Festival Arts et Alpha
Une émission très participative autour du Festival Arts et Alpha.
Festival Arts et Alpha
Une émission très participative autour du Festival Arts et Alpha.
Au Niger, l’Union européenne finance le contrôle biométrique des frontières. Avec pour objectif la lutte contre l’immigration, et dans une opacité parfois très grande sur les méthodes utilisées.
Niger, envoyé spécial.– Deux semaines après une attaque meurtrière attribuée aux groupes armés djihadistes, un silence épais règne autour du poste de la gendarmerie de Makalondi, à la frontière entre le Niger et le Burkina Faso. Ce jour de novembre 2018, un militaire nettoie son fusil avec un torchon, des cartouches scintillantes éparpillées à ses pieds. Des traces de balles sur le mur blanc du petit bâtiment signalent la direction de l’attaque. Sur le pas de la porte, un jeune gendarme montre son bras bandé, pendant que ses collègues creusent une tranchée et empilent des sacs de sable.
L’assaut, à 100 kilomètres au sud de la capitale Niamey, a convaincu le gouvernement du Niger d’étendre les mesures d’état d’urgence, déjà adoptées dans sept départements frontaliers avec le Mali, à toute la frontière avec le Burkina Faso. La sécurité a également été renforcée sur le poste de police, à moins d’un kilomètre de distance de celui de la gendarmerie, où les agents s’affairent à une autre mission : gérer les flux migratoires.
« On est les pionniers, au Niger », explique le commissaire Ismaël Soumana, montrant les équipements installés dans un bâtiment en préfabriqué. Des capteurs d’empreintes sont alignés sur un comptoir, accompagnés d’un scanneur de documents, d’une microcaméra et d’un ordinateur. « Ici, on enregistre les données biométriques de tous les passagers qui entrent et sortent du pays, on ajoute des informations personnelles et puis on envoie tout à Niamey, où les données sont centralisées. »
Makalondi est le premier poste au Niger à avoir installé le Midas, système d’information et d’analyse de données sur la migration, en septembre 2018. C’est la première étape d’un projet de biométrisation des frontières terrestres du pays, financé par l’UE et le #Japon, et réalisé conjointement par l’#OIM, l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations – créatrice et propriétaire du système #Midas –, et #Eucap_Sahel_Niger, la mission de sécurité civile de Bruxelles.https://static.mediapart.fr/etmagine/default/files/2019/02/21/17-baf2883.jpg?width=6000&height=4000&width_format=pixel&height_format=pixel#.jpg
Au cœur de ce projet, il y a la Direction pour la surveillance du territoire (DST), la police aux frontières nigérienne, dont le rôle s’est accru au même rythme que l’intérêt européen à réduire la migration via le Niger. Dans un quartier central de Niamey, le bureau du directeur Abdourahamane Alpha est un oasis de tranquillité au milieu de la tempête. Tout autour, les agents tourbillonnent, en se mêlant aux travailleurs chinois qui renouvellent leur visa et aux migrants ouest-africains sans papiers, en attente d’expulsion.
Dessinant une carte sur un morceau de papier, le commissaire Alpha trace la stratégie du Niger « pour contrôler 5 000 kilomètres de frontière avec sept pays ». Il évoque ainsi les opérations antiterrorisme de la force G5 Sahel et le soutien de l’UE à une nouvelle compagnie mobile de gardes-frontières, à lancer au printemps 2019.
Concernant le Midas, adopté depuis 2009 par 23 pays du monde, « le premier défi est d’équiper tous les postes de frontière terrestre », souligne Alpha. Selon l’OIM, six nouveaux postes devraient être équipés d’ici à mi-2020.https://static.mediapart.fr/etmagine/default/files/2019/02/21/5-bef8495.jpg?width=5531&height=3687&width_format=pixel&height_format=pixel#.jpg
Un rapport interne réalisé à l’été 2018 et financé par l’UE, obtenu par Mediapart, estime que seulement un poste sur les douze visités, celui de Sabon Birni sur la frontière avec le Nigeria, est apte à une installation rapide du système Midas. Des raisons de sécurité, un flux trop bas et composé surtout de travailleurs frontaliers, ou encore la nécessité de rénover les structures (pour la plupart bâties par la GIZ, la coopération allemande, entre 2015 et 2016), expliquent l’évaluation prudente sur l’adoption du Midas.
Bien que l’installation de ce système soit balbutiante, Abdourahamane Alpha entrevoit déjà le jour où leurs « bases de données seront connectées avec celles de l’UE ». Pour l’instant, du siège de Niamey, les agents de police peuvent consulter en temps quasi réel les empreintes d’un Ghanéen entrant par le Burkina Faso, sur un bus de ligne.
À partir de mars 2019, ils pourront aussi les confronter avec les fichiers du Pisces, le système biométrique du département d’État des États-Unis, installé à l’aéroport international de Niamey. Puis aux bases de données d’Interpol et du Wapis, le système d’information pour la police de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, un fichier biométrique financé par le Fonds européen de développement dans seize pays de la région.
Mais si le raccordement avec des bases de données de Bruxelles, envisagé par le commissaire Alpha, semble une hypothèse encore lointaine, l’UE exerce déjà un droit de regard indirect sur les écrans de la police nigérienne, à travers Frontex, l’agence pour le contrôle des frontières externes.
Frontex a en effet choisi le Niger comme partenaire privilégié pour le contrôle migratoire sur la route dite de la Méditerranée centrale. En août 2017, l’agence y a déployé son unique officier de liaison en Afrique et a lancé, en novembre 2018, la première cellule d’analyse de risques dans le continent. Un projet financé par la coopération au développement de l’UE : 4 millions d’euros destinés à ouvrir des cellules similaires dans huit pays subsahariens.
L’agence n’a dévoilé à Mediapart que six documents sur onze relatifs à ses liens avec le Niger, en rappelant la nécessité de « protéger l’intérêt public concernant les relations internationales ». Un des documents envoyés concerne les cellules d’analyse de risques, présentées comme des bureaux équipés et financés par Frontex à l’intérieur des autorités de contrôle des frontières du pays, où des analystes formés par l’agence – mais dépendants de l’administration nationale – auront accès aux bases de données.
Dans la version intégrale du document, que Mediapart a finalement pu se procurer, et qui avait été expurgée par Frontex, on apprend que « les bases de données du MIDAS, PISCES et Securiport [compagnie privée de Washington qui opère dans le Mali voisin, mais pas au Niger – ndlr] seront prises en considération comme sources dans le plan de collecte de données ».
En dépit de l’indépendance officielle des cellules par rapport à Frontex, revendiquée par l’agence, on peut y lire aussi que chaque cellule aura une adresse mail sur le serveur de Frontex et que les informations seront échangées sur une plateforme digitale de l’UE. Un graphique, également invisible dans la version expurgée, montre que les données collectées sont destinées à Frontex et aux autres cellules, plutôt qu’aux autorités nationales.
Selon un fonctionnaire local, la France aurait par ailleurs fait pression pour obtenir les fichiers biométriques des demandeurs d’asile en attente d’être réinstallés à Paris, dans le cadre d’un programme de réinstallation géré par le UNHCR.
La nouvelle Haute Autorité pour la protection des données personnelles, opérationnelle depuis octobre 2018, ne devrait pas manquer de travail. Outre le Midas, le Pisces et le Wapis, le Haut Commissariat pour les réfugiés a enregistré dans son système Bims les données de presque 250 000 réfugiés et déplacés internes, tandis que la plus grande base biométrique du pays – le fichier électoral – sera bientôt réalisée.
Pendant ce temps, au poste de frontière de Makalondi, un dimanche de décembre 2018, les préoccupations communes de Niamey et Bruxelles se matérialisent quand les minibus Toyota laissent la place aux bus longue distance, reliant les capitales d’Afrique occidentale à Agadez, au centre du pays, avec escale à Niamey. Des agents fouillent les bagages, tandis que les passagers attendent de se faire enregistrer.
« Depuis l’intensification des contrôles, en 2016, le passage a chuté brusquement, explique le commissaire Ismaël Soumana. En parallèle, les voies de contournement se sont multipliées : si on ferme ici, les passeurs changent de route, et cela peut continuer à l’infini. »
Les contrôles terminés, les policiers se préparent à monter la garde. « Car les terroristes, eux, frappent à la nuit, et nous ne sommes pas encore bien équipés », conclut le commissaire, inquiet.
#migrations #réfugiés #asile #traque #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #EU #UE #Eucap #biométrie #organisation_internationale_contre_les_migrations #IOM
Biometrics: The new frontier of EU migration policy in Niger
The EU’s strategy for controlling irregular West African migration is not just about asking partner countries to help stop the flow of people crossing the Mediterranean – it also includes sharing data on who is trying to make the trip and identifying to which countries they can be returned.
Take Niger, a key transit country for migrants arriving in Europe via Libya.
European money and technical assistance have flowed into Niger for several years, funding beefed-up border security and supporting controversial legislation that criminalises “migrant trafficking” and has led to a sharp fall in the registered number of people travelling through the country to reach Libya – down from 298,000 in 2016 to 50,000 in 2018.
Such cooperation is justified by the “moral duty to tackle the loss of lives in the desert and in the Mediterranean”, according to the EU’s head of foreign policy, Federica Mogherini. It was also a response to the surge in arrivals of asylum seekers and migrants to European shores in 2015-16, encouraging the outsourcing of control to African governments in return for development aid.
In April, as a further deterrent to fresh arrivals, the European Parliament passed a tougher “Regulation” for #Frontex – the EU border guard agency – authorising stepped-up returns of migrants without proper documentation to their countries of origin.
The regulation is expected to come into force by early December after its formal adoption by the European Council.https://assets.irinnews.org/s3fs-public/styles/responsive_medium/public/17_baf2883_1920.jpg?7FUjJ59ZIpEd5pGXzLv3D4SMQgqYeO4C&itok=WSzK8GuX#.jpg
The proposed tougher mandate will rely in part on biometric information stored on linked databases in Africa and Europe. It is a step rights campaigners say not only jeopardises the civil liberties of asylum seekers and others in need of protection, but one that may also fall foul of EU data privacy legislation.
In reply to a request for comment, Frontex told The New Humanitarian it was “not in the position to discuss details of the draft regulation as it is an ongoing process.”
Niger on the frontline
Niger is a key country for Europe’s twin strategic goals of migration control and counter-terrorism – with better data increasingly playing a part in both objectives.
The #Makalondi police station-cum-immigration post on Niger’s southern border with Burkina Faso is on the front line of this approach – one link in the ever-expanding chain that is the EU’s information-driven response to border management and security.
When TNH visited in December 2018, the hot Sunday afternoon torpor evaporated when three international buses pulled up and disgorged dozens of travellers into the parking area.
“In Niger, we are the pioneers.”
They were mostly Burkinabès and Nigeriens who travelled abroad for work and, as thousands of their fellow citizens do every week, took the 12-hour drive from the Burkina Faso capital, Ouagadougou, to the Niger capital, Niamey.
As policemen searched their bags, the passengers waited to be registered with the new biometric #Migration_Information_and_Data_Analysis_System, or #MIDAS, which captures fingerprints and facial images for transmission to a central #database in Niamey.
MIDAS has been developed by the International Organisation for Migration (#IOM) as a rugged, low-cost solution to monitor migration flows.
“In Niger, we are the pioneers,” said Ismael Soumana, the police commissioner of Makalondi. A thin, smiling man, Soumana proudly showed off the eight new machines installed since September at the entry and exit desks of a one-storey prefabricated building. Each workstation was equipped with fingerprint and documents scanners, a small camera, and a PC.
The data from Makalondi is stored on the servers of the Directorate for Territorial Surveillance (DTS), Niger’s border police. After Makalondi and #Gaya, on the Benin-Niger border, IOM has ambitious plans to instal MIDAS in at least eight more border posts by mid-2020 – although deteriorating security conditions due to jihadist-linked attacks could interrupt the rollout.
IOM provides MIDAS free of charge to at least 20 countries, most of them in sub-Saharan Africa. Its introduction in Niger was funded by Japan, while the EU paid for an initial assessment study and the electrical units that support the system. In addition to the border posts, two mobile MIDAS-equipped trucks, financed by #Canada, will be deployed along the desert trails to Libya or Algeria in the remote north.
MIDAS is owned by the Nigerien government, which will be “the only one able to access the data,” IOM told TNH. But it is up to Niamey with whom they share that information.
MIDAS is already linked to #PISCES (#Personal_Identification_Secure_Comparison_and_Evaluation_System), a biometric registration arm of the US Department of State installed at Niamey international airport and connected to #INTERPOL’s alert lists.
Niger hosts the first of eight planned “#Risk_Analysis_Cells” in Africa set up by Frontex and based inside its border police directorate. The unit collects data on cross-border crime and security threats and, as such, will rely on systems such as #PISCES and MIDAS – although Frontex insists no “personal data” is collected and used in generating its crime statistics.
A new office is being built for the Niger border police directorate by the United States to house both systems.
The #West_African_Police_Information_System, a huge criminal database covering 16 West African countries, funded by the EU and implemented by INTERPOL, could be another digital library of fingerprints linking to MIDAS.https://assets.irinnews.org/s3fs-public/styles/responsive_medium/public/5_bef8495_1920.jpg?cvIW0kfZ31VOYR9Stu5tOvzlyaKvMJGF&itok=ZzC3UcKr#.jpg
Frontex programmes intersect with other data initiatives, such as the #Free_Movement_of_Persons_and_Migration_in_West_Africa, an EU-funded project run by the IOM in all 15-member Economic Community of West African States. One of the aims of the scheme is to introduce biometric identity cards for West African citizens.
Frontex’s potential interest is clear. “If a European country has a migrant suspected to be Ivorian, they can ask the local government to match in their system the biometric data they have. In this way, they should be able to identify people,” IOM programme coordinator Frantz Celestine told TNH.
The push for returns
Only 37 percent of non-EU citizens ordered to leave the bloc in 2017 actually did so. In his 2018 State of the Union address, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker urged a “stronger and more effective European return policy” – although some migration analysts argue what is needed are more channels for legal migration.
Part of the problem has been that implementing a returns policy is notoriously hard – due in part to the costs of deportation and the lack of cooperation by countries of origin to identify their citizens. Europe has had difficulty in finalising formal accords with so-called third countries unwilling to lose remittances from those abroad.
The Commission is shifting to “informal arrangements [that] keep readmission deals largely out of sight” – serving to ease the domestic pressure on governments who cooperate on returns, according to European law researcher, Jonathan Slagter.
The new Frontex regulation provides a much broader mandate for border surveillance, returns, and cooperation with third countries.
It contains provisions to “significantly step up the effective and sustainable return of irregular migrants”. Among the mechanisms is the “operation and maintenance of a platform for the exchange of data”, as a tool to reinforce the return system “in cooperation with the authorities of the relevant third countries”. That includes access to MIDAS and PISCES.https://assets.irinnews.org/s3fs-public/styles/responsive_medium/public/19_baf8705_copy_1920.jpg?MM_B3P3nRWj5d6.oKOhMED_zPky4jmZ_&itok=MlslcCQv#.jpg
Under the new Frontex policy, in order to better identify those to be deported, the agency will be able “to restrict certain rights of data subjects”, specifically related to the protection and access to personal data granted by EU legislation.
That, for example, will allow the “transfer of personal data of returnees to third countries” - even in cases where readmission agreements for deportees do not exist.
Not enough data protection
The concern is that the expanded mandate on returns is not accompanied by appropriate safeguards on data protection. The #European_Data_Protection_Supervisor – the EU’s independent data protection authority – has faulted the new regulation for not conducting an initial impact study, and has called for its provisions to be reassessed “to ensure consistency with the currently applicable EU legislation”.
“Given the extent of data sharing, the regulation does not put in place the necessary human rights safeguards."
Mariana Gkliati, a researcher at the University of Leiden working on Frontex human rights accountability, argues that data on the proposed centralised return management platform – shared with third countries – could prove detrimental for the safety of people seeking protection.
“Given the extent of data sharing, the regulation does not put in place the necessary human rights safeguards and could be perceived as giving a green light for a blanket sharing with the third country of all information that may be considered relevant for returns,” she told TNH.
“Frontex is turning into an #information_hub,” Gkliati added. “Its new powers on data processing and sharing can have a major impact on the rights of persons, beyond the protection of personal data.”
For prospective migrants at the Makalondi border post, their data is likely to travel a lot more freely than they can.
La #criminalisation_de_la_mobilité et la rhétorique de la défense des migrants : l’expérience du Niger
Le Niger joue un rôle central dans les stratégies européennes de gouvernance des migrations. Depuis 2015, avec l’approbation de la loi n° 36, les dynamiques de lutte contre la liberté de circulation se sont multipliées : derrière la rhétorique de la lutte contre le trafic et la traite, se cachent les intérêts pressants de l’UE pour limiter la mobilité.
Depuis 2015, on assiste à une redéfinition des objectifs de la coopération européenne avec les pays tiers dans une perspective sécuritaire et de gestion des frontières plutôt que de coopération au développement. Ce changement de cap est particulièrement évident au Niger, un pays qui occupe une position centrale dans les stratégies européennes de gestion des migrations.
Les stratégies adoptées par l’Union européenne et les organisations internationales au Niger ces dernières années visent à imposer une réorganisation bureaucratique et judiciaire de l’État afin de réduire à court terme le nombre de migrants et de demandeurs d’asile en transit dans la région d’Agadez, considérant le pays comme la frontière sud de l’Europe.
Top 10 #flutter Companies in 2019
Interested to learn this language? Then head on to this tutorial and get to know all about HTML! Plus we have added numerous examples such that you can learn better! So happy learning! A good free online resource to provide a quick overview in front end stuff.
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Fires in the Void : The Need for Migrant Solidarity
For most, Barcelona’s immigrant detention center is a difficult place to find. Tucked away in the Zona Franca logistics and industrial area, just beyond the Montjuïc Cemetery, it is shrouded in an alien stillness. It may be the quietest place in the city on a Saturday afternoon, but it is not a contemplative quiet. It is a no-one-can-hear-you-scream quiet.
The area is often described as a perfect example of what anthropologist Marc Augé calls a non-place: neither relational nor historical, nor concerned with identity. Yet this opaque institution is situated in the economic motor of the city, next to the port, the airport, the public transportation company, the wholesale market that provides most of the city’s produce and the printing plant for Spain’s most widely read newspaper. The detention center is a void in the heart of a sovereign body.
Alik Manukyan died in this void. On the morning of December 3, 2013, officers found the 32-year-old Armenian dead in his isolation cell, hanged using his own shoelaces. Police claimed that Manukyan was a “violent” and “conflictive” person who caused trouble with his cellmates. This account of his alleged suicide was contradicted, however, by three detainees. They claimed Alik had had a confrontation with some officers, who then entered the cell, assaulted him and forced him into isolation. They heard Alik scream and wail all through the night. Two of these witnesses were deported before the case made it to court. An “undetectable technical error” prevented the judge from viewing any surveillance footage.
The void extends beyond the detention center. In 2013, nearly a decade after moving to Spain, a young Senegalese man named #Alpha_Pam died of tuberculosis. When he went to a hospital for treatment, Pam was denied medical attention because his papers were not in order. His case was a clear example of the apartheid logic underlying a 2012 decree by Mariano Rajoy’s right-wing government, which excluded undocumented people from Spain’s once-universal public health care system. As a result, the country’s hospitals went from being places of universal care to spaces of systematic neglect. The science of healing, warped by nationalist politics.
Not that science had not played a role in perpetuating the void before. In 2007, during the Socialist government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, #Osamuyi_Aikpitanyi died during a deportation flight after being gagged and restrained by police escorts. The medical experts who investigated Aikpitanyi’s death concluded that the Nigerian man had died due to a series of factors they called “a vicious spiral”. There was an increase in catecholamine, a neurotransmitter related to stress, fear, panic and flight instincts. This was compounded by a lack of oxygen due to the flight altitude and, possibly, the gag. Ultimately, these experts could not determine what percentage of the death had been directly caused by the gag, and the police were fined 600 euros for the non-criminal offense of “light negligence”.
The Romans had a term for lives like these, lives that vanish in the void. That term was #homo_sacer, the “sacred man”, who one could kill without being found guilty of murder. An obscure figure from archaic law revived by the philosopher #Giorgio_Agamben, it was used to incorporate human life, stripped of personhood, into the juridical order. Around this figure, a state of exception was produced, in which power could be exercised in its crudest form, opaque and unaccountable. For Agamben, this is the unspoken ground upon which modern sovereignty stands. Perhaps the best example of it is the mass grave that the Mediterranean has become.
Its name suggests that the Mediterranean was once the world’s center. Today it is its deadliest divide. According to the International Organization for Migration, over 9,000 people died trying to cross the sea between January 1, 2014 and July 5, 2018. A conservative estimate, perhaps. The UN Refugee Agency estimates that the number of people found dead or missing during this period is closer to 17,000.
Concern for the situation peaks when spectacular images make the horror unavoidable. A crisis mentality takes over, and politicians make sweeping gestures with a solemn sense of urgency. One such gesture was made after nearly 400 people died en route to Lampedusa in October 2013. The Italian government responded by launching Operation #Mare_Nostrum, a search-and-rescue program led by the country’s navy and coast guard. It cost €11 million per month, deploying 34 warships and about 900 sailors per working day. Over 150,000 people were rescued by the operation in one year.
Despite its cost, Mare Nostrum was initially supported by much of the Italian public. It was less popular, however, with other European member states, who accused the mission of encouraging “illegal” migration by making it less deadly. Within a year, Europe’s refusal to share the responsibility had produced a substantial degree of discontent in Italy. In October 2014, Mare Nostrum was scrapped and replaced by #Triton, an operation led by the European border agency #Frontex.
With a third of Mare Nostrum’s budget, Triton was oriented not towards protecting lives but towards surveillance and border control. As a result, the deadliest incidents in the region’s history occurred less than half a year into the operation. Between April 13 and April 19, 2015, over one thousand people drowned in the waters abandoned by European search and rescue efforts. Once again, the images produced a public outcry. Once again, European leaders shed crocodile tears for the dead.
Instead of strengthening search and rescue efforts, the EU increased Frontex’s budget and complemented Triton with #Operation_Sophia, a military effort to disrupt the networks of so-called “smugglers”. #Eugenio_Cusumano, an assistant professor of international relations at the University of Leiden, has written extensively on the consequences of this approach, which he describes as “organized hypocrisy”. In an article for the Cambridge Review of International Affairs (▻https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0010836718780175), Cusumano shows how the shortage of search and rescue assets caused by the termination of Mare Nostrum led non-governmental organizations to become the main source of these activities off the Libyan shore. Between 2014 and 2017, NGOs aided over 100,000 people.
Their efforts have been admirable. Yet the precariousness of their resources and their dependence on private donors mean that NGOs have neither the power nor the capacity to provide aid on the scale required to prevent thousands of deaths at the border. To make matters worse, for the last several months governments have been targeting NGOs and individual activists as smugglers or human traffickers, criminalizing their solidarity. It is hardly surprising, then, that the border has become even deadlier in recent years. According to the UN Refugee Agency, although the number of attempted crossings has fallen over 80 percent from its peak in 2015, the percentage of people who have died or vanished has quadrupled.
It is not my intention, with the litany of deaths described here, to simply name some of the people killed by Europe’s border regime. What I hope to have done instead is show the scale of the void at its heart and give a sense of its ruthlessness and verticality. There is a tendency to refer to this void as a gap, as a space beyond the reach of European institutions, the European gaze or European epistemologies. If this were true, the void could be filled by simply extending Europe’s reach, by producing new concepts, mapping new terrains, building new institutions.
But, in fact, Europe has been treating the void as a site of production all along. As political theorist #Sandro_Mezzadra writes, the border is the method through which the sovereign machine of governmentality was built. Its construction must be sabotaged, subverted and disrupted at every level.
A Crisis of Solidarity
When the ultranationalist Italian interior minister Matteo Salvini refused to allow the MV #Aquarius to dock in June 2018, he was applauded by an alarmingly large number of Italians. Many blamed his racism and that of the Italians for putting over 600 lives at risk, including those of 123 unaccompanied minors, eleven young children and seven pregnant women.
Certainly, the willingness to make a political point by sacrificing hundreds of migrant lives confirms that racism. But another part of what made Salvini’s gesture so horrifying was that, presumably, many of those who had once celebrated increasing search and rescue efforts now supported the opposite. Meanwhile, many of the same European politicians who had refused to share Italy’s responsibilities five years earlier were now expressing moral outrage over Salvini’s lack of solidarity.
Once again, the crisis mode of European border politics was activated. Once again, European politicians and media talked about a “migrant crisis”, about “flows” of people causing unprecedented “pressure” on the southern border. But attempted crossings were at their lowest level in years, a fact that led many migration scholars to claim this was not a “migrant crisis”, but a crisis of solidarity. In this sense, Italy’s shift reflects the nature of the problem. By leaving it up to individual member states, the EU has made responding to the deaths at the border a matter of national conviction. When international solidarity is absent, national self-interest takes over.
Fortunately, Spain’s freshly sworn-in Socialist Party government granted the Aquarius permission to dock in the Port of #Valencia. This happened only after Mayor Ada Colau of Barcelona, a self-declared “City of Refuge”, pressured Spanish President Pedro Sánchez by publicly offering to receive the ship at the Port of Barcelona. Party politics being as they are, Sánchez authorized a port where his party’s relationship with the governing left-wing platform was less conflictive than in Barcelona.
The media celebrated Sánchez’s authorization as an example of moral virtue. Yet it would not have happened if solidarity with refugees had not been considered politically profitable by institutional actors. In Spain’s highly fractured political arena, younger left-wing parties and the Catalan independence movement are constantly pressuring a weakened Socialist Party to prove their progressive credentials. Meanwhile, tireless mobilization by social movements has made welcoming refugees a matter of common sense and basic human decency.
The best known example of this mobilization was the massive protest that took place in February 2017, when 150,000 people took to the streets of Barcelona to demand that Mariano Rajoy’s government take in more refugees and migrants. It is likely because of actions like these that, according to the June 2018 Eurobarometer, over 80 percent of people in Spain believe the country should help those fleeing disaster.
Yet even where the situation might be more favorable to bottom-up pressure, those in power will not only limit the degree to which demands are met, but actively distort those demands. The February 2017 protest is a good example. Though it also called for the abolition of detention centers, racial profiling and Spain’s racist immigration law, the march is best remembered for the single demand of welcoming refugees.
The adoption of this demand by the Socialist Party was predictably cynical. After authorizing the Aquarius, President Sánchez used his momentarily boosted credibility to present, alongside Emmanuel Macron, a “progressive” European alternative to Salvini’s closed border. It involved creating detention centers all over the continent, with the excuse of determining people’s documentation status. Gears turn in the sovereign machine of governmentality. The void expands.
Today the border is a sprawling, parasitic entity linking governments, private companies and supranational institutions. It is not enough for NGOs to rescue refugees, when their efforts can be turned into spot-mopping for the state. It is not enough for social movements to pressure national governments to change their policies, when individual demands can be distorted to mean anything. It is not enough for cities to declare themselves places of refuge, when they can be compelled to enforce racist laws. It is not enough for political parties to take power, when they can be conditioned by private interests, the media and public opinion polls.
To overcome these limitations, we must understand borders as highly vertical transnational constructions. Dismantling those constructions will require organization, confrontation, direct action, sabotage and, above all, that borderless praxis of mutual aid and solidarity known as internationalism. If we truly hope to abolish the border, we must start fires in the void.
#solidarité #frontières #migrations #réfugiés #asile #détention_administrative #rétention #Barcelone #non-lieu #Espagne #mourir_en_détention_administrative #mort #décès #mourir_en_rétention #Alik_Manukyan #renvois #expulsions #vie_nue #Méditerranée #hypocrisie #hypocrisie_organisée #ONG #sauvetage #sabotage #nationalisme #crise #villes-refuge #Valence #internationalisme #ouverture_des_frontières #action_directe
signalé par @isskein
Sundar Pichai and The #ethics Of #algorithms
Today The Country Is Mocking Politicians, They Should Also Be Criticizing #google’s CEOPhoto by Goran Ivos on UnsplashThe latest congressional technology hearing was as cringeworthy as you would expect.There were politicians who thought Google was the same company as Apple. There were politicians that wondered why Google was censoring hate-speech. There were politicians that thought Sundar Pichai’s salary and some aggressive alpha-male shouting would enable him to reveal the answer to the age old mystery of “is Google tracking our every step?”Confused? So am I.▻https://medium.com/media/58608e2d554e15682f2d4b0e332d5c9c/hrefThrough all the hardships, Pichai remained calm and collected. He provided insight to a group of politicians who clearly lacked expertise. This is difficult to do and I give (...)
Founder Interviews: Rob Walling of MicroConf, Drip, and TinySeed
Rob Walling has bootstrapped multiple startups to exit, most recently Drip. These days he’s working on TinySeed, the first #startup accelerator designed for bootstrappers. He also founded and runs MicroConf and Startups for the Rest of Us.Davis Baer: What’s your background, and what are you working on?I’m a software developer by training and feel like I officially became an entrepreneur in 2005 when I acquired a software product that was in its alpha release. Since then I’ve started or acquired a few dozen products, most notably SaaS applications HitTail and Drip, both of which were acquired.In addition I’ve been spearheading a community for bootstrapped #founders through my essays, podcast, conference, and now TinySeed, the first startup accelerator designed for folks who would traditionally (...)
“The American Meme” Records the Angst of Social-Media Influencers | The New Yorker
The new Netflix documentary “The American Meme,” directed by Bert Marcus, offers a chilling glimpse into the lives of social-media influencers, tracking their paths to online celebrity, their attempts to keep it, and their fear of losing it. Early on in the film, the pillowy-lipped model Emily Ratajkowski (twenty million Instagram followers and counting), who first became a viral sensation when, in 2013, she appeared bare-breasted in Robin Thicke’s “Blurred Lines” video, attempts to address a popular complaint raised against social-media celebrities. “There’s the attention argument,” she says, as images of her posing in lingerie and swimwear appear on the screen. “That we’re doing it just for attention . . . And I say, what’s wrong with attention?” “The American Meme” can be seen, at least partly, as a response to Ratajkowski’s question. It’s true that the model, with her superior bone structure, lush curves, and preternatural knack for packaging her God-given gifts into an enticingly consistent product, is presented to us in the limited capacity of a talking head, and so the illusion of a perfect influencer life—in which attention is easily attracted and never worried over—can be kept. (“Privacy is dead now,” Ratajkowski says, with the offhanded flippancy of someone who is only profiting from this new reality. “Get over it.”) But what is fascinating, and valuable, about “The American Meme” is its ability to reveal the desperation, loneliness, and sheer Sisyphean tedium of ceaselessly chasing what will most likely end up being an ever-diminishing share of the online-attention economy.
Khaled, his neck weighted with ropes of gold and diamonds, is one of the lucky predators of the particular jungle we’re living in, but Bichutsky isn’t so sure whether he’s going to maintain his own alpha position. “I’m not going to last another year,” he moans, admitting that he’s been losing followers, and that “everyone gets old and ugly one day.” Even when you’re a success, like Khaled, the hustle is grindingly boring: most of it, in the end, consists of capturing Snaps of things like your tater-tot lunch as you shout, “We the best.” And, clearly, not everyone is as blessed as the social-media impresario. During one montage, viral figures like the “Damn, Daniel” boy, “Salt Bae,” and “Chewbacca Mask Lady” populate the screen, and Ratajkowski muses on these flash-in-the-pan meme sensations: “In three or four days, does anyone remember who that person is? I don’t know.”
The idea of achieving some sort of longevity, or at least managing to cash in on one’s viral hit, is one that preoccupies the influencers featured in “The American Meme.” “I’m thirty; pray for me,” Furlan mutters, dryly, from her spot posing on her bare living-room floor. In that sense, Paris Hilton, an executive producer of the film and also one of its subjects, is the model everyone is looking to. Hilton has managed to continue playing the game by solidifying her brand—that of a ditsy, sexy, spoiled heiress. Rather than promoting others’ products, like most influencers, she has yoked her fame to merchandise of her own: a best-selling perfume line, pet products, clothes, a lucrative d.j. career, and on and on.
Introducing Kokyo — Empowering esports communities to evolve
Introducing Kokyo — Empowering esports communities to evolveKokyo Alpha Access available at kokyo.ggIn 2018 you would be hard pushed to find someone who isn’t aware of esports as an entertainment. With its rapid growth, fans are flocking to wherever they can to find new and interesting content surrounding the games, teams, and players. A plethora of communities have formed across a wide variety of platforms, all with the common goal of following the stories that are so unique to esports. These communities are primed to evolve, they just need that little push to level up the tools they use to connect, learn and share in these experiences. The team at PatronGG have been working hard over the past months to provide that push with our upcoming esports #community app, Kokyo.But first, let me give (...)
Anatomy of a Killing - BBC News
Voici une recherche (Forensic research) très impressionnante sur cette histoire horrible : La démarche devrait beaucoup intéresser @simplicissimus et peut-être pourrions nous reparler et débattre de ce que le BBC a réussi à faire ici. Je reste sans voix.
In July 2018 a horrifying video began to circulate on social media. It shows two women and two young children being led away at gunpoint by a group of Cameroonian soldiers. The captives are blindfolded, forced to the ground, and shot 22 times.
These women and children while being led to their deaths the soldiers accused them of belonging to the jihadist group Boko Haram graphic tissue here they’re blindfolded posted the ground and shot a close-range 22 * one of the women still has the baby strapped to her back the video began to circulate on my 10th 2018 some claimed that this atrocity took place in Molly where government soldiers have been fighting Boko Haram since 2014 the government of Cameroon initially dismissed the video as fake news a month later they announce the seven members of the military wear under investigation but there has still been no official admission that these killings were carried out in cameroonian song by government soldiers and there is still no guarantee that anyone will be held to account so how can we tell what really happened here over the next few minutes we’re going to follow these women and children on the short walk to the end of their lives and to glean from this video the clues that tell us where this happened when it happened and who was responsible for this atrocity this looks like the kind of Dusty anonymously track that could be anywhere in the Sahel what the first 40 seconds of the film capture a mountain range with the distinctive profile we spent hours trying to match this rage to the Topography of Northern Cameroon and then in Late July we received a tip-off from a cameroonian sourced have you looked at the area near Santa Fe close to the town of side of it we found a match for the Ridgeline it this is the scene on a dirt road just outside of Village called crime Alpha a few hundred meters away is the border with Nigeria the video also reveals other details that can be matched precisely to what we see on the satellite imagery this track these buildings and these trees putting all this evidence together we can say with certainty but the killings took place here less than a kilometer away instead of it we found this compound and identify this the combat Outpost used by the cameroonian military and their fight against Boko Haram will come back to this base later exactly when the killings took place at First Sight harder to say but again the video contains Clues this building is visible and satellite imagery but only until February 2016 the murders must have happened before that date satellite images also captured this structure the Wolves surrounding it I’ll present an imagery dated March 2015 but it not yet been built in November 2014 giving earliest possible date for the atrocity the video also reveals this footpath a part that only appears in the hot dry season between January and April less obvious clues in the video as they leave these women away the soldiers like moving sundials cost Shadows on the track a simple mathematical formula tells us the end the sun in comparison to the Horizon we can also see what direction the light is coming from when we add this data to our location we can get a precise time frame for this event The Killing between March 20th and April 5th 2015 we now know where this happened and we know when it happened but who are the men who murdered these women and children in July is Serta Roma Bakery cameroon’s minister of communication insisted that the killers are not cameroonian soldiers and presented what he claimed was irrefutable evidence from the video itself the weapons he said I’m not those used by the cameroonian Army in this area of operation but your analysis shows that one of these is a Serbian made the stopper M21 it’s rare in sub-Saharan Africa but it is used by some divisions of the cameroonian military also claimed that a close examination of the shoes the soldiers wearing colorful Forrestal camouflage in the phone knows he said cameroonian soldiers wear pale desert style fatigues a closer look at the evidence reveals this cancel just seen here in a 2015 report by Channel 4 News filmed inside of it wearing darker forestal fatigues similar to those seen in the video on Facebook we also found these pictures cameroonian soldiers wearing the same type of camouflage the images attack to CertiFit but carry also question why the soldiers are not wearing the standard combat gear of troops stationed in that area be helmets bulletproof vest and ranges boots Beyonce is that the soldiers when those house on patrol they would just a few hundred metres away from the combat Outpost we saw earlier we know that this is a military base because we match the features visible in satellite imagery to the details in the channel 4 news report that was short hair in 2015 new movies this year and I Misty International investigators spoke with residents who have been displaced by the fighting to a nearby Town among them was the man who said that sold these women and children being brought into the base by cameroonian soldiers a short while after they will either way he said he heard gunfire in August there was a sudden change in the government Fishing Off 2 weeks of denying that these killings took place in Cameroon vicari announced that seven members of the cameroonian military had been arrested and we’re under investigation or analysis has and avoid three men who actually pulled the trigger one of them is this man introduced at the start of the film as chocho that links the nickname chocho to a soldier called Syriac patiala is among the detainees named by the government the BBC has also spoken with a former cameroonian Soldier to confirm but this is chocho cyriak patiala at the end of the film we see him again blindfolding the little girl he’s about to kill a few seconds later he draw his weapon and opens fire analysis Identify two other guns that were used in The Killing one of them was in the hands of this man we see him here blindfolding the woman with the baby seconds before the shooting starts resource identified him as Barnabas go no so we would not able to confirm this identification a very similar name Barnabas Donna Sue appeared 11 days later on the government’s List of soldiers under investigation the 3rd weapon used in The Killing is the Zastava M21 we saw earlier it is in the hands of a man introduced in the video as second-class cobra so who is Cobra of the women and children are killed Cobra is the lost man still firing into the body’s one of his colleagues calls out tangle leave it there dead when he still does not stop shooting the cold out again that’s enough tanker that’s enough the name Sanger also appears list of men under investigation suggesting but Cobra is a nickname for Lance corporal Tanga another man named among those arrested is Etienne Sebastian he’s the platoon commander who was interviewed by channel 4 news in 2015 as far as week until he does not appear in the video we put these findings to the government of Cameroon who responded Honda investigation right now until the investigation has been concluded and that hold of them will be given a fair trial new due process was extended to the two women killed outside set of it and no presumption of innocence was a foot to the children who died with them
In July 2018 a horrifying video began to circulate on social media. It shows two women and two young children being led away at gunpoint by a group of Cameroonian soldiers. The captives are blindfolded, forced to the ground, and shot 22 times.
The government of Cameroon initially dismissed the video as “fake news.” But BBC Africa Eye, through forensic analysis of the footage, can prove exactly where this happened, when it happened, and who is responsible for the killings.
Warning: this video contains disturbing content
Investigation by Aliaume Leroy and Ben Strick.
Produced by Daniel Adamson and Aliaume Leroy.
Motion Graphics: Tom Flannery
(je commente ici…)
Intéressant (et horrible !) La localisation par la ligne de crête me laisse très dubitatif. Elle me semble habiller une localisation obtenue par des moyens plus … classiques ; peut-être pour protéger une source.
En particulier, la suite de la vidéo montre que les enquêteurs ont eu accès directement sur place, par exemple lors du reportage sur le poste militaire, à diverses informations, notamment l’identité des participants.
Le recoupement entre images et vues par satellite interviennent plus comme confirmation ou pour préciser la localisation des séquences : les constructions sont vraiment sommaires et elles manquent totalement d’éléments remarquables. Sans localisation globale, rien de tout cela n’est utilisable.
ANU #8 — AppCoins Protocol, ASF SDK, Wallet and Membership
AppCoins News Update, or ANU for short, is a regular bi-weekly update by the AppCoins team. As usual we are going to cover dev updates, market reports, team members and other news. This week’s focus is on AppCoins Protocol (smart contracts), ASF Wallet, ASF SDK, Creation of Advertising Campaigns and the ASF Membership. You may expect the next ANU on the 9th May.QuicklinksDev UpdateCreate Campaign APPC ReportsFeatured MemberASF MembershipThe last two weeks have been spent preparing everything for the Alpha 3 release on the 2nd of May. This major release will include one of the biggest flows of the AppCoins Protocol: the Advertising use case. As we’ve explained in previous articles, this functionality enables users to earn APPC from using apps with associated advertising campaigns.All of (...)
MIMIR #blockchain Solutions Development Update May 25
Development Update:This week’s development was focused on stabilizing the latest round of feature additions and laying the groundwork for our next set of improvements. Worker clients will soon be able to cache certain commonly requested components of blockchain state, which will improve the speed and efficiency of queries. Explicit support for a lighter-weight variant of the protocol, suitable for consortium chains, is also in the works. Finally, we are working on reorganizing the main alpha codebase repository, which should make exploring the codebase somewhat less daunting for newcomers.New MIMIR Video Created:The blog, The MIMIR B2i Bridge: The Ease of a Web #api, The Power of a Node, was published last week. We have created a video version of this blog for those of you who prefer (...)
The indispensable economy ? | The Economist
On peut discuter de la pertinence de la représentation cartographique et du choix de la projection (les exportations US vers la chine, par quels chemins ?), mais le thème est intéressant.
THE town of Alpha in Queensland, Australia, has only 400 residents, including one part-time ambulance driver and a lone policeman, according to Mark Imber of Waratah Coal, an exploration firm. But over the next few years it should quintuple in size, thanks to an A$7.5 billion ($7.3 billion) investment by his company and the Metallurgical Corporation of China, a state-owned firm that serves China’s mining and metals industry. This will build Australia’s biggest coal mine, as well as a 490km (300-mile) railway to carry the black stuff to the coast, and thence to China’s ravenous industrial maw.
Welcome to Palestine Open Maps
#Palestine_Open_Maps is a platform for map-based exploration and immersive storytelling.
This alpha version of the platform allows users to navigate and search the historic map sheets, and to view basic data about present and erased localities.
Launch the viewer now, or read more about the platform.
ANU #7 — ASF SDK, ASF Wallet Alpha 3 and Working Groups
AppCoins News Update, or ANU for short, is a regular bi-weekly update by the AppCoins team. As usual we are going to cover dev updates, market reports, team members and upcoming events. This week’s focus is on AppCoins Protocol (smart contracts), ASF Wallet, ASF SDK, and the ASF Website, Tech in Asia Conference and Working Groups. You may expect the next ANU on the 25th April.QuicklinksDev UpdateAPPC Markets ReportFeatured Team MemberUpcoming EventsWorking GroupsAnother fortnight, another Dev Update! In the last ANU, we’ve detailed what would be the next steps for the next major release — Alpha 3 — of the AppCoins Protocol and the tools to interact with it. As previously stated, Alpha 3 will consist in the first version of the Advertising use case, where developers (advertisers) can create (...)
ANU #6 — ASF Wallet Alpha 2, GDC Coverage and Enterprise Ethereum Alliance
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In The Game: The Game, It’s You Vs. Pick-Up Artists
To women like me who enjoy going to bars, The Game: The Game might make you physically ill. It’s a tactical visual novel with the emotional impact of a piece of reported journalism. The player is a woman who is approached by any of six real-life dating coaches at a bar, their natural habitat, and subjected to their manipulations—negging, faux compliments, self-depreciation. Its dialogue is entirely informed by over 50 seduction coaching videos, 20 books and endless hidden camera footage from the coaches, including Julien Blanc, Roosh V and Neil Strauss, who in 2005 wrote The Game: Penetrating the Secret Society of Pickup Artists, thereby bringing the subculture of picking up women into the mainstream. These so-called artists charge up to $3,000 per seminar to shape their devotees’ words, body language and tone to come off as confident alpha men.