lars, il compagno a quattro zampe che ci accompagna – o da nativi, anche se qui non è la pelle ad essere rossa ma il cuore.
    L’estrema difficoltà del controllo di questo territorio poroso e selvatico è ben chiaro a chi vuole imporre la rigida sorveglianza su tutto ciò che si muove.

    La Croazia ha fatto scuola. Oltre alla violenza, gli strumenti di repressione e controllo, là fanno ampio uso della tecnologia che ora si vorrebbe importare sul Carso. L’idea di controllare questo altipiano e coloro che ci vivevano e lo attraversavano ha iniziato ad essere una specie di ossessione dagli anni Venti del secolo scorso del resto, durante il fascismo, anche se molti qui ora si sono dimenticati della discriminazione subita dai propri nonni.
    In Croazia, oltre a filo spinato e agenti robocop, vengono impiegati anche un piccolo aeroplano, droni e fototrappole.

    La proposta di un muro con cui chiudere l’altipiano carsico, non molto originale, lanciata dal governatore della Regione Friuli Venezia giulia Fedriga ha fatto molto parlare, ma vista l’impossibilità della sua realizzazione è caduta nel vuoto.
    «Un muro sul Carso è come frustare il mare» ha scritto Adriano Sofri parafrasando Erodoto (Il martire fascista, Sellerio editore, p. 27).
    L’idea di usare dei droni a scopo di controllo anti migranti invece nasce dall’Agenzia di Confine e Guardia Costiera Europea, Frontex, ed è stato usato nel tratto di mare a sud di Lampedusa.
    Da noi, dopo essere stato proposto insieme al dispiegamento dell’esercito da parte del post fascista Scoccimarro, a breve diventerà realtà grazie alla iniziativa della sindaca sceriffa di Monfalcone Anna Maria Cisint (che del resto lo vuole usare a 360° per preservare – e lo ripete come un mantra – “decoro e sicurezza”, ma si dovrebbe ormai essere capito che i dispositivi messi in atto contro i migranti presto o tardi si ritorcono contro tuttx). Bisogna fare notare come il comune di Monfalcone, il cui limite nord orientale è sì segnato dalle prime propaggini del Carso ma, per quanto vicino al confine, non è interessato da transiti di migranti né da sconfinamenti. In ogni caso ai cittadini di Monfalcone (o sudditi visto come vengono trattati?) toccherà pagare 10.000 € per un drone di ultima generazione con faretto con cui illuminare dall’alto una parte del territorio, visore notturno e telecamera termica utilissima anche per controllare le pisciate fatte per strada (uno dei problemi che affligge la cittadina a quanto pare).

    La proposta sempre da parte del governatore Fedriga di utilizzare delle fototrappole invece è piuttosto recente, arrivata neanche due settimane dopo la morte del giovane algerino in Val Rosandra.
    Non è chiaro se questa proposta, come per il muro, resterà lettera morta o se, come il drone di Cisint, possa effettivamente venire messo in pratica magari tramite i medesimi fondi elargiti sotto forma di contributi per la sicurezza.
    Di certo sul Carso le fototrappole già ci sono. Sono quelle usate a fini naturalistici o venatori. Questi apparecchi diffusi lungo tutto l’altopiano ci risulta abbiano già intercettato e fotografato persone di passaggio… Ma pensare di usare le foto trappole per il controllo dei migranti ci sembra sia una trovata assurda, oltre che irrealizzabile dal punto di vista legale. Ci sembra di capire che l’uso di fototrappole sia regolato dal punto di vista giuridico, dalla legge sulle intercettazioni telefoniche. Ovvero le forze dell’ordine possono utilizzarle a fronte di un mandato verso una persona specifica [non sembra sia consentito dalla legge un uso, diciamo così, generalizzato]. Ad esempio la guardia forestale, quando trova uno scarico abusivo di rifiuti, può attivare solo una denuncia contro ignoti, non può usare le fototrappole per monitorare l’area perché si tratta di un reato non imputabile a un responsabile specifico. Idem per le azioni contro il bracconaggio. E per tracciare il passaggio dei migranti quindi?

    *

    Ma quando e dove passano i migranti che attraversano a piedi il confine per arrivare a Trieste, si chiedono Luca ed Elena mentre procede la nostra escursione. Le tratte sono molte, i boschi sono un reticolo di sentieri e di passaggi, avventurarsi da soli sarebbe troppo rischioso. Ma non sono sempre così rischiosi i percorsi se ci si affida a chi li conosce. Difficile credere nello spirito umanitario di chi si presta, e chi lo facesse riceverebbe minacce di delazione ed insulti.

    I passaggi avvengono spesso al primo mattino, spesso di domenica nella illusione che ci siano minori controlli. A quanto abbiamo potuto vedere invece si direbbe che nelle prime ore del mattino dei giorni festivi ci sia nei pressi del confine una maggiore concentrazione di militari e forze dell’ordine che non sono spiegabili altrimenti che in un impiego che funzioni da controllo e da filtro.
    Parlando tra noi, l’ipotesi che le uscite insensate dei fascio-leghisti locali sulle fototrappole voglia essere una risposta alle pance del loro elettorato, per dire che anche in regione ci stiamo attrezzando per creare “dei disincentivi al passaggio”, è quella che si fa più strada. D’altronde alcuni dei passaggi attraverso i nostri boschi sono assolutamente sconosciuti alla massa degli escursionisti della domenica, lasciando libertà di azione ai militari che si posizionassero qui, e che volessero seguire i loro colleghi oltreconfine nella pratica illegale dei pushback. Una pratica già denunciata in passato su questo confine, come raccontato da Avvenire, con il presunto coinvolgimento della polizia italiana. Non c’è stato modo di capire se il governo abbia deciso di aprire o meno un’indagine sulla scorta della denuncia delle persone respinte.

    I pushback e le annesse violenze sono purtroppo all’ordine del giorno sul confine tra Bosnia e Croazia, anche se alcune delle denunce raccolte dagli attivisti di No Names Kitchen ci dicono che si contano dei casi anche nei pressi del confine italiano. L’ultima denuncia è di un anno fa, il respingimento sarebbe avvenuto a danno di cinque persone provenienti dalla Tunisia, appena a qualche chilometro da dove siamo noi oggi.

    Nella nostra passeggiata passiamo sotto l’autostrada e sbuchiamo nei pressi di uno dei valichi confinari più trafficati. Nel sottopasso tracce del transito di migranti: cumuli di vestiti, un sacco a pelo lacero, scarpe rotte. Molte le scritte sui muri in caratteri arabi o urdu: sono nomi di persone. Ahmed un nome tra i tanti, di “uno dei tanti figli di figli” che ritorna in questa storia.
    Qui vicino, ce ne accorgiamo dal passaggio di un paio di ragazzi punjabi di ritorno dal supermercato del paese, c’è Casa Malala, un centro di accoglienza collettivo di recente passato di gestione al gruppo Ors, costola dell’agenzia interinale Adecco e con casa madre a Zurigo in Svizzera.
    Questa è una delle conseguenze dei “decreti sicurezza” sui bandi per la gestione di centri di accoglienza: lo smantellamento dell’accoglienza diffusa e il conferimento della conduzione a organizzazioni distanti dai territori e dai bisogni di tuttx, da un lato e dall’altro delle porte dei centri di accoglienza. E anche di cattiva accoglienza si muore.

    Ai piedi dell’altra estremità del Carso, oltre il fiume Isonzo – che in quel tratto divide Friuli e Bisiacaria – c’è il CARA, Centro di Accoglienza per Richiedenti Asilo, un grande campo per persone in attesa di definizione della propria domanda di richiesta di protezione internazionale. Le persone che lì vengono fatte vivere possono uscire e lo fanno per sfuggire ai ritmi istituzionali, ma anche ai gusti e alle mura che sono condivise in parte con quelle del Centro Per il Rimpatrio (CPR). Il primo richiedente asilo ad annegare nelle limpide acque turchesi della Soča, come suona al femminile in sloveno, è stato Taimur Shinwari che il 7 agosto 2015 è morto di mancata accoglienza dopo solo quattro giorni dal sua arrivo in Italia. A luglio 2016 è stata la volta di Zarzai Mirwais, afghano. Negli ultimi mesi altri sono scomparsi in quelle acque: il 14 giugno scorso ha deciso di troncare la sua esistenza Sajid Hussain che con lo smantellamento dell’accoglienza diffusa – piccoli appartamenti indipendenti con ampi spazi di autonomia per chi ci vive – è stato condotto al CARA. Qui viveva nella speranza di ottenere un rientro in Pakistan da moglie e figlio in tempi brevi, dal momento che aveva richiesto di essere inserito nei programmi di rimpatrio volontario. Rimpatrio che poi per lui è arrivato solo dentro a una bara. Pochi giorni dopo la morte di Sajid un altro suo connazionale ha tentato il suicidio gettandosi in quel fiume. Atif invece nel fiume ci è scivolato per sbaglio e nessuno lo ha più ritrovato: era il 18 dicembre. Esattamente un mese dopo, il 18 gennaio, a Gradisca d’Isonzo è morto, a quanto riferito dopo un pestaggio da parte delle forze dell’ordine, Vakhtang Enukidze, georgiano di 38 anni. Era rinchiuso tra le mura del CPR come un carcerato in base al malsano concetto di “detenzione amministrativa”. Lui l’Isonzo probabilmente non lo ha mai neppure visto.

    Fiumi, confini e migrazioni hanno un profondo legame. Spesso i confini vengono tracciati in corrispondenza di barriere naturali: monti, deserti e, appunto, fiumi. La rotta balcanica ce lo dimostra: dall’Evros che segna il confine tra Grecia e Turchia dove in questi giorni si spara contro i migranti, al Suva Reka tra Grecia e Macedonia, il fiume Kolpa in Slovenia che si dice Kupa sul versante croato, fino al Mura tra Slovenia, Austria e Ungheria. Questo naturalizza il regime delle frontiere conducendo ad una visione del migrante come figura deviante. Un agente patologico o virale che infrange quanto si vuole come naturale. Nei tempi del Corona virus la cosa raggiunge il parossismo (si veda il box a lato).
    Ma il cammino della rotta balcanica è tagliato dai molti torrenti e piccoli corsi d’acqua di Bosnia e Croazia fino a quelli pieni di storia come il Danubio, la Drava o l’Isonzo. Ci vorrebbe un Ungaretti a ricantare questi fiumi colmi di sangue e il loro legame con guerra, morte e migrazioni.

    http://www.alpinismomolotov.org/wordpress/2020/03/09/mi-smo-tu-noi-siamo-qui-sul-confine-tra-lisonzo-e-la-balkan-route
    #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Alpes #montagne #frontière_sud-alpine #Italie #Slovénie #histoire

    –---

    Dans cet article une partie est dédiée à 4 personnes migrantes mortes dans ces montagnes carstiques dans les années 1970...

    Molti anni fa, 47 per la precisione. Sera del 12 novembre, anno 1973. Bora forte e novembre freddo – una volta era così! – in località #Boršt / #Sant’Antonio_in_Bosco, pochi chilometri da Trieste e altrettanti dal ciglione carsico con relativo confine. Cinque persone provenienti dal Mali bussano alla porta di una casa ai margini del paese. Erano arrivati in aereo a Spalato, poi in bus sino a Fiume. Volevano raggiungere Venezia, per poi recarsi in Francia, con la promessa di un lavoro, in nero si scoprirà in seguito.
    Qualcuno disse che dietro a tutto questo poteva esserci un’organizzazione che gestiva un traffico illegale di potenziali lavoratori da sistemare in Europa, le indagini successive non hanno portato a niente di rilevante. In ogni caso, qualcosa deve essere andato storto ai cinque ragazzi, forse non erano riusciti ad avere un visto, non lo sappiamo. Di certo erano in Jugoslavia, e per muoversi da li rimaneva come unica soluzione quella di andare a piedi a correggere la fortuna, verso un sogno occidentale. Erano a piedi quando arrivarono a Boršt, bussarono a una porta, avevano fame e freddo, molto freddo. Ma nessuno gli aprì.
    I cinque trascorsero la notte nei paraggi del casello ferroviario in disuso. Tre persone su cinque morirono assiderate, una persona seppur in gravi condizioni riuscì a salvarsi, mentre un’altra riuscì a richiamare l’attenzione di un abitante del luogo.
    Arrivarono i soccorsi, troppo tardi purtroppo. Persero la vita #Seydou_Dembele, anni 22, #Mamdor_Niakhate, anni 19, e #Diambou_Lassana, anni 27. Dopo quasi un mese venne ritrovato un altro corpo, quello di #Djibi_Somaili, anni 25; lui veniva dalla Mauritania.


    Si fanno molte supposizioni circa la loro presenza e la loro morte, alla fine la realtà emerge nuda e cruda, sono morti per assideramento. E per fame.
    Si decide allora di procedere ad una sepoltura delle quattro persone nel piccolo cimitero del paese, in un luogo dello stesso cimitero esposto al sole, dove ogni anno vengono ricordati e commemorati.
    Partecipano in tanti al funerale, in pratica l’intera comunità e le tombe sono sempre curate e ricoperte di fiori freschi, su una lapide un braccialetto africano messo di recente. Oltre il muro di quel cimitero si vedono il monte Carso e, dall’altro lato, il mare.

    #cimetière #morts #décès #mourir_aux_frontières

    • #San_Dorligo ricorda gli immigrati africani morti di freddo nel ’73

      «Immigrati per la speranza» è il titolo della giornata commemorativa con la quale il Comune di San Dorligo della Valle celebrerà oggi il 35.o anniversario del ritrovamento dei primi immigrati clandestini africani morti nell’entrare in Italia.
      La storia.1973, autunno estremamente rigido con una temperatura stimata sui 5 gradi. Tra il 12 e il 13 novembre la Val Rosandra, teatro risaputo di diversi passaggi di clandestini che dall’ex Iugoslavia cercano di approdare in Italia, viene attraversata da sei immigrati africani, con meta finale la Francia. Dopo avere lasciato le proprie case arrivando in aereo a Spalato e avere proseguito in bus fino a Fiume, appena giunti in Italia i giovani sono sorpresi dal freddo, essendo già affaticati dalla mancanza di cibo. Un mix che per quattro di loro si rivelerà letale. Seydou Dembele (22 anni), Mamdor Niakhate (19), Diambou Lassana (27) tutti e tre provenienti dal Mali e Djibj Somaili (25) originario della Mauritania, trovano un’orrenda morte nella Val Rosandra. I loro corpi vengono seppelliti nel cimitero di Sant’Antonio in Bosco con funerali a spese del Comune di San Dorligo della Valle.
      Queste le significative parole espresse dall’allora sindaco Dušan Lovriha: «Non sono stati uccisi né dalla bora né dal freddo della notte di questo nostro territorio ma dall’avidità degli sfruttatori del lavoro, dai resti del colonialismo della seconda metà del 20° secolo. L’arretratezza, la mancanza di sviluppo, la fame che attanagliano due terzi della popolazione mondiale, hanno acceso in questi poveri giovani la speranza di potere trovare in un’Europa industrialmente sviluppata la soluzione alla loro sofferenza millenaria. Questo corteo funebre sia allora di monito alla coscienza umana, affinché si renda conto che questa gente non è straniera, anche se proviene da lontano e ha un colore della pelle diverso dal nostro».
      L’iniziativa.Il Comune di San Dorligo, la Provincia di Trieste, il Crelp (Coordinamento regionale degli enti locali per la Pace e i diritti umani), la Tavola della Pace del Fvg in collaborazione con il Circolo Skd Slovenec di Sant’Antonio in Bosco, hanno organizzato una serie di eventi per commemorare l’accaduto che nel 1973 scosse non poco l’opinione pubblica nonché l’intero paese di Sant’Antonio in Bosco. Alle 15 nella sala consiliare del Comune di San Dorligo della Valle si terrà una tavola rotonda sul tema dell’immigrazione, coordinata dall’assessore alla Cultura Tatjana Turco. Interverranno don Luigi Di Piazza del Centro Balducci di Zugliano, Abdou Faye responsabile dello Sportello immigrazione Cgil regionale, Alessandro Capuzzo della Tavola della Pace regionale e Mah Fofana, vice presidente dell’Unione comunità e associazioni immigrati. Nel pomeriggio spazio alla commemorazione delle vittime nel cimitero di Sant’Antonio in Bosco, alle 17. In serata a partire dalle 20 nel Teatro comunale Preseren di Bagnoli andrà di scena un programma culturale composto da letture e musica con Alessandra Kersevan e Alessio Velliscig, nonché un’esibizione degli alunni del Collegio del Mondo unito dell’Adriatico di Duino.

      https://ricerca.gelocal.it/ilpiccolo/archivio/ilpiccolo/2008/10/23/NZ_26_SPAL.html

  • Precipita da 20 metri e muore nel Carso : tentava di attraversare il confine sloveno

    Un uomo con cittadinanza marocchina è morto dopo essere precipitato in un burrone di oltre una ventina di metri sul Carso, in #Val_Rosandra (#Trieste), mentre tentava di attraversare il confine con l’Italia assieme alla moglie e ad alcuni compagni.

    L’uomo è finito nel dirupo sotto le pareti rocciose nei pressi del castello di #San_Servolo, in Slovenia, ma quando è stato soccorso le sue condizioni erano già gravi. Sul posto sono intervenuti i tecnici del Soccorso Alpino della stazione di Trieste, la Polizia di Stato, l’ambulanza e l’elisoccorso del Fvg che è stato autorizzato a procedere al recupero in territorio sloveno. L’operazione con il verricello non è semplice nella zona ricca di crepacci e fitta vegetazione.

    Il 18 dicembre un migrante pakistano di 32 anni è stato inghiottito dalle acque dell’Isonzo, nel tratto tra #Gradisca e #Sagrado. L’amico, anche lui richiedente asilo, aveva tentato inutilmente di salvarlo gettandosi nel fiume.

    Secondo la Questura, i rintracci di migranti a Trieste sono aumentati di «almeno il 50%» nel 2019 rispetto al 2018: negli ultimi 12 mesi la Polizia di Frontiera ha rintracciato circa 4 mila persone, a cui se ne aggiungono altre 1.300 che si sono presentate spontaneamente negli uffici della Questura per le pratiche amministrative e la richiesta di protezione". A Trieste sono giunti per lo più cittadini pachistani ("circa il 60% del totale") afghani, iracheni, siriani e bengalesi. Per quanto riguarda le espulsioni, ha precisato Petronzi, sono stati 210 gli stranieri irregolari espulsi dal territorio nazionale, «una decina in più rispetto al 2018».

    https://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2020/01/01/news/tenta_di_attraversare_confine_sloveno_precipita_per_20_metri-244767445

    #frontière_sud-alpine #décès #morts #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Slovénie #Italie #Carso #mourir_aux_frontières #Alpes #violent_borders

    Ajouté à cette métaliste des migrants morts dans les Alpes :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    • Un algerino è morto cadendo in un burrone lungo il confine sul monte Carso

      La vittima è un immigrato caduto in un precipizio vicino al castello di San Servolo, in territorio sloveno. Nelle operazioni impegnato il Soccorso alpino di Trieste. Per il recupero impegnato l’elisoccorso del FVG.

      Un uomo, un algerino è precipitato ed è morto in un burrone di una ventina di metri mentre tentava di attraversare con alcuni compagni il confine tra Slovenia e Italia. L’uomo è caduto poco dopo le 8 di stamattina in un burrone sotto le pareti rocciose del Monte Carso vicino al castello di San Servolo. la vittima insieme alla moglie algerina e a due immigrati marocchini voleva entrare in Italia. Sul posto i tecnici del Soccorso Alpino della stazione di Trieste, la polizia, l’ambulanza e l’elisoccorso regionale che é stato autorizzato a procedere al recupero in territorio sloveno. Il recupero con il verricello non sarà semplice data la presenza di vegetazione.

      https://www.rainews.it/tgr/fvg/articoli/2020/01/fvg-Monte-Carso-infortunio-166e0a56-dc7d-4b03-a030-acd4f544a5d9.html?wt_mc=2

    • La seconda ricostruzione ci porta indietro solo di qualche settimana da oggi, al primo gennaio, anno bisesto 2020. È sempre Alessandro a parlare. Un uomo percorre a piedi, da solo, ci dice, la strada che dai pressi del Castello di San Servolo, sul confine tra Slovenia e Italia, porta alla stazione centrale ferroviaria di Trieste. Non so quanto sia la distanza in chilometri, so che è lunga, in particolar modo per chi viene da lontano e di questi luoghi non conosce niente. Non so se sia arrivato di corsa, quante strade abbia sbagliato, quante voci lo abbiano ignorato. Quanta forza e rabbia abbia avuto dentro sé.
      Entra in un bar, uno all’interno conosce il suo dialetto e capisce. Chiede aiuto, dice che un uomo, un suo amico, è precipitato nel vuoto “in montagna”. Per fortuna gli credono, lo caricano in macchina e lui li porta nel posto dove tutto questo si è verificato, su uno dei ciglioni della Val Rosandra.
      Poche ore prima, sul far del mattino, mentre tanti ancora dormivano per i fasti della nottata di Capodanno, un uomo di 29 anni, stava attraversando il confine assieme alla moglie di 27 anni e un amico, non conoscendo affatto la conformità del terreno carsico e il territorio circostante. Vengono dall’Algeria, sono arrivati qui attraverso la rotta balcanica e non passando per Gibilterra, più vicina al suo paese ma presidiata oltremodo per impedire il passaggio dei migranti.
      Hanno un figlio di 6 mesi, rimasto con i nonni in Algeria. La maggior parte dei migranti arriva attraverso la rotta balcanica partendo dal Pakistan, dall’Afghanistan e dall’Algeria.
      A pochi metri dalla moglie, all’improvviso, l’uomo scivola in un dirupo, venti metri più in basso. Impossibile raggiungerlo e cercare di dargli aiuto. L’amico poco distante dal luogo della tragedia non esita e si lancia in discesa senza sapere dove andare, verso un paese, in cerca di aiuto.
      Quando arrivano i soccorsi, il Soccorso Alpino di Trieste e i Vigili del Fuoco, per il giovane migrante non c’è più niente da fare. La moglie, in evidente e comprensibile stato di choc, sarà assistita dalla Caritas Diocesana di Trieste e richiederà asilo politico in Italia.
      Quanta strada hanno percorso viaggiando a piedi tra deserti, attraversando mari, rischiando in ogni giorno la vita nell’attraversare frontiere spesso invisibili senza capire dove realmente sarebbero arrivati. Quanti di noi sarebbero disposti a fare qualcosa del genere in cerca di un posto dove poter vivere liberi. Loro lo hanno fatto. Erano vicini alla meta, una meta alta venti ripidi metri di roccia calcarea. Nessuna targa, nessun ricordo per loro.

      http://www.alpinismomolotov.org/wordpress/2020/03/09/mi-smo-tu-noi-siamo-qui-sul-confine-tra-lisonzo-e-la-balkan-route

  • Une personne grièvement blessée par la police à la #frontière entre la #Croatie et la #Slovénie, 27-28 novembre 2019

    –-------------

    Croatie : un policier ouvre encore le feu contre des réfugiés

    28 novembre - 22h : Mercredi en fin d’après-midi, un policier a ouvert le feu contre un groupe de réfugiés, près du village de #Mrkopalj, dans le comté de #Primorje-Gorski_Kotar, à 50 km à l’est de Rijeka, blessant l’un d’entre eux. La police affirme que l’homme aurait opposé une vive résistance à son arrestation et tenté de s’enfuir. Il y a onze jour, la police avait déjà ouvert le feu contre un autre groupe de réfugiés dans la même région, située sur la route reliant la région de Bihać, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, à la Croatie.

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/courrierdesbalkans-fr-fil-info-refugies-2019-novembre

    #frontière_sud-alpine #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #frontières #Croatie #Route_des_Balkans #Slovénie

    Cet accident survient seulement quelques 10 jours après l’autre personne blessée par #arme_à_feu sur la même frontière, 16-17.11.2019 :
    Migrante in fin di vita all’ospedale di Fiume, sarebbe stato raggiunto da colpi di pistola esplosi dalla polizia
    https://seenthis.net/messages/811666

    #armes #armes_à_feu

    –-------

    v. la liste des push-back à la frontière avec #armes_à_feu (août 2017-octobre 2019)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/814569

    –------

    Ajouté à cette liste des morts (même si la personne dont on parle ici n’est pas décédée) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/811660

    Et, indirectement, à la métaliste des migrant·es morts à la #frontière_sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    • We begin another week’s report with news of Croatian police shooting a man. Just eleven days after the case of an officer’s “accidental firing” and shooting of a man who is still recovering from serious injuries at the hospital in Rijeka, on Thursday another Croatian police officer shot a man in the area of #Mrkopalj (https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/policajac-upucao-migranta-kod-fuzina-iz-policije-kazu-da-je-kriv-migrant/2136049.aspx). The police version about the event is again unclear and blames the victim – it says that the person was “actively resisting and thereby caused the police officer’s firearm to fire". We wonder which version of the story the Croatian police will embrace this time - in the case of another “accidental firing”, the question is whether police officers are actually well trained in handling firearms, and in the case of a deliberate shooting, we expect a transparent and independent investigation into all of the circumstances of the event and the verification whether the police officer acted within his authority and in proportion to the use of necessary defence.

      Reçu via Inicijativa dobrodosli, mail du 04.11.2019.

      –---
      Policajac upucao migranta kod Fužina. Iz policije kažu da je kriv - migrant

      POLICAJAC je jučer na području Mrkoplja upucao migranta. Iz policije su javili da je došlo do opaljenja jer je migrant pružao aktivan otpor. Migrant je lakše ranjen.

      Propucavanje se dogodilo jučer, a policija je o tome izvijestila danas navodeći da je migrant sam kriv za opaljenje pištolja.

      U riječkom KBC-u doznaje se da je ozlijeđeni muškarac zadobio prostrjelnu ranu desnog ramena te je sinoć operiran. Stanje mu je stabilno i izvan je životne opasnosti.

      Utvrđuju okolnosti ranjavanja migranta, a već su ih utvrdili?

      Njihovo priopćenje prenosimo u cijelosti.

      “Jučer, 27. studenog 2019. godine, u kasnim popodnevnim satima, na širem području Mrkoplja, policijski službenici PU primorsko-goranske, koji sukladno zaključcima sastanka predstavnika policije i lokalnih vlasti na navedenom području provode pojačane aktivnosti na suzbijanju nezakonitih migracija te prevenciji imovinskih delikata, zatekli su grupu nepoznatih osoba.

      Tijekom policijskog postupanja, jedna od zatečenih osoba, u namjeri da spriječi policijskog službenika u obavljanju službene radnje, pružala je aktivan otpor i na taj način svojim djelovanjem prouzrokovala opaljenje iz vatrenog oružja policijskog službenika, kojom prilikom je došlo do posljedičnog zadobivanja ozljeda.

      Osobi je odmah pružena hitna medicinska pomoć te je zbrinuta. Prema prvim neslužbenim informacijama radi se o lakšoj ozljedi”, stoji u priopćenju.

      Na kraju dodaju kako se utvrđuju sve okolnosti pod kojima se događaj odvio, a prema njihovom priopćenju se čini da su već utvrdili način na koji je migrant upucan.

      Zadnji ovakav slučaj dogodio se prije 11 dana na području Tuhobića, gdje je policajac iz puške propucao migranta i nanio mu ozljede opasne po život. Policija je i tada izvijestila da se radilo o slučajnom opaljenju oružja.

      https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/policajac-upucao-migranta-kod-fuzina-iz-policije-kazu-da-je-kriv-migrant/2136049.aspx

    • This week started with a tragic event happened in Croatia: a man has been shot by a Croatian police officer (https://www.cms.hr/hr/azil-i-integracijske-politike/povodom-ranjavanja-osobe-u-gorskom-kotaru-pucanj-u-ljudska-prava) - at the time writing, he is still in hospital and went through more than 4 surgeries, and he’s fighting for his life. One of the multiple versions elaborated by the Ministry of the interior is that “there has been no shooting, rather it was an accidental firing”. The version of the story changed several times, and up until now, the minister decided to stay silent “while the investigations are ongoing”. We would like to underline how we don’t have trust in a system that makes Thermo camera videos disappear, or in a system that doesn’t allow other institutions like the ombudswoman to access to information regarding border management. While the European Commission gives the green light for Croatia accession to Schengen, the police officers shoot to men in search of safety: is this the idea that the European Commission has of a good way of managing the external borders of EU? Border Violence Monitoring Network reminds us how this event is not an exception nor an accident: in their press briefing (https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/Press-Briefing-19th-November-2019-1.pdf), the network underlines how the 19% of all recorded pushback cases from Croatia involved gun use, affecting 1279 people. In 2019, the pushbacks of 770 people from Croatia involved gun use. Of the 54 group cases: 31 cases gunshots were fired by police officers; in 33 cases guns were used to threaten respondents. In October 2019 alone, 17% of recorded pushback cases from Croatia involved the threatening with, or shooting of firearms by police. These firearms use targeted a total of 285 people. Across the Balkan Region, BVMN has recorded 107 incidents of gun used by police, including 63 cases where gunshots were fired by police officers; 63 cases where guns were used to threaten respondents. Here you can read the full report of the month of October: https://www.borderviolence.eu/balkan-region-report-october-2019

      Reçu via Inicijativa Dobrodosli, mail du 27.11.2019.

  • Une personne grièvement blessée par la police à la #frontière entre la #Croatie et la #Slovénie, 17 novembre 2019 :

    Un inmigrante, en estado crítico por los disparos de la Policía croata cerca de la frontera con Eslovenia

    Un inmigrante, en estado crítico por los disparos de la Policía croata cerca de la frontera con Eslovenia

    La Policía croata ha dejado herido en estado crítico a un inmigrante que intentaba cruzar con un grupo de compañeros la frontera hacia Eslovenia, según han confirmado fuentes oficiales de la localidad de #Rijeka, próxima a la zona montañosa de #Gorski_Kotar, a unos 20 kilómetros de la línea de separación, donde ha sucedido el incidente. El ministro del Interior croata, Davor Bozinovic, ha confirmado las intenciones del grupo pero no ha dado detalles sobre el número de integrantes ni sus ...

    Leer más: https://www.europapress.es/internacional/noticia-inmigrante-estado-critico-disparos-policia-croata-cerca-frontera

    https://www.europapress.es/internacional/noticia-inmigrante-estado-critico-disparos-policia-croata-cerca-frontera
    #montagne

    Ajouté à cette liste des morts (même si la personne dont on parle ici n’est pas décédée, mais les blessures sont apparemment très graves et la personne est « en fin de vie » selon les informations de presse) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/811660

    Et, indirectement, à la métaliste des migrant·es morts à la #frontière_sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    #frontière_sud-alpine #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #frontières #Croatie #Route_des_Balkans #Slovénie

    • Migrante in fin di vita all’ospedale di Fiume, sarebbe stato raggiunto da colpi di pistola esplosi dalla polizia

      „A riportare la notizia è il quotidiano croato Dnevnik.hr che ha registrato il grave ferimento dell’uomo, di cui non si conoscono ancora le generalità, ieri pomeriggio nella zona del Gorski Kotar. La vicenda confermata anche dal ministro degli Interni di Zagabria, Davor Bozinovic“

      Nella zona del Gorski kotar, ieri 16 novembre la Polizia croata avrebbe sparato ad un migrante che sarebbe ricoverato in fin di vita, nell’ospedale di Fiume, a causa di una grave ferita al ventre. A riportare la notizia è il quotidiano croato Dnevnik.hr in questo articolo dove spiega come le forze dell’ordine croate avrebbero esploso colpi d’arma da fuoco (non viene riferito il numero) dopo il rintraccio di un gruppo di una quindicina di migranti nella zona del monte Tuhobic e, presumibilmente, provenienti dalla rotta balcanica.

      Al momento non si hanno notizie sulle generalità dell’uomo, né sulla sua età. Il Dnevnik riporta che l’uomo, assieme agli altri compagni di viaggio, si stava dirigendo verso il confine con la Slovenia, tentando di entrarvi illegalmente. La notizia del ferimento del migrante e il suo trasferimento all’ospedale del capoluogo quarnerino, è stata confermata, come riportato sempre dal media croato, anche dal ministro degli Interni di Zagabria Davor Bozinovic. Da quanto riportato dai media croati e sloveni, dovrebbe venir aperta un’inchiesta per far luce sul grave fatto di cronaca.

      http://www.triesteprima.it/cronaca/rotta-balcanica-croazia-slovenia-migrante-ferito.html

    • Croazia: la polizia spara sui migranti

      Uno è stato ridotto in fin di vita. Aperta una inchiesta per stabilire cosa sia successo durante il pattugliamento nel Gorski Kotar.

      Spari sui migranti in una zona impervia del Gorski Kotar, non lontano dal monte Tuhobić, ad alcuni chilometri di distanza dalla più vicina arteria stradale. Tutto è avvenuto ieri pomeriggio, quando la polizia croata ha aperto il fuoco contro un gruppo di sospetti clandestini, una quindicina, che avrebbero cercato di raggiungere la Slovenia. Uno di loro è stato raggiunto al torace ed è in gravissime condizioni. È stato operato d’urgenza nell’ospedale di Fiume.
      Il ministro dell’Interno croato, Davor Božinović ha spiegato che i poliziotti erano in servizio di pattugliamento per il controllo della frontiera: aperta un’inchiesta per stabilire le circostanze che hanno portato ad aprire il fuoco contro i migranti e se ciò sia stato giustificato dagli eventi. Alla domanda se anche i migranti fossero armati, il ministro ha detto che non c’è ancora una risposta. Tutti i componenti il gruppo di migranti sono stati fermati. Da diverso tempo le organizzazioni umanitarie e per i diritti umani imputano alla polizia croata un comportamento violento nei confronti di profughi e migranti che arrivano in Croazia dalla Bosnia ed Erzegovina, da pestaggi a respingimenti oltre confine in modo violento. Finora però non era mai giunta notizia di un impiego di armi da fuoco.

      https://capodistria.rtvslo.si/news/croazia/croazia-la-polizia-spara-sui-migranti/505185

    • Et l’article avec la nouvelle dans un journal croate :
      Doznajemo : Ranjavanju migranta prethodio je napad na policajce. Kamenjem ih gađala veća skupina migranata

      Ilegalni migrant koji je teško ozlijeđen u subotu kasno popodne u Gorskom kotaru još uvijek je životno ugrožen. Očevid radi utvrđivanja okolnosti tog incidenta još je u tijeku. Neslužbeno doznajemo da su ga policajci nakon ranjavanja nosili nekoliko kilometara, sve dok ga nije preuzela služba Hitne pomoći.

      Ministar unutarnjih poslova Davor Božinović kazao je da je dovršen očevid u slučaju ranjavanja migranta koji se u KBC-u Rijeka s prostrijelnom ranom u predjelu prsnog koša i trbuha bori za život, javlja N1.

      ’Odvjetništvo uz stručnu pomoć policije provodi kriminalističko istraživanje i u ovom trenutku rano je govoriti o rezultatima tog istraživanja. Eventualno bih u ovom trenutku mogao kazati da nije utvrđeno da je korištenje vatrenog oružja bilo usmjereno prema konkretnoj osobi, s namjerom djelovanja prema osobi", izjavio je ministar unutarnjih poslova Davor Božinović.

      Prema neslužbenim informacijama, nakon incidenta u kojem je teško ozlijeđen migrant policajci su ga s nepristupačnog terena nosili sve do vozila Hitne pomoći, kojim je nakon toga prebačen u KBC Rijeka.
      Napali policajce kamenjem?

      Neslužbeno doznajemo da je riječ o djelatniku specijalne policije koji je nedavno spasio migranta kojemu je prijetilo smrzavanje nakon što ga je njegova grupa neadekvatno odjevenog ostavila u šumama Gorskog kotara na niskim temperaturama.

      Također, neslužbeno se doznaje da je do ozljeđivanja stradalog migranta došlo nakon pucanja u zrak nakon što je veća grupa migranata vrlo blizu mjesta incidenta kamenjem i drugim priručnim sredstvima napala policajce. Policajac koji je upotrijebio vatreno oružje tada je nekoliko puta na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku upozorio da je riječ o policiji te da je primoran koristiti oružje. Potom je ispalio dva metka u zrak iz oružja koje nije bilo usmjereno prema migrantima. Kad je krenuo prema njima, policajac se spotaknuo te pritom i ozlijedio, a u tom trenutku njegovo je oružje još jednom opalilo, no nije bilo usmjereno prema migrantima, već je moguće da se hitac odbio od tvrde površine te tako ozlijedio migranta, što će utvrditi istraga.
      Ranjen u prsni koš i trbuh

      Očevid je na mjestu događaja završio, no istraga je još uvijek u tijeku, a ranjeni muškarac i dalje je u životnoj opasnosti.

      ’’Bolesnik je u jedinicu intenzivnog liječenja zaprimljen po učinjenom hitnom operativnom zahvatu. Prilikom ranjavanja zadobio je višestruke ozlijede toraksa i abdomena koje su opasne po život. U bolesnika se i dalje provode mjere intenzivnog liječenja’’, kazala je anesteziologinja riječkog KBC-a dr. sc.Vlasta Orlić Kabrić.

      Višestruke ozljede, pretpostavlja se, nastale su od metka ili od odbijanja metka o tvrdu podlogu te potom ranjavanja. Zbog incidenta je sinoć u Rijeku stigao ministar unutarnjih poslova Davor Božinović. ’’Došlo je do ozljeđivanja vjerojatno zbog uporabe vatrenog oružja, po tome će postupati nadležno županijsko državno odvjetništvo’’, rekao je ministar i kazao da ne može govoriti o detaljima.
      Kiša otežava očevid

      Mjesto nesreće udaljeno je pet kilometara od posljednjeg šumskog puta kojim se može doći vozilom. Osim teško pristupačnog terena, očevid otežavaju i veoma loše vremenske prilike, odnosno vrlo gusta kiša koja pada u tom dijelu Gorskoga kotara.

      Stanovnici Gorskog kotara već neko vrijeme imaju problema s migrantima koji uspiju pobjeći policajcima na granici s Bosnom i Hercegovinom. ’’U početku su ljudi bili susretljivi. I sami su rekli da bi trebalo pomoći ljudima. Ali, eto, kako prolazi već nekoliko godina, pogotovo u zimskom periodu, postajali su nekako agresivniji’’, govori David Bregovac, načelnik općine Fužine.

      Je li skupina na koju je naišla policijska ophodnja bila naoružana, jesu li nasrnuli na policajce, zašto je policija koristila vatreno oružje, kako je grupa ilegalaca uspjela ući tako duboko u Hrvatsku – samo su neka od pitanja na koja bi istraga koja je u tijeku trebala dati odgovor.

      https://dnevnik.hr/vijesti/hrvatska/migrant-upucan-u-gorskom-kotaru-bori-se-za-zivot-ima-prostrijelnu-ranu-prsno

    • Croatian police fire on illegal migrants near Slovenian border

      Croatian police fired on a group of illegal migrants trying to reach neighboring Slovenia late on Saturday, leaving one man critically injured, officials in the northern Adriatic town of Rijeka said.

      Croatian Interior Minister Davor Bozinovic told reporters that the group was probably trying to cross into Slovenia, but did not say how many people were in the group or give their nationalities.

      Croatia is on a route taken by many migrants from the Middle East and central Asia trying to reach wealthier EU states. Some cross into Croatia from Bosnia undeclared.

      “Police officers were preventing the passage of a group which most probably wanted to reach Slovenia,” Bozinovic told media late on Saturday, adding that one man was wounded probably due to the use of firearms.

      A doctor at the Rijeka Clinical Hospital Centre said the man in a critical condition had suffered gunshot wounds.

      “The patient was admitted for urgent surgery after sustaining gunshot wounds in the area of thorax and stomach,” the doctor told Reuters by telephone on Sunday. “He is in a life-threatening condition and intensive medical treatment is continuing.”

      Bozinovic said regional authorities would investigate the incident, which took place in the mountainous Gorski Kotar area close to Rijeka, which is around 20 km (12 miles) from the Slovenian border.

      Croatia, which wants to join the EU’s border-free Schengen area, has to convince Brussels that it is able to effectively manage the bloc’s external border, a particularly sensitive issue since Europe’s 2015 migrant crisis.

      Neighboring Bosnia, which has become a migrant hot-spot since 2018, has repeatedly accused Croatia of returning migrants to Bosnia even when they are found deep in its territory. Many migrants have been complaining of brutality of Croatian police officers, allegations that Croatia has dismissed.

      https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-croatia/croatian-police-fire-on-illegal-migrants-near-slovenian-border-idUSKBN1XR0I

    • Croatian police shoot and seriously injure refugee

      The nationality of the injured migrant has not yet been reported. The incident occurred in a wooded area of the Gorski Kotar region, between Croatia and Slovenia, on one of the routes that many migrant and refugees stuck in Bosnia take to reach Western Europe. Croatian media say that a group of 17 migrants, after being sighted while illegally crossing the woods, allegedly refused to peacefully hand themselves over to the police and began to throw rocks and other objects at the security forces. According to the official version given by the police, one policeman tripped while shooting in the air and the bullet ricocheted and hit one of the migrants. The Croatian police immediately gave first aid to the injured man and took him on foot for three kilometres to the nearest ambulance. The migrant has been hospitalised and undergone two surgeries. He is still in critical condition. Human rights organisations have expressed serious doubts about the official version of the incident and say that weapons are being used ever more frequently against migrants and have called for the interior ministry to prevent similar incidents.

      http://www.ansamed.info/ansamed/en/news/sections/generalnews/2019/11/18/croatian-police-shoot-and-seriously-injure-refugee_87deadaa-f86c-4c27-b7fb

    • Croatie : la police tire sur un groupe de migrants, un homme entre la vie et la mort

      Un homme a été touché par un tir de la police croate dans la nuit du samedi 16 au dimanche 17 novembre, dans la région montagneuse du Gorski Kotar. Selon un médecin de l’hôpital de Rijeka, ce dernier est aujourd’hui dans un état critique.

      Le ministre croate de l’Intérieur, Davor Božinović, a déclaré que l’homme « a été blessé » alors que « la police protégeait la frontière », essayant d’« empêcher un groupe de migrants [sans donner leur nombre ni leur nationalité] de passer en Slovénie ». Mais l’ONG Are You Syrious explique que ces tirs ont eu lieu « très à l’intérieur du territoire croate », loin de la frontière. La ville de Rijeka se situe effectivement à une vingtaine de kilomètres de la Slovénie.

      La Croatie, qui veut intégrer l’espace Schengen, doit convaincre Bruxelles qu’elle est capable de prendre en charge la frontière extérieure de l’UE, notamment depuis le début de la crise des migrants en 2015. « Ce n’est pas la première fois que la protection des frontières en Croatie a des conséquences fatales ou quasi-fatales », rappelle Are You Syrious. Le 21 novembre 2017, une Afghane de 6 ans est morte quelques minutes après une opération de refoulement illégale de la police croate à la frontière avec la Serbie. Le 30 mai 2018, deux réfugiés de 12 ans, un garçon et une fille, ont été atteints au visage par des tirs de cette même police.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/courrierdesbalkans-fr-fil-info-refugies-2019-novembre

    • Croatian police fire on irregular migrants near Slovenian border

      Croatian police on Friday fired on a group of migrants trying to irregularly reach neighboring Slovenia, local officials said. One man was critically injured. Thousands of migrants trying to reach western Europe are stuck in the Balkans.

      A migrant is fighting for his life after being shot by police on Friday, doctors in the Croatian port of Rijeka said Sunday. The unidentified migrant reportedly suffered multiple bullet wounds to his chest.

      “The patient was admitted for urgent surgery after sustaining gunshot wounds in the area of thorax and stomach,” a doctor at the Rijeka Clinical Hospital Center told news agency Reuters. “He is in a life-threatening condition and intensive medical treatment is continuing.”

      The incident happened when Croatian police fired on a group of irregular migrants trying to reach neighboring Slovenia. As AP reports, Croatian police said they fired the shots “to protect Croatia’s borders.”

      The Croatian interior minister Davor Bozinovic told media that “police officers were preventing the passage of a group which most probably wanted to reach Slovenia.” He further said that one man was wounded probably due to the use of firearms. Bozinovic did not say how many people were in the group or give their nationalities.

      The interior ministry said regional authorities would investigate the incident, which took place in the mountainous Gorski Kotar area close to Rijeka, a Croatian port city around 20 kilometers (12 miles) from the Slovenian border.

      Critical situation

      Rights groups have repeatedly accused Croatian authorities of using excessive force against migrants irregularly entering from neighboring Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, both non-EU countries. The EU-member state Croatia has repeatedly denied the charges.

      Croatia, which wants to join the EU’s border-free Schengen area, has to convince Brussels that it is able to effectively manage the bloc’s external border. This is a particularly sensitive issue since Europe’s 2015 so-called migrant crisis.

      Croatia is on the so-called Balkan route taken by many migrants from the Middle East and central Asia trying to reach wealthier EU states. Some of those migrants cross into Croatia from Bosnia undeclared. In recent months, more and more refugees and migrants have arrived in Europe via the southern/western Balkan route: EU border agency Frontex registered 8,400 border crossings in the first 10 months of 2019 - an 82% increase compared to the same period last year.

      Storm sweeps through migrant camp in Bosnia

      In Croatia’s neighboring state Bosnia and Herzegovina, a storm on Friday blew many tents away in a bleak makeshift camp for migrants who are trying to reach western Europe. Migrants staying in the Vucjak camp near the border with Croatia were appealing for help on Saturday after spending a sleepless night looking for shelter.

      On Friday, hundreds of locals protested against the migrants’ presence and demanded the closure of overcrowded refugee camps and the relocation of the migrants from the city area.

      The European Union and numerous international organizations have repeatedly called for the closure of the Vucjak camp, which is located on a former landfill and is near a minefield left over from Bosnia’s 1992-95 war.

      Hundreds of migrants have been staying there with almost no facilities since the authorities in northwestern Bosnia set up the camp earlier this year. Bosnia, which has become a migrant hot-spot since 2018, has repeatedly accused Croatia of returning migrants to Bosnia even when they are found deep in its territory.

      This practice called “pushbacks” is prohibited under the Geneva Refugee Convention, which provided the principle of nonrefoulement.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/20899/croatian-police-fire-on-irregular-migrants-near-slovenian-border

    • https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/Press-Briefing-19th-November-2019-1.pdf

      voir aussi:
      14/10/2019: “[they] started beating men with sticks, they beat me on my shoulder and back”

      Date and time: October 14, 2019 03:00
      Location: South east of #Komesarac, Croatia
      Coordinates: 45.09186791983132, 15.769071046238082
      Push-back from: Croatia
      Push-back to: Bosnia
      Demographics: 35 person(s), age: 2 - 45 (including minors aged 2, 5, 6, 7 and 8) , from: Palestine, Syria, Iraq
      Minors involved? Yes
      Violence used: beating (with batons/hands/other), kicking, threatening with guns, forcing to undress, destruction of personal belongings, theft of personal belongings
      Police involved: 10 Croatian officers dressed in blue uniforms with gunns, 2 police cars, 3 vans, 6/7 officers in camourflage uniform
      Taken to a police station?: yes
      Treatment at police station or other place of detention: detention, no translator present, denial of access to toilets, denial of food/water
      Was the intention to ask for asylum expressed?: Yes
      Reported by: Border Violence Monitoring

      Original Report

      A Syrian family joined a group of 35 people (mostly families from Syria and Palestine and a few single men from Iraq), and attempted to cross the Bosnian-Croatian border. They started walking from Velika Kladuša and walked for a day and a half through the woods and mountains. Once they were inside Croatian territory they decided to take a rest in the woods. The group fell asleep only to be woken up at 03:00 in the morning of 14th October 2019 by rapid gun fire and shouts of, “Freeze!”.

      They family noticed ten men in blue uniforms of Croatian police surrounding them, firing shots in the air:

      “like in a movie, they forced all men to lie down on their stomachs with our hands behind our heads, women no, they were just standing aside”.

      Not long after, the police ordered them to make a line and start walking, while police was escorting the line on both sides, pointing their guns at them.

      “We walked maybe 30 minutes, we reached a place with a hole already waiting for us, the fire was already burning, ready for our stuff. They took everyone’s backpacks, bags and sleeping bags and for single men they took jackets also. Everything was burned. I asked if I can take my baby’s food from the bag and they said no, took my backpack and threw it in the fire.”

      They were searched over their clothes and had their phones taken away from them. Some phones were thrown on the ground and stomped-on with police boots while some were just taken away and never returned. Two police cars and three vans arrived, everyone was forced to go inside them and driven for an hour to the police station where they were detained for two hours with no food, water, access to toilet or the presence of a translator.

      “They didn’t even talk to us, we asked them to take our fingerprints, one man in the group spoke good English and he explained to the police what we want (referring to asylum claim). The police was just laughing and didn’t do anything.”

      Instead, the transit group were again put in the three police vans which drove for around one hour and a half to the border-area, where they were made to go out of the vans and saw six to seven police in camouflage uniforms waiting for them.

      “Commandos in camouflage color started beating men with sticks, they beat me on my shoulder and back [he shows a picture of the bruises from his phone] and kicking us in our knees or behind our knees, yelling at us to start walking faster. They were walking behind us, beating and yelling for a few hundred meters than they stopped and we were told to continue by ourselves.”

      Once returned to BiH, the group walked for four to five hours to reach Velika Kladuša, where they took the bus to Sedra camp, close to Bihac.

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/october-14-2019-0300-south-east-of-komesarac-croatia

  • 08.11.2019, décès d’un réfugié syrien à la frontière entre la Slovénie et l’Italie

    L’8 novembre un ragazzo siriano di vent’anni è stato ritrovato senza vita nei boschi della Slovenia. Come tanti prima di lui, come tanti dopo di lui, provava ad attraversare la frontiera, percorrendo una rotta che non è mai stata chiusa, nonostante l’accordo con il presidente turco Recep Tayyip Erdoğan costato all’Unione europea sei miliardi di euro nel 2016 e malgrado la costruzione del muro tra Ungheria e Serbia voluto dal premier ungherese Viktor Orbán nel 2015. Il ragazzo siriano aveva vent’anni e voleva raggiungere i suoi due fratelli, emigrati anni prima in Germania. Si è perso nei boschi, in autunno, per sfuggire ai controlli della polizia slovena e croata lungo i sentieri che attraversano il confine.

    Lo stesso giorno trentacinque persone sono state fermate nella stessa zona, tra Croazia e Bosnia, e rimandate indietro in quella che si è trasformata nella frontiera orientale dell’Europa, proprio nelle stesse ore in cui in tutti i paesi del vecchio mondo si celebrava il trentesimo anniversario della caduta del muro di Berlino. “Non si è trattato di una fatalità”, afferma Gianfranco Schiavone del Consorzio italiano di solidarietà (Ics) di Trieste, membro dell’Associazione studi giuridici sull’immigrazione (Asgi). “Ma è la manifestazione di una situazione drammatica che riguarda migliaia di profughi lungo la rotta dei Balcani. Quella morte si aggiunge ad altre avvenute negli ultimi anni lungo questa rotta”, continua Schiavone, secondo cui gli arrivi in Italia dalla rotta dei Balcani sono bassi, ma costanti.

    https://www.internazionale.it/reportage/annalisa-camilli/2019/11/12/trieste-frontiera-muro
    #décès #mort #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières_sud-alpine #Slovénie #Italie #frontières

    Ajouté à cette métaliste sur les morts à la frontière sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

  • Après les #milices qui surveillent les #frontières en #Hongrie, #Bulgarie, #République_Tchèque :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/719995

    ... voici le même type de groupes en #Slovénie...
    Vigilantes in Slovenia patrol borders to keep out migrants

    Blaz Zidar has a mission: patrol along a razor-wire fence on Slovenia’s border with Croatia, catch migrants trying to climb over, hand them to police and make sure they are swiftly sent out of the country.

    The 47-year-old former Slovenian army soldier, dressed in camouflage trousers with a long knife hanging from his belt, is one of the vigilantes who call themselves “home guards” — a mushrooming anti-migrant movement that was until recently unthinkable in the traditionally liberal Alpine state. The name of the self-styled group evokes memories of the militia that sided with fascists during World War II.

    “I would prefer to enjoy my retirement peacefully, but security reasons are preventing this,” Zidar said as he embarked on yet another of his daily foot patrols together with his wife near their home village of Radovica nestled idyllically among vineyards and lush green forested hills.

    Zidar complained that he had to act because Slovenian police aren’t doing their job of guarding the borders from the migrant flow which peaked in 2015 when hundreds of thousands of refugees from the Middle East, Africa and Asia, fleeing wars and poverty, crossed from Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Macedonia via Hungary or Croatia and Slovenia toward more prosperous Western European states.

    Zidar said that his six children often join them in the border monitoring mission “because they have to learn how to protect their nation from intruders.”

    Slovenia’s volunteer guards illustrate strong anti-migrant sentiments not only in the small European Union nation of 2 million people, but also across central and eastern Europe which is a doorway into Western Europe for migrants and where countries such as Hungary have faced criticism for open anti-migrant policies. Similar right-wing guards that frequently attacked migrants crossing the borders previously openly operated in Hungary and Bulgaria.

    Police in Croatia — an EU member state that is still not part of the borderless EU travel zone — routinely face accusations of pushbacks and violence against migrants trying to come in from Bosnia. In Slovenia, the authorities are putting up additional fences on the border with Croatia after Italy’s former hard-line interior minister, Matteo Salvini, threatened “physical barriers” would be built between Slovenia and Italy if the migrant flow wasn’t completely stopped.

    The fiery anti-migrant rhetoric by Salvini and Hungarian President Victor Orban, who was the first to order fences on Hungary’s border with Serbia at the start of the migrant crisis, have resonated among some in Slovenia, an exceptionally calm, nature-loving country.

    Miha Kovac, a Slovenian political analyst who is a professor at the University of Ljubljana, described the anti-migrant guards as “guys with big beer bellies who don’t have much of an education, who didn’t have much of a career, who don’t know what to do with themselves in the contemporary world.

    “They find their meaning in this kind of movement and this kind of hatred toward migrants.”

    Kovac said that in the short run, the right-wing groups represent no real danger to the tiny EU nation. But if the European migrant crisis continues “this kind of movement might become more aggressive.”

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zte9nDFcACY

    “Slovenia is a country of 2 million and if you would become a kind of immigrant pocket with the population of ... 20, 30, 40, 50,000 immigrants, this could cause quite significant problems,” Kovac said.

    Slovenian authorities don’t seem to mind the self-styled guards patrolling the country’s borders, as long as they don’t do anything against the law.

    “The self-organization of individuals does not in any way imply mistrust of police work,” said France Bozicnik, the head of criminal police at a police station near the border. “It’s just the opposite.”

    “People call us on the phone every day and give us information about suspicious vehicles and suspicious persons, and we sincerely thank them for this information,” he said. “They are welcome to continue with this reporting.”

    Nevertheless, the images of masked men in military uniforms that appeared about a year ago have shocked many in Slovenia, the birthplace of U.S. first lady Melania Trump. The largest volunteer group called the Stajerska Garda was filmed taking an oath to secure public order in the country.

    The group commander, Andrej Sisko, said his goal is “to train people to defend their country and help the military and police at a time of massive migrations from the African and Asian states, mostly Muslims.”


    Sisko, who spent six months in prison for his paramilitary activities, insisted that his guards don’t carry real weapons or do anything illegal.

    “People are mostly supporting us, they are stopping and congratulating us on the streets,” Sisko said in an interview with The Associated Press as four of his men in camouflage uniforms, wearing genuine-looking mock guns, stood watch at his house in the suburb of the northern Slovenian town of #Maribor.

    With the continuing migrant flow in the region, human rights groups have accused authorities in Slovenia, Serbia, Greece, Hungary and particularly Croatia of illegal and forced pushbacks from their borders.

    Witnesses cited by the Border Violence Monitoring Network described Croatian police officers at the border with Bosnia burning clothes, sleeping bags, backpacks and tents in addition to targeting other possessions such as cellphones, cash and personal documents. Croatian officials have repeatedly denied the claims.

    “The police first attacked by shooting up in the air, and then they ordered us to lay down,” said Shabbir Ahmed Mian from Pakistan, adding that after police body searches they “pushed” the group of 15 that included women, children and the elderly into a small van that dumped them back to Bosnia.

    “We couldn’t breathe, there was no oxygen,” he said.

    https://www.apnews.com/57424e6bf60046e594b4c052bac86b6c

    #Stajerska_Garda #Andrey_Sisko
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #xénophobie #racisme #patrouilles #chasse_aux_migrants #anti-réfugiés #milices #milices_privées #extrême_droite #néo-nazis

    ping @reka @isskein @marty

    • Nouvelle reçu via le rapport « Border violence monitoring network - Balkan Region » de septembre 2019 (p. 13 et segg.) :
      https://www.borderviolence.eu/balkan-region-report-september-2019

      Extrait :

      SloveniaVigilante groups patrol the Slovenian border with CroatiaOn September 17th the Associated Press reported (https://www.apnews.com/57424e6bf60046e594b4c052bac86b6c) on the alarming activities of a Slovenian para-military group called “#Stajerska_Varda”, operating along the border with Croatia. Members of the group are reportedly taking part in vigilante activities, apprehending people-in-transit who try to cross the border, and calling the police to push them back. Until now the groups’ members have not been observed carrying out any violent actions, but their rise in numbers and presence on the border is deeply concerning. A video (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m2KOSTXp4fA

      ) from October 2018 shows a large number of armed people taking an oath nearMaribor, stating their intent to take border security into their own hands.

      Andrey Sisko, the leader of the far-right group, confirmed that at that time the militia had existed for longer than a year. Sisko himself was arrested and detained (https://www.total-slovenia-news.com/politics/3328-militia-leader-jailed-for-trying-to-subvert-the-constituti) for six months with the charge of “trying to subvert the constitutional order”. He was released in March. The open activities of far-right groups at the border are a telling development, not only for pressure on transit conditions, but also the growth in nationalist logic pervading Slovenia today. Stajerska Varda have stepped into the political void opened up by centre and right-wing politicians who have stoked domestic opinion against people-in-transit. While extreme right activists frame their role as a necessary defense, their actual ideology is explicitly aggressive. As shown in a report (https://eeradicalization.com/the-militarization-of-slovenian-far-right-extremism) by European Eye on radicalization, Stajerska Varda has the nationalist ideas of “Greater Slovenjia” (https://eeradicalization.com/the-militarization-of-slovenian-far-right-extremism) as a reference point, and has inserted itself in a context of growing militarization as part of Slovenia’s right.

      Yet media response to this rise in armed groups presented some worrying attitudes towards the issue. Namely the views of Miha Kovac, a political analyst interviewed by AP for their report, is dangerous in two senses. Kovac dismisses radical groups as “guys with big beer bellies [...] who don’t know what to do with themselves”, and even goes on to allege that the root cause of facism is the presence of migrants in Slovenia. Marking out people-in-transit as instigators falls into a traditional cycle of victim blaming, a route which absolves the role of fear mongering party politics in abetting radicalization.
      As shown by right wing leaders around Europe, such as Matteo Salvini and Victor Orban, open praise for and facilitation of radical groups is an explicit tactic used to build a right wing consensus on the ground. The example of vigilantes operating in Hungaryas early as 2015, suggests that the development of state borders and growth of the extra-parliamentary right go hand in hand. These two strands are evidently complicit in Slovenia, seen especially in the silence at the party and state levels in regards to a self publicized military juntaoperating on state soil. September’s revelations again highlight the liminal space between conservative migration politics and paramilitary fascism. The existence of these activities call into direct question the responsibilities of the Slovenian state, and are a concerning augmentation of the current institutional pushback framework.

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/September-2019-Report-1.pdf

    • Patriot games: Slovenian paramilitaries face down migrant ’threat’ on border

      Dressed in camouflage and armed with air rifles, Slovenian paramilitaries moves in formation through woods a stone’s throw from Croatia, patrolling a border zone where the group’s leader says illegal migration is rife.

      The more than 50-strong group, some of whom mask their faces with balaclavas and which includes a handful of women, is led by Andrej Sisko, who also heads Gibanje Zedinjena Slovenija, a fringe nationalist party that has so far failed to win seats in parliament.

      He believes authorities are failing in their duty to protect Slovenia against what he views as the migrant threat, and founded Stajerska and Krajnska Varda (Stajerska and Krajnska Guard) to fill that gap.

      Members of both organistions were participating in the patrol when Reuters TV met them.

      “It is a duty of all of us to ensure security in our own country,” he said. “If state bodies who are paid for that cannot or do not want to ensure security we can help ensure it, that is what we do.”

      Anti-migrant sentiment in Slovenia and other ex-Communist states has risen sharply since 2015, when eastern Europe bore the initial brunt of a refugee crisis.

      Much of the region has since then resisted attempts by EU authorities in Brussels to enforce a continent-wide quota system for new arrivals, which Slovenia has however signed up for.

      According to Slovenian police, numbers of migrants crossing illegally from Croatia to Slovenia - where a razor-wire fence has been erected along stretches of the border since 2015 - rose to 11,786 in the first nine months of this year from 6,911 a year earlier.

      Sisko this year served time in jail for forming Stajerska Varda and urging the overthrow of state institutions.

      He says the group, which generally meets in the border zone at weekends, does not intercept migrants - which he emphasises would be against the law - but advertises their presence to security forces.

      Police told Reuters they were monitoring the group’s behaviour and had not detected any recent illegal activities.

      https://www.reuters.com/article/us-slovenia-paramilitary/patriot-games-slovenian-paramilitaries-face-down-migrant-threat-on-border-i

    • On en parle ici aussi :
      Patrouille de miliciens d’extrême-droite

      « C’est une honte, il y a la police, l’armée, maintenant cette clôture et il y a même une milice ! », fulmine à son tour Katarina Bernad Sterva, directrice de l’association slovène d’aide aux réfugiés, qui se désespère de la situation à la frontière.

      Depuis quelques jours en effet, des #milices en treillis militaires, visages cachés derrière des cagoules noires, patrouillent aussi le long de la rivière #Kolpa. Dirigée par le leader d’extrême-droite, #Andrej_Sisko,cette #milice se veut un « renfort » à l’armée régulière pour « défendre la frontière » et intercepter les migrants. « Nous sommes le point d’entrée de l’espace Schengen », se justifie Andrej Sisko. « Nous voulons faire passer un message. Nous voulons dire aux étrangers de rester chez eux. La clôture est fragile, elle ne permet pas de stopper les migrants alors nous venons contrôler les abords de la rivière nous-mêmes ».

      La milice d’Andrej Sisko n’a aucun mandat légal. Et visiblement, les villageois s’expliquent mal leur présence.

      Si certains rient à leur passage - « C’est le carnaval quand ils sont là », entend-t-on ici et là dans les villages frontaliers – d’autres comme Katarina Bernad Sterva regarde cette armée parallèle avec une inquiétude grandissante. « Ce qui m’effraie, c’est qu’ils existent. Publiquement, le gouvernement a condamné leurs actions, mais, dans les faits, les autorités ne font rien. Ces hommes sont fous, nous nous attendions à une réaction forte du gouvernement, comme par exemple l’annonce de la dissolution de ces patrouilles ».

      Interrogée par InfoMigrants, la police reste muette sur le sujet. « Je n’ai rien à dire sur ces hommes. Ils n’ont pas le soutien de la police », déclare simplement Vicjem Toskan, l’un des commandants en chef de la police de Koper, à l’ouest du pays.

      Ce soir-là, à Kostel, les amis du café s’interrogent surtout sur le sort réservé aux migrants interceptés par cette milice d’extrême-droite. « On a déjà la police et l’armée pour intercepter les migrants. On a une clôture pour les empêcher de continuer leur route. Eux, qu’est-ce qui vont leur faire, la nuit, dans la montagne ? », s’inquiète Rudy. « Ils portent des masques, ils marchent dans la forêt. J’ai plus peur d’eux que des immigrés qui traversent la rivière », chuchote à son tour, une jeune fille en bout de table. « Si j’étais migrante, je n’aimerais vraiment pas tomber sur eux ».

      https://seenthis.net/messages/791703#message811227

  • Controversial migrant legislation scrapped in Slovenia

    The Slovenian Constitutional Court has scrapped an article of an immigration law that allowed the country to limit foreigners’ access after a vote in parliament in the event of a migrant crisis.

    The Slovenian Constitutional Court has ruled to scrap a controversial article of an immigration law that allowed strong restrictions on the access of foreigners in the event of particularly intense migrant flows, as were registered in 2015 and 2016.
    The sentence, which was published on Monday, eliminates three paragraphs of the law that would have prevented specific cases from being examined individually.

    The legislation

    The controversial amendment to the immigration law was approved by the country’s National Assembly in January 2017 and came into effect on February 4. Under the amendment, special measures could be approved to limit the access of foreigners after a vote in Parliament.

    Then-interior minister Vesna Gyoerkoes Nidar assured parliament, when the legislation was presented, that it had been written as a measure of last resort if Slovenia were to be unable to apply legislation on international protection in the event of a migrant crisis.

    Over 20 human rights organizations had called for the legislation to be scrapped, saying it went against the principles of the constitution, which rejects discrimination and guarantees equal rights and the principle of non-refoulement, among others.

    28 detained at the border with Croatia

    During the weekend Slovenian police in the district of Koper reported the arrest of 28 migrants who were trying to enter the country from Croatia, according to a police statement. According to the statement, 10 people were apprehended in #Bistrica as they were trying to cross the border illegally, nine in #Koper, six in #Kosina and three in #Piran.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/20197/controversial-migrant-legislation-scrapped-in-slovenia
    #Slovénie #loi #législation #fermeture_des_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Croatie #Kozina

    Une petite carte de localisation des lieux dans lesquels les personnes ont été arrêtées en Slovénie :

    c’est donc proche de la frontière croate, mais aussi proche de la frontière italienne... donc de la #frontière_sud-alpine
    #Italie #Trieste #Istrie

  • Balkan Region - Report July 2019

    The Border Violence Monitoring Network has just published it’s August report summarizing the current situation regarding pushbacks and police violence in the Western Balkans, primarily in Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Se​rbian borders with Croatia and Hungary, but also including Italy, Slovenia, North Macedonia and Greece.

    This report analyzes, among other things:

    – Torture: Recurrence of extreme violence and abuse
    – Pushback from Italy
    – Beyond police: Actors within the pushback framework
    – Further dispersion of pushback sites in NW Bosnia
    – Trends in pushback sites to and from Greece

    More broadly, monitoring work continues to note the trans-national and bilateral cooperation between EU member states in the north of the Balkan route. Instances of chain pushbacks from Italy to Bosnia and Herzegovina, though relatively rare, offer insight into the web of actors engaged in the refoulement of groups across multiple borders, and liminality of due process in these cases. The intersection of unlawful acts also raises key concerns about aiding and abetting of pushbacks by Brussels. Specifically, analysis from this month elaborates on the involvement of Frontex in facilitating pushbacks.

    https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/August-Report.pdf
    #rapport #migrations #réfugiés #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #asile #frontières #violence #push-back #push-backs #refoulement #refoulements

    –------

    v. aussi la liste des push-back avec armes à feu (août 2017-octobre 2019) :
    Push-back reports from Croatia with gun violence
    https://seenthis.net/messages/814569

    • Je mets ici les passages qui m’intéressent particulièrement... et notamment sur la #frontière_sud-alpine

      Push-back from Italy

      Chain push-backs from Italy are comparatively rare. Yet notably one report (see 1.1: https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/august-5-2019-0700-fernetti-italy conducted last month provided evidence of this sequential phenomena of expulsion from Italy back to BiH, via Slovenia and Croatia; drawing into question why such uncommon and illegal procedure was conducted by Italian police officers. The transit group was initially apprehended by Italian police officers in a small village on theoutskirts of Trieste from where they described being brought to a government building. Both in Italy and later in Slovenia, the transit group in question was detained, made to give their fingerprints, had their pictures taken and were asked to sign paperswritten in languages that they did not understand.

      “We asked the woman, what was on the paper because it was in Italian. She didn’t translate and we didn’t understand what we signed.” “I told the translator that they have to find a solution. They can’t just bring us back to Slovenia, knowing that we were in Italy. And they said, we are just migrants, we are not tourists.”Once they arrived in Croatia, the transit group was detained in a police station and interviewed one at a time before being brought to the border with Bosnia-Herzegovina where the group had their phones individually broken with a hammer by a Croatian police officer. They were then told to walk through a forest into Bosnia-Herzegovina. The chronology of events above alludes also to the complicit nature of preliminary actors within the wider pushbacks. Arguably initiators such as Slovenia and Italy -who often afford groups with translators and legal documents -have an intimate relationship to the violence and terror that accompanies subsequent push-backs from Croatia to BiH. The feigning of due process by these countries, despite prior knowledge of violent chain refoulement, forms a central part of their conceit. Italy and Slovenia mask their actions in a malaise of procedures (regularly untranslated or explained), in order to hide the institutionalisation of illegal chain pushbacks. The nature of chain pushbacks are defined by these bit-part processes, which simultaneously imitate regular procedures, while providing ample space for state authorities to deviate from legal obligations.

      (pp.6-7)
      #Italie #push-back #Slovénie #refoulement

    • And on the

      Construction of further fencing along Slovenian-Croatian border

      This August the Slovenian government authorized the construction (https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-slovenia/slovenia-erects-more-border-fence-to-curb-migrant-inflow-idUSKCN1VC19Q) of a fence 40 kms long on the banks of the river Kolpa, on the border with Croatia. The security device, installed by Serbian firm LEGI SGS, will add up to an already existing fence, making the barrier a total of 219km long. The exact location of the construction was not made public, and a spokeswoman for the interior ministry said itwill be a temporary measure to prevent people crossing the border. She did however directly cite migration as a threat to the security of citizens’ in her statement, arguably reinforcing the ideological bordering that accompanies this further fencing. Theconstruction is part of an escalating approach to border security which includes the deployment of military (https://www.aljazeera.com/amp/news/2019/07/slovenia-deploy-soldiers-boost-border-patrols-migrants-190721191235190.ht), stationed on the border since 2016, and bolstered this year alongside regular police forces.

      The opposition party NSi demanded tighter control (https://balkaninsight.com/2019/07/05/slovenia-opposition-demands-tighter-border-controls-with-croatia) sat the border with Croatia in July, and there seems little, or no will to challenge the mainstream rhetoric on migration. These demands, as BVMN reported last month (http://www.nonamekitchen.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Final-Report-July-2019.pdf), coincided with concerns of Italy building a wall on the border with Slovenia, were the ongoing joint border not to stem movement from Slovenia into Italy. Thus it seems somewhat ironic to observe the construction of a barrier on Slovenia’s Southern border, preempting the machinations of Italian interior minister, Matteo Salvini.

      Unfortunately, the domino effect being played out between these states only feeds into Croatia’s intensifying security measures. While interior minister David Bozinovic was plethoric, stating that “what Slovenians are doing, is their own decision” (https://www.total-croatia-news.com/politics/38042-migrants), his assertion that a joint European solution would be more welcome rings fairly hollow when viewed in tandem with the heightened repression around pushbacks this month and the already complicit role of Frontex. To this end, there seems to be no escape from the vicious circle of reborderization and loss of human rights in Europe, shown most recentlyby Slovenia’s harder borders.

      Allegations of smuggling made against asylum centerstaff in Ljubljana

      A statement (https://push-forward.org/novica/izjava-iniciative-prosilcev-za-azil-la-lutte-de-la-liberte-6-8-2019-az) by the asylum seekers initiative La lutte de la Liberté, and released at the beginning of August highlights what may be a serious case of abuse by security personnel in the asylum seekers camp Vič, Slovenia. According to the group, a resident in the camp called Ibrahim witnessed a number of security guards smuggling migrants out of the camp with cars in exchange for money. After the incident, which took place at the beginning of July, Ibrahim told the director of the camp who flatly denied the allegations, yet simultaneously removed two guards from their posts, causing great suspicion. In retaliation, other guards started to mob Ibrahim resulting in a series of episodes of violence culminating in a fight, for which Ibrahim was taken to a detention centre in #Postojna.

      Ibrahim has now been released and three security guards in the camp are under investigation, a source from InfoKolpa shared. Even though the actual occurrence of smuggling remains a supposition, the event highlights an important grey zone in which camp staff are operating, and the potential for systemic abuse of the asylum system. It can be argued that such cases can only emerge in the void left by inaccessible procedures and it is well known that extremely long waiting times are built into the asylum system in Slovenia. The behaviorof the security guards, in a position of absolute power over the migrants, can be explained by the fact that they are virtually invisible to the outside world, unless the migrants can organizethemselves as in this case. There has already been proof of violent behaviorby the guards in Vic, as shown in this video (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m4GP0qLTsg0

      ) taken some six months ago.

      People on the move, for their part, are in a position of structural and individual disadvantage, susceptible to many types of violence. As the statement correctly underlines, regardless of some staff being amenable, one person abusing a position of power is enough to ruin the life of someone held captive in a protracted asylum system. Infact, evidence would go further to suggest that in this case it seems like the guards were more of an organizedmob, rather than rogue individuals.

      The waiting period for asylum which reaches nine months maximum in theory (with only 18 euros a month granted to applicants by the state), makes the tenure of asylum seekers even more precarious, adding to the poor or nonexistent measures taken to integrate them into society: asylum seekers have no access to welfare, assistance in access to work or social housing and their placement in the detention center in Postojna is decided arbitrarily bythe police. The entire Slovenian asylum system goes thus into inquiry, if viewed through thelensof this case, which both expounds its flaws and the potential corruption within.

      (pp.18-20)

      #murs #barrières_frontalières #militarisation_des_frontières

  • Border Violence Monitoring Network - Report July 2019

    The Border Violence Monitoring Network just published a common report summarizing current developments in pushbacks and police violence in the Western Balkans, mainly in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and along the Serbian borders with Croatia and Hungary.

    Due tu a new cooperation with the Thessaloniki-based organisation Mobile Info Team, we were also able to touch on the Status quo of pushbacks from and to Greece.

    This report analyzes, among other things:

    – BiH politicians’ rhetoric on Croatian push-backs
    – Whistleblowers increasing pressure on Croatian authorities
    – Frontex presence in Hungarian push-backs to Serbia
    – The use of k9 units in the apprehension of transit groups in Slovenia
    – The spatial dispersion of push-backs in the Una-Sana Canton

    Competing narratives around the legality of pushbacks have emerged, muddying the waters. This has become especially clear as Croatian president Grabar-Kitarovic admitted that pushbacks were carried out legally, which is contradictory to begin with, and that “of course […] a little violence is used.” Croatia’s tactic of de facto condoning illegal pushbacks is similar to Hungary’s strategy to legalize these operations domestically, even though they violate international and EU law. On the other side of the debate, a whistleblower from the Croatian police described a culture of secrecy and institutional hurdles, which prevent legal and organizational challenges to the practice. The role of the EU in this debate remains critical. However, despite paying lip service to the EU’s value, Brussels’ continues to shoulder the bill for a substantial part of the frontier states’ border operations.

    https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/July-2019-Final-Report.pdf

    #frontières #violence #push-back #refoulement #route_des_Balkans #Frontex #Subotica #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Croatie #Italie #Serbie #Hongrie #rapport

    • Croatia Is Abusing Migrants While the EU Turns a Blind Eye

      The evidence of Croatian police violence toward migrants is overwhelming, but Brussels continues to praise and fund Zagreb for patrolling the European Union’s longest external land border.

      BIHAC, Bosnia and Herzegovina—Cocooned in a mud-spattered blanket, thousands of euros in debt, and with a body battered and bruised, Faisal Abas has reached the end of the line, geographically and spiritually. A year after leaving Pakistan to seek greener pastures in Europe, his dreams have died in a rain-sodden landfill site in northern Bosnia. His latest violent expulsion from Croatia was the final straw.

      “We were just a few kilometers over the border when we were caught on the mountainside. They wore black uniforms and balaclavas and beat us one by one with steel sticks,” he recalled. “I dropped to the ground and they kicked me in the belly. Now, I can’t walk.”

      Faisal rolled up his trousers to reveal several purple bruises snaking up his shins and thighs. He has begun seeking information on how to repatriate himself. “If I die here, then who will help my family back home?” he said.

      The tented wasteland outside the Bosnian city of Bihac has become a dumping ground for single male migrants that the struggling authorities have no room to accommodate and don’t want hanging around the city. Bhangra music blasts out of a tinny speaker, putrid smoke billows from fires lit inside moldy tents, and men traipse in flip-flops into the surrounding woods to defecate, cut off from any running water or sanitation.

      A former landfill, ringed by land mines from the Yugoslav wars, the hamlet of Vucjak has become the latest squalid purgatory for Europe’s largely forgotten migrant crisis as thousands escaping war and poverty use it as a base camp to cross over the Croatian border—a process wryly nicknamed “the game.”

      The game’s unsuccessful players have dark stories to tell. A young Pakistani named Ajaz recently expelled from Croatia sips soup from a plastic bowl and picks at his split eyebrow. “They told us to undress and we were without shoes, socks, or jackets. They took our money, mobiles and bags with everything inside it, made a fire and burnt them all in front of us. Then they hit me in the eye with a steel stick,” he said. “They beat everyone, they didn’t see us as humans.”

      Mohammad, sitting beside his compatriot, pipes up: “Last week we were with two Arabic girls when the Croatian police caught us. The girls shouted to them ‘sorry, we won’t come back,’ but they didn’t listen, they beat them on their back and chest with sticks.”

      Down the hill in Bihac, in a drafty former refrigerator factory turned refugee facility, a metal container serves as a quarantine area for the infectious and infirm. Mohammad Bilal, a scrawny 16-year-old, lies on a lower bunk with his entire leg draped in flimsy bandage. Three weeks ago, at the cusp of winning the game and crossing into Italy, he was seized in Slovenia and then handed back to Croatia. That’s when the violence began.

      “They drove us in a van to the Bosnian border and took us out one at a time,” he said, describing the Croatian police. “There were eight police, and one by one they beat us, punching, kicking, hitting with steel sticks. They broke my leg.”

      A nearby Bosnian camp guard grimaced and wondered out loud: “Imagine how hard you have to hit someone to break a bone.”

      Among the fluctuating migrant population of 7,000 thought to be in the area, vivid descriptions of violent episodes are being retold every day. The allegations have been mounting over the last two years, since Bosnia became a new branch in the treacherous Balkan migratory route into Europe. Denunciations of Croatian border policy have come from Amnesty International, the Council of Europe, Human Rights Watch, and a United Nations special rapporteur. Officials in Serbia have even alleged “physical and psychological torture” by Croatia’s police forces.

      In November 2018, the Guardian published a video shot by a migrant in which haunting screams can be heard before a group of migrants emerge from the darkness wild-eyed and bloodied. A month later, activists secretly filmed Croatian police marching lines of migrants back into Bosnian territory.

      Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic even appeared to let the cat out of the bag in an interview with the Swiss broadcaster Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen, during which she remarked that “a little bit of force is needed when doing pushbacks.” Despite the videos showing injured migrants, explicit video evidence of Croatian officials carrying out actual beatings has never been seen, and migrants report that one of the first commands by border guards is to surrender mobile phones, which are then either taken or destroyed before a thorough search is performed.

      The abuse appears to be rampant. Both the violence and humiliation—migrants are often forced to undress and walk back across the border to Bosnia half-naked for several hours in freezing temperatures—seem to be used as a deterrent to stop them from returning. And yet the European Union is arguably not only facilitating but rewarding brute force by a member state in the name of protecting its longest land border.

      In December 2018, the European Commission announced that it was awarding 6.8 million euros to Croatia to “strengthen border surveillance and law enforcement capacity,” including a “monitoring mechanism” to ensure that border measures are “proportionate and are in full compliance with fundamental rights and EU asylum laws.”

      According to European Commission sources, a sum of 300,000 euros was earmarked for the mechanism, but they could not assess its outcome until Croatia files a report due in early 2020. Details of oversight remain vague. A spokesperson for the United Nations refugee agency in Croatia told Foreign Policy that the agency has no involvement. The Croatian Law Center, another major nongovernmental organization, also confirmed it has no role in the mechanism. It appears to be little more than a fig leaf.

      https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/12/06/croatia-is-abusing-migrants-while-the-eu-turns-a-blind-eye
      #Slovénie

    • AYS Special 2019/2020: A Year of Violence — Monitoring Pushbacks on the Balkan Route

      In 2019, The Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN) shared the voices of thousands of people pushed back from borders on the Balkan Route. Each tells their own tale of illegal, and regularly violent, police actions. Each represents a person denied their fundamental rights, eyewitnesses to EU led reborderization. This article shares just some of the more startling trends which define border management on the eve of 2020, such as the denial of asylum rights, systemic firearms use, water immersion, and dog attacks.

      With a shared database of 648 reports, BVMN is a collaborative project of organisations with the common goal of challenging the illegal pushback regime and holding relevant institutions to account.

      “Pushback” describes the unlegislated expulsion of groups or individuals from one national territory to another, and lies outside the legal framework of “deportations”. On a daily basis, people-on-the-move are subject to these unlawful removals; a violent process championed by EU member states along the Balkan Route. In 2019, BVMN continued to shine a spotlight on these actions, perpetrated in the main part by states such as Croatia, Hungary, and Greece. Supporting actors also included Slovenia and Italy, and non-member states with the aid of Frontex which has seen its remit and funding widened heading into 2020.

      Volunteers and activists worked across the route in 2019 to listen to the voice of people facing these violations, taking interviews in the field and amplifying their calls for justice. Just some of the regular abuses that constitute pushbacks are listed below.
      Guns and Firearm Abuse

      The highest volume of BVMN reported pushbacks were from Croatia, a state which has been acting as a fulcrum of the EU’s external border policy in the West Balkans. It’s approximately 1300 kilometer long border with the non-member states of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro have been a flashpoint for extremely violent pushbacks. Even in the challenging winter conditions, people make daily attempts to cross through the mountainous landscape of Croatia and are pushed back from the territory by a web of police actors who deny them the proper procedure and use crude physical abuse as a deterrent.

      Of major concern is the huge rise in gun use by Croatian officials against transit populations. In the first ten months of 2019 BVMN recorded 770 people who were pushed back by police officers who used guns to shoot or threaten. In November, shots were fired directly at transit groups, resulting in the near fatal wounding of one man, and causing a puncture wound in the shoulder of another. AYS reported on the shooting of two minors in 2017, showing this isn’t the first time guns were turned on unarmed transit people in Croatia.
      Dog Attacks and K9 Units

      The use of canine units in the apprehension and expulsion of transit groups is also a telling marker of the extreme violence that characterises pushbacks. Since the summer of 2019, a spike in the level of brutal dog attacks, and the presence of K9 units during pushbacks has been noted by BVMN. In a recent case, one man was mauled by a Croatian police dog for ten minutes under the direct guidance of the animals police handlers who laughed and shouted, “good, good”, as it almost severed a major blood vessel in the victim’s leg.

      Fortunately, the man survived, but with permanent injuries that he nurses still today in Bosnia-Herzegovina where he was illegally pushed back, in spite of his request for asylum and urgent physical condition. Sadly this is not an unfamiliar story. Across the route canine units remain a severe threat within pushbacks, as seen in cases recorded from North Macedonia to Greece where a man was severely bitten, or in chain a pushback from Slovenia where 12 unmuzzled police dogs traumatised a large transit group. Dogs as weapons are a timely reminder of the weighting of border policy towards violent aggression, and away from due legal access to asylum and regulated procedure.
      Gatekeeping Asylum Access

      K9 units and guns are ultra-violent policing methods that contribute directly to the blocking of asylum access. In the first eleven months of 2019, over 60% of Croatian pushbacks to Bosnia-Herzegovina saw groups make a verbal request for asylum. Yet in these cases, group members were pushed back from the territory without having their case heard, in direct contravention of European asylum law.

      Croatian authorities, along with a host of other states, have effectively mobilised pushbacks to remove people from their territories irrespective of claims for international protection. A host of actors, such as police officers and translators have warped the conditions for claiming asylum, regularly coercing people to sign removal documents, doctoring the ages of minors, or avoid any processing at all by delivering them to the green border immediately where they are pushed back with violence. Slovenia are also participants in this chain of asylum violation, seen most brutally in a case from July when pepper spray was used to target specifically the people who spoke out asking for asylum.
      Wet Borders: River Pushbacks

      Most pushbacks occur at remote areas of the green border, especially at night, where violence can be applied with effective impunity. A particular feature of police violence on the border is the weaponisation of rivers to abuse groups. Monitoring work from September revealed 50% of direct pushbacks from Croatia involved respondents being forced into rivers or immersed in water. This is accompanied regularly by the stripping of people (often to their underwear) and burning of their possessions. Then, police officer push them into the rivers that mark the boundary with Bosnia-Herzegovina (often the Glina and Korana), putting people at a high risk of drowning and hypothermia.

      A recent case from November combined the use of firearms with this dangerous use of wet borders. A group of Algerians were pushed into a river by Croatian officers who were returning them to Bosnia-Herzegovina.

      The respondent recalled how: “They pushed me into the river and said, ‘Good luck.’”, while the officers fired guns into the air.

      Meanwhile in the Evros region of Greece, the river border is used regularly to pushback people-on-the-move into Turkey. As in Croatia, the incidents often occur at night, and are carried out by officials wearing ski masks/balaclavas. Taken by force, transit groups report being loaded violently onto small boats and ferried across to the Turkish side. This regular and informal system of removal stands out as a common violation across Greece and the Balkan area, and raises major concerns about the associated risks of water immersion given the high levels of drowning which occur in the regions rivers.
      2019 at the EU’s Doorstep

      Border management on the Balkan Route has systematised a level of unacceptable, illegal and near fatal violence.

      The trends noted in 2019 are an astonishing reminder that such boundaries are no longer governed by the rule of law, but characterised almost entirely by the informal use of pushback violations.

      Gun use stands out as the most extreme marker of violence within pushbacks. But the shooting of weapons sits within a whole arsenal of policing methods that also include blunt physical assault, unlawful detention, abuse during transportation, taser misuse and stripping. Though Croatia emerged as a primary actor within BVMN’s dataset, common practive between EU member states were also clear, as across the region: Hungary, Slovenia and Greece continued to target people-on-the-move with a shared set of illegal and violent methods. The new interventions of Frontex outside of EU territory also look to compliment this reborderisation effort, as non-member states in the Western Balkans become integrated into the pushback regime.

      The Border Violence Monitoring Network will continue to elevate the brave voices of those willing to expose these violent institutions. Their stories are a testament to the dire situation at Europe’s borders on the eve of 2020, and accountability will continue to be sought.

      https://medium.com/are-you-syrious/ays-special-2019-2020-a-year-of-violence-monitoring-pushbacks-on-the-balkan-
      #2019 #chiens #armes #armes_à_feu

  • Création de zones frontalières (au lieu de lignes de frontière) en vue de refoulements

    Je viens de lire dans un compte-rendu de réunion qui a eu lieu à Milan en juin 2019, ce commentaire, sur la situation à la #frontière italo-slovène :

    Gianfranco Schiavone :

    «Quello che sicuramente dovrebbe diventare una questione delicata é l’annunciato avvio delle pattuglie italo slovene in frontiera con l’obiettivo dichiarato alla stampa di bloccare gli arrivi. Con riammissione senza formalita’ delle persone irregolari intercettate nella fascia dei 5 km dalla frontiera . Queste sono le dichiarazioni pubbliche di questi giorni»

    Une #zone_frontalière de #5_km dans laquelle ont lieu des #refoulements directs.

    #Italie #Slovénie #frontière_sud-alpine #migrations #réfugiés #asile #frontière_mobile #bande_frontalière #frontières_mobiles

    Ceci me rappelle d’autres cas, en Europe et ailleurs, dans lesquels des procédures semblables (la frontière n’est plus une #ligne, mais une #zone) ont été mises en place, j’essaie de les mettre sur ce fil de discussion.
    Si quelqu’un a d’autres cas à signaler, les contributions sont bienvenues...

    #métaliste

    ping @reka @simplicissimus @karine4 @isskein

    • A la frontière entre franco-italienne :

      Dans un amendement, l’élu a proposé « une zone limitée aux communes limitrophes ou une bande de 10 kms par rapport à la frontière. » Le gouvernement en a accepté le principe, mais « le délimitera de manière précise par décret pour coller à la réalité du terrain. »

      http://alpesdusud.alpes1.com/news/locales/67705/alpes-du-sud-refus-d-entree-pour-les-migrants-vers-une-evolution-
      #France #Italie #frontière_sud-alpine

    • L’article 10 de la loi renforçant la sécurité intérieure et la lutte contre le terrorisme modifie l’article 78-2 du Code de procédure pénale relatif aux contrôles d’identités. Il permet ainsi des contrôles aux frontières pour une durée de douze heures consécutives (contre six auparavant). Il les élargit « aux abords » de 373 gares et dans un rayon de dix kilomètres des ports et aéroports au nombre des points de passage frontaliers. Bien au-delà des simples frontières de l’Hexagone, c’est une partie importante du territoire français qui est ainsi couvert, dont des villes entières comme Paris, Lyon, Toulouse, Marseille, etc.

      source, p.25 : https://www.lacimade.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/La_Cimade_Schengen_Frontieres.pdf
      #France

    • This month saw the introduction of joint Slovenian and Italian police patrols on their mutual border, raising concerns about the retrenchment of national boundaries contra the Schengen Agreement. The collaboration between authorities, due to be implemented until the end of September, mobilises four joint operations per week, with respective police forces able to enter 10km into the territory of their neighboring state in order to apprehend migrants. Mixed operations by member states signifies a growing trend towards the securitization of the EU’s internal borders, and in this case a tightening of controls on the departure point from the West Balkan route.

      The patrols aim at stemming the transit of migrants from the western Slovenian regions of #Goriška and #Obalno-kraška, into the eastern region of Friuli Venezia Giulia, Italy. Given the extensive pushback apparatus being employed by Slovenian and Croatian officials, arrival in Italy has often been the first place where persons-in-transit can apply for international protection without the threat of summary removal. However, these developments in cross border patrols highlight a growing effort on the part of the Italian government to prevent people seeking sanctuary on its territory.

      (p.15-16)

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/July-2019-Final-Report.pdf
      #Italie #Slovénie #10_km

    • Kuster Backs Bill To Reduce 100-Mile Zone for Border Patrol Checkpoints

      Congresswoman Ann McLane Kuster is cosponsoring legislation to reduce border zones from 100 to 25 miles from the border (https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/3852?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22border+zone%22%5D%7D&s=1&r=1), within which U.S. Customs and Border Patrol can set up immigration checkpoints.

      Congressman Peter Welch of Vermont is the prime sponsor of the legislation.

      Kuster was stopped at one such immigration checkpoint in June of this year. The checkpoint, on I-93 in Woodstock, around 90 miles from the border, resulted in 29 tickets for alleged immigration violations.

      The violations were for legal visitors who did not have appropriate paperwork on them, according to the U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

      According to a map from CityLabs, the entire state of New Hampshire falls within a border zone (which includes coastal borders).

      “I think it has a chilling effect,” says Kuster. “It’s not the free and open America that we know.”

      Vermont Senator Patrick Leahy introduced a similar bill to the Senate.

      https://www.nhpr.org/post/kuster-backs-bill-reduce-100-mile-zone-border-patrol-checkpoints#stream/0
      #USA #Etats-Unis

    • Inside the Massive U.S. ’Border Zone’

      All of Michigan, D.C., and a large chunk of Pennsylvania are part of the area where Border Patrol has expanded search and seizure rights. Here’s what it means to live or travel there.

      https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/05/who-lives-in-border-patrols-100-mile-zone-probably-you-mapped/558275
      #cartographie #visualisation
      #100-Mile_Zone

      déjà signalé sur seenthis par @reka en 2018 :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/727225

    • En #Hongrie, les pushbacks, largement pratiqués depuis des années, ont été légalisés en mars 2017 par de nouvelles dispositions permettant aux forces de l’ordre de refouler automatiquement toute personne interpellée sur le territoire hongrois et considérée en situation irrégulière. Ces personnes sont ramenées jusqu’à la clôture et renvoyées de l’autre côté. Si elles manifestent leur volonté de demander l’asile, on leur signifie qu’elles doivent repartir en Serbie et passer par les zones de transit. Pourtant, se trouvant géographiquement et juridiquement en Hongrie (le mur étant situé à 1,5 mètre à l’intérieur du tracé officiel de la frontière), les autorités ont l’obligation de prendre en compte ces demandes d’asile en vertu des conventions européennes et des textes internationaux dont la Hongrie est signataire.

      Tiré du rapport de La Cimade (2018), pp.37-38 :
      https://www.lacimade.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/La_Cimade_Schengen_Frontieres.pdf

    • Le zone di transito e di frontiera – commento dell’ASGI al decreto del Ministero dell’Interno del 5 agosto 2019

      Il 7 settembre 2009 sulla Gazzetta Ufficiale n. 210 (https://www.gazzettaufficiale.it/eli/id/2019/09/07/19A05525/sg) è stato pubblicato il decreto del Ministero dell’Interno del 5 agosto 2019 che individua le zone di transito e di frontiera dove potrà trovare applicazione la procedura accelerata per l’esame nel merito delle domande di protezione internazionale e istituisce due nuove sezioni delle Commissioni territoriali , come previsto dall’art. 28 bis co. 1 quater del D.lgs. n. 25/2008, introdotto dal d.l. n. 113/2018.

      Le zone di frontiera o di transito sono individuate in quelle esistenti nelle seguenti province:

      –Trieste e Gorizia;

      –Crotone, Cosenza, Matera, Taranto, Lecce e Brindisi;

      –Caltanissetta, Ragusa, Siracusa, Catania, Messina;

      –Trapani, Agrigento;

      –Città metropolitana di Cagliari e Sud Sardegna.

      Il decreto ministeriale istituisce altresì due nuove sezioni , Matera e Ragusa, le quali operano rispettivamente nella commissione territoriale per il riconoscimento dello status di rifugiato di Bari, per la zona di frontiera di Matera, e nella commissione territoriale di Siracusa, per la zona di frontiera di Ragusa.

      Nel commento qui pubblicato ASGI sottolinea come le nuove disposizioni paiono contrastare con le norme dell’Unione Europea perché si riferiscono in modo assolutamente generico alle “zone di transito o di frontiera individuate in quelle esistenti nelle province” e non ad aree delimitate, quali ad esempio i porti o le aree aeroportuali o altri luoghi coincidenti con frontiere fisiche con Paesi terzi non appartenenti all’Unione europea.

      ASGI evidenzia come “l’applicazione delle procedure accelerate alle domande presentate nelle zone individuate nel decreto ministeriale comporta una restrizione dell’effettivo esercizio dei diritti di cui ogni straniero è titolare allorché manifesta la volontà di presentare la domanda di asilo e una conseguente contrazione del diritto di difesa, in ragione del dimezzamento dei termini di impugnazione e dell’assenza di un effetto sospensivo automatico derivante dalla proposizione del ricorso previsti, in modo differente per le varie ipotesi specifiche, dall’art. 35 bis D. Lgs. 25/08”.

      A tal fine ASGI ricorda che:

      – ai cittadini di Paesi terzi o apolidi tenuti in centri di trattenimento o presenti ai valichi di frontiera, comprese le zone di transito alla frontiere esterne, che desiderino presentare una domanda di protezione internazionale, gli Stati membri devono garantire l’informazione, anche sull’accesso procedura per il riconoscimento della protezione internazionale, adeguati servizi di interpretariato,
      nonché l’effettivo accesso a tali aree alle organizzazioni e alle persone che prestano consulenza e assistenza ai richiedenti asilo (art. 8 Direttiva 2013/32/UE);

      – gli Stati membri devono provvedere affinché l’avvocato o altro consulente legale che assiste o rappresenta un richiedente possa accedere alle aree chiuse, quali i centri di trattenimento e le zone di transito (art. 23 par. 2) e analoga possibilità deve essere garantita all’UNHCR (art. 29, par. 1);

      – ai sensi dell’art. 46 par. 1 il richiedente ha diritto a un ricorso effettivo dinanzi a un giudice anche nel caso in cui la decisione sulla domanda di protezione internazionale venga presa in frontiera o nelle zone di transito.

      E’ evidente, conclude ASGI nel commento al Decreto, che vi sia il rischio che lo straniero espulso o respinto e che abbia presentato domanda di protezione internazionale dopo l’espulsione o il respingimento in una zona di frontiera tra quelle indicate nel nuovo decreto ministeriale si veda esaminata la sua domanda in modo sommario mentre è trattenuto in condizioni e luoghi imprecisati e inaccessibili di fatto a difensori e organizzazioni di tutela dei diritti.

      Occorre invece ribadire che la presentazione della domanda di protezione internazionale in frontiera riguarderà spesso persone rese ulteriormente vulnerabili dalle condizioni traumatiche del viaggio ed alle quali andrà perciò in ogni caso garantito un esame adeguato della domanda di protezione internazionale e l’applicazione delle garanzie e dei diritti previsti a tutela dei richiedenti protezione internazionale dalle disposizioni nazionali e dell’Unione Europea.

      https://www.asgi.it/asilo-e-protezione-internazionale/asilo-zone-transito-frontiera

    • La loi renforçant la lutte contre le terrorisme étend à nouveau les contrôles d’identités frontaliers

      Avant l’entrée en vigueur de la loi du 30 octobre 2017, les #contrôles_frontaliers étaient autorisés dans les espaces publics des #gares, #ports et #aéroports ouverts au trafic international (désignés par un arrêté ministériel) et dans une zone située entre la frontière terrestre et une ligne tracée de 20 kilomètres en deçà. Le législateur avait étendu les zones frontalières, notamment dans les territoires ultra-marins (où la convention de Schengen n’est pourtant pas applicable).

      https://www.editions-legislatives.fr/actualite/la-loi-renforcant-la-lutte-contre-le-terrorisme-etend-a-nouvea
      #France #20_km #20_kilomètres #espace_public #gares_internationales

    • The Grand Chamber Judgment in Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary: Immigration Detention and how the Ground beneath our Feet Continues to Erode

      The ECtHR has been for a long time criticized for its approach to immigration detention that diverts from the generally applicable principles to deprivation of liberty in other contexts. As Cathryn Costello has observed in her article Immigration Detention: The Ground beneath our Feet, a major weakness in the Court’s approach has been the failure to scrutinize the necessity of immigration detention under Article 5(1)(f) of the ECHR. The Grand Chamber judgment in Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary delivered on 21 November 2019 has further eroded the protection extended to asylum-seekers under the Convention to the point that restrictions imposed upon asylum-seekers might not even be qualified as deprivation of liberty worthy of the protection of Article 5. The Grand Chamber overruled on this point the unanimously adopted Chamber judgment that found that the holding of asylum-seekers in the ‘transit zone’ between Hungary and Serbia actually amounts to deprivation of liberty.

      In this blog, I will briefly describe the facts of the case, the findings of the Grand Chamber under Article 3 ECHR that was also invoked by the applicants and then I will focus on the reasoning as to the applicability of Article 5.

      The case concerned two Bangladeshi nationals who transited through Greece, the Republic of Northern Macedonia (as it is now known) and Serbia before reaching Hungary, where they immediately applied for asylum. They found themselves in the transit zone on the land border between Hungary and Serbia, where they were held for 23 days pending the examination of their asylum applications. The applications were rejected on the same day on the ground that the applicants had transited through Serbia that, according to Hungary, was a safe third country. The rejections were confirmed on appeal, an order for their expulsion was issued, the applicants were escorted out of the transit zone and they crossed back into Serbia.

      Procedural Breach of Article 3 ECHR

      The Grand Chamber established that Hungary ‘failed to discharge its procedural obligation under Article 3 of the Convention to assess the risks of treatment contrary to that provision before removing the applicants from Hungary’ to Serbia (para 163). No finding was made on the issue as to whether Hungary was substantively in breach of the right not to be subjected to refoulement given the conditions in Serbia and the deficiencies in the Serbian asylum procedures that might lead to chain refoulement. This omission follows a trend in the Court’s reasoning that can be described as a procedural turn: focus on the quality of the national decision making processes rather than on the substantive accuracy of the decisions taken at national level.[1] This omission, however, had important consequences for the application of Article 5 to the applicants’ case, the most controversial aspect in the Grand Chamber’s reasoning.

      The Chamber’s reasoning under Article 5 ECHR

      On this aspect, the Grand Chamber departed from the Chamber’s conclusion that the applicants were deprived of their liberty. The fundamental question here is whether ‘the stay’ (Hungary used the term ‘accommodation’) of asylum-seekers in the ‘transit zone’ with an exit door open to Serbia, but closed to Hungary, amounts to deprivation of liberty (i.e. detention) in the sense of Article 5 ECHR. Asylum seekers in the transit zone were denied access to the Hungarian territory,[2] but they could leave to Serbia. This creates a complex intertwinement between deprivation of liberty (Article 5(1)(f)) normally understood as not allowing somebody to leave a place, on the one hand, and not allowing somebody to enter a place. Entering a State can be very relevant from the perspective of the obligation upon this State not to refoule, which necessitates a procedure for determining whether there is a risk of refoulement.

      In its judgment from 14 March 2017 the Chamber unanimously answered in positive: by holding them in the transit zone, Hungary deprived the applicants from their liberty, which was in violation of Article 5(1)(f) since this measures had no legal basis in the national law. The Chamber clarified that‘[t]he mere fact that it was possible for them to leave voluntarily returning to Serbia which never consented to their readmission cannot rule out an infringement of the right to liberty.’ (para 55). In this way the Chamber reaffirmed the reasoning in Amuur v France where the Court observed ‘[…] this possibility [to leave voluntary the country] becomes theoretical if no other country offering protection comparable to the protection they expect to find in the country where they are seeking asylum is inclined or prepared to take them in.’ (para 48) It follows that although the transit zone at the French airport was, as France argued, “open to the outside”, the applicants were still considered as having been detained since this ‘outside’ did not offer a level of protection comparable to the one in France.

      The Chamber followed this reasoning from Amuur v France in Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary, which led to the recognition that ‘[…] the applicants could not have left the transit zone in the direction of Serbia without unwanted and grave consequences, that is, without forfeiting their asylum claims and running the risk of refoulement’ (para 55). The Chamber also added that ‘To hold otherwise would void the protection afforded by Article 5 of the Convention by compelling the applicants to choose between liberty and the pursuit of a procedure ultimately aimed to shelter them from the risk of exposure to treatment in breach of Article 3 of the Convention.’ (para 56)

      The ‘practical and realistic’ approach of the Grand Chamber under Article 5 ECHR

      The Grand Chamber in its reasoning broke precisely this linkage between the applicability of Article 5 (the qualification of a treatment as deprivation of liberty) and Article 3 (protection from refoulement). The Grand Chamber performed the following important moves to achieve this. First, it stated that ‘its approach should be practical and realistic, having regard to the present-day conditions and challenges’, which implied that States were not only entitled to control their borders, but also ‘to take measures against foreigners circumventing restrictions on immigration.’ (para 213). With Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary the Court has thus added another nuance to its well-established point of departure in cases dealing with migrants. This point of departure has been that States are entitled, subject to their treaty obligations, to control their borders. The new addition introduced with Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary and also repeated in Z.A. and Others v Russia, a Grand Chamber judgment issued on the same day, concerns States’ right to prevent ‘foreigners circumventing restrictions on immigration’. This addition, however, does not seem appropriate given that the applicants themselves in Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary never circumvented any immigration control restrictions. They applied immediately for asylum.

      This ‘practical and realistic approach’ also implied an endorsement of the representation of the situation as one of ‘crisis’:[3] ‘the Court observes that the Hungarian authorities were in conditions of a mass influx of asylum-seekers and migrants at the border, which necessitated rapidly putting in place measures to deal with what was clearly a crisis situation.’ (para 228) In the same paragraph, the Grand Chamber went on to almost praise Hungary for having processed the applicants’ claims so fast event though it was ‘a crisis’: ‘Despite the ensuring very significant difficulties, the applicants’ asylum claims and their judicial appeals were examined within three weeks and two days.’ It appears as if the Grand Chamber at this stage had already forgotten its findings made earlier in the judgment under Article 3 that the national procedure for examining the applicants’ claims was deficient. This ultimately gave the basis for the Grand Chamber to find a violation of Article 3.

      The distinction based on how asylum-seekers arrive and the type of border they find themselves at

      The second move performed by the Grand Chamber implied the introduction of a distinction between ‘staying at airport transit zones’ (para 214) and at reception centers located on islands (para 216), on the one hand, and a transit zone located on the land border between two Council of Europe Member States (para 219). This meant, as the Court reasoned, that the applicants did not have to take a plane to leave the zone, they could simply walk out of the zone. In other words, it was practically possible for them to do it on their own and they did not need anybody’s help. As the Court continued to reason in para 236, ‘Indeed, unlike the case of Amuur, where the French courts described the applicants’ confinement as an “arbitrary deprivation of liberty”, in the present case the Hungarian authorities were apparently convinced that the applicants could realistically leave in the direction of Serbia [emphasis added].’ This quotation also begs the comment as to why what the national authorities were or were not convinced about actually mattered. In addition, the reference in Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary as to how the national authorities had qualified the situation is also bizarre given that ‘deprivation of liberty’ is an autonomous concept under the Convention. On this point, the two dissenting judges, Judge Bianku and Judge Vućinić criticized the majority by highlighting that ‘the Court has reiterated on many occasions that it does not consider itself bound by the domestic courts’ legal conclusions as to the existence of a deprivation of liberty.’

      Narrowing down the importance of Amuur v France

      The third move performed by the Court is playing down the importance of and narrowing the relevance of Amuur v France. In Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary the Grand Chamber reiterated (para 239) the most significant pronouncement from Amuur: the possibility to leave the zone ‘becomes theoretical if no other country offering protection comparable to the protection they expect to find in the country where they are seeking asylum is included to take them in.’ It then noted that this reasoning ‘must be read in close relation to the factual and legal context in that case.’ This meant that in contrast to the situation in Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary, in Amuur the applicants could not leave ‘without authorization to board an airplane and without diplomatic assurance concerning their only possible destination, Syria, a country “not bound by the Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.’ (para 240) On this point Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary can be also distinguished from Z.A. and Others v Russia, where the Grand Chamber observed that ‘[…] unlike in land border transit zones, in this particular case leaving the Sheremetyevo airport transit zone would have required planning, contacting aviation companies, purchasing tickets and possibly applying for a visa depending on the destination.’ (para 154) For the applicants in Ilias and Ahmed ‘it was practically possible […] to walk to the border and cross into Serbia, a country bound by the Geneva Convention.’ (para 241). The Grand Chamber acknowledged that the applicants feared of the deficiencies in the Serbian asylum procedure and the related risk of removal to the Republic of North Macedonia or Greece. (para 242) However, what seems to be crucial is that their fears were not related to ‘direct threat to their life or health’ (para 242). It follows that the possibility to leave for a place will not preclude the qualification of the situation as one of detention, only if this place poses a direct threat to life or health.

      As noted by the two dissenting judges, it did not seem to matter for the majority that the applicants could not enter Serbia lawfully. In this way, the majority’s reasoning under Article 5 appears to endorse a situation where people are just pushed out of the border without some formal procedures with elementary guarantees.

      Read as a whole the Grand Chamber judgment in Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary is inconsistent: it contains two findings that are difficult to square together. The Court concluded that since the applicants would not be exposed to a direct risk in Serbia, they were not detained in Hungary. At the same time, Hungary violated Article 3 of the Convention since it did not conduct a proper assessment of the risks that the applicants could face if they were to return to Serbia.

      Overall weakening of the protection of Article 5 ECHR

      One final comment is due. In Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary, the Grand Chamber summarized the following factors for determining whether ‘confinement of foreigners in airport transit zones and reception centers’ can be defined as deprivation of liberty: ‘i) the applicants’ individual situation and their choices, ii) the applicable legal regime of the respective country and its purpose, iii) the relevant duration, especially in the light of the purpose and the procedural protection enjoyed by applicants pending the events, and iv) the nature and degree of the actual restrictions imposed on or experienced by the applicants.’ (para 217) (see also Z.A. and Others v Russia, para 145) Among these criteria particular attention needs to be directed to the applicable legal regime and the availability of procedural protection. In principle, Article 5, if found applicable, offers certain guarantees (e.g. statutory basis for the deprivation of liberty, access to proceedings for challenging the lawfulness of the detention). The Court seems to have inserted such considerations at the definitional stage of its analysis. For example, in Z.A. and Others v Russia, the Grand Chamber when it examined whether the confinement of the applicants in the airport transit zone amounted to deprivation of liberty, noted that they were left ‘in a legal limbo without any possibility of challenging the measure restricting their liberty’ (para 146). This played a role for the Grand Chamber to conclude that the applicants in Z.A. and Others v Russia were indeed deprived of liberty and Article 5 was thus found applicable. In contrast, the Grand Chamber in Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary observed that certain procedural guarantees applied to the applicants’ case (para 226), which also played a role for the final conclusion that Article 5 was not applicable. In sum, instead of scrutinizing the national legal regime and the access to procedural guarantees as part of the substantive analysis under Article 5, where a single deficiency leads to a finding of a violation (i.e. it is sufficient to find a violation of Article 5 if there is no strictly defined statutory basis for the applicants’ detention), the Court has muddled these criteria together with other factors and made them pertinent for the definitional analysis. This ultimately weakens the roles of these criteria and creates uncertainty.

      [1] See V Stoyanova, ‘How Exception must “Very Exceptional” Be? Non-refoulement, Socio-Economic Deprivation and Paposhvili v Belgium’ (2017) International Journal of Refugee Law 29(4) 580.

      [2] See B Nagy, ‘From Reluctance to Total Denial: Asylum Policy in Hungary 2015-2018’ in V Stoyanova and E Karageorgiou (eds) The New Asylum and Transit Countries in Europe during and in the Aftermath of the 2015/2016 Crisis (Brill 2019) 17.

      [3] Boldizsar Nagy has argued that this representation made by the Hungarian government is a lie. See B Nagy, Restricting access to asylum and contempt of courts: illiberals at work in Hungary, https://eumigrationlawblog.eu/restricting-access-to-asylum-and-contempt-of-courts-illiberals-at

      https://strasbourgobservers.com/2019/12/23/the-grand-chamber-judgment-in-ilias-and-ahmed-v-hungary-immigra
      #justice #CEDH #Hongrie #CourEDH

  • Matteo #Salvini veut construire un mur à la frontière entre la Slovénie et l’Italie

    Voilà une semaine que des #patrouilles slovéno-italiennes parcourent la frontière entre les deux pays pour empêcher les passages illégaux de réfugiés. Présentée comme une intensification de la coopération entre Rome et Ljubljana, la mesure ne satisfait pas le ministre italien de l’Intérieur, Matteo Salvini, qui a évoqué l’idée d’un mur à la frontière Est de la Botte.

    L’image, digne d’un spot de campagne proeuropéen, a fait le tour des médias slovènes : tous sourires, deux gardes-frontières slovène et italien se serrent solennellement la main, encouragés par un concert de bons mots sur la coopération policière entre Rome et Ljubljana. La mise en place d’une patrouille frontalière binationale, proposée par le ministre slovène des Affaires étrangères Miro Cerar et approuvée par son homologue italien, vise à empêcher plus efficacement les franchissements illégaux. « Nous nous attendons à des résultats positifs », a déclaré à la télévision slovène 24UR Vincenzo Avallone, chef de secteur de la police frontalière basée à Udine. « Cette coopération contribuera à un meilleur partage d’informations, crucial pour continuer notre travail. »

    Jusqu’au 30 septembre, quatre patrouilles de police se succèderont chaque semaine, trois côté slovène et une côté italien. Formées à Trieste, les équipes pourront entrer jusqu’à dix kilomètres dans le territoire des deux pays, avec pour mission de surveiller les points de passage les plus sensibles. « Nous avons travaillé sur cette initiative durant des mois », s’est félicité le gouverneur de la région de Frioul-Vénétie julienne, Massimiliano Fedriga, cité par l’agence italienne ANSA. « La pression politico-diplomatique sur la Slovénie et les pays des Balkans s’est accentuée », précise-t-il, tout en présentant la mesure comme « un commencement, pas une solution ».
    « Rendre la frontière infranchissable »

    La semaine dernière, Matteo Salvini, vice-Premier ministre italien en charge de l’Intérieur, a affirmé que si ces patrouilles ne suffisaient pas, il ferait installer des « obstacles physiques » à la frontière, à commencer par une barrière de fils barbelés. Avant d’évoquer l’idée de sceller la frontière orientale : « Nous allons rendre la frontière avec la Slovénie infranchissable, et ce par tous les moyens disponibles ».

    Le 5 juin, 500 personnes s’étaient rassemblées en signe de protestation dans la commune frontalière de #Nova_Gorica - #Gorizia, et 300 autres à Trieste lors d’une visite de Matteo Salvini à Trieste pour la signature d’un contrat d’investissement avec la Hongrie. « Chez nous, le dernier mur est tombé en 2004 [date de l’entrée de la Slovénie dans l’UE]. L’érection d’un nouveau mur éveillerait le passé, ce qui serait non seulement douloureux mais également contreproductif », explique le maire de Gorizia, Rudi Ziberna, à La Repubblica. Au premier semestre 2019, 5306 migrants auraient franchi la frontière slovéno-croate, une hausse de près de 50% par rapport à 2018 (3612 passages). 146 auraient été renvoyés en Slovénie, contre 158 l’année précédente.

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/refugies-Salvini-mur-frontiere-Slovenie-Italie
    #frontières #frontière_sud-alpine #murs #barrières_frontalières #Italie #Slovénie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #coopération_bilatérale #gardes-frontière #militarisation_des_frontières

    • Il muro anti-migranti tra Italia e Slovenia proposto dalla Lega costerebbe 2 miliardi di euro

      Il governatore del Friuli Venezia Giulia, Massimiliano Fedriga, ha parlato dell’ipotesi di costruire un muro di 243 chilometri al confine orientale dell’Italia, tra Friuli e la Slovenia.

      In un’intervista rilasciata al Fatto Quotidiano domenica 30 giugno, ha dichiarato che sta valutando l’ipotesi di realizzare il piano insieme al Viminale. La sua realizzazione risponderebbe infatti alla necessità di “fermare l’ondata migratoria che avanza”.

      “Se l’Europa non tutela i suoi confini noi saremo costretti a fermare l’ondata migratoria che avanza attraverso altri altri Paesi dell’Ue con tutti i mezzi. Non possiamo mettere poliziotti a ogni metro”, ha detto il leghista.
      Muro anti migranti Friuli | Costo

      Ma quanto costerebbe realizzare un vero e proprio muro anti migranti tra Friuli Venezia Giulia e Slovenia?

      Il coordinatore nazionale dei Verdi, Angelo Bonelli, ha calcolato che la sua costruzione costerebbe circa 2 miliardi di euro alle casse dello stato.

      “Per 100chilometri di reticolato al confine tra Usa e Messico il congresso americano ha autorizzato a Trump la spesa di 1,3 miliardi di dollari. E quindi per 243 chilometri di reticolato in Italia, il costo sarà di circa 2 miliardi di euro”, ha detto Bonelli.

      Un’infrastruttura del genere sarebbe, per questo, non solo discutibile dal punto di vista politico e morale, ma anche dal punto di vista pratico.

      Le spese per la costruzione del muro ricadrebbero su molti di quei cittadini italiani che, di questi tempi, probabilmente accoglierebbero con favore il piano.
      Muro anti migranti Friuli | Le critiche

      Le critiche all’idea del progetto non sono tardate ad arrivare anche da parte di altri personaggi pubblici, che si sono concentrati sull’aspetto politico del piano, ritenuto da alcuni anacronistico.

      Lo scrittore e saggista Claudio Magris ha scritto sul Corriere della Sera che un progetto simile sarebbe anti-storico, e rievocherebbe l’epoca della cortina di ferro, costruita alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale tra Trieste e la ex Jugoslavia di Tito.

      Anche diversi membri del Movimento 5 stelle hanno criticato il piano, tra cui il deputato e giornalista Emilio Carelli, che ha detto: “Spero che l’idea del governatore Massimiliano Fedriga non venga raccolta da nessuna forza politica. Non è alzando i muri che si governano i problemi delle migrazioni”.

      Giuseppe Brescia, presidente della Commissione Affari costituzionali della Camera ed esponente del M5S, ha invece affermato: “Questa iniziativa non ha né capo né coda, non se ne dovrebbe nemmeno parlare. Non è in agenda né nel contratto di governo, quelli della Lega non possono spararla sempre più grossa”.

      https://www.tpi.it/2019/07/01/muro-anti-migranti-friuli-fedriga-costo/

    • PM Says Fence Not Needed on Slovene-Italian Border

      Prime Minister Marjan Šarec has dismissed ideas by senior Italian officials that a fence should be erected on the Slovenian-Italian border, telling the National Assembly that such proposals had to be interpreted “in the domestic policy context”.

      “In talks with the Italian government we will state that there are no reasons for the border, this is clear from the numbers ... Italy is not threatened by Slovenia’s inactivity, and we will substantiate that,” he said.

      Šarec made the comment when he was quizzed by opposition MPs in parliament on Tuesday about the recent launch of mixed police patrols on the border, their implication being that the beefed up controls are the result of Slovenia’s failure to properly protect the Schengen border.

      Stressing that the number of persons Italy returned to Slovenia had dropped by 17% in the first half of 2019 compared to the same period last year, Šarec said Slovenian police were doing all they could to protect the Schengen border and curb illegal migrations.

      Border patrols are “not a measure that would squeeze Slovenia out of the Schengen zone,” as Democrat (SDS) MP Branko Grims claimed, as Italy has such cooperation with all of its neighbours and Slovenia also had such mixed patrols on its other borders, according to Šarec.

      New Slovenia (NSi) deputy Jernej Vrtovec wondered why Slovenia had proposed mixed patrols, labelling it an admission of its inability to control the Schengen border. But Šarec stressed that it was not the government that had proposed joint patrols, this was the result of an agreement at the level of both police forces.

      For Šarec, the key thing to dam migrations is for Frontex, the EU’s border agency, to be deployed on Croatia’s borders with Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia.

      Overall, border control is “a serious issue that the new EU Commission will have to tackle with all seriousness... Migrations will be with us for years to come ... the EU is not active in tackling these issues,” he said, adding: “Schengen is de facto not working anymore.”

      Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini recently suggested Italy might erect a fence on its border with Slovenia if joint police patrols do not suffice to stop migrations, raising fears of a return to border checks that would severely disrupt life along the border.

      While the right has taken the announcement as evidence of Slovenia’s failings, politicians on the left have started urging the government to take action to prevent such a scenario from unfolding.

      Social Democrat (SD) deputy Matjaž Nemec thus urged Šarec today to take the initiative and invite the prime ministers of all countries on the Western Balkan migration route, including Italy and Austria, to jointly tackle the issue.

      But others think Italy will do as it likes regardless of what Slovenia does.

      Robert Polnar, an MP for the Pensioners’ Party (DeSUS), said Italy’s measures would probably be harsher than the measures Slovenia is adopting.

      And Luka Mesec, the leader of the Left, said Salvini was “playing his game” in order to win the election in Italy.

      "What the Slovenian right is doing, and partially the government by starting to announce drones and fencing ... is acquiescing to this game... Our politicians are dancing to Sallvini’s tune, Mesec said on the margins of the plenary today.

      https://www.total-slovenia-news.com/politics/4072-pm-says-fence-not-needed-on-slovene-italian-border

    • Misure rafforzate contro l’immigrazione irregolare e per difendere i porti

      Nell’occasione è stato espresso apprezzamento anche per la decisione della Slovenia, che confermando le intenzioni anticipate al governo italiano ha annunciato il via ai pattugliamenti congiunti con la polizia croata.

      www.interno.gov.it/it/notizie/misure-rafforzate-contro-limmigrazione-irregolare-e-difendere-i-porti

      Commentaire Sara Prestianni, reçu via email:

      « l’Italie, qui avait annoncé il y a quelque semaine de vouloir construire un mur avec la Slovenie puis dementis puisque ont été relancé les patrouilles conjointes Italie/Slovenie, se felicite de l’annonce de la Slovenie de proceder à des patrouilles conjointe avec la Croatie »

    • Reçu via la newsletter Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 29.07.2019 :

      Slovenia deployed 35 soldiers at the border to Italy to prevent migration and confirmed its “commitment” (www.h-alter.org/vijesti/slovenija-od-danas-s-vojskom-na-granici-kod-kopra) in helping Croatia with combating illegal migration, and proposed the potential sending of #Frontex to the EU’s external borders, H-alter writes (www.h-alter.org/vijesti/slovenija-od-danas-s-vojskom-na-granici-kod-kopra).

      Slovenija od danas s vojskom na granici kod Kopra

      Slovenski mediji objavili su jučer kako će se od danas “u zaštitu granice s Italijom od ilegalnih migracija” uključiti dodatnih 35 vojnika, koji su poslani kao ispomoć policiji kod Kopra, gdje je prošli tjedan uhićeno 122 osoba u tranzitu. Vojnici će koristiti sredstva koje vojska ima u redovitoj upotrebi, od sredstava za promatranje do oklopnih vozila.

      Pojačani angažman Slovenije na sprečavanju migracija na granici s Italijom počeo je početkom ovog mjeseca kada su uvedene zajedničke ophodnje slovenske i talijanske policije.

      Slovenski ministar unutarnjih poslova Boštjan Poklukar i njegov talijanski kolega Matteo Salvini sastali su se prošlog tjedna i potvrdili svoju “predanost” pomoći Hrvatskoj “u borbi protiv nezakonite migracije”, te su predložili potencijalno slanje Frontexa na vanjske granice Europske unije.

      http://www.h-alter.org/vijesti/slovenija-od-danas-s-vojskom-na-granici-kod-kopra
      #armée #armée_slovène

    • Reçu via la newsletter Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 02.08.2019 :

      Also, after last week’s news on the Slovenian army at the border with Italy and the proposal to send Frontex to the border with Croatia, this week we learn (https://www.tportal.hr/vijesti/clanak/slovenci-navukli-uniforme-i-sami-stite-granicu-s-hrvatskom-od-migranata-vice) that a group of Slovenian locals in the Metlika and Črnomelj area dress in camouflage uniforms and patrol the border area. Non-sanctioning of such patrols, especially fueled by anti-immigrant attitudes, may further jeopardize access to international protection and the safety of persons on the move.

      –----

      Slovenci navukli uniforme i sami štite granicu s Hrvatskom od migranata : ’Vičemo im : Ovo je moja zemlja, odmah lezite’, a oni bježe’

      Neobična priča dolazi iz pograničnog područja uz Kupu sa slovenske strane granice s Hrvatskom. Razočarani odnosom službene Ljubljane, koja bi po njima trebala činiti više da zaštiti granicu od migrantskog vala, dio mještana tog kraja organizirao se u ’seoske straže’. Iako nisu naoružani, tvrde da im je cilj povećati osjećaj sigurnosti uz granicu

      Kako izvještava slovenski portal Siol.net, straža se sastoji od desetak mještana koji u maskirnim uniformama patroliraju pograničnim područjem u okolici Metlike i Črnomelja. Jedino oružje koje koriste u svom ’nadzoru granice’ njihov je glas.

      ’Vičemo im: ’Ovo je moja zemlja, ovo je Slovenija, odmah lezite!’ No oni ne slušaju naša naređenja, okrenu se i bježe’, svjedoči Blaž Zidar, jedan od mještana koji svakodnevno patrolira.

      https://www.tportal.hr/vijesti/clanak/slovenci-navukli-uniforme-i-sami-stite-granicu-s-hrvatskom-od-migranata-vice ?

      Les photos publiées avec l’article :

      ... dont une qui montre le nom du village : #Gibina (#Gibanje_Omejeno), à la frontière entre la #Slovénie et la #Croatie, et non pas avec l’Italie —> donc sur la route vers l’#Autriche :

      #barrières_frontalières #barbelés

    • Reçu via la newsletter Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 12.08.2019:

      The Slovenian government (http://hr.n1info.com/Regija/a425162/Slovenija-mobilizirala-pomocnu-policiju-zbog-migranata-i-sigurnosti-u-pro) has mobilized an increased number of reserve police forces, arguing that the Slovenian border is threatened by ’’an increased influx of migrants’’. The Border Police of Bosnia and Herzegovina (https://m.vecernji.hr/vijesti/eurozastupnik-podupire-bih-sram-me-je-hrvatska-granicna-policija-se-ne-sm) said it expects border surveillance equipment from the Czech Republic, stating that they "urgently need sophisticated sensor and radar systems to monitor day and night conditions and detect illegal crossings, special cameras, drones, vehicles for monitoring and surveillance, mobile equipment for direct access to databases as well as border control equipment intended for the detection of people in hidden spaces.’’

    • Italy/Slovenia enact joint patrols along their shared border

      This month saw the introduction of joint Slovenian and Italian police patrols on their mutual border, raising concerns about the retrenchment of national boundaries contra the Schengen Agreement. The collaboration between authorities, due to be implemented until the end of September, mobilises four joint operations per week, with respective police forces able to enter 10km (https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/17916/italy-slovenia-start-joint-border-patrols) into the territory of their neighboring state in order to apprehend migrants. Mixed operations by member states signifies a growing trend towards the securitization of the EU’s internal borders, and in this case a tightening of controls on the departure point from the West Balkan route. The patrols aim at stemming the transit of migrants from the western Slovenian regions of Goriška and Obalno-kraška, into the eastern region of Friuli Venezia Giulia, Italy. Given the extensive pushback apparatus being employed by Slovenian and Croatian officials, arrival in Italy has often been the first place where persons-in-transit can apply for international protection without the threat of summary removal. However, these developments in cross border patrols highlight a growing effort on the part of the Italian government to prevent people seeking sanctuary on its territory. The Telegraph reported (https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2019/07/08/anti-migrant-patrols-italy-slovenia-border-raise-spectre-post) that the operations had already generated “the arrest of 97 migrants in just 48 hours”, and were being carried out on both local roads and motorways across the breadth of the 120 mile land border. But the newspaper also expressed its concerns around the reintroduction of border controls, suggesting the joint operations were “conjuring up memories of the barbed wire and fences which made peoples’ lives miserable after World War Two”. The article cited the rise in local tensions in the town of Novi Gorica, as the functions of a more formalised border came back into place. Split in the aftermath of WW2, #Gorizia came to form half the town on the Italian side while the other half, #Novi_Gorica, was under Yugoslavian control. The local experience of separation within the community has informed a growing unease regarding these new border procedures, as seen in demonstrations on the Slovenian side by locals opposing a hard border. But it would seem the patrols are likely to become a regular function within the bilateral work of the Slovenian and Italian police given the rising anti-migrant rhetoric being mobilized by Italian Interior Minister, Matteo Salvini. The Interior Minister has already made calls for a border fence between the countries, should these joint patrols not bring transit into Italy under control. The knock on effect has been felt in Slovenia, where conservative opposition party NSi have made subsequent calls for the further protection of its border with Croatia. Concerned by what Balkan Insight termed a “Hungarian-style border fence” in Italy, the Slovenian parliamentary right are seeking assurances that Slovenia will not become a bottleneck for migrants whose passage to Italy is blocked. To this end, Slovenian Prime Minister Marjan Šarec made a visit to the southern border and, according to Croatian media (https://www.total-croatia-news.com/politics/37027-slovenia), pledged further police to the efforts, along with military assistance and drones. Here once again, the courtship rituals of these respective member states continues to dance ever closer to the reestablishment of fixed borders and further from a reappraisal of their obligations to international asylum law.

      (pp.16-18)

      Source: https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/July-2019-Final-Report.pdf

    • Italy, Slovenia start joint border patrols

      A joint border patrol mission between Italy and Slovenia started Monday. The aim is to stem the flow of migrants reaching the north-eastern Italian region of Friuli Venezia Giulia from the eastern border.

      A joint Italian-Slovenian border patrol officially began Monday. The main aim of the cross-border collaboration between the police forces is to stem the flow of migrants who cross into Italian territory from the eastern border, authorities said.

      To start, four joint patrols have been planned per week with two Italian border police officers and two Slovenian colleagues who can be deployed in an area of up to 10 kilometers within their respective territories.

      Massimiliano Fedriga, governor of the Friuli Venezia Giulia region, said ’’we have been working for months on the initiative’’ because ’’Italy’s political-diplomatic pressure on Slovenia, as well as on Balkan countries, has increased." He added that the measure is “a start, not a solution.”

      Italy is ready ’’to adopt other’’ measures, the governor also said, including the suspension of Schengen rules, ’’as already done by Austria with Slovenia’’, or erecting a border barrier in northeastern Italy, The barrier, the governor added, would not be erected along the entire border, as previously reported, “but potentially on some of the most critical points,” citing the woods in the Karst region, in order to “channel undocumented (migrants) along routes that are easy to control.” Deputy Premier and Interior Minister Matteo Salvini has repeatedly spoken over the past few days of “sealing the eastern border.”

      Slovenia says no emergency at the border with Italy

      Speaking at a press conference at the former Lipica border crossing to mark the start of the joint patrols, Slovenian authorities said there “is no emergency at the border with Italy.” Since the start of the year, said the director general of Slovenian police, Marian Stubljar, ’’the readmissions of illegal (migrants) from Italy to Slovenia were 146 against 158 last year." The most critical situation in terms of migrant arrivals today is at the border with Croatia, the Slovenian official said.

      As of June 29, Slovenian police at the border with Croatia registered 5,306 illegal crossings, compared to 3,612 in 2018, noted Stubljar. Most of them were ’’Afghan, Algerian and Pakistani citizens." Therefore the situation remains critical outside the Schengen area ’’at the border with Bosnia," said the official.

      Patrols to prevent migrants from crossing into Italy

      Although readmissions have not increased compared to last year, Italian authorities explained, the aim of the joint border patrols is to prevent migrants from entering national territory. Once they have crossed into Italy, they cannot be sent back if they apply for asylum, the officials said. Vincenzo Avallone, the official in charge of the so-called Fourth zone of the Udine border police, said authorities ’’expect good results’’ from the operation.

      Further developments in immigration policies could follow the visit of Deputy Premier Salvini who is expected on Friday to travel to Trieste, the main city of Friuli Venezia Giulia.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/17916/italy-slovenia-start-joint-border-patrols

    • Migranti: fine pattugliamento congiunto Italia-Slovenia

      Il pattugliamento congiunto del confine fra Italia e Slovenia, una iniziativa avviata a luglio scorso e programmata fino alla fine di settembre, è formalmente terminato, ma la collaborazione transfrontaliera delle forze di polizia in alcune aree prosegue. Lo scrive l’agenzia di stampa STA, che riporta una dichiarazione della polizia distrettuale di Capodistria, dove la collaborazione prosegue. A Nova Gorica invece le pattuglie congiunte sono state sospese. Durante il pattugliamento congiunto nell’area del capodistriano sono state condotte 46 operazioni di pattugliamento congiunto, 36 in Slovenia e 10 in Italia. Fino al 30 settembre di quest’anno sono stati poco meno di quattromila (3.922) gli stranieri intercettati lungo la zona di frontiera, un numero leggermente in crescita rispetto allo stesso periodo dello scorso anno, quando furono fermati 3.272 migranti.

      http://www.ansamed.info/ansamed/it/notizie/rubriche/cronaca/2019/10/02/migranti-fine-pattugliamento-congiunto-italia-slovenia_c0eb4322-dde5-4141-

    • La frontiera invisibile che passa da Trieste

      “Quando sono entrato in Italia ho ringraziato dio e poi mi sono messo a ballare in mezzo alla strada”, racconta Tariq Abbas, un ragazzo pachistano di 26 anni, mentre mostra il punto esatto in cui è sceso dall’auto del passeur che qualche mese fa lo ha portato dalla Bosnia all’Italia, davanti a un bar sull’autostrada che dalla Slovenia conduce a Trieste. Aveva provato ad attraversare la frontiera tra Bosnia e Croazia quindici volte, senza riuscirci. Alla fine ha deciso di pagare un trafficante per essere portato in auto a destinazione, in Italia, insieme ad altre dieci persone. Si trovava da mesi nel campo governativo di Bira, un’ex fabbrica di Bihać, in Bosnia, dove è stato allestito un campo ufficiale dall’Organizzazione internazionale delle migrazioni (Oim).

      A Bira mancava tutto, racconta Abbas. L’acqua, i servizi, la fiducia negli altri. Risse e furti erano all’ordine del giorno in una situazione sempre più difficile. “Ero partito dal Pakistan un anno e mezzo prima e mi trovavo bloccato in Bosnia da mesi”. Così l’unica strada è stata quella di affidarsi a uno dei tanti passeur che frequentano il campo. “È pieno di persone che offrono di facilitare il viaggio, all’interno degli stessi campi in Bosnia”, racconta. Ha speso una cifra altissima: 3.500 euro per farsi portare prima a piedi e poi in auto dove voleva arrivare. Mentre percorre il sentiero che costeggia l’autostrada, Abbas mostra gli oggetti che altre persone hanno lasciato lungo la strada: zaini, sacchi a pelo, indumenti. Sono le tracce di un passaggio costante e silenzioso.

      Una rotta di cui non si parla
      L’8 novembre un ragazzo siriano di vent’anni è stato ritrovato senza vita nei boschi della Slovenia. Come tanti prima di lui, come tanti dopo di lui, provava ad attraversare la frontiera, percorrendo una rotta che non è mai stata chiusa, nonostante l’accordo con il presidente turco Recep Tayyip Erdoğan costato all’Unione europea sei miliardi di euro nel 2016 e malgrado la costruzione del muro tra Ungheria e Serbia voluto dal premier ungherese Viktor Orbán nel 2015. Il ragazzo siriano aveva vent’anni e voleva raggiungere i suoi due fratelli, emigrati anni prima in Germania. Si è perso nei boschi, in autunno, per sfuggire ai controlli della polizia slovena e croata lungo i sentieri che attraversano il confine.

      Lo stesso giorno trentacinque persone sono state fermate nella stessa zona, tra Croazia e Bosnia, e rimandate indietro in quella che si è trasformata nella frontiera orientale dell’Europa, proprio nelle stesse ore in cui in tutti i paesi del vecchio mondo si celebrava il trentesimo anniversario della caduta del muro di Berlino. “Non si è trattato di una fatalità”, afferma Gianfranco Schiavone del Consorzio italiano di solidarietà (Ics) di Trieste, membro dell’Associazione studi giuridici sull’immigrazione (Asgi). “Ma è la manifestazione di una situazione drammatica che riguarda migliaia di profughi lungo la rotta dei Balcani. Quella morte si aggiunge ad altre avvenute negli ultimi anni lungo questa rotta”, continua Schiavone, secondo cui gli arrivi in Italia dalla rotta dei Balcani sono bassi, ma costanti.

      “Stiamo parlando di una ventina di persone al giorno che arrivano a Trieste dai Balcani”, continua. Eppure, secondo l’esperto, “c’è molto silenzio su quello che succede lungo la frontiera orientale, perché è come se non si volesse riconoscere che pesanti violazioni dei diritti umani stanno avvenendo in territorio europeo: in Croazia, in Slovenia”. Sono numerosi i report che denunciano le violenze della polizia croata che picchia, deruba e respinge indietro migranti e profughi, violando una serie di norme internazionali. Ma, secondo gli esperti, su questo aspetto è sceso un silenzio preoccupante.

      Il muro e i cani
      Invece c’è molta enfasi sulle misure di contrasto all’ingresso degli immigrati sul territorio italiano: qualche giorno fa i consiglieri di Fratelli d’Italia nel comune di Trieste hanno proposto di dotare la polizia di frontiera di cani poliziotto per rincorrere i migranti che provano a entrare nel paese. L’estate scorsa aveva fatto discutere la proposta del governatore del Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Massimiliano Fredriga, di costruire un muro al confine con la Slovenia. Per monsignor Carlo Roberto Maria Redaelli, presidente della Caritas e arcivescovo di Gorizia, “nessuno vorrebbe la costruzione di un muro in Friuli-Venezia Giulia, c’è stata troppa sofferenza legata alla frontiera”. Il ricordo del muro è ancora molto presente: “Appena fuori Gorizia c’è un paesino che ha un cimitero dalla parte slovena: sono passati in mezzo alle tombe per segnare il confine e quando la frontiera era in piedi gli abitanti di quel paese non potevano andare neppure a mettere un fiore su quelle tombe”, racconta Redaelli.

      Per gli esperti l’idea di costruire un muro è irrealistica e contraria alla legge. “La frontiera è lunga trecento chilometri, di cui la maggior parte in montagna”, spiega Schiavone. “Inoltre nessuna barriera fisica può essere innalzata tra due paesi che fanno parte dello spazio Schengen, quello che è possibile è ripristinare in maniera temporanea i controlli di frontiera. Ma il ripristino deve essere giustificato da un motivo preciso”, commenta il presidente di Ics, che aggiunge: “La discussione pubblica rimane dominata dall’ossessione dei respingimenti, ciò porta spesso le persone a nascondersi, a fare percorsi pericolosi e ad affidarsi alle reti criminali, che così alzano il prezzo dei loro servizi”.

      L’Asgi – di cui Schiavone fa parte – ha lanciato un progetto di monitoraggio transnazionale delle violazioni dei diritti umani che stanno avvenendo lungo la rotta dei Balcani. Per Schiavone l’ultima misura adottata delle pattuglie miste italo-slovene per intercettare i migranti prima che entrino in Italia è un ulteriore spreco di risorse pubbliche, potrebbe aver violato alcune norme internazionali che impongono di non respingere dei potenziali richiedenti asilo o dei minorenni e produce come unico effetto l’apertura di percorsi ancora più pericolosi, che mettono a serio rischio la vita delle persone, specialmente con l’arrivo dell’inverno.

      Anche per il prefetto di Trieste Valerio Valenti le pattuglie italoslovene, sperimentate tra luglio e settembre 2019, sono state poco efficaci. Sono state intercettate quaranta persone in tutto e rimandate in Slovenia. Le riammissioni totali dall’Italia alla Slovenia nel 2019 sono state 118 a fronte di circa cinquemila ingressi. “Le pattuglie miste sono formate da tre agenti: due sloveni e un italiano e operano alla frontiera per sei ore, quattro giorni alla settimana, per intercettare i migranti prima che arrivino sul territorio italiano. In termini di numeri l’esperienza non è stata particolarmente produttiva. Ma la collaborazione tra polizie di stati confinanti è sempre una buona cosa, spero che la collaborazione (ora conclusa, ndr), possa continuare”, afferma il prefetto. Ma il problema a Trieste, come in tutto il paese, sembra essere più legato ai tagli economici al sistema di accoglienza che non all’aumento degli arrivi di migranti.

      “Abbiamo avviato un programma di alleggerimento e ridistribuzione delle persone dal Friuli-Venezia Giulia all’intero paese, nell’idea che il flusso di migranti è costante in Friuli e per garantire che i centri non fossero mai sovraffollati. Da luglio a settembre abbiamo spostato 1.160 persone in altri centri italiani e le persone presenti in accoglienza nella regione al momento sono circa 2.600”, spiega Valenti. Inoltre “i bandi per i centri di accoglienza sono andati deserti, perché le organizzazioni che si occupano di accoglienza hanno ritenuto che i tagli previsti siano troppo alti (dai 35 euro a persona ai 27 euro a persona) e non consentirebbero di offrire i servizi di base”, continua il prefetto.

      Schiavone di Ics è molto critico: “Il sistema del Friuli-Venezia Giulia è stato destrutturato dal cosiddetto decreto sicurezza, soprattutto a Udine e Gorizia. Nel caso di Trieste è rimasto uguale, perché Ics e Caritas si sono rifiutati di accettare gli standard dei capitolati, anche se c’è un’atmosfera molto precaria. Si voleva trasformare il sistema di accoglienza in una specie di dormitorio, inoltre si rischiava di perdere posti di lavoro. Tuttavia, anche con il nuovo governo, la vicenda non è ancora chiusa. Ci troviamo ancora nella stessa precarietà”. Anche Oliviero Forti della Caritas è dello stesso parere: “I nuovi capitolati d’appalto hanno ribassato gli importi destinati all’accoglienza nei centri di accoglienza straordinaria (Cas), ma non solo. A fronte di un minor costo, sono stati anche previsti minori servizi, trasformando le accoglienze da percorsi di integrazione a meri servizi di albergaggio. Questa situazione ha portato moltissimi enti del terzo settore a scegliere di non partecipare ai bandi sia come scelta dettata dalla non accettazione di un simile modello di accoglienza, sia​ per la non sostenibilità economica di questo sistema”.

      https://www.internazionale.it/reportage/annalisa-camilli/2019/11/12/trieste-frontiera-muro

    • Réfugiés en Slovénie : de plus en plus de passages, de plus en plus d’arrestations

      Depuis le début du mois de juillet, des #patrouilles_mixtes italo-slovènes contrôlent la frontière entre les deux pays, comptant sur les dénonciations de la population locale pour arrêter les exilés, toujours plus nombreux à tenter de rejoindre l’Italie.


      Depuis le printemps 2019, la police slovène constate une hausse constante des passages depuis la Croatie. Selon InfoMigrants (https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/20830/slovenie-des-patrouilles-de-police-quotidiennes-pour-intercepter-les-m, les autorités slovènes ont relevé 14’000 traversées illégales sur leur sol entre le 1er janvier et le 30 octobre 2019, contre 8200 à la même période en 2018. « Entre le 4 et le 10 novembre, 124 migrants ont été arrêtés par les patrouilleurs, dont une majorité de Syriens, de Pakistanais et de Marocains », rapporte la journaliste Charlotte Boitiaux. La police explique compter sur les signalements de la population civile, invitée à dénoncer les mouvements « suspects ».

      Parmi les nationalités enregistrées, la police slovène note une hausse du nombre des Marocains et des Algériens (https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/20911/de-plus-en-plus-d-algeriens-et-de-marocains-passent-par-la-route-des-b), qui empruntent la route des Balkans depuis la Turquie, où leurs passeports bénéficient d’un régime de visa favorable. Surtout, le passage par les Balkans coûte moins cher et est moins risqué qu’un transport à travers la mer Méditerranée.

      Ceux qui sont arrêtés font une demande d’asile en Slovénie pour éviter d’être expulsés vers la Croatie. « Ici, quand on demande l’asile, on a le droit à un toit, on peut dormir au chaud, et pas dans la forêt. Ça nous change de la Bosnie », explique Mohamed à InfoMigrants. Le seul centre du pays pour les demandeurs d’asile se trouve à Vič, près de Ljubljana, et peut héberger 200 personnes. Il est rarement plein. La grande majorité des résidents n’y restent que quelques jours, avant de « disparaître dans la nature » et de reprendre leur route vers l’Ouest.

      L’objectif reste de passer en Italie. « Ce n’est pas si dur que ça », explique Amir, interrogé par InfoMigrants. « Je me suis arrêté à Ljubljana, le temps de m’acheter des bonnes chaussures de marche, de trouver un manteau plus chaud et je vais repartir bientôt. » Amir veut rejoindre la France et la région de Bordeaux où il a de la famille. « On va passer par la forêt avec un ami, pas besoin de passeurs, on se repère et on se déplace avec nos GSM ». Entre la Slovénie et l’Italie, il n’y a pas de barbelés. Le passage est plus facile, affirment les migrants. « Le pire, c’est de passer la Croatie, les barbelés, les policiers violents, après ça va », affirme Amir.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Slovenie-chaque-semaine-des-dizaines-de-migrants-arretes-a-la-fro
      #délation

    • Slovénie : des patrouilles de police quotidiennes pour intercepter les migrants à la frontière italienne (3/3)

      Depuis le mois de juillet, des patrouilles binationales de policiers italiens et slovènes ont été mises sur pied pour tenter d’enrayer le flux grandissant de migrants tentant de passer dans le pays transalpin. InfoMigrants a pu rencontrer la police slovène dans la ville de Koper, non loin de la ville italienne de Trieste, où chaque semaine, des dizaines de migrants sont arrêtés.

      Il est midi quand la patrouille commence à rebrousser chemin. La pluie tombe depuis plusieurs heures et le brouillard est omniprésent. Les deux policiers slovènes et la policière italienne rentrent sans « avoir vu personne ». La faute aux intempéries sûrement. « Tenter une traversée par ce temps, c’est plus compliqué, mais ça existe, évidemment », explique la policière italienne qui a commencé à patrouiller à 7h du matin – et qui prend la direction du commissariat de Koper, dernière ville slovène avant l’Italie, pour faire son rapport.

      La surveillance du jour a eu lieu dans les montagnes de Kastelec et de Socerb, à une dizaine de kilomètres au nord de Koper, du haut desquelles on aperçoit la petite commune italienne de San Dorligo. Cette fois-ci, donc, aucun migrant n’a été intercepté.

      Depuis le mois de juillet, des patrouilles binationales, italiennes et slovènes, ont fait leur début le long de leur frontière commune. Elles dureront au moins jusqu’à la fin septembre. Objectif affiché des deux pays : freiner l’immigration clandestine sur la route des Balkans, en direction de l’Italie et de l’ouest de l’Europe.

      Si, au plus fort de la crise migratoire, en 2015, des dizaines de milliers de migrants et réfugiés en provenance de Syrie, d’Irak ou encore d’Afghanistan, avaient emprunté cet itinéraire, le flux s’était tari ces trois dernières années. Mais depuis le printemps 2019, la Slovénie a vu le nombre des arrivées en provenance de la Croatie augmenter de nouveau.

      « Plus de 22% de hausse de tentatives de traversées de l’Italie dans la région par rapport à l’année dernière », précise Vicjem Toskan, l’un des chefs de la police de la ville de Koper. Et plus de 70 % sur l’ensemble du territoire. Les autorités ont en effet recensé 14 000 traversées illégales sur leur sol du 1er janvier au 30 octobre 2019, contre 8 200 à la même période en 2018.

      De plus en plus de Marocains et d’Algériens

      Parmi les personnes interceptées par la police, de nombreux Marocains et Algériens qui empruntent de plus en plus cette route des Balkans après avoir rallié la Turquie – qu’ils rejoignent grâce à des facilités de visa. « J’aurais pu passer par la mer pour aller du Maroc en Espagne, mais c’était trop cher. Le passeur me demandait plus de 5 000 euros », explique Amir* un migrant marocain croisé à Ljubljana. « Passer par les Balkans, ça me coûte presque rien ».

      Un autre, traumatisé par la mer Méditerranée, n’a pas voulu tenter la traversée maritime. « Mon frère est mort en essayant d’aller en Espagne dans un canot. Passer par la Turquie et les Balkans, c’est plus long, mais c’est moins dangereux », explique ce migrant, lui aussi marocain.

      Selon les chiffres des autorités slovènes, les migrants maghrébins font partie des nationalités les plus arrêtés – avec les Pakistanais et les Afghans. Face à cette réalité, la police dit « surveiller de près l’évolution de la situation et adapter ses activités en conséquence ».

      « Pas besoin de passeurs »

      Est-ce facile de rallier l’Italie ? « Ce n’est pas si dur que ça », répond Amir. « Je me suis arrêté à Ljubljana, le temps de me racheter des bonnes chaussures de marche, de trouver un manteau plus chaud et je vais repartir bientôt. » Amir veut rejoindre la France et la région de Bordeaux où il a de la famille. « On va passer par la forêt avec un ami, pas besoin de passeurs, on se repère et on se déplace avec nos GSM ».

      De ce côté-ci du pays, pas de barbelés. Le passage est plus facile, affirment les migrants. « Le pire, c’est de passer la Croatie, les barbelés, les policiers violents, après ça va », affirme Amir. Le gouvernement slovène a écarté la possibilité d’installer une clôture à sa frontière ouest, comme l’avaient suggéré récemment plusieurs responsables politiques italiens. Mais les autorités n’ont pas lésiné sur les moyens déployés à la frontière italienne pour empêcher les migrants de passer. Des vidéos surveillances et des drones sont utilisés pour aider les forces de l’ordre.


      https://twitter.com/chaboite/status/1194641459384913920

      Dans la forêt qui recouvre une large partie de la frontière sloveno-italienne, les policiers s’appuient aussi sur les signalements des civils. « On reçoit parfois des coups de fils des habitants de la région. Ils nous disent quand ils croient apercevoir quelque chose d’inhabituel dans la montagne à tel ou tel endroit ».

      Les « techniques » de passage varient selon les saisons. « L’été, on remarque que les migrants marchent davantage. L’hiver, ils tentent de passer la frontière dans des voitures, des vans, des camionnettes. Il y a des passages parfois la nuit. Le plus souvent, ils marchent une dizaine de jours pour rallier Velika Kledusha, en Bosnie, à Trieste, en Italie ».

      124 personnes arrêtées en une semaine

      En fonction de tous ces paramètres, les patrouilles changent souvent de lieux et d’horaires. « Evidemment, on ne vous dira rien à ce sujet », sourit le commandant de police.

      Amir ne connaissait pas l’existence de patrouilles binationales. Mais il n’a pas l’air stressé par leur existence. « Il y a toujours des contrôles à une frontière, c’est comme ça ».

      La police slovène se dit, elle, satisfaite de ce dispositif. « Hier [le 12 novembre], nous avons intercepté 12 migrants qui tentaient de passer en Italie, ils étaient répartis dans trois voitures de passeurs », précise Vicjem Toskan, le commandant de police de Koper. « Et dans la semaine du 4 au 10 novembre, nous avons arrêté 124 personnes. Nos patrouilles ne font pas de miracles, mais, pour l’heure, force est de constater qu’elles ont fait leur preuve et qu’elles sont efficaces ».

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/20830/slovenie-des-patrouilles-de-police-quotidiennes-pour-intercepter-les-m

  • Migranti: premier annuncia più controlli a confine Croazia

    LUBIANA - Il premier sloveno Marjan Šarec ha deciso di aumentare la presenza di polizia e soldati lungo il confine con la Croazia. «Non abbiamo mai detto che non c’era alcun problema con i migranti», ha dichiarato Šarec durante un sopralluogo effettuato oggi lungo la frontiera meridionale, nel comune di #Ilirska_Bistrica, insieme al ministro dell’interno Boštjan Poklukar, e alla direttrice generale della Polizia, Tatjan Bobnar. Anche se ha preferito non dare dettagli sul numero di ulteriori agenti che saranno inviati per il pattugliamento dei valichi di frontiera, Šarec ha detto che le forze di sicurezza saranno dotate di attrezzature tecniche, come i droni, e che viene anche valutata l’eventualità di rinforzare recinzioni e barriere fisiche, ove necessario. Lungo alcuni tratti del confine fra Slovenia e Croazia è presente una recinzione con filo spinato, ma sin dalla prima visita del ministro Poklukar il numero di attraversamenti illegali è raddoppiato e «questo per noi è inaccettabile», ha dichiarato il primo ministro. Come si apprende da una nota diffusa dal governo, in linea con le aspettative di protezione dei propri confini il governo ha stanziato considerevoli risorse finanziarie destinate alla polizia slovena e continuerà a farlo in futuro. La collaborazione con la comunità locale, prosegue il comunicato, deve essere portata avanti senza che la retorica politica prenda il sopravvento. La visita di Šarec è poi proseguita nei comuni di #Kostel e #Črnomelj.

    http://www.ansamed.info/ansamed/it/notizie/rubriche/politica/2019/07/08/migranti-premier-annuncia-piu-controlli-a-confine-croazia_01b75f45-24ae-4f
    #militarisation_des_frontières #drones #barrières_frontalières #murs
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Croatie #Slovénie #frontières

    • Le Premier ministre slovène annonce le renforcement de la frontière avec la Croatie

      12 juillet - 11h30 : Au lendemain de l’agression au couteau d’un chauffeur de taxi par un ressortissant irakien, le Premier ministre slovène, Marjan Šarec, a promis l’envoi de soldats supplémentaires à la frontière avec la Croatie et l’achat d’équipement supplémentaire, dont des drones et de nouvelles barrières.

      Cette annonce survient peu après la création de patrouilles slovéno-italiennes. Le Premier ministre était pressé par l’opposition de droite, qui craint que la Slovénie ne devienne un goulot d’étranglement pour des réfugiés coincés à la frontière italienne. Le parti chrétien-démocrate NSi a demandé au gouvernement de prendre les « mesures nécessaires pour empêcher les franchissements illégaux de la frontière et garantir une protection efficace de la frontière sud ».

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/fil-info-refugies


      https://twitter.com/vladaRS/status/1148273439406534657?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E11

      #murs #barrières_frontalières

    • While the Croatian Ministry of the Interior has publicly expressed concerns about maintaining the security of Croatian borders, neighboring Slovenia started building additional fences along the border with Croatia. The Slovenian Interior Ministry said that they plan to put an additional 40 kilometers of wire at the border with the river Kupa, which means that Slovenia will have a total of 179 kilometers of border covered by ’’ technical barriers ’’.

      Reçu via la newsletter de Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 26.08.2019

      source:

      Mediji: Slovenija počela dizati dodatne ograde uz granicu s Hrvatskom

      U MUP-u kažu da se dodatne prepreke postavljaju na mjestima gdje je to neophodno za zaustavljanje ilegalnih migracija.

      Slovenija je počela postavljati dodatnu protumigrantsku ogradu uz granicu s Hrvatskom, na sektoru gdje je ove godine zabilježen povećan broj ilegalnih ulazaka, uz rijeku Kupu, prenose u četvrtak slovenski mediji.

      Kako je objavila televizijska postaja POP-TV, u srijedu je započelo postavljanje četiri kilometra duge nove panelne ograde na potezu između sela Žuniči i Zilje, prenosi Hina.

      Posao bi trebao biti završen u nekoliko idućih tjedana, nakon čega će granica na Kupi između Vinice i Žuniča, gdje je ovog proljeća i ljeta bilo mnogo ilegalnih prelazaka, biti praktično u cijelosti zaštićena, navodi televizijska postaja, pozivajući se na svoje izvore.
      Na granici 179. kilometara ’privremenih tehničkih zapreka’

      Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova je u vezi s tim navelo da se dodatne tehničke prepreke na granici postavljaju na mjestima gdje je to neophodno za zaustavljanje ilegalnih migracija.

      “Gdje će se prepreke konkretno postaviti i u kojemu opsegu, o tome se odluke donose temeljem konkretnih ocjena i prijedloga policije”, naveli su u izjavi u slovenskom MUP-u.

      Slovenija je tehničke prepreke za zaustavljanje migrantskog vala počela postavljati u jeku velike migracijske krize 2015-2016. godine, a vlada je ovog ljeta najavila da će postaviti dodatnih 40 kilometara ograde, na mjestima koja su najriskantnija i nalaze se na rutama ilegalnih migracija.

      Trenutačno je na granici Slovenije i Hrvatske 179. kilometara “privremenih tehničkih zapreka”, od čega 116 kilometara čini bodljikava žica, a 63 kilometra takozvana panelna ograda, potvrdilo je ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova.
      Odabrano poduzeće iz Beograda

      Ograde je do sada postavljala slovenska vojska, dok je za postavljanje dodatnih 40 kilometara panelnih ograda sada odabrano poduzeće Legi-SGS iz Beograda, koje je na natječaju za taj posao dalo ponudu od 4,56 milijuna eura.

      Kako prenose slovenski mediji, Slovenija je do sada za ograđivanje granice potrošila 19 milijuna eura, u što nije uračunat rad vojske te odštete vlansicima privatnih parcela na kojima su barijere postavljene.

      Dodatne ograde se postavljaju i zbog prijetnji talijanskog ministra unutarnjih poslova Mattea Salvinija da će postaviti fizičke prepreke na granicu sa Slovenijom, ako zajedničke patrole na granici i dodatne mjere slovenske vlade do ove jeseni ne rezultiraju smanjenjem ilegalnih ulazaka migranata u Italiji preko slovenskog teritorija.

      http://balkans.aljazeera.net/vijesti/mediji-slovenija-pocela-dizati-dodatne-ograde-uz-granicu-s-hrvats

    • En Slovénie, une #clôture « de la honte » à la frontière croate (1/3)

      Depuis 2015, le gouvernement slovène érige le long de sa frontière sud une clôture de barbelés pour tenter d’endiguer le flux de migrants en provenance de la Croatie voisine. Les villages slovènes traversés par les fils barbelés supportent mal l’installation de ce grillage qui, selon eux, abîme le paysage et n’empêche pas la traversée des migrants.

      « Qui aime se réveiller le matin avec des fils barbelés devant sa fenêtre ? » Rudy ne décolère pas. Cet habitant de Slavski Laz, un village perdu dans les montagnes slovènes, frontalier avec la Croatie, ne s’explique toujours pas pourquoi le gouvernement a construit, ici, au bord de la rivière Kolpa, une clôture de barbelés.

      « Ils disent que ce grillage est fait pour nous protéger… Mais nous protéger de quoi ? Je n’ai peur de rien… », continue ce retraité qui vit depuis des années dans la région encore largement sauvage. L’argument de « l’invasion migratoire » brandi par le gouvernement pour justifier la construction de ce mur de métal ne le convainc pas.

      « Les migrants ici, ils passent, c’est tout », explique-t-il. « Ils transitent par la Slovénie et puis s’en vont vers d’autres pays, vers le nord de l’Europe généralement ».

      Les amis de Rudy acquiescent, tous attablés dans le seul café encore ouvert à 19h de Kostel, un village de moins de 650 habitants non loin d’une des rares routes reliant le pays à la Croatie. Selon eux, la clôture est inutile, elle abîme le paysage, et son rôle de dissuasion est largement surestimé. « Ils disent que les barbelés vont empêcher le passage de migrants… Mais tout le monde passe quand même ! », sourit Marco, un ami de Rudy, habitant dans le village voisin de Fara, en déclenchant l’hilarité de l’assemblée.

      « Par exemple, en ce moment, avec l’hiver et les forts courants, les rivages sont boueux, poreux, alors, les terrains bougent, la clôture s’effondre. Les migrants qui veulent passer n’ont même pas besoin de se fatiguer, ils ont juste à l’enjamber », continue Marco en riant. « Il y a des endroits où des sillons se sont creusés. Ils peuvent aussi passer sous la barrière ! »

      116 km de grillages

      Près de 14 000 migrants ont traversé la frontière depuis le début de l’année, « soit 70% de plus que l’année dernière », à la même période, affirme la police slovène à InfoMigrants. « Ces clôtures ne sont pas une baguette magique mais elles nous aident », ajoute Viljem Toskan, un commandant de police slovène.

      Cet été, 40 km supplémentaires de grillages ont donc été construits à la frontière sud, le long de la rivière Kolpa. « Il faut empêcher le franchissement illégal des frontières », a indiqué le ministère de l’Intérieur dans un communiqué. En tout, depuis 2015, Ljulbjana a déjà érigé 116 km de grillages le long de la Kolpa qui parcourt les 670 km de frontière avec la Croatie.

      Khaled, un demandeur d’asile érythréen, aujourd’hui à Ljubljana, a tenté trois fois le passage de la frontière slovène avant de réussir à entrer dans le pays. La clôture, il s’en souvient très bien. « J’ai traversé la frontière au mois de mai, quelque part vers Ribnica. Je me souviens qu’une fois la rivière franchie, il a fallu passer ces barbelés. Alors j’ai grimpé, je me suis déchiré les mains, elles étaient pleines de sang, mais je suis passé ».

      Montagnes dangereuses, présence d’ours, eau glaciale

      Au delà de sa dangerosité, Rudy, le villageois, voit dans cet alignement de barbelés, une « clôture de la honte » qui, selon lui, stigmatise les migrants. « On voit arriver des familles, parfois des enfants. Je ne vois pas bien en quoi, ce sont des ennemis », continue le retraité.

      « Cette barrière, c’est le début de l’enfer », explique à son tour une jeune fille qui énumère les dangers qui attendent les migrants juste après son franchissement : la #montagne « très dangereuse quand on s’y perd », les températures « glaciales » et les ours, nombreux dans le pays. « Parfois, on entend des cris là-haut. Ce sont des migrants qui hurlent pour effrayer les animaux ».

      Ces dernières semaines, deux migrants sont décédés par noyade dans la Kolpa et un autre a été retrouvé mort de froid et d’épuisement dans la forêt.

      Surtout, les migrants doivent éviter les patrouilles de police. « La nuit, quand nous tentons la traversée, nous voyons les lumières des lampes torche, derrière la clôture. Les policiers sont partout. C’est ça qui nous effraie le plus », se souvient Khaled. « On fait tout pour les éviter. Quand la police vous attrape, elle vous renvoie en Croatie. Elle vous emmène rarement jusqu’à la capitale pour demander l’asile ».

      Depuis le début de l’année, plus de 8 000 renvois – aussi appelés « pushbacks » - ont été effectués depuis les frontières slovènes, soit près de 70 % des entrées clandestines dans le pays, affirment les autorités.

      Patrouille de miliciens d’extrême-droite

      « C’est une honte, il y a la police, l’armée, maintenant cette clôture et il y a même une milice ! », fulmine à son tour Katarina Bernad Sterva, directrice de l’association slovène d’aide aux réfugiés, qui se désespère de la situation à la frontière.

      Depuis quelques jours en effet, des #milices en treillis militaires, visages cachés derrière des cagoules noires, patrouillent aussi le long de la rivière #Kolpa. Dirigée par le leader d’extrême-droite, #Andrej_Sisko,cette #milice se veut un « renfort » à l’armée régulière pour « défendre la frontière » et intercepter les migrants. « Nous sommes le point d’entrée de l’espace Schengen », se justifie Andrej Sisko. « Nous voulons faire passer un message. Nous voulons dire aux étrangers de rester chez eux. La clôture est fragile, elle ne permet pas de stopper les migrants alors nous venons contrôler les abords de la rivière nous-mêmes ».

      La milice d’Andrej Sisko n’a aucun mandat légal. Et visiblement, les villageois s’expliquent mal leur présence.

      Si certains rient à leur passage - « C’est le carnaval quand ils sont là », entend-t-on ici et là dans les villages frontaliers – d’autres comme Katarina Bernad Sterva regarde cette armée parallèle avec une inquiétude grandissante. « Ce qui m’effraie, c’est qu’ils existent. Publiquement, le gouvernement a condamné leurs actions, mais, dans les faits, les autorités ne font rien. Ces hommes sont fous, nous nous attendions à une réaction forte du gouvernement, comme par exemple l’annonce de la dissolution de ces patrouilles ».

      Interrogée par InfoMigrants, la police reste muette sur le sujet. « Je n’ai rien à dire sur ces hommes. Ils n’ont pas le soutien de la police », déclare simplement Vicjem Toskan, l’un des commandants en chef de la police de Koper, à l’ouest du pays.

      Ce soir-là, à Kostel, les amis du café s’interrogent surtout sur le sort réservé aux migrants interceptés par cette milice d’extrême-droite. « On a déjà la police et l’armée pour intercepter les migrants. On a une clôture pour les empêcher de continuer leur route. Eux, qu’est-ce qui vont leur faire, la nuit, dans la montagne ? », s’inquiète Rudy. « Ils portent des masques, ils marchent dans la forêt. J’ai plus peur d’eux que des immigrés qui traversent la rivière », chuchote à son tour, une jeune fille en bout de table. « Si j’étais migrante, je n’aimerais vraiment pas tomber sur eux ».

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/20807/en-slovenie-une-cloture-de-la-honte-a-la-frontiere-croate-1-3?preview=

      #murs #barrières_frontalières #frontière_sud-alpine #Fara #Kostel

  • #Croatie : dans les #montagnes, la police traque les #réfugiés

    Ce sont des randonneurs pas comme les autres. Dans les refuges de montagne du massif de #Risnjak, non loin de la frontière croato-slovène, les hommes des forces spéciales paradent en expliquant leurs tristes exploits contre les réfugiés, qui tentent de chercher un peu de chaleur ou de nourriture. Un randonneur choqué a témoigné dans une lettre ouverte auprès de la rédaction H-Alter. Morceaux choisis.

    Le samedi 15 juin, un groupe de randonneurs arrive au #refuge de Risnjak, dans le but d’y passer la nuit avant d’entamer le lendemain l’ascension du sommet. Mais à l’entrée du refuge, ils tombent sur une scène inattendue : un fusil automatique trône sur une table et deux membres des forces spéciales discutent avec la gérante du refuge. Ils sont là pour la « protéger des réfugiés », explique-t-elle. Cet hiver, certains seraient entrés par effraction dans le refuge et l’auraient « dévasté ». Pourtant, on ne voit nulle trace de dégradation, pas la moindre fenêtre cassée. Les malheureux étaient simplement à la recherche de chaleur et de nourriture.

    Au cours de la soirée, les #militaires sont au centre de l’attention : fiers de leurs exploits, ils expliquent qu’ils patrouillent constamment dans la forêt pour chasser les réfugiés, confisquer leurs affaires et les renvoyer en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Certains migrants, se vantent-ils, se font attraper pour la vingtième fois, et « crèvent de trouille devant eux ». Pourtant, ils reconnaissent eux-mêmes qu’aucun cas de violence envers des locaux ou des randonneurs n’a été signalé. Le seul crime de ces « bêtes sauvages et dangereuses », répète notre témoin, est donc d’avoir voulu dormir au chaud et volé des boîtes de conserve dans des résidences secondaires et des refuges.

    Malgré tout, la soirée se déroule dans une atmosphère relativement chaleureuse, on nourrit avec enthousiasme Pablo, le renard mascotte du refuge, et son ami le blaireau. Même les animaux sauvages sont ici, semble-t-il, plus humains que les étrangers : à 23h, alors que les #militaires sont rentrés, c’est au tour des réfugiés de s’approcher du refuge, à la recherche d’eau. Un jeune couple leur en donne, sans avoir le temps de les avertir de se cacher. Les militaires se ruent dehors en hurlant Lay on the ground, frappent les hommes à terre à coups de matraque, tirent au-dessus de la tête de ceux qui s’enfuient. L’un des réfugiés, paniqué, tombe dans la pente et se blesse, mais nul ne sait ce qu’il advient de lui, car les militaires font rentrer tout le monde dans le refuge et les enferment à clé « pour leur propre sécurité ».

    Le lendemain, nulle trace des réfugiés. Les militaires affirment en avoir « attrapé six », et devant le refuge, les braises d’un feu exhalent une odeur de plastique brûlé : les restes fumants des affaires confisquées aux malheureux. L’atmosphère est délétère. Si certains randonneurs choqués gardent le silence, d’autres se félicitent ouvertement des actes des militaires, qui les protègent contre ces hordes sauvages venues envahir la chrétienté. « Il y a des choses qui différencient les hommes des bêtes, et eux, ce sont des bêtes », lance un marcheur satisfait.

    « Dans une situation où tu as d’un côté des gens qui demandent de l’eau, de l’autre ceux qui répondent à cette prière par des coups de matraque et des tirs de fusil, avec l’approbation de la majorité de l’assistance, alors, il est vraiment temps de se demander qui sont les hommes, et qui sont les bêtes, et dans quel camp toi, dans cette situation, tu te ranges », conclut notre témoin, qui refuse que de tels actes soient perpétrés en son nom.

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Croatie-dans-les-montagnes-les-forces-speciales-traquent-les-refu
    #montagne #police #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #frontières #Slovénie #violence #violences_policières

    Publié aussi dans ce rapport :
    https://www.borderviolence.eu/wp-content/uploads/Final-June-Report.pdf

    • Na strani zvijeri

      H-Alter je primio pismo planinara koji je u subotu svjedočio nasilju nad izbjeglicama na Risnjaku. Pismo prenosimo u cijelosti. “U domu sam ugledao automatsku pušku na stolu i specijalce kako razgovaraju s upraviteljicom. Oko 23 sata, došle su i izbjeglice. Tražili su vode. Specijalci su izjurili van, počeli ih odmah mlatiti, a jedan od (ili više) policajaca počeo je pucati, direkt iznad njihovih glava. U situaciji kad s jedne strane imaš ljude koji pitaju za vodu, a s druge one koji na to odgovaraju pucnjavom i pendrecima, uz većinsko odobravanje ostalih, stvarno se moraš zapitati jesi li na strani ljudi, ili na strani zvijeri”.

      Pismo prenosimo u cijelosti.

      U subotu, 15. lipnja, krenuli smo na vrh Risnjaka u čijem smo podnožju planirali prenoćiti u planinarskom domu. Kad smo došli u dnevni boravak planinarskog doma, ugledao sam automatsku pušku na jednom stolu i dvoje specijalaca kako razgovaraju s upraviteljicom doma. U početku nam ništa nije bilo jasno, no ubrzo smo saznali da je specijalna policija postala dio domske svakodnevice.

      Nismo dobili neko službeno objašnjenje zašto su među nama naoružani specijalci u punoj spremi, ali nam je upraviteljica doma rekla da nas “oni čuvaju od izbjeglica”. Kako je vrijeme prolazilo, kroz razgovore u veseloj i prisnoj atmosferi, kakva je inače karakteristična za planinarske domove, situacija nam je pomalo postajala jasnija. Upraviteljica je vrlo ljuta na te “migrante” budući da je jedna ili više skupina izbjeglica koji bježe kroz planine da bi došli do Slovenije, ove zime provalila u dom, kako bi se sklonili, najeli i ugrijali.

      O tom i sličnim događajima (ulazak u vikendice, planinarska skloništa), kao što se može vidjeti uglavnom po planinarskim stranicama i lokalnim medijima, priča se kao da su došli “divljaci”, “oni”, i u ovom konkretnom slučaju “devastirali dom” jadnoj ženi. Na ovaj način su razgovarali specijalci, upraviteljica i dio planinara a nitko od ostalih prisutnih (bilo nas je petnaestak) nije naglas pokušao osporiti takvu retoriku.

      Iako u takvoj atmosferi ni ja nisam ništa rekao, u sebi sam razmišljao da, iako je do provale uistinu došlo, teško je pričati o devastaciji, osobito u kontekstu u kojem se provala dogodila - nad prostorom se nije iživljavalo, prozori nisu razbijeni, sve prostorije funkcioniraju, od sanitarnih, kuhinje, do soba... Dakle, ako uzmemo u obzir tko je provalio i zašto, prije bi se moglo govoriti o osnovnoj ljudskoj potrebi i preživljavanju, nego o devastaciji.

      Tu večer svi zajedno sjedili smo ispred doma, a u centru pažnje su bili specijalci koji su odgovarali na razna pitanja, ali i davali neka svoja razmišljanja i interpretacije situacije. Saznali smo da konstantno patroliraju šumama, da je cijeli Risnjak pod kamerama i da su tu da love izbjeglice. To rade u koordinaciji s bosanskom policijom. Na pitanje, što rade kada ih “ulove”. Odgovarali su da im uzmu stvari te ih vraćaju u BiH.

      Tijekom tih razgovora ispričali su i razne “dogodovštine”, uz puno smijeha. Primjerice, kako su jednog migranta ulovili već dvadeseti put pa ih je preklinjao da ga ovaj put puste. Kako mnogi migranti već znaju proceduru pa im više i ne moraju ništa objašnjavati. Kako ih krijumčari ostave podno Risnjaka i kažu im da su u Sloveniji pa oni lutaju po brdima izgubljeni.

      Jedan od specijalaca konstatirao je i da ih se “oni boje više od svega”, na što je bio osobito ponosan. Čulo se i komentara o tome kako smrde i kako su glupi, no važno je spomenuti da je jedan od specijalaca istaknuo i da do sada nije zabilježen niti jedan slučaj nasilja migranata prema nekome od mještana ili općenito ljudima koje sretnu putem.

      Radi se o tisućama ljudi koji lutaju šumama gladni, žedni, promrznuti, prestrašeni, a “krimen” zbog kojeg se poziva na linč protiv njih i dehumanizira ih se jest to što upadaju u vikendice, skloništa i planinarske domove u potrazi za hranom i skloništem na svom dugom i mučnom putu.

      Unatoč tome što je rečeno da još nije zabilježeno nikakvo nasilje, generalna atmosfera je ta da su migranti opasni i da je jako dobro što ih specijalci love, te se većina u razgovoru priklanjala tom stavu. Glasno su se smijali na šale specijalaca i njihove dogodovštine prilikom “lova na izbjeglice”.

      Izdvojio bih jedan moment - na Risnjaku uz dom živi lisica Pablo, koju svi obožavaju. Vole je hraniti, upraviteljica joj svakodnevno daje ostatke hrane (lisici se ponekad priključe jazavci i pokoji medo) komentirajući kako “ona to nit’ ne jede, već zakopava”. Jedan specijalac je s vrlo velikim žarom pričao kako je Pablu jedno jutro dao mesni doručak, zatim mazao paštetu koju je ovaj lizao s kruha, te je tom prilikom snimio i lijepi video.

      Slušajući te priče i gledajući kako taj isti čovjek koji lovi izbjeglice istovremeno s takvim žarom i obzirnošću hrani već prejedenu lisicu, po glavi mi se stalno vrtilo - čak i lisica ima pravo na ime i svu humanost koja uz imenovanje ide. Istovremeno, na izbjeglice se uglavnom ne gleda kao na ljude, čak kao ni na živa bića, već u najboljem slučaju smetnju koju je potrebno ukloniti.

      Pablo je došao i tu večer i svi su ga oduševljeno hranili, a malo kasnije došao je i jazavac, što je izazvalo opće veselje. Istu večer, oko 23 sata, došle su i izbjeglice. Vani je bilo još nekoliko ljudi, dok su specijalci bili u domu na katu.

      Došlo ih je nekoliko, i tražili su vode, na što im je jedan mlađi par odmah pružio bočicu, te su sjeli na pod premoreni i pili vodu. Mladi par nije ih ni stigao upozoriti na to da su u blizini specijalci, već su specijalci izjurili van na dojavu jedne od osoba koja je vidjela dolazak izbjeglica.

      Izletjeli su van s pendrecima urlajući “lay on the ground” ("lezite na pod") i počeli ih mlatiti. Izbjeglice su počele bježati, na što je jedan od (ili više) policajaca počeo pucati iz oružja, iznad njihovih glava. U toj suludoj situaciji, i strahu, jedan od izbjeglica strčao se niz provaliju i prema izjavi jednog očevica, “cijeli se polomio” (ne možemo biti sigurni kolike su bile ozljede jer nakon toga više nitko od nas nije smio napustiti dom) - te je jedan od šestorice uhvaćenih (kako saznajemo od specijalaca kasnije i idućeg dana).

      Očevici koji su vidjeli događaje ispred doma u dnevnom su nam boravku u šoku prepričavali kako su “došli migranti i tražili vode, na što su ih specijalci mlatili i pucali iznad njih”. Na to je reagirala upraviteljica doma i stala u obranu specijalaca ustvrdivši da ih “nisu mlatili” te da su oni “dobri dečki”, iako, koliko mi je poznato, ona uopće nije bila prisutna na mjestu događaja i nije mogla znati što se točno dogodilo. Bez obzira na to, djevojku koja je svjedočila događaju upraviteljica je posjela za stol i objasnila zašto su postupci specijalaca opravdani.

      Usprkos tome, svi su saznali što se dogodilo. Nakon petnaestak minuta u zajedničku prostoriju uletio je jedan od specijalaca. Vrlo zadihan, pozvao je upraviteljicu da dođe pričati s njim. Pritom je nas ostale krenuo smirivati, govorivši nam da smo sigurni, da se to tu njima događa svaki dan, da se ne bojimo.

      Ne znam na koga je pritom mislio. Je li mislio - da se ne bojimo izbjeglih ljudi koji su došli moliti vode? Ili njih koji su automatskim puškama pucali iznad njihovih glava, u neposrednoj blizini ostalih planinara? Jedini strah koji sam osjećao jest pred onima koji mlate ljude, zastrašuju ih pucanjem te zatim love po šumama kako bi im oduzeli sve stvari i vratili ih u Bosnu (i potencijalno prebili, jer ako se ne libe to raditi pred svima nama, strah me kako se prema njima odnose kad nema svjedoka), a još više, prema onima koji to odobravaju.

      Nakon toga su nas zaključali u dom te više nismo mogli izlaziti do jutra, “radi naše sigurnosti”, uz odobravanje ostalih planinara. Ono što me najviše zapanjilo u cijeloj situaciji jest to kako se priča od prvotne verzije da “policija mlati i puca po migrantima koji su samo tražili vode” promijenila u to da je “ovo bila samo izvidnica” i da ih “ima sedamdesetak” te da je dobro što je tu policija da nas “štiti”.

      O mlaćenju i pucanju više nije bilo ni riječi (bar ne naglas) dok se dio planinara dodatno raspištoljio (smatrajući da sad imaju opravdanje, da je situacija pogodna) i počeo migrante nazivati zvijerima, i onima koji su došli ratovati protiv nas kršćana – uz “ogradu” da ima među njima uglađenih i visokoobrazovanih, koji nisu "takvi“, što god to “takvi” trebalo značiti.

      Tek me tada obuzela prava jeza - kada sam vidio kako se fokus priče u 10 minuta, uz navođenje upraviteljice, specijalaca i nekoliko glasnijih planinara počeo premještati s onoga čemu smo svjedočili - bezrazložnog nasilja nad izbjeglicama koji traže vode - na to da su oni opasne zvijeri. Postupak specijalaca pritom ne samo da se pravdao, već im se počelo tepati do te razine da su ih jutro nakon neki prozvali našim “anđelima čuvarima”. Naravno, bilo je par disonantnih glasova, i upravo zahvaljujući njima dobio sam više informacija od ove varijante “službene priče” koja se počela formirati ubrzo nakon događaja.

      Nakon što smo se ujutro probudili, pili smo kavu na otvorenom ispred doma. Atmosfera je bila uzavrela - ljudi su uzbuđeno pričali o događajima od prošle noći dok su specijalci podnosili izvještaj da su ih “noćas ulovili šestero”.

      Dio glasnijih planinara nije se libio izjavljivati kvalifikacije o izbjeglicama koje nisu ništa doli rasističke. Svojim su paranojama i strahovima pridavali znanstveni karakter i objašnjavali nam razliku između nas i zvijeri.

      Pritom sam primijetio da cijelo dvorište smrdi na spaljenu plastiku i vidio kako tik do nas tinjaju ostaci vatre.

      Uskoro sam saznao da su to stvari koje specijalci uzimaju izbjeglicama (dobili smo i slikovite prikaze kako im noževima odrežu naramenice s ruksaka čim ih uhvate....), ruksaci i odjeća... Njih se, navodno, redovno pali (ispred doma u nacionalnom parku “civilizirane države”). Tamo su između ostalog završile i plahte te madraci koje su migranti koristili kad su bili u domu, valjda jer ono što oni zaprljaju, “normalan čovjek” više ne može koristiti.

      Ovo iskustvo mi je pokazalo kako lako postaje opravdati nasilje nad ljudima, čak i kada se dogodi pred našim očima. U stanju smo nasilje nad ljudima interpretirati kao da se ustvari dogodilo nešto drugo. Nakon što su izbjeglice uspješno stigmatizirani i dehumanizirani, ljudi su, prestrašeni od strane medija i rasista koji lažu i kapitaliziraju taj strah, spremni opravdati nasilje. Gube sposobnost empatije, suosjećanja s patnjom drugog živog bića.

      Ne pišem ovo kako bi stigmatizirao ljude u domu, jer krivnja ionako nije individualna. Ovaj primjer jasno je pokazao kako se ljudi u atmosferi straha, nacionalizma, zatrovani ponavljajućim pričama o “drugima” i “vječitoj mržnji nas i njih” osjećaju sigurnije i superiornije kao dio neke mitske zajednice, u ovom slučaju "bijelih kršćana“. Kako ti ljudi lako povjeruju da se oni samo “brane” jer ih drugi “napadaju” – drugi koji goloruki, žedni i gladni danima lutaju po planinama koje ne poznaju.

      Danima me prati jeza od ovog događaja, jeza od toga da je nasilje tako blizu, da se vrši i u “moje ime”, da je toliko prisutno i da je vjerojatno pitanje vremena kad će dodatno eskalirati na zajedničku katastrofu ogromne većine nas i veselje onih koji (će) na tom nasilju i ratu profitiraju.

      Na kraju svega, u glavi mi se ne prestaje vrtjeti rečenica koju je jedan od planinara izrekao ujutro nakon cijelog događaja: “Postoje stvari koje čovjeka odvajaju od zvijeri, a oni su upravo to, zvijeri”. Uz mnoga pitanja i odgovore koje sam htio uputiti onome koje to izrekao, na kraju bih ga pitao samo jedno.

      U situaciji kad s jedne strane imaš ljude koji mole za vodu, a s druge one koji na tu molbu odgovaraju pucnjavom i pendrecima, uz većinsko odobravanje ostalih, stvarno se moraš zapitati jesi li ti u toj situaciji na strani ljudi, ili na strani zvijeri.

      http://www.h-alter.org/vijesti/na-strani-zvijeri

  • The European benchmark for refugee integration: A comparative analysis of the National Integration Evaluation Mechanism in 14 EU countries

    The report presents a comparative, indicator-based assessment of the refugee integration frameworks in place in 14 countries: Czechia, France, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden.

    Conclusions cover the full range of integration dimensions, such as housing, employment, education and aspects of legal integration, and refer to recognized refugees and beneficiaries of subsidiary protection.

    Legal and policy indicators are the focus of analysis, as well as indicators on mainstreaming, coordination and efforts to involve refugees and locals.

    Results are presented in terms of concrete steps that policymakers need to take in order to establish a refugee integration framework in line with the standards required by international and EU law.


    http://www.ismu.org/en/the-european-benchmark-for-refugee-integration-a-comparative-analysis-of-the-n

    #rapport #intégration #France #Grèce #République_Tchèque #Hongrie #Italie #Lettonie #Lituanie #Pays-Bas #Pologne #Portugal #Roumanie #Slovénie #Espagne #Suède #réfugiés #migrations #asile #regroupement_familial #citoyenneté #logement #hébergement #emploi #travail #intégration_professionnelle #éducation #santé #sécurité_sociale
    ping @karine4

  • Report on illegal practice of collective expulsion on Slovene-Croatian border

    Last year Slovenian police officially deported 4653 people to Croatia under the regulation of the readmission agreement. This is means that more than half of 9149 people who were processed for illegally crossing the border were handed over to Croatian police and in further expelled to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Large majority of people who were processed under the readmission agreement were denied their right to asylum procedure by Slovenian police who is still conducting systematic expulsions to Croatia under the guise of the readmission. This practice of denial of right to seek asylum has become systematic with the issue of general police instructions on end of May 2018 when official number of readmission increased dramatically. For example, in police station Črnomelj which the closest in walking distance from Velika Kladuša in May out of 379 people who were processed for illegally crossing the border 371 applied for asylum, but after the issue of police commands in June out of 412 people who crossed the border illegally only 13 officially asked for asylum. Threats, violence, abuse of power and denial of basic rights has became a common practice in other border police stations, collective expulsions to Croatia are happening daily with the knowledge and support of high police and government officials despite high risk of further violence and theft done by police in Croatia.

    In this article is attached a report on collective expuslion from Slovenia and Croatia and work of civil iniciative Info Kolpa which operated a phone line to act as mediator between police and migrants in asylum procedurees. The phone line was used when migrants who contacted the phone number were on the territory of the Republic of Slovenia with the intention to seek asylum and would express a desire for the volunteers to inform the police about their location. In such cases the nearest was informed. The phone line volunteers would send the geographical location, information on people seeking asylum and a clear statement that people are in dire need of help and wish to apply for international protection in Slovenia to the regional police station. This was done via phone or an email sent to the police station in jurisdiction. Also the Office of Ombudsman in Slovenia and different NGOs involved with protection of human rights were informed. This report contains 20 such recorded cases (106 persons); in 6 cases, persons were admitted to the asylum procedure in Slovenia (27 persons); in 7 cases they were pushbacked to Croatia and then illegally expelled to Bosnia and Herzegovina (39 persons); only one person was able to initiate the procedure for international protection after extradition to Croatia and was not expelled to Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 7 cases (39 people) there is no information of what had happened with the people, as they haven’t made any contact after they were apprehended by Slovenian police.

    You can find the full report in attachments along with censored police instructions and documents from Ombudsman office.


    https://push-forward.org/porocilo/report-illegal-practice-collective-expulsion-slovene-croatian-border
    #push-back #refoulement #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Slovénie #Croatie #rapport

    Pour télécharger le rapport:


    https://push-forward.org/sites/default/files/2019-05/Report%20on%20illegal%20practice%20of%20collective%20expulsion%20on%20

    • Balkan Region – Report June 2019

      No Name Kitchen and Border Violence Monitoring have published a common report summarizing current developments in pushbacks and police violence in the Western Balkans, mainly in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and along the Serbian borders with Croatia and Hungary.

      As such, this report contains analysis and a review of the situation in these areas as well. This report covers 41 reports of push-backs involving 237 people in transit. 21 of these were incidents of push-backs to BiH, 4 of these were incidents of push-backs to Serbia, and 4 of these were incidents of push-backs from BiH to Montenegro. The reports were conducted with a wide demographic variety of respondents ranging from families to single men to unaccompanied minors. The respondents to these reports also originate from a wide variety of countries such as Tunisia, Kurdistan Iraq, Syria, Pakistan and Algeria to name a few.
      The report details, among other things:

      Push-backs to the Sturlic area of the Una-Sana Canton
      The use of balaclava masks as an accessory to push-back violence
      The Croatian Ministry of the Interior’s June media event in Grabovac
      The trend of reverse flows along the Balkan Route
      The publication of an open letter by a hiker in Croatia who witnessed the apprehension of a transit group by the country’s Special Police
      The situation in northern Serbia related to border violence

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/balkan-region-report-june-2019

      Plus précisément pour les refoulements depuis la Slovénie :


      –-> les précisions sur les différents cas :
      https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/may-28-2019-0400-smarje-sap-slovenia
      https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/may-29-2019-0800-kortino-slovenia
      https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/may-31-2019-0300-bogovolja-croatia
      https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/may-31-2019-0100-near-sturlic-bosnia-herzegovina
      https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/june-5-2019-0400-croatian-bosnian-border-next-to-poljana
      https://www.borderviolence.eu/violence-reports/june-7-2019-0700-kocevje-slovenia

    • Bosnia-Croatia border: Needs grow for migrants losing EU entry ‘#game’

      It’s referred to by everyone here as “The Game”, but there are few winners and a humanitarian crisis is brewing on the Bosnia-Croatia border as thousands of migrants and asylum seekers trying to reach the EU find themselves stuck with limited access to food, shelter, or healthcare.

      They are caught between two poles: EU policies designed to reduce irregular crossings and keep people out, and political stalemate in Bosnia, which aid groups say is preventing local authorities from providing those in limbo with adequate protection or living conditions.

      Since the closing of the old migrant route through the Balkans in 2016, Bosnia has emerged as a new way station for those trying to reach Croatia and head on to other nations like France and Germany in the EU’s Schengen free movement zone.

      Migrants and asylum seekers bide their time in northwest Bosnia before attempting “The Game” – the cat-and-mouse evasion of Croatian police as they cross the highly securitised border and try to navigate dense woodland further into EU territory. The majority making this trip are pushed back by Croatian police, who are supported financially in their border operations by the EU.

      Bosnia’s northwestern canton of Una-Sana has become the locus of the ensuing crisis, especially around its main city and administrative centre of Bihać.

      As of June 2019, the UN’s migration agency, IOM, runs four migrant centres in Una-Sana, housing more than 3,100 migrants and asylum seekers. However, with an estimated 6,000 migrants in the canton, it’s not enough and thousands are sleeping rough.

      Faced with sustained protests from local residents about the pressure this has placed on their communities, authorities have scrambled to find solutions.

      In April, Una-Sana police increased measures that were introduced in October 2018 to prevent migrants and asylum seekers from entering the canton. In June, Bihać City Council began to clear the urban centre, with police rounding up and relocating groups of people to a new location at Vučjak, eight kilometres from the city centre.

      The UN has refused to operate at Vučjak, citing concerns about its close proximity to minefields and situation on top of a former landfill site, referring to it as “unsuitable for human habitation”.

      Opening additional accommodation centres would ease the pressure, but politicians have failed to create a national plan to share the burden. Milorad Dodik, Bosnian Serb member of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s tripartite presidency, has notably refused to host migrants and asylum seekers in Bosnia’s mainly Serb entity of Republika Srpska.

      “The Ministry of Security doesn’t have a strategy,” Šuhret Fazlić, mayor of Bihać, told The New Humanitarian. “The only strategy they have is to try and close the border between Bosnia and Serbia, and to let migrants go to Croatia. But it doesn’t work because Croatia is pushing migrants back, and because Dodik won’t allow police from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina or the army on the border with Serbia.”

      Decision-making is complicated by the fact that the outgoing government has been acting in a caretaker capacity since October 2018 elections.

      “If you look at who is currently the Minister of Security, his party and he as a person will definitely not be part of the new government,” said Peter Van der Auweraert, IOM’s chief of mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina. “The parties that will eventually form the government have no incentive to collaborate with him.”

      With weak central leadership, IOM must navigate Bosnia’s local politics to open additional centres for migrants and asylum seekers who currently fall outside of the system.

      “We have identified six alternative locations and now need a political decision at the canton level on which one of those is acceptable,” Van der Auweraert said. “In Bosnia it is so decentralised that canton authorities can really block that from happening. It takes a level of political courage to explain to people on the ground that there are actually economic benefits attached to opening a migrant centre. Unfortunately this has not happened, for example, in Una-Sana canton.”

      As winter nears and thousands of migrants and asylum seekers continue to live in squalid conditions, the urgency of agreeing on the location of a new centre will only grow.

      “Somebody has to find a solution,” said Fazlić. “The only thing that is up to the city is to propose new locations. We are ready for this, but we have only land and somebody has to find a way to build and prepare conditions for them.”

      Journalist and photojournalist Nick Newsom spent 10 days in July talking to aid workers, migrants, and asylum seekers in northwestern Bosnia. Their testimonies and photos follow.
      “We’re scared that the police will catch us”

      “We don’t go into the city centre because we’re scared that the police will catch us. You should see how we were when we lived in Turkey – I looked nothing like this," said Sufyan Al Sheikh Ahmad, 23, from Syria. “The circumstances here are very hard. Last time, we walked for six days in Croatia and reached Slovenia, but the Slovenian police caught us after two days. They handed us over to Croatian police, who took our money and bag, and broke our telephones. They took us to the border and we had to walk about 30 kilometres to Bihać. That was the fifth attempt. Inshallah, I will try again. I don’t have 3,000 euros to pay a smuggler, so I’m trying to walk. Wallah, I feel very tired.”

      View from the road towards #Šturlić

      Many migrants and asylum seekers set off into Croatia from the Bosnian village of Šturlić, which lies just a few hundred metres from the border. The landscape on the Bosnian side is mountainous, densely forested, and becomes more so once one enters Croatian territory. Croatian authorities, funded to the tune of 131 million euros by the EU, deploy a wide range of technologies to detect and apprehend migrants on their territory. By contrast, the EU has provided 24 million euros to Bosnia since 2018 to help the country manage the migration crisis, on top of 24.6 million euros of assistance in the area of asylum, migration, and border management since 2007.

      “I didn’t even have a t-shirt or shoes”

      “I’ve been in Bosnia four months,” said Zuhaib Arif, 18, from Pakistan. "I got here by train but got off about 70 kilometres from here, at Banja Luca, and walked the rest. The police told me to get off the train there, and anyone who this happens to has to come here by foot. Police tell us to go back and not go to Bihać. I went to Jungle Camp [Vučjak] but I didn’t have a blanket – I didn’t even have a t-shirt or shoes – they were stolen from me whilst I was sleeping.”

      “They didn’t let me inside because they told me there is no space”

      “They didn’t let me inside the [Bira] camp because they told me there is no space. When the police came, they told us, ‘do not run – if you have no ID card, no problem,’ but when we stopped for them, they arrested us and took us to Jungle Camp. We walked for one and a half hours there. More than 200 people were walking. I think 30 to 40 percent came back here from Jungle Camp. If we don’t find a way to jump over the fence [into Bira], we will stay here tonight.”

      “We urgently need more support”

      With the EU and UN having refused to support operations at Vučjak, the City of Bihać Red Cross is the only humanitarian organisation providing assistance to migrants at the camp, providing two meals a day for up to 700 people and first aid. “We are extremely stretched, both financially and in terms of human resources,” Rajko Lazic, secretary-general of the Red Cross Society of Bosnia and Herzegovina, told TNH. “Our volunteers and staff are exhausted. Our funds are running out. We urgently need more support.”

      “We don’t want problems with the #police

      Independent groups providing support to migrants and asylum seekers have been forced to operate more covertly as the political context in Una-Sana has changed and patience has begun to wear thin. No Name Kitchen, an NGO of volunteers from several countries that predominantly helps migrants and asylum seekers in Bosnia, runs a free clothes shop and carries out a distribution of food and non-food items to about 30 people a day in the town of Velika Kladuša, about 50 kilometres north of Bihać. “The way that we do that is low profile, hidden… because we don’t want problems with the police,” a No Name Kitchen volunteer told TNH. “As the political will to keep people contained within camps outside of cities has become more salient, there has been an effort to control independent organisations.”

      “The conditions are always violent with the Croatian police”

      “I’ve made six trips from Bosnia,” said Rachid Boudalli, 35, from Morocco. Each time the Slovenian police have caught me and handed me over to the Croatian police. The conditions are always violent with the Croatian police, they hit us, take our stuff from us: our money, our telephones, anything we have. They’ve taken eight power banks from me and four mobiles. I ask the responsible European parties to look into our situation.”

      “They are shameless beyond belief”

      “The Croatian police steal our money, our personal papers – everything that we need," said Eman Muhammad Al Ahmad, a 30-year-old Palestinian refugee from Syria. “As an already persecuted people escaping war, we now suffer from bandits in European countries. When I asked for my Syrian ID card back, they shouted in my face ‘shut up’ and threatened to hit me in the head with their truncheon. They are shameless beyond belief, searching us in a filthy way that doesn’t fit the police of a developed European state. They persecute women by removing her hijab under the guise that she’s got something hidden in there. What does a refugee want to hide? As refugees, we just want to cross peacefully into a European state to be with our families and children – no more and no less.”

      “I told them that I want asylum in Slovenia, but they didn’t reply”


      “I see all kinds of animals in the forest,” Yassin Nowar, 24, from Algeria told TNH. “After eight days of walking, we found this bear in Croatia. Four days later the police caught us.”

      For some, the circumstances are too much to endure any longer. “I want to go back to my country because the situation here is very difficult,” Amjad Al Ghanem, a 24-year-old from the Occupied Palestinian Territories told TNH. “I’ve tried ‘the game’ six times. Three times I reached Slovenia and I told them that I want asylum in Slovenia, but they didn’t reply and returned us to Croatia. At least in Palestine I can take care of myself. I had a dream, but it’s gone: I’ve had enough.”

      https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/photo-feature/2019/08/05/bosnia-croatia-border-needs-grow-migrants-losing-eu-entry-game
      #The_game #Sturlic #police #violences_policières

    • More and more different voices are speaking out loud: not only local and international journalists try to investigate and raise awareness on the illegal behavior by Croatian authorities: the same policemen keep on talking and contributing with pieces of evidence in support of what Welcome! Initiatives write about in the last three years: systematic push backs and illegal practices, among others the denial of access to asylum for people in search for safety, perpetrated by Croatian police officers. “Action corridor” is the way in which it has been called - “Our interlocutor warns that the intervention and special police, in particular, are encouraged to be as “harsh” as possible in deterring migrants (https://net.hr/danas/hrvatska/zastrasujuca-devijacija-akcije-koridor-policija-sve-dogovara-na-whatsappu-a-pose). Because they are thought to be so discouraged that they later won’t try to cross the border again. The Ogulin area is allegedly also used with dogs to attack, which is actually illegal and extremely inhumane in dealing with migrants, an anonymous police officer told Net.hr”.In the article, you can see picture of people, including migrants, kept in cages at Croatian border crossing areas. This is not the first time that policemen speak publicly about the illegal behavior of Ministry of Interior - this has been addressed by the Ombudswoman (https://www.telegram.hr/politika-kriminal/pucka-pravobraniteljica-primila-anonimno-pismo-policajca-tvrdi-kako-je-isti), and by an anonymous police source that decided to speak with the journalist Barbara Matejcic (https://welcome.cms.hr/index.php/en/2019/07/26/new-evidence-of-violent-pushbacks-executed-by-croatian-police-and-the-eu). Unfortunately, still we do not have any information about any investigation or sanctioning the responsibles of these actions.

      If you want to read more about police abuses in the whole region, read the report for November period published by the Network “Border Violence Monitoring” (https://www.borderviolence.eu/balkan-region-report-november-2019/#more-14026). The reports analyse the situation in Italy, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, giving an overview of the whole situation in the region. Violence has no nationality - once again, authorities are abusing their power and their force against people who are looking for safety in Europe.

      The failure EU approach toward the migration phenomenon and the situation at the Croatian borders are well explained in this article (https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/12/06/croatia-is-abusing-migrants-while-the-eu-turns-a-blind-eye), which well explains the hypocritical behavior of European Union institutions. The evidence of Croatian police violence toward migrants is overwhelming, but Brussels continues to praise and fund Zagreb for patrolling the European Union’s longest external land border.

      Reçu via Inicijativa dobrodosli, mail du 17.12.2019.

  • Informations sur les migrants morts aux frontières alpines collectées par l’OIM.

    3 cas recensés :

    Lieux :
    #Karlovac
    #Pasjak / #Rupa
    #Žakanje

    #frontière_sud-alpine #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #frontières #Croatie #Route_des_balkans #Slovénie #Zakanje

    J’ajoute à la métaliste sur les morts à la frontière alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

  • #The_game’: vanuit Bosnië naar de EU, het hoogste level

    Via de nieuwe Balkanroute proberen migranten de EU te bereiken door vanuit Bosnië de Kroatische grens over te steken. Ze noemen het ‘the game’ en ze spelen het vaak zonder succes.


    https://www.volkskrant.nl/kijkverder/v/2019/the-game-vanuit-bosnie-naar-de-eu-het-hoogste-level
    #terminologie #mots #vocabulaire
    #game #jeu #Game over #next_level
    #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #Bosnie #Velika_Kladusa #Slovénie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #IOM #OIM #frontières #violences_policières
    ping @reka signalé par @Virginie_Mamadouh

  • VIOLENCE REPORTS

    The collective expulsion and violent return of asylum seekers to the Bosnian border surrounding #Velika_Kladuša is a routine occurrence. Men, women, and even children regularly return from their attempts to cross through Croatia and Slovenia with split lips, black eyes, and broken bones. The search for safety and asylum is all too often met with police batons and closed fists.

    The brutal practices of the Croatian police are against international laws and directives. Firstly, the beating and deportation of all people on the move, both irregular migrants and asylum seekers, is against the prohibition of collective expulsion (Article 4 Protocol 4 ECHR*), and the absolute prohibition of torture and non-humane or degrading treatment or punishment (Article 3 ECHR*).

    Secondly, according to the EU Directive on Asylum Procedures (2005/85/EC), all people on the move are entitled to information about asylum, translation assistance, the ability to present their case to a competent authority, notification of the outcome, and the right to appeal a negative decision (1). But most importantly, viewing people searching safety as mere illegal numbers and dangerous bodies pushes them to a grey zone. Within this grey zone, they are stripped of the right to have rights, resulting in their humiliation without legal consequence, leaving perpetrators unrecognisable and unpunished.

    Thousands of lives are being slowly destroyed while the EU community silently overlooks the brutality of its own border regime, absolving itself of any real sense of responsibility.

    To this end, No Name Kitchen, in coordination with several other independent groups operating in the area, has been engaged in the collection and presentation of the violence which occurs at Europe’s doorstep. In this capacity, we collect the testimonies of victims of border violence and present them to a variety of actors within the field in the hopes of highlighting the systematic nature of this violence. The methodological process for these reports is centered on leveraging the close social contact that we have as independent volunteers with refugees and migrants to monitor pushbacks from Croatia. When individuals return with significant injuries or stories of abuse, one of our violence monitoring volunteers will sit down with them and collect their testimonies. We collect hard data (dates, geo-locations, officer descriptions, photos of injuries/medical reports, etc.) but also open narratives of the abuse.

    http://www.nonamekitchen.org/en/violence-reports

    Lien pour télécharger le rapport :


    http://www.nonamekitchen.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Finished-Border-Violence-on-the-Balkan-Route.pdf
    #violence #rapport #route_des_balkans #Balkans #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Bosnie #frontières #Croatie #Slovénie

    • Garaža za mučenje migranata

      “Policija je dovela njih sedmero u garažu u Korenicu, gdje su im oduzeli sve stvari. Slomili su im mobitele, uništili punjače. Uzeli su im novac, cigarete i hranu. Kad su skinuli odjeću policajci su ih počeli tući rukama, laktovima, nogama”. U posljednjih pola godine pojavila su se višestruka svjedočanstva koja ukazuju na to da hrvatska policija pritvara i muči izbjeglice i migrante u garaži u policijskoj postaji u Korenici. Garaža s plavim vratima, u kojoj, kako se opisuje u svjedočanstvima, izbjeglice i migranti bivaju pretučeni i izgladnjivani, nalazi se svega par metara od dječjeg igrališta.

      U više izvještaja različitih organizacija, a najnovije i u posljednjem izvještaju Border Violence Monitoringa, opisuju se garažna mjesta za pritvaranja i zlostavljanje, koja po opisu mogu odgovarati policijskoj postaji u Korenici, koja je zbog blizina granice često u službi odvraćanja izbjeglica i migranta natrag u Bosnu i Hercegovinu.

      Prema posljednjim svjedočanstvima u travnju je grupa muškaraca iz Sirije, Alžira i Maroka, uhvaćena blizu granice sa Slovenijom, odvedena u garažu u Korenicu i zatim vraćena natrag u Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Izrazili su namjeru za službenim traženjem azila, ali im je odbijen pristup proceduri, iako na nju imaju zakonsko pravo.

      “Policija je dovela njih sedmero u garažu u Korenicu, gdje su im oduzeli sve stvari. Slomili su im mobitele, uništili punjače. Uzeli su im novac, cigarete i hranu. Jednoj su osobi uzeli čak i naočale. U prostoru je samo prljavi pod, bez deka, spužvi, wc-a. Morali su na njemu ležati, iako je bilo užasno hladno. Kad su skinuli odjeću policajci su ih počeli tući rukama, laktovima, nogama. Imali su i elektrošokere i pepper sprej, koje su koristili nekoliko puta. Svi su ljudi plakali”, stoji u svjedočanstvu.

      Prva svjedočanstva i opisi garaže pojavili su se u prosincu prošle godine, od strane migranata koji su nakon prelaska granice u Hrvatsku uhićeni, odvedeni u “garažu” pa protjerani natrag u Bosnu i Hercegovinu, bez da im je omogućeno pravo da u Hrvatskoj zatraže azil.

      U prosincu 2018. godine, kako je evidentirao Border Violence Monitoring, grupu Alžiraca je nakon prelaska granice pokupio kombi s policajcima u maskirnim uniformama, koji su izgledali kao vojska. Odveli su ih u garažu.

      “Policijska postaja je ispred garaže. Dvorište je između policijske postaje i garaže. Unutra je umiovaonik i grijalica, te svjetla na stropu. Prostorija je malena. Nema prozora, samo plava vrata”, stoji u opisu. Istaknuli su kako je bilo hladno te zbog hladnoće nisu mogli spavati. Policajci su, navodi se, s njima pričali nasilno te su im odbili dati hranu.

      Naposljetku su, s drugim migrantima koji su već bili u garaži, bez da im se omogući da zatraže azil, izbačeni u planinama i poslani da hodaju natrag u Bosnu satima. Kad su izišli iz kombija, policajci su naložili vatru u koju su bacili sve njihove stvari. “Jedan je policajac htio uzeti i deku u kojoj je bila umotana djevojčica iz iračke obitelji, ali ga je drugi policajac zaustavio da to ne napravi”, navodi se u svjedočanstvu. Vreće za spavanje i šatori su završili u plamenu.

      “Policija radi što hoće”, komentar je koji se učestalo čuje među brojnim izbjeglicama koji su više puta protjerani iz Hrvatske. Većina odvraćenih i protjeranih u Velikoj Kladuši, gradu blizu granice u kojem smo nedavno bili, žale se upravo najgorljivije na hrvatsku policiju.

      I mještani Velike Kladuše, pogotovo oni koji svakodnevno pomažu izbjeglicama i migrantima, ističu kako ljudi s granice dolaze izmučeni i gladni, nerijetko s modricama, ožiljcima, otvorenim ranama. “Svi ti prizori podsjećaju me na zadnji rat, jedino što nema bombardiranja”, komentira nam jedna mještanka. Nasilje koje provodi hrvatska granična policija tako je postalo svakodnevna tema.

      Krajem prošle godine pojavljuje se još jedno svjedočanstvo o “garaži”, u kojem stoji: “Stavili su nas u ćeliju, ali to zapravo nije ćelija, nego više kao garaža, s plavim vratima i pločicama. Ispred je parkiralište i policijska postaja”. “Kad nas je policija uhvatila, nisu nam dali ništa. Tamo je bio neki stari kruh, dosta star. Zatražio sam taj kruh, ali mi ga nisu dali”, opisuje jedan od migranata.

      Ponukani ovim svjedočanstvima i opisima garaže za mučenje, nedavno smo posjetili Korenicu. Na ulazu u Korenicu primjećujemo jedan policijski auto parkiran kraj šume, i policajca koji se upravo izvlači iz šume prema autu. Tijekom zimskih mjeseci mogli smo čitati kako “službenici postaje granične policije Korenice provode mjere pojačanog suzbijanja nezakonitih migracija”. U razgovoru s mještanima doznajemo kako su pojačane policijske snage u okolici u posljednje vrijeme, a izbjeglice i migrante se intenzivno traži po okolnim brdima.

      Prilikom našeg kratkog boravka u Korenici, ispred policijske postaje se izmijenio velik broj policajaca, dolazili su i odlazili autima i kombijima. Osim policajaca u redovnim uniformama, bilo je i obučenih u tamnozelene uniforme. U postaju dolaze i kombiji bez policijskih oznaka, a prisutni su i policajci u civilnoj odjeći.

      Prednji dio postaje sastoji se od velike zgrade s mnogo prozora, dok je unutarnji dio kompleksa ograđen i s malim dvorištem na kojem je parkirano nekoliko policijskih automobila i kombija, uz prostorije koje nalikuju na garaže, s plavim vratima. Te prostorije s jedne strane gledaju i na obližnje dječje igralište i na tom dijelu nema nijednog prozora. U dvorištu se nalaze i Toi Toi WC-i.

      U najnovijem svjedočanstvu koje je dokumentirao Border Violence Monitoring stoji: “Možemo ići samo dva puta dnevno na zahod, ujutro i navečer. Za ovo nas se vodi van u dvorište, gdje se nalaze tri plastična WC-a”, što ukazuje da postoji mogućnost da se radi upravo o ovoj policijskoj postaji. Aktivisti nam potvrđuju kako su svjedočanstva o “garaži” postala učestalija i sve detaljnija u opisima.

      I u svjedočanstvima iz ožujka izbjeglice i migranti navode kako su bili zatvoreni satima bez vode i hrane, te su iz nužde morali urinirati u kutu prostorije. “Bili smo kao kokoši. Ne želim se prisjećati tog trenutka. Bili smo poput životinja”, opisuje jedan migrant. “Pod je betoniran, hladno je, moramo spavati na njemu. Postoji samo jedna slavina za vodu i mali grijač na zidu. Vrata su plava i na njima je ispisano na mnogo jezika, datumi, imena i mjesta. Pakistanski, alžirski, marokanski, iranski, sirijski, odasvud”, opisuje se.

      Kad su pušteni iz pritvora garaže, kažu, policija ih je ostavila u planinskom području i poslala da hodaju kilometrima natrag prema Bihaću. Učestalo se spominje oduzimanje novca i mobitela i vrijednih stvari koje migranti sa sobom nose.

      Procedure odvraćanja izbjeglica i migranata obično se izvode iza zatvorenih vrata i u skrovitim područjima, čime se umanjuje rizik da će biti onih koji će im svjedočiti. Paralelu možemo povući i sa tzv. trećestupanjskim policijskim ispitivanjima.

      “Većina trećestupanjskih ispitivanja događala se tijekom pritvaranja na izoliranim lokacijama, uključujući policijske postaje, garaže, ponekad i hotele i mrtvačnice. Ali obično se takva mučenja događaju u pozadinskim sobama, incommunicado prostorijama, posebno dizajniranima u ove svrhe. U javnosti se postojanje takvih prostorija poriče, a njihovo održavanje zahtjeva šutnju čitavog sustava. Policija je rijeko kažnjavana za brutalne metode ispitivanja, korištene za izvlačenje priznanja, ali i da se ’nepoželjne’ otjera iz grada”, navodi se u radu Police Interrogation and Coercion in Domestic American History: Lessons for the War on Terror, Richarda A. Leoa i Alexe Koenig.

      “Ovakve prakse postaju sredstvo putem kojeg policija nadilazi svoju ispitivačku ulogu, pojačava svoju moć i zaobilazi ulogu koja je dizajnirana kako bi se spriječila koncentracija i zlouporaba moći od strane države”, zaključuju autori.

      Brutalne prakse zlostavljanja i prisilnih protjerivanja koje provode policijski službenici na hrvatskoj granici i o kojima sad već postoje kontinuirana i detaljna svjedočanstva, protivne su i domaćim i međunarodnim zakonima te direktivama.

      “Premlaćivanje i deportacija ljudi protivni su zabrani kolektivnih protjerivanja (Članak 4 Protokola 4 ECHR) i zabrani mučenja i nečovječnog ili ponižavajućeg postupanja ili kazni (Članak 3 ECHR)”, navodi se u Petom izvještaju o nezakonitim protjerivanjima i nasilju Republike Hrvatske, koji su nedavno objavile organizacije Are You Syrious?, Centar za mirovne studije i Incijativa Dobrodošli.

      Vraćanje migranata u Bosnu i Hercegovinu bez uzimanja u obzir osobnih okolnosti svakog pojedinog slučaja, a posebice zanemarujući njihovu potrebu za međunarodnom zaštitom, pa čak i na izričito traženje azila, uporaba sredstava prisile te ponižavanje ozbiljna su povreda izbjegličkih i migantskih prava, ali i enorman prijestup MUP-a, na što je upozoravala i pučka pravobraniteljica.

      MUP-u smo uputili upit za komentar o opžubama za nasilje i mučenje od strane hrvatske policije, kao i za slučaj “garaže” koju se povezuje s policijskom postajom u Korenici. Upitali smo ih i jesu li, s obzirom na svjedočanstva koja se pojavljuju od prosinca, reagirali na optužbe i posvetili se detaljnoj istrazi i uvidu u potencijalne prijestupe i prekoračenja policijske ovlasti u Korenici. Do zaključenja teksta odgovor na upite nismo dobili.

      Kada su u pitanju optužbe za policijsko nasilje, u prijašnjim reakcijama iz MUP-a su isticali kako “prilikom postupanja prema migrantima policija poštuje njihova temeljna prava i dostojanstvo te im omogućuje pristup sustavu međunarodne zaštite, ukoliko im je takva zaštita potrebna, sukladno općim dokumentima o ljudskim pravima, regulativi EU-a te nacionalnom zakonodavstvu. Želimo naglasiti nultu stopu tolerancije ovog ministarstva na nezakonitu uporabu sredstava prisile od strane hrvatske policije naspram bilo koje populacije, kao i nultu stopu tolerancije nad neprocesuiranjem bilo kojeg kaznenog djela ili prekršaja počinjenog od strane policijskih službenika”.

      Kako je moguće da se u zemlji “nulte stope tolerancije na nezakonitu upotrebu sredstava prisile” kontinuirano pojavljuju svjedočanstva o garažama za mučenje? Ostaje nam zapitati se je li zaista moguće da su sva ova detaljna svjedočanstva, koja se u mnogočemu podudaraju, prikupljena u različitim vremenskim periodima, od ljudi čiji se putevi uglavnom nisu sreli, lažna? Volonteri i aktivisti koji prikupljaju svjedočanstva također se rotiraju i dolaze iz različitih organizacija, pa je i njihova “sugestivnost” faktor koji bi se moglo prekrižiti.

      Garaža za mučenje mali je prostor, ali je bijeg od suočavanja s njenim postojanjem velik i indikativan. Arundhati Roy piše: “Ne postoje oni koji nemaju glas. Postoje samo oni koji su namjerno ušutkani i oni koje biramo da ne čujemo.”

      https://www.h-alter.org/vijesti/garaza-za-mucenje-migranata
      #Korenica

      Commentaire reçu par email de Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 22.05.2019 :

      H-alter published a text based on refugee testimonies and previously published reports of torture in a blue-coloured door garage that may correspond to the description of the police station in Korenica, located near the children’s playground. The testimonies describe denial of food, limited use of toilet and physical violence that occurs not only at the border but also in the depths of the Croatian territory.

    • ‘Nobody Hears You’ : Migrants, Refugees Beaten on Balkan Borders

      Migrants and refugees say they continue to face violence at the hands of police while trying to cross the Balkan peninsula.

      It was supposed to have closed. But migrants and refugees from the Middle East, Asia and Africa are still crossing the Balkan peninsula en route to Western Europe. Many report brutality at the hands of the police.

      In April this year, some 3,600 migrants and refugees – mainly from Afghanistan and Iran – were registered in Serbia, according to the United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR.

      Bosnia last year registered 25,000, though only 3,500 chose to stay in the country while the rest crossed quickly into European Union member Croatia.

      No Name Kitchen, NNK, an NGO assisting migrants and refugees, says police violence is on the rise.

      Between May 2017 and May last year, NNK recorded 215 reported cases of push-backs by Croatian police to Serbia, of which 45 per cent involved physical violence.

      Between May 2017 and December last year, there were 141 push-backs from Croatia to Bosnia, NNK reported, of which 84 per cent involved violence.

      Croatian authorities denied police used violence against migrants and refugees, telling BIRN that such accusations were often made up.

      BIRN journalists spoke to a number of refugees and migrants in Serbia, Bosnia and Slovenia about their experiences with Croatian police. Most chose to be identified only by their first names.

      Ahmed: ‘Nobody hears you’

      “They make the music loud and start beating us, one by one. With sticks, electrical sticks…,” said Ahmed, a Moroccan who had spent the past month in a migrant camp in the small Serbian border town of Sid.

      Ahmed said he had tried several times to cross the nearby border into Croatia, running a gauntlet known among migrants and refugees as ‘The Game’, but had been turned back each time by Croatian police.

      “I’ve been captured and they turn me back, beat me and turn me back,” he told BIRN. “They would come out from the car, one by one and they start, like that until you scream and nobody hears you,” he said.

      Ali: ‘Police have no heart’

      Ali and a group of friends had made it into Croatia from Bosnia in April and walked for six days in the direction of Slovenia.

      “Police officers, they caught us and after that, they brought us in the police station and we were for four hours in the police station like a prisoner and after that… they beat us,” he told BIRN in the northwestern Bosnian town of Bihac, a hub for migrants and refugees trying to cross the Croatian border.

      “Police have no heart. They don’t want to see that the guys are human. It’s really horrible.”

      Nue: ‘I don’t have a country’

      Some of those BIRN spoke to said they were fleeing repression in their own countries.

      Nue, a Palestinian now also stuck in Sid, said: “My country, I don’t have a country because I am from Palestine… I have ID just to say I am from Palestine.”

      Nue said that when he tried to cross the border, he was caught by the Croatian police. He pointed to a cut on his head.

      “When he’s [the police officer] catching me, he does like this,” he said, imitating being beaten. “I have to just stay in the tent because maybe I have a problem in my head because [the beating was] very strong.”

      Nue said he was now sleeping in the street.

      Another man, in the centre of Sid, said police were also violent towards his wife, who was nine months pregnant when BIRN spoke to the couple.

      “They don’t care if she’s pregnant or not,” he said. “There is no human qualities in them, you understand. I never seen such people.”

      Muhamed: Old and new injuries

      Muhamed, from Tunisia, said he had been in Serbia for six weeks having been beating by police on the Croatian border.

      “They done with you everything,” he said, and showed injuries he said were inflicted the day before by Croatian police.

      Muhamed said he was beaten for 10 minutes and then sent back to Serbia.

      “Everytime, doing this, everytime, look, this old and this new,” he said, pointing to the bruises and cuts.

      Khalid: It was necessary

      In a migrant camp in Slovenia, Khalid, from Eritrea, said he had been deported back to Bosnia eight times.

      “I came to Ljubljana by walk,” he said.

      “[Croatian police] deported me eight times – four times to [Velika Kladusa] and four times to Bihac. They beat us, and they take [our] phones. They make many things.”

      Though he personally had not faced violence, Khalid said he knew of many others who had.

      “All the people now, they forget everything because they crossed the borders and also we have to tell them sorry, we cross your country… It was necessary to do it.”

      Activist: ‘It’s worse and worse’

      Diego Menjibar, an activist with No Name Kitchen, told BIRN:

      “They are beaten by batons in borders. Also, with fist, kicking them. We have a lot of cases every week of people beaten with batons, with physical violence, also verbal violence and some of them, they also passed out while they [were] beat, so we have a doctor here.”

      Menjibar spoke in a disused factory in Sid that is now filled with tents for migrants and refugees. Roughly 100 pass through the camp each day.

      “We talk with the people in the squat and we listen what they say and every time it’s worse and worse,” he said.

      Beaten around the legs

      In April, Swiss broadcaster SRF and the crew of the TV programme “Rundschau” spent three weeks in the fields on the Bosnian-Croatian border speaking to migrants and refugees in the moment after they were turned back by Croatian police.

      “I was literally running after these people when they came down [after being deported],” SRF journalist Nicole Vögele told BIRN. “I was aware that now what we really need is a full line of evidence.”

      In May, SRF broadcast a piece showing Croatian police pushing back migrants and refugees into Bosnia. Vögele said many sustained injuries to their legs from being beaten by police with sticks.

      “Most of them were showing me the [lower] parts of the legs,” Vögele said. “Two days later, I asked them if they have same traces because just an hour after the beating, as you can imagine you can see a bit of red. But two days later it is clearly visible.”

      In the SRF report, an Afghan family, including small children, spoke of bring stopped in the forest by Croatian policemen.

      “They pointed their guns at us and said ‘Stop’. We were very scared and cried,” said the oldest of the children. When the family asked for asylum, the police officers laughed and said that they would be given “Bosnian asylum” – meaning that they would be deported back to Bosnia.

      Injuries

      The Serbian-based NGO Asylum Protection Centre has also gathered extensive evidence of Croatian police brutality.

      In late April, Rados Djurovic, the director of the centre, said instances of violence were on the rise.

      The NGO has also gathered evidence of migrant families, including children, being starved and exhausted and illegally pushed back into Serbia by Hungarian police.

      Police denial

      The office of the Croatian ombudsperson said it had acted in more than 50 cases concerning refugees and migrants.

      The cases “often involve complaints on various grounds, including police treatment,” the office said in a written reply to BIRN.

      Most complaints concerned Croatian and Hungarian police.

      “The complaints relate to various types of violence, from hits by hands and sticks to the bite of official dogs,” the office said.

      The local health centre in Bihac, in northwestern Bosnia, said it saw up to 10 cases of violent injuries each month, “but injuries are done by various subjects, i.e. the internal conflicts of migrants, third parties and / or police”.

      Croatia’s interior ministry said it had looked into all complaints of alleged coercive measures against migrants and that none had warranted further criminal investigation.

      “In all these cases, detailed field inspections were carried out in police administrations, and so far in none of the cases have been found that police officers are using forced means against migrants,” it told BIRN.

      The ministry stressed its respect for the fundamental rights and dignity of migrants and that it used “prescribed procedure for returning to the country from which they illegally entered into the Republic of Croatia.”

      “Migrants are most often falsely accusing police officers of violence, expecting such accusations will help them with a new attempt to enter the Republic of Croatia and continue their journey towards the destination countries,” it said.

      In Bosnia, a police spokesman in the Una-Sana canton, where Bihac is located, said police had not received any complaints of violence against migrants and refugees by Bosnian police.

      https://balkaninsight.com/2019/06/13/nobody-hears-you-migrants-refugees-beaten-on-balkan-borders

    • Un monde de murs : en Bosnie, la matraque et les poings comme frontière

      L’Europe a fait tomber ses murs mais bétonne ses frontières. Depuis 2018, des milliers de personnes tentent de traverser le corridor croate depuis la Bosnie pour atteindre l’espace Schengen. Migrants et ONG dénoncent des refoulements ultra-violents.

      Le camp de #Vučjak est situé sur une ancienne décharge. D’après le responsable de la Croix-Rouge, du méthane s’échappe du sol dans certaines zones. Autour des terrains empruntés chaque jour par les migrants sont susceptibles d’abriter des #mines_antipersonnel. - Kristof Vadino.

      Ici, on appelle ça le « #game ». Tenter de franchir la frontière entre la Bosnie et la Croatie et atteindre la Slovénie puis l’Italie sans se faire pincer. Le « game », Anwar peut en parler : il a « joué », il a perdu. Ils sont un petit groupe d’adolescents pakistanais et afghans dans le coin d’une grande tente du camp de Vučjak, dans les montagnes du nord de la Bosnie, à manger à même le sol le deuxième (et dernier) repas de la journée. Certains sont majeurs. « La police a tout pris : mes vêtements, mes chaussures… Ils ont tout jeté dans le feu. Et puis, ils ont frappé, fort », raconte le jeune Pakistanais. Parce qu’on demande, il précise : coups de poing, coups de pied, coups de matraque. « Ils nous ont poussés dans la rivière, l’eau était vraiment très froide, mais ils nous ont forcés à rester là deux heures. Ensuite, on a dû monter dans un véhicule et ils ont mis la climatisation à fond. » Ils ont été renvoyés pieds nus dans la forêt.

      Si, à vol d’oiseau la frontière n’est qu’à quelques kilomètres du camp, il faut plusieurs heures de marche pour passer la montagne, notoirement habitée par loups, serpents et ours (un psychologue croate de Médecins du Monde raconte avoir suivi une enfant traumatisée après que sa famille a été prise en chasse par un ours). Cette fois-ci, Anwar s’en sort bien, des contusions mais pas de blessures. Celle d’avant, au tibia, a cicatrisé. Une fois, il est parvenu à marcher pendant dix jours en Croatie. Il approchait de la frontière slovène lorsqu’on l’a attrapé. « A chaque fois, ils nous lâchent dans la montagne quand ils nous ramènent. » Les violences ? « Toujours. » Un ami l’a dépanné d’une paire de chaussures et de vêtements, mais il faudra quelque temps avant de réunir à nouveau le matériel nécessaire pour camper dans la « jungle » le long des routes croates. Avant d’avoir une opportunité avec les passeurs aussi. Le tarif : 1.200 euros – payables à l’arrivée – pour rejoindre Trieste à pied depuis la Bosnie. L’option « taxi » est beaucoup plus sûre, mais trois à quatre fois plus chère.

      « C’est dur », mais pas question de dévisser de l’objectif. « Inch Allah, je retenterai et je rejoindrai la Belgique », assure Anwar, dans un grand sourire fayot. « Il n’y a pas de vie pour nous au Pakistan. » Autour, les copains qui comprennent un peu l’anglais acquiescent, sérieux.
      Une petite équipe pour 700 hommes

      L’acharnement, c’est l’impossibilité de faire machine arrière : la dette contractée auprès de sa famille – les terres vendues, les sacrifices pour financer le voyage –, l’obligation de réussite. C’est aussi que, si violentes que puissent être les fins de partie, le « game » vaut le coup. Depuis 2018, un peu plus de 50.000 migrants sont entrés en Bosnie. D’après les chiffres de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), ils seraient actuellement autour de 7.000 sur le territoire ; 700 ont fait le choix de rentrer dans leur pays d’origine. Les autres sont vraisemblablement passés en Europe.

      Comme beaucoup, Anwar a passé quelques nuits devant les portes de Bira, le vaste entrepôt qui parque depuis un an plus de 1.500 hommes, mineurs isolés et familles à quelques kilomètres de là. Il est complet en permanence (1.800 personnes en ce moment). L’espace permettrait de rajouter des containers pour ouvrir 500 places supplémentaires, mais le gouvernement local restreint strictement la capacité. Les conditions sont rudes mais, à côté du camp « cauchemar » de Vučjak, c’est trois étoiles. « J’ai dit à la barrière de Bira que j’avais 17 ans », raconte Anwar. « Mais ils n’ont pas voulu que j’entre. » Il a fini par lâcher l’affaire et revenir au camp.

      Dans la tente des garçons, le container de la Croix-Rouge locale conserve les pains qui restent du petit-déjeuner. Les retardataires et retournés frappent régulièrement à la porte pour en récupérer. « It’s oooooopeeeeeen. » Affalé sur la table, le garçon aux traits tirés retire prestement le masque médical en se redressant. Mohamed Cehic gère la toute petite équipe de la Croix-Rouge qui tente tant bien que mal, seule, de répondre aux besoins des 700 hommes du camp. Cinq « volontaires » mobilisés sept jours par semaine. Il est épuisé. « Rien à voir avec le travail, j’ai juste mal dormi », assure le responsable. Avant de prendre les rênes du camp, il avait travaillé un mois dans les centres gérés par l’OIM, où la Croix-Rouge assure la distribution des repas. Et avant cela, il était à l’école. Il a 19 ans.

      « On fait tout : on a monté les tentes, on collecte et distribue la nourriture, les vêtements, tout », explique Mohamed Cehic. « Ce n’est pas un camp, je dirais plutôt un… site de transit. La situation n’est pas bonne. Ce n’est pas facile pour les gens. » Il est parfois interrompu par les puissantes rafales de vent qui rabattent pluie et branches contre la paroi du container. Reprend quand cela se calme. « L’hiver approche. C’est la montagne ici, il fait beaucoup plus froid qu’en ville. Ça va vite devenir très difficile. » Est-ce qu’il y a d’autres questions, parce qu’il devrait y aller là, il y a encore… beaucoup.
      « Si une solution n’est pas trouvée rapidement, les gens vont mourir »

      Dehors, les sollicitations reprennent. Deux hommes reviennent de l’unité mobile que Médecins sans frontières fait désormais venir quatre fois par semaine à un kilomètre de là (il n’y avait avant cela aucun accès à l’aide médicale). Ils ont un papier certifiant leur diagnostic : tuberculose. Il faut organiser leur transport à l’hôpital. Entendant parler de « docteur », d’autres arrivent. Un homme a le poignet blessé. « Police. » Il a improvisé un bandage avec un t-shirt déchiré et de la ficelle. Un autre encore ; une plaie suinte à travers le tissu à sa cheville. « C’est trop tard pour le docteur. Demain. » L’eau dans la tente ? « Je sais, on n’a rien pour réparer. » Médicament ? Vêtements ? Non ; plus tard : désolé, je ne peux rien faire ; demain. « Je ne sais pas si on pourra continuer comme ça », reconnaît Mohamed Cehic. « Les autorités ont dit que le camp fermerait le 15 novembre, mais honnêtement, je ne sais plus à qui faire confiance. » Même la nourriture manque. Dans son dernier rapport, la Croix-Rouge affirme ne pas parvenir à fournir les 2.200 calories minimum nécessaires. Le chef de mission de l’OIM, Peter Van der Auweraert, est, lui, plus catégorique : « Si une solution n’est pas trouvée rapidement, les gens vont mourir. »

      Vučjak n’a rien d’un camp spontané. Il résulte de la volonté du gouvernement cantonal d’éloigner les migrants des centres-villes et des habitations. Nouvellement empruntée, la route bosnienne a vu le nombre de migrants soudainement augmenter début 2018, passant de 1.116 personnes en 2017 à 23.848 l’année suivante. Même si un centre d’accueil existe à Sarajevo (saturé, comme les autres), la population se concentre dans le seul canton d’Una Sana, très proche de la Slovénie et de l’Italie. Ce qui a pesé sur la population. En l’espace de dix mois, la police du canton a ouvert 185 dossiers criminels à l’encontre de migrants, incluant un meurtre, trois tentatives de meurtre et des intrusions dans des maisons (« Plutôt en quête d’abris que de vol », nuance le porte-parole de la police). Des migrants étaient victimes dans 26 dossiers. Mais s’agissant de Vučjak, l’OIM et la plupart des autres organisations (y compris l’Union européenne, qui finance tous les centres) ont refusé de jouer le jeu. Le site, une ancienne décharge, n’a pas été testé pour sa toxicité. Sans eau courante, ni électricité, il est entouré de zones toujours susceptibles d’abriter des mines antipersonnel, résidus de guerre.
      Violences policières

      Seule la Croix-Rouge a répondu à l’appel du gouvernement et jongle depuis avec des bouts de ficelle. Enfin, des colsons pour l’heure, seul moyen de rabibocher les tentes déchirées par les intempéries. Au petit matin, les hommes transis de froid se rassemblent près des feux aux abords des tentes. Voire à l’intérieur. C’est dangereux, mais comme tout. Encore emmitouflé dans une mince couverture, un homme se lance dans une grande supplique à l’Union européenne. « Vous nous repoussez, d’accord, mais s’il vous plaît, arrêtez de nous punir. Arrêtez les violences. »

      La violence « supposée » de la police croate, toutes les personnes rencontrées qui sont revenues de la frontière disent en avoir fait l’expérience. Les estropiés qui « se sont fait mal » en tentant de traverser font désormais partie du paysage cantonal. Tant à Vučjak que dans les rues et les centres gérés par l’OIM. Comme Ghulem, 38 ans, croisé à Miral, le centre de Velika Kladusa, dans son fauteuil roulant. Lorsque ses amis l’ont ramené du « game » il y a un mois, incapable de tenir sur ses jambes, les médecins ont fait une radio. Mais on ne lui a jamais communiqué les résultats. Il peut légèrement les bouger maintenant, pas plus. Il a mal, surtout le soir. C’était sa première tentative. Un seul coup de matraque sous les genoux. Il y pense tout le temps. Des migrants racontent que la police tape toujours plus dur sur les Pakistanais – majoritaires en ce moment – sans qu’on sache pourquoi.

      Naeem était presque en Italie, lorsque la police slovène l’a intercepté et remis aux forces croates. Retour à la montagne. Le bâton a frappé tellement fort qu’il a creusé des trous dans la chair. Sa jambe a doublé de volume avec l’infection. Un mois plus tard, les plaies suintent encore à travers les pansements. Il a de la chance, il a accès à un docteur.
      Histoires de disparitions

      Contactée, la Commission européenne assure prendre la situation très au sérieux et attend que la Croatie la « tienne informée ». Fin 2018, Bruxelles débloquait une enveloppe de 6,8 millions d’euros pour permettre à la Croatie de renforcer le contrôle de ses frontières – condition pour une intégration future du pays dans l’espace Schengen – « dans le respect du droit de l’Union européenne ». Outre l’achat de matériel, la création de nouveaux postes-frontières et le renforcement des équipes, l’argent devait financer un « monitoring indépendant », censé essentiellement passer en revue les procédures en place. Quant aux violences policières et au déni d’asile, la Croatie « s’est engagée à enquêter sur toute allégation de mauvais traitement de migrants et réfugiés à la frontière ». Le ministère de l’Intérieur croate n’a pas donné suite à nos requêtes (refusant par ailleurs l’accès à un centre d’accueil de Zagreb).
      Quotidien de migrant

      Le monitoring se fait surtout du côté des ONG. Une poignée d’organisations actives dans les Balkans alimente continuellement le Border Violence Monitoring de rapports d’entretiens menés avec des migrants, souvent complétés de rapports médicaux corroborant les témoignages. De quoi conforter l’idée d’un usage systématique de la violence incluant torture par le froid, passage à tabac, destructions des biens et vêtements et, dans certains cas, des morsures de chiens, os brisés par des coups de bâton…

      L’angle mort pour l’heure, ce sont les disparitions. Dans les camps circulent de nombreuses histoires de noyade lors de la traversée de la Glina, la rivière qui sépare la Bosnie de la Croatie. Mais elles restent quasi impossibles à documenter. Alertées par les migrants, les ONG ont amené (poussé) la police bosnienne à découvrir trois corps – dont un dans la rivière – depuis le mois de septembre, induisant ainsi l’ouverture d’enquêtes. Depuis son lit superposé dans l’immense dortoir de Miral, un garçon essaie de se faire entendre, cherche du regard un Pakistanais capable de traduire. « S’il vous plaît, mes amis, ils sont restés là-bas. » Quatre jours plus tôt, il a laissé quatre compagnons dans les bois, à proximité de la frontière slovène, raconte-t-il. « Ils ont mangé des baies empoisonnées. Ils ne se sont pas réveillés. » Les informations lui manquent, il n’a pas de données GPS. « C’est près d’un village. S’il vous plaît. Il faut les aider. »

      Déni d’asile

      L.K.

      D’après les témoignages de migrants et d’organisations locales, de nombreux cas de refoulements se feraient depuis les commissariats de police croates, seuls endroits où les personnes peuvent déclarer leur intention de demander l’asile. « Il est déjà arrivé que des personnes viennent directement dans nos locaux, qu’on les renvoie vers les commissariats… et qu’elles se retrouvent en Bosnie le lendemain », raconte Tajana Tadic, de l’association citoyenne Are you Sirious. « Ça nous met dans une situation compliquée. C’est délicat de demander aux gens de faire confiance une autorité dont ils ont peur, tout en sachant qu’ils ont de bonnes raisons de se méfier. »

      La Croatie, cela dit, accueille des demandeurs d’asile. Des familles surtout. Médecins du Monde y assure le screening médical et les consultations psychologiques. « On constate essentiellement des maladies de peau, des blessures traumatiques et des problèmes respiratoires. Côté psychologique, leur esprit est encore tourné vers la route, l’urgence d’avancer. Ce n’est qu’après quelque temps que les problèmes apparaissent, quand ils sortent du “mode survie” », explique une psychologue. « On voit des symptômes dépressifs, des crises de panique, de l’anxiété, des troubles de stress post-traumatiques… »

      https://plus.lesoir.be/259302/article/2019-11-08/un-monde-de-murs-en-bosnie-la-matraque-et-les-poings-comme-frontiere
      #Vucjak #the_game #Cazin #Bihac #Vedika_Kladusa

  • Report to the EU Parliament on #Frontex cooperation with third countries in 2017

    A recent report by Frontex, the EU’s border agency, highlights the ongoing expansion of its activities with non-EU states.

    The report covers the agency’s cooperation with non-EU states ("third countries") in 2017, although it was only published this month.

    See: Report to the European Parliament on Frontex cooperation with third countries in 2017: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2019/feb/frontex-report-ep-third-countries-coop-2017.pdf (pdf)

    It notes the adoption by Frontex of an #International_Cooperation_Strategy 2018-2020, “an integral part of our multi-annual programme” which:

    “guides the Agency’s interactions with third countries and international organisations… The Strategy identified the following priority regions with which Frontex strives for closer cooperation: the Western Balkans, Turkey, North and West Africa, Sub-Saharan countries and the Horn of Africa.”

    The Strategy can be found in Annex XIII to the 2018-20 Programming Document: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2019/feb/frontex-programming-document-2018-20.pdf (pdf).

    The 2017 report on cooperation with third countries further notes that Frontex is in dialogue with Senegal, #Niger and Guinea with the aim of signing Working Agreements at some point in the future.

    The agency deployed three Frontex #Liaison_Officers in 2017 - to Niger, Serbia and Turkey - while there was also a #European_Return_Liaison_Officer deployed to #Ghana in 2018.

    The report boasts of assisting the Commission in implementing informal agreements on return (as opposed to democratically-approved readmission agreements):

    "For instance, we contributed to the development of the Standard Operating Procedures with #Bangladesh and the “Good Practices for the Implementation of Return-Related Activities with the Republic of Guinea”, all forming important elements of the EU return policy that was being developed and consolidated throughout 2017."

    At the same time:

    “The implementation of 341 Frontex coordinated and co-financed return operations by charter flights and returning 14 189 third-country nationals meant an increase in the number of return operations by 47% and increase of third-country nationals returned by 33% compared to 2016.”

    Those return operations included Frontex’s:

    “first joint return operation to #Afghanistan. The operation was organised by Hungary, with Belgium and Slovenia as participating Member States, and returned a total of 22 third country nationals to Afghanistan. In order to make this operation a success, the participating Member States and Frontex needed a coordinated support of the European Commission as well as the EU Delegation and the European Return Liaison Officers Network in Afghanistan.”

    http://www.statewatch.org/news/2019/feb/frontex-report-third-countries.htm
    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers
    #Balkans #Turquie #Afrique_de_l'Ouest #Afrique_du_Nord #Afrique_sub-saharienne #Corne_de_l'Afrique #Guinée #Sénégal #Serbie #officiers_de_liaison #renvois #expulsions #accords_de_réadmission #machine_à_expulsion #Hongrie #Belgique #Slovénie #réfugiés_afghans

    • EP civil liberties committee against proposal to give Frontex powers to assist non-EU states with deportations

      The European Parliament’s civil liberties committee (LIBE) has agreed its position for negotiations with the Council on the new Frontex Regulation, and amongst other things it hopes to deny the border agency the possibility of assisting non-EU states with deportations.

      The position agreed by the LIBE committee removes Article 54(2) of the Commission’s proposal, which says:

      “The Agency may also launch return interventions in third countries, based on the directions set out in the multiannual strategic policy cycle, where such third country requires additional technical and operational assistance with regard to its return activities. Such intervention may consist of the deployment of return teams for the purpose of providing technical and operational assistance to return activities of the third country.”

      The report was adopted by the committee with 35 votes in favour, nine against and eight abstentions.

      When the Council reaches its position on the proposal, the two institutions will enter into secret ’trilogue’ negotiations, along with the Commission.

      Although the proposal to reinforce Frontex was only published last September, the intention is to agree a text before the European Parliament elections in May.

      The explanatory statement in the LIBE committee’s report (see below) says:

      “The Rapporteur proposes a number of amendments that should enable the Agency to better achieve its enhanced objectives. It is crucial that the Agency has the necessary border guards and equipment at its disposal whenever this is needed and especially that it is able to deploy them within a short timeframe when necessary.”

      European Parliament: Stronger European Border and Coast Guard to secure EU’s borders: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20190211IPR25771/stronger-european-border-and-coast-guard-to-secure-eu-s-borders (Press release, link):

      “- A new standing corps of 10 000 operational staff to be gradually rolled out
      - More efficient return procedures of irregular migrants
      - Strengthened cooperation with non-EU countries

      New measures to strengthen the European Border and Coast Guard to better address migratory and security challenges were backed by the Civil Liberties Committee.”

      See: REPORT on the proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the European Border and Coast Guard and repealing Council Joint Action n°98/700/JHA, Regulation (EU) n° 1052/2013 of the European Parliament and of the Council and Regulation (EU) n° 2016/1624 of the European Parliament and of the Council: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2019/feb/ep-libe-report-frontex.pdf (pdf)

      The Commission’s proposal and its annexes can be found here: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2018/sep/eu-soteu-jha-proposals.htm

      http://www.statewatch.org/news/2019/feb/ep-new-frontex-libe.htm

  • Liste sur les morts aux #frontières des #Alpes

    Première décompte des morts, à ma connaissance, celui de Médecins Sans Frontières, dans un rapport de 2018 :
    https://fuoricampo.medicisenzafrontiere.it/Fuoricampo2018.pdf
    A la page 17, on peut lire : plus de 20 cadavres retrouvés aux frontières alpines, dont 15 entre l’Italie et la France

    Article paru dans La Repubblica le 22 février 2019 :
    I volontari francesi : in un anno 30 migranti morti nel tentativo di attraversare le Alpi

    Bilancio denuncia:al confine di Claviere è caccia all’uomo, 7mila respinti nel 2018.

    La frontiera franco–italiana, dove ogni giorno i migranti cercano di lasciare l’Italia, diretti in Francia, è “un confine sotto controllo militare dove è in corso una caccia all’uomo” e dove sono stati trovati una trentina di cadaveri nell’ultimo anno.
    E’ l’analisi durissima presentata ieri a Parigi dall’Anafè, l’associazione nazionale di assistenza agli stranieri sulle frontiere, un’associazione a cui aderiscono una ventina di enti, molti sono gruppi di giuristi e avvocati. Per un anno i volontari dell’Anafé hanno analizzato quello che succede nella regione delle Hautes-Alpes, al Monginevro e al Colle della Scala, e sulla frontiera di Ventimiglia, denunciando “le pratiche illegali dell’amministrazione francese”.

    Il risultato è un rapporto intitolato “#Persona_non_grata. Conseguenze delle politiche migratorie e di sicurezza (https://drive.google.com/file/d/15HEFqA01_aSkKgw05g_vfrcP1SpmDAtV/view)” che mette sotto la lente di ingrandimento - osservando la scena dal lato francese - la militarizzazione della frontiera e le violazioni dei diritti durante i controlli della Paf, la polizia di frontiera francese. L’Anafé solleva dubbi sulle procedure con cui i migranti vengono fermati quando sono individuati. “Vengono suddivisi e selezionati in base a segni esterni come il colore della pelle, l’odore e l’abbigliamento – e aggiungono - Dal 2015 la polizia di frontiera ha emesso rifiuti di ingresso in Francia senza rispettare la legge”.

    Ogni migrante, infatti, avrebbe diritto ad un’esame approfondito della sua situazione con l’aiuto di un interprete, ma al Monginevro molti vengono rimandati verso l’Italia dopo poche ore e, sostiene chi ha redatto il documento, senza la necessaria assistenza. Succede anche con i minori non accompagnati che, per legge, dovrebbero essere accolti. I volontari hanno raccolto la storia di un ragazzino fermato a pochi chilometri da Clavière , il 22 novembre. “La gendarmeria ci ha trovato intorno alle 4 - dice - Eravamo rimasti solo in quattro perché il gruppo si era disperso. Sono svenuto perché ho un problema al cuore e quando mi sono svegliato ho chiesto di essere portato in ospedale ma mi hanno detto che non era possibile. Ricordo che mi hanno fatto scendere dalla macchina al confine e che ho aspettato a lungo al freddo”.

    Nel 2016 i respingimenti al confine con la val di Susa erano stati 316, nel 2017 sono stati 1900. A Modane, nel 2018, sono stati rifiutati oltre 7000 ingressi. “Le persone esiliate - si legge ancora - vengono tenute in condizioni di detenzione deplorevole e senza diritti, senza spazi per dormire, cibo o acqua, contro lo stesso principio di dignità umana”. La procura di Nizza – come riporta il quotidiano Le Monde - ha già aperto un’inchiesta per valutare eventuali abusi della polizia alla frontiera.
    Un ultimo capitolo del documento, che si conclude con una lunga lista di raccomandazioni per garantire i diritti delle persone, è dedicato alla criminalizzazione della solidarietà: la procura di Gap, infatti, ha avviato diversi processi contro persone ritenute responsabili di aver aiutato i migranti. Il 13 dicembre scorso 7 persone erano state condannate dal tribunale e tra queste anche una ragazza torinese.

    https://torino.repubblica.it/cronaca/2019/02/22/news/i_volontari_francesi_trenta_migranti_morti_nel_tentativo_di_attrav

    Quand j’aurai le temps, je chercherais les références des cas antérieures que j’ai répertoriés sur seenthis par le passé...

    #frontière_sud-alpine #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #frontières

    J’ajoute à la #métaliste sur la frontière sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733721

    Voir aussi ces articles consacrés aux morts aux frontières à Vintimille, Brenner et Côme :
    https://openmigration.org/analisi/i-morti-di-confine-a-ventimiglia
    https://openmigration.org/analisi/morire-di-confine-al-brennero
    https://openmigration.org/analisi/morire-di-confine-a-como

    Statistiques telles qu’elles ont été présentées dans une vidéo qui a été publiée le 5 septembre 2017 :


    https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2017/09/05/migranti-quando-capita-a-due-passi-da-te-e-diverso-storia-di-rawda-e-degli-italiani-che-lhanno-restituita-a-sua-figlia/3822631

    Commentaire du rapport Persona non grata par les rédacteurs du rapport, sur les ondes de Radio Parleur :
    La journaliste demande : avez vous des chiffres sur les morts aux frontières ? (minute 4’25)

    « La question des chiffres c’est toujours compliqué, parce qu’on peut avoir une idée de personnes pour lesquelles on en a eu connaissance. Mais il y a forcément des gens qu’on ne peut pas voir et peut-être aussi des personnes qui sont disparues ou qui ont perdu la vie, mais dont on en a pas connaissance. Dans le rapport on parle d’une trentaine, parce qu’il y a eu 22 personnes dont on est sûrs qu’elles sont décédées à la frontière basse. Et à la frontière haute, entre 2017 et 2018 il y a eu 3 décès et une disparition. Et en février, il y a deux semaines, il y a eu un autre décès. Donc on s’approche d’une trentaine, mais on ne peut pas donner de chiffres précis parce qu’il y en a aussi plein pour lesquels on ne sait pas. »

    Source : https://radioparleur.net/2019/03/01/anafe-crise-frontieres-migrations

    Conférence de #Daniela_Trucco : Mise en récit des morts à la frontière franco-italienne des Alpes Maritimes (2015-2018)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/780341

    Article paru dans Le Monde, en juin 2018 :
    Dans les Alpes, la fonte des neiges révèle les corps de migrants morts en tentant de passer en France
    https://seenthis.net/messages/756096#message786236

    ping @reka @isskein