#ti

La machine

https://i.imgur.com/N9Ne3f6.png https://i.imgur.com/Xrso5RZ.png

#titre_de_séjour #mad_meg #étrangers #bidonville #encampement #barbelés #migrations #asile #réfugiés #carte_de_séjour #tentes #dessin #détail
by @mad_meg

Der Flow der Straße: Schöneberg-Tipps von Calla Henkel und Max Pitegoff
▻https://www.monopol-magazin.de/der-flow-der-strasse

https://www.monopol-magazin.de/sites/default/files/2022-09/Calla_Henkel_Max_Pitegoff.jpg

Das Künstlerpaar Calla Henkel und Max Pitegoff zeigt seine Nachbarschaft im Berliner Stadtteil Schöneberg

The artist duo Calla Henkel and Max Pitegoff show off their Schöneberg neighborhood in Berlin

TV Bar

Gemeinsam leiten wir die Künstlerbar TV, die Freitag und Samstag von sieben bis spät in die Nacht geöffnet hat. Die Toiletten dort sind mit Graffiti von Karl Holmqvist versehen, ein Kronleuchter von Klara Lidén baumelt im Hauptraum von der Decke. Es ist ein Projektraum und Performance-Space, in dem es noch relativ günstige Drinks gibt – serviert von Künstlerinnen oder Musikern oder beidem. Für unsere Empfehlungen haben wir uns auf das Drumherum unserer Bar fokussiert und Orte rausgesucht, die wir lieben und ohne die diese Nachbarschaft und diese Straße nicht so lebendig wären.

We run TV Bar, open Thursday, Friday, and Saturday from 7pm until late. There, you’ll find graffiti by Karl Holmqvist in the bathroom, a lamp by Klara Lidén hanging in the main space, occasional events and performances, and cheapish drinks made by bartenders, who are all artists or musicians or both. For our recommendations here, we’ve chosen the places near the bar which we love, the ones which keep this neighborhood, and street, alive.

TV Bar, Potsdamer Str. 151, 10783 Berlin

Atlantik Fischladen

Wenn man genug Zeit auf der Potsdamer Straße verbringt, werden die rhythmischen Wellen des Verkehrs zu ozeanischen Geräuschen. Es gibt keinen anderen Ort, der den mediterranen Heavy-Metal-Flow der Straße so gut aufnimmt wie der Atlantik Fischladen. Bestell hier auf jeden Fall die Sardinen und Pommes frites.

If you spend enough time on Potsdamer Strasse, the rhythmic waves of traffic become oceanic. And there is no other place that embraces the heavy metal Mediterranean flow of the street like Atlantik Fischladen. Order the sardines and French fries.

Atlantik Fischladen, Potsdamer Str. 166, 10783 Berlin

Khan Aljanub

Wir verabscheuen den Begriff „verstecktes Juwel“, aber es ist die einzig passende Art, diese Buchhandlung, die sich in der Remise im Hinterhof der TV Bar befindet, zu beschreiben. Angesichts eines Mangels an arabischen Büchern in Deutschland eröffnete Fadi Abdelnour die Buchhandlung Khan Aljanub im Herbst 2020. Dort findet sich eine große Auswahl arabischer Bücher für Kinder und Erwachsene, einschließlich Übersetzungen ins Englische und Deutsche. Es ist eine wunderschöne Leseoase mit Garten und freundlichen Gastgebern.

We loathe the term “hidden gem”, but it is the only fitting way to describe this bookstore, nestled in the carriage house of TV Bar’s back courtyard. Recognizing there was a lack of places to buy Arabic books in Germany, Khan Aljanub opened in 2020 with a wide selection for children and adults, including translations into English and German. It is a beautiful oasis for reading, replete with garden and gracious hosts.

Khan Aljanub, Potsdamer Str. 151, 10783 Berlin

Malakeh

Malakeh Jazmati ist eine aus Syrien stammende Starköchin. Sie zog 2015 nach Berlin und serviert nun gemeinsam mit ihrem Mann wahnsinnig köstliches Essen in ihrem Restaurant in der Potsdamer Straße. Das Mosa’a mit Auberginen ist weltbewegend. Da das kleine Restaurant oft überfüllt ist, kann man sich, wenn man keinen Tisch bekommt, einfach nebenan in die TV Bar setzen – die Bestellung wird gebracht.

Malekeh Jazmati, a celebrity chef from Syria, moved to Berlin in 2015 and now, together with her husband, serves deliriously delicious food at her beloved namesake restaurant on Potsdamer Strasse. The mosa’a with eggplant is earth shattering. The place is often packed, so if you can’t get a table, you can sit next door at TV Bar and they will bring over your order.

Malakeh, Potsdamer Str. 153, 10783 Berlin

Begine

Diese Empfehlung ist nur für Frauen: Begine ist ein lesbisch geprägtes Café, das seit 1986 in einem besetzten Gebäude betrieben wird und eine Vielzahl von Filmvorführungen, Vorträgen und Spieleabenden veranstaltet. Es ist der perfekte Ort für einen Kaffee oder ein Bier am frühen Abend. Gleichzeitig ist es ein generationenübergreifender Treffpunkt für Lesben in der Gegend und eine Erinnerung daran, dass der Aufbau einer gemeinsamen Welt möglich ist.

This recommendation is for women only. Begine is a lesbian-centered café operating from a squatted building since 1986, and hosts a variety of screenings, talks, and game nights. It is the perfect place for an early evening beer or coffee, an intergenerational meeting place for lesbians in the area, and a reminder that collective world building is possible.

Begine, Potsdamer Str. 139, 10783 Berlin

Hopscotch Reading Room

Im Hopscotch herrscht ein konstantes Brummen: ein Ort vollgepackt mit Büchern, aber auch mit Menschen, Veranstaltungen, Lesungen und sogar einer Bar. Das Geschehen erstreckt sich meistens bis in den Innenhof. Siddhartha Lokanandi dirigiert alles und kennt sich bestens mit den nicht westlichen und diasporischen Perspektiven aus, die die Regale füllen. Er hat immer eine Empfehlung parat, die sich in der Regel als genau das herausstellt, was man will (und vielleicht auch braucht).

There is a constant hum of electricity at Hopscotch, packed with books, but also people, events, readings, and even a bar, all of which spill out into the courtyard. Siddhartha Lokanandi orchestrates all of it, and is deeply knowledgeable on the non-Western and diasporic perspectives that line their shelves, always quick with a recommendation which usually turns out to be exactly what you wanted (and maybe needed).

Hopscotch Reading Room, Kurfürstenstr. 13/14, Aufgang B, 10785 Berlin❞

#Berlin #Schöneberg #Tiergarten #Potsdamer_Straße #Kurfürstenstraße #Kultur #Gastronomie #Tourismus

La Bulle et la Fête - Etourisme.info
▻https://www.etourisme.info/la-bulle-et-la-fete

https://www.etourisme.info/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/champagne-web.jpg

Librement romancé et inspiré par « Le grand krach de l’attention – la publicité une bombe au cœur de l’Internet » de Tim Hwang, écrivain, avocat et chercheur sur l’impact politique des technologies. Toute ressemblance avec des personnages existants serait purement fortuite (ou pas).

https://cfeditions.com/krach/ressources/couv_krach_grand.jpg

Cédric Chabricole était la nouvelle recrue dans la rédaction. Il n’en menait pas large dans le couloir étroit qui le dirigeait tout droit vers le bureau du rédacteur en chef. On pouvait lire « JLB » en lettres capitales, imposantes et dorées sur la porte capitonnée dont l’aspect feutré jurait avec le reste de l’open space central composé de bric et de broc. Avec le succès exponentiel de la jeune entreprise, l’ameublement ne suivait pas le recrutement frénétique des auteurs pour assouvir l’insatiabilité productiviste de JLB. « Un article par jour ou rien ! » C’est le mantra que le rédacteur en chef prononçait tous les matins en sortant de l’ascenseur, d’une voix tonitruante qui faisait sursauter les vaillantes équipes en place dès potron-minet ; elles n’en pouvaient plus de ce rythme de publication insoutenable, mais le capitaine du navire tenait bon. Il faut dire qu’il avait la pression des actionnaires depuis que l’association etourisme.info avait été rachetée par les P&P, de riches canadiens excentriques dont on ne connaissait que les initiales de leur prénom et leur avatar dans le métavers, pour en faire un média international qui dépasserait les frontières francophones.

« J’ai lu votre papier et je suis assez circonspect. J’ai les Canadiens qui me collent aux basques chaque année lors du Conseil d’Administration de clôture des comptes. Ils m’attendent sur les taux de clics heureusement toujours en hausse grâce à François notre webmarketeur senior qui optimise notre budget publicitaire on-line comme un basque, en obtenant des taux d’engagement ha-llu-ci-nants ! ».

François avait été engagé comme community manager puis son poste avait évolué comme gestionnaire de campagnes depuis que le classement des destinations sur les réseaux sociaux était exactement proportionnel à celui des organismes qui investissaient le plus en publicité. Par ailleurs, les influenceurs avaient supplanté les community managers dans l’animation des communautés. Un comble puisque ces mêmes community managers avaient porté aux nues les influenceurs à grandes embardées de programmes d’ambassadeurs et autres rencontres entre Instagrammeurs, sans même se douter qu’ils étaient en train de scier la branche sur laquelle ils étaient assis. On enseignait même l’influence à l’Université avec des listes d’attentes interminables pour intégrer le cursus de formation vers un nouveau métier qui faisait rêver les jeunes bien plus que boulanger, pompier, médecin et même cuisinier dans la restauration. Ce qui n’était pas pour faciliter la pénurie de main d’œuvre dans l’industrie touristique.

— Je vois que vous êtes réceptif, nous allons pouvoir rentrer dans le vif du sujet. Donc mon chez Chabricole, dans votre papier, vous insinuez que nous vivons dans une utopie et vous prétendez que la bulle de la publicité en ligne est prête à exploser alors que le marché a atteint 427 milliards de dollars ! Pour étayer votre thèse, vous faîtes en plus un parallèle avec les marchés financiers. Là sincèrement j’ai du mal à suivre ! Interrogea-t-il d’un air circonspect.

-- Tout à fait répondit Cédric. Le marché de la publicité en ligne s’est largement inspiré de celui des salles de marché. Par exemple, on achète des publicités programmatiques aux enchères en quelques clics, à une vitesse vertigineuse l’inventaire publicitaire et la position des annonces sont mis à jour grâce à de nombreux algorithmes. On vend de l’espace publicitaire comme on vend des confits de canards ! Dit autrement, on regroupe des moments d’attention en actifs liquides distincts qui sont achetés et vendus sans difficultés sur un marché mondial, jour et nuit.

— Je poursuivrais sur ce point Monsieur Bourrin, je veux dire Jean-Luc, se reprit rapidement Cédric. Google et Meta concentrent la majorité des budgets d’annonceurs et leur chiffre d’affaires provient à 90% de la publicité. Ainsi l’apparente gratuité des services pour l’utilisateur est en réalité financée par les annonceurs ! De plus, ces plateformes reversent très peu d’imposition dans le système fiscal des pays depuis lesquels ils dégagent de colossaux bénéfices, surpassant même le PIB de tout un pays. Surtout, ils sont à la fois juges et parties. Google fournit même pernicieusement Analytics, un logiciel d’analyse du trafic des sites Web, la firme maîtrise ainsi la chaîne de bout en bout depuis la gestion des annonces publicitaires (avec AdWords, AdSense) jusqu’aux résultats statistiques (Analytics). Enfin, je terminerais sur ce point : aucun organisme n’est habilité à vérifier quotidiennement la fiabilité des données. Quand bien même ce tiers existerait, privé ou public, on pourrait s’interroger sur sa propre légitimité puisque sa viabilité dépendrait de la pérennité du système dans lequel il s’inscrirait. CQFD ! Conclu-t-il avec l’assurance inébranlable d’un camelot.

Des cris de plus en plus proches venaient distinctement perturber cette séquence mélancolique. Des pas de plus en plus pressés semblaient s’approcher quand soudain la porte s’ouvrit dans un vacarme retentissant. Lorsque François pénétra dans la pièce, il s’exclama :

-- Bourrin, c’est la fin !

-- La fin de quoi bon Dieu ? jura Jean-Luc avec inquiétude.

-- Vous n’avez pas entendu les infos ? La bulle de la publicité en ligne a explosé ! Des lanceurs d’alertes ont tout balancé ! Un dossier long comme mon bras ! Tout le monde panique, Zuckerberg est parti se cacher dans le métavers, plus personne ne sait où il se trouve, c’est malin. Google annonce la fermeture de Adwords et de tous ces services relatifs à la publicité en ligne, c’est un cataclysme. J’en passe ! Mon job est foutu ! Je peux déjà mettre en vente mon appartement à Saint-Jean-de-Luz pour assurer mes arrières. Mais comment ? Si je ne peux plus faire de publicités en ligne, c’est inextricable !

Pendant quelques minutes, le temps était comme suspendu. Plus personne n’osait prononcer un seul mot, même Ludovic avait décroché de son smartphone et semblait lui aussi happé par l’instant fatidique qui se jouait. Seul Pierre semblait complétement détaché de la scène, il avait déjà anticipé et misé sur d’autres leviers de visibilité que la publicité en ligne.

#Tim_Hwang #Krach_attention

Nous, les exilés (sur Briançon et la situation dans les #Hautes-Alpes)

–-> série : Là où se cristallisent les questions d’aujourd’hui

#Didier_Fassin (interviewé aux Terrasses solidaires, où il exerce bénévolement en tant que médecin et est présent en tant que chercheur) :
(à retranscrire :-))

–-

Didier Fassin :

« Des visages fatigués, épuisés. Des regards qui contiennent presque toujours au moins une lueur d’espoir. Malgré les épreuves déjà traversées. Elles et ils … sont environ 80 millions. 80 millions, soit un peu plus d’1% de la population mondiale. Eux, ce sont les exilés d’aujourd’hui. Dans un monde sous haute tension, personne n’est à l’abri. Vous, moi, nous serons peut-être les exilés de demain. En attendant, là maintenant : comment accueillir ces personnes qui arrivent dans nos régions ? Quelle hospitalité sommes-nous prêts à leur réserver ? Quels dispositifs établir aux frontières ? Et faut-il craindre le fameux appel d’air ? Ces questions, nous allons les déplier en altitude, du côté de Briançon, là où des exilés traversent la montagne au péril de leur vie. »

Avec Isabelle Lorre (la coordinatrice du programme « migrations frontière transalpine » à Médecins du Monde sur Briançon), Sylvain Eymard (gestionnaire de l’association « Les Terrasses solidaires »), Didier Fassin (anthropologue, sociologue et médecin français. Il est professeur à l’Institute for Advanced Study de Princeton et directeur d’études à l’École des hautes études en sciences sociales à Paris), Jean Gaboriau (l’un des responsables de « Refuges solidaires »), Stéphanie Besson (cofondatrice du mouvement citoyens « Tous migrants » et autrice de « Trouver refuge : histoires vécues par-delà les frontières » chez Glénat), Agnès Antoine ( membre de “Tous migrants”), deux gendarmes et quelques exilés.

▻https://www.rtbf.be/auvio/detail_passe-montagne-la-ou-se-cristallisent-les-questions-d-aujourd-hui?id=291

#podcast #audio #asile #migrations #réfugiés #montagne #Alpes #Briançon #hospitalité #Briançonnais #Hautes-Alpes #Terrasses_solidaires #militarisation_de_la_frontière #risques #chasse_à_l'homme #chutes #traque #tiers-lieu #santé #blessures #efficacité #non-efficacité #spectacle #Didier_Fassin #spectacularisation #performance #inhumanité #inhumanité_institutionnalisée #inhumanité_d'Etat

ping @_kg_

The Despotism of #Isaias_Afewerki: Eritrea’s dictator makes his move on #Tigray

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No country in the world has a purer autocracy than Eritrea. The state of Eritrea is one man, Isaias Afewerki, who for twenty years was the leader of a formidable insurgent army that won a war of liberation against Ethiopia in 1991, and who has since ruled as president without constraint on his power. Three decades after independence, Eritrea has no constitution, no elections, no legislature, and no published budget. Its judiciary is under the president’s thumb, its press nonexistent. The only institutions that function are the army and security. There is compulsory and indefinite national service. The army generals, presidential advisers, and diplomats have been essentially unchanged for twenty-five years. The country has a population of 3.5 million, and more than half a million have fled as refugees—the highest ratio in the world next to Syria and Ukraine.

President Isaias—Eritreans use the first name—got to his position and held it because his overriding concern is power. The country has no shrill personality cult, no slavish performances of obedience to the leader. Isaias is an underestimated cypher, a lesson in understated ruthlessness. In an era when autocrats have adopted new guises and mastered new tactics, he has persevered with old-fashioned forms of absolute despotism. He has not even pretended to change. He simply outlasted his most vigilant adversaries, expecting that, in due course, a new set of foreign leaders and diplomats would suffer amnesia, gamble on appeasement, or simply not care about norms of human rights and democracy.

The latest twist to Isaias’s despotism is his effort to contrive a war between the federal government in Ethiopia and its antagonists in the region of Tigray. He wants to see both weakened—and Tigray so badly mauled that he can eliminate it as a viable political entity, once and for all.

Isaias’s logic is genocidal. In November 2020—when the world was distracted by the U.S. election—Isaias sent his army to join Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s forces in a war to “crush” the Tigrayans. Abiy gave him political cover, lying about the Eritrean role. After a year of mass killing, rape, and starvation inflicted on Tigray, as well as havoc across Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa more widely, the Tigray war settled into a stalemate. It was broken late last month with a fierce battle between Tigrayan forces and the Ethiopian federal army. The Tigrayans won the first round.

On the morning of September 1, the second round began. Eritrean artillery opened up huge barrages, firing at Tigrayan defenses while Ethiopian conscripts readied for Isaias’s signal to charge into battle.

Eritrea was an Italian colony, carved out of the northern reaches of the feudal empire of Ethiopia during the late nineteenth century scramble for Africa. Isaias was born in 1946, five years after Italian defeat in World War II. Eritreans of his generation have a love-hate relationship with their former colonizer. The Italians exploited Eritreans as laborers and denied them education. But the imperial power also made Eritrea special. Italy’s initial interest was in the Red Sea coast, then as now a strategic shoreline. After the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, as much as one eighth of the world’s maritime commerce passed through the channel between Eritrea and Yemen. The same is true today, and every global power wants a presence in the Red Sea: China’s first overseas station is in next-door Djibouti, and Russia is negotiating for a naval base in Eritrea.

Benito Mussolini dreamed of a new Roman Empire in Africa, including Libya, Somalia, and Ethiopia—with Eritrea as its model. The colony became Africa’s second biggest manufacturing center after Johannesburg. Architectural historians salivate over Eritrea’s capital Asmara, considered a showpiece for Art Deco buildings. Its Fiat Tagliero gas station modeled on an airplane is especially cherished by aficionados, of whom Isaias is said to be one. Successive wars have left the city undamaged and undeveloped, a museum of modernism. When a tall and ugly contemporary apartment block was built overshadowing the futuristic Fiat garage in 1994, the president is said to have intervened to insist that central Asmara retain its character. It is one of the few places where the fascist emblem of the bundle of sticks remains on public buildings.

Mussolini’s new Roman Empire was the “first to be freed” by the Allies in 1941. The British Military Administration dismantled much of Eritrea’s industry in the name of war reparations and referred the future status of the territory to the United Nations, which proposed the delicate and ambiguous solution of “federation under the Ethiopian Crown.” The British left in 1952, remembered for impoverishing the territory but introducing a parliament and newspapers. The federal formula required that Emperor Haile Selassie rule with restraint, but after ten years of contrived unification with the rest of Ethiopia, dissolving Eritrea’s autonomous parliament, a small rebellion escalated. The first shots were fired in September 1961, and the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)—founded in Cairo the year before—began its guerrilla operations shortly thereafter, with the single goal of independence.

Isaias was a science student at university in Addis Ababa when he slipped across the border to Sudan and joined the ELF. He dedicated himself to learning Arabic because the rebels relied heavily on Arab countries for support. In 1967, he went to China for military training. On returning to the field, he was dismayed by the ELF’s lack of consistency in applying its revolutionary tenets and its failure to follow the Maoist model of consolidating a base area: any Eritrean nationalist was welcome to join, and differences of opinion were resolved by putting people of different political leanings in different units or holding inconclusive meetings. Along with another leftist who had trained in China, Ramadan Mohammed Nur, Isaias set up the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) in 1970. It was nationalist but also revolutionary.

Successive Ethiopian regimes—imperial and communist—fought their wars in Eritrea on a huge scale and with unremitting brutality. Once or twice a year, they launched vast ground offensives. The emperor’s forces burned villages and singled out suspected nationalist sympathizers for detention and torture. Haile Selassie was overthrown in a revolution in 1974, and the head of the military junta, Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, switched to the Soviet bloc. The USSR supplied an arsenal and trained Ethiopia officers in its use. They mounted artillery barrages at EPLF-held hillside strongholds, after which massed infantry brigades stormed them, time and again, with relentless futility. Daily daytime air raids meant that the EPLF became nocturnal—all activities from transporting supplies to cooking and laundry took place during the hours of darkness. In the EPLF-controlled areas, every dusk, anonymous hillsides would transform into hives of activity as fighters emerged from their hideouts.

The EPLF’s ethos was egalitarian and ultra-disciplined. That was what ensured its survival under relentless onslaught. Its leaders insisted that Muslims, Christians, and members of all Eritrea’s nine ethno-linguistic groups were considered equal. Rather than postponing its revolutionary agenda until after the war, it enacted land reform and women’s emancipation in its “liberated areas,” and set up schools and hospitals for fighters and civilians alike. During its twenty years of armed struggle, it had no formal ranks, only positions of commander for specific tasks. After liberation, when it set up a memorial to its martyred fighters, the EPLF chose a monument in the shape of a plastic sandal. Manufactured in an underground factory dug out of a mountainside, sheltered from the daily air raids, plastic sandals had been the ubiquitous footwear of the guerrilla fighter.

This was the image that Isaias projected to the world: an austere revolutionary, first among equals among comrades. Less mentioned was the fact that the EPLF was also Leninist in structure and discipline. The decisions of the central committee, once adopted, were to be implemented without question. Nor did the EPLF hesitate to kill. On many other occasions, EPLF members were executed on the merest suspicion that they might be spies. Scores of Eritreans were “sacrificed” in these purges, and hundreds perished in the vicious internecine war with the older, fissiparous ELF. In one episode from the early days of the EPLF, a band of well-educated volunteers was purged because they dared challenge Isaias. Known as the Menqa—or “bats”—because they supposedly conspired in darkness, the moniker says as much about the executioners as their victims. (Among them was Mussie Tesfamichael, one of Isaias’s close friends from his school days.) The Menqa were at least subjected to a process of investigation, and their fate became the subject of whispered debate. Not so for the next challenge to Isaias, from a group dubbed Yamin—“rightists” in Arabic—many of them highly educated, who simply disappeared without trace. The merciless elimination of dissent is the original sin of many revolutionary movements, a dark spot that cannot be erased.

Ultimately, would-be dissenters fell in line because the EPLF was an astonishingly effective military machine. To call it a “guerrilla” movement would be a misnomer. It became a conventional army, defending its base areas in mountain trenches and fighting huge armored battles. The town of Nakfa in the desert hills close to the Red Sea—bombed into ruins by day-in-day-out attacks by Ethiopian fighter jets, yet never yielded by the EPLF—became the symbol of their resistance. (Eritrea’s post-independence currency is called the Nakfa.) After years of relentless combat, the EPLF turned the military tide. In fighting at the port city of Massawa in 1990, the EPLF captured ninety-nine Soviet-supplied tanks and inflicted thousands of casualties. They won a decisive victory in 1991, which was duly followed by a 99 percent vote for independence.

The seven years after liberation were a period of hope for Eritrea. Fighters turned their energies to reconstruction. The diaspora returned, with professionals from Europe and America starting businesses, teaching at the university, and building retirement houses. Aid flowed in. Eritrea had the good will of the world.

Signs of incipient autocracy, however, were evident from the outset. The secretive, centralized command structure that had been so efficient in wartime didn’t vanish when the EPLF became an ostensibly civilian government. Days before the declaration of independence, fighters protested the decision that they should continue to serve without pay for two more years. A group of disabled veterans marched—there’s no verb that conveys the determined collective motion of their wheelchairs, artificial limbs, and sticks—towards the capital to demand their pensions. They were shot at with live ammunition. Some were killed, others were arrested and disappeared. At a political convention in 1994, the EPLF dissolved itself and established the Popular Front for Democracy and Justice as a civilian political party. It was ostensibly to be one of many in a multi-party system, but in practice, the PFDJ was indistinguishable from the state itself. The EPLF’s shadowy financial network, set up for clandestine arms purchases, morphed into the party-owned Red Sea Trading Corporation, later the focus of UN investigations for a host of illicit activities.

Veterans began to vote with their feet. Ramadan Nur quit politics. The minister of foreign affairs, Petros Solomon, a hero of the liberation war, asked to be demoted to run the ministry of maritime resources. Following elaborate consultations across the country, a constitution was drafted, but after the Constituent Assembly ratified it and handed it to the president in a ceremony at the national stadium, no more was heard about elections, an independent judiciary, or freedom of the press. Isaias had a reputation for knowing Eritreans one by one, forgetting no one, with an uncanny ability to espy their secrets. His intelligence network was both invisible and pervasive.

In May 1998, Isaias escalated a border skirmish into a war with Ethiopia, which was governed at the time by a sister revolutionary movement, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Ethiopia had a tradition of martial imperialism that the Eritrean leader had learned to fear. Isaias’s border incursion—claiming a small town known as Badme—re-awoke Ethiopia’s militaristic spirit.

The battle that was unfolding was both a comrades’ war and a cousins’ conflict. The two sides knew each other intimately. The EPRDF coalition was dominated by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), founded during the revolution of 1974–1975. Over the next seventeen years, the EPLF and TPLF literally fought in the same trenches against Mengistu’s army, which employed Soviet tactics of relentless obliteration by artillery and airstrikes and massed infantry assaults.

During that time, the EPLF and TPLF resisted with astonishing stoicism. But they also quarreled over doctrine and tactics. While the EPLF dug trenches to defend their base area in the desert mountains of northern Eritrea, the TPLF waged a textbook guerrilla war among peasant villages, withdrawing when the government army attacked and counterattacking when they could fight on their own terms. They disagreed over political doctrines too, in arcane debates that a generation later seem to belong in the seminars of Marxist theoreticians. Was the Soviet Union a “social imperialist” or ultimately an ally, even though it was the major backer of Mengistu? Were Ethiopia’s diverse ethnic groups—known in Marxist terminology as “nationalities”—entitled to self-determination?

The worst falling out occurred in the depths of the great famine of 1985, when the EPLF closed the main road that brought relief aid from neighboring Sudan. But three years later, they patched up their differences in order to defeat Mengistu, accomplishing the task in May 1991. For the next seven years the EPLF in Asmara and the TPLF/EPRDF in Addis Ababa appeared to be the best of friends. But their differences were deeper than the factionalism of leftist politics.

Isaias held the TPLF and its leaders in a special contempt. He and many of the Eritrean leaders hailed from the Eritrean highlands, historically coterminous with Tigray. They speak the same language—Tigrinya—and share the same history, dating back to the Axumite kingdom of the first century C.E. that were divided by the colonial boundary drawn at the turn of the twentieth century. Many Eritrean and Tigrayan families are intermarried. Isaias grew up in urban Asmara, where his father was among the first Eritreans to go to secondary school. Middle-class Asmarinos’ maidservants were often from Tigray’s northernmost district, Agame, as were the street sweepers and boys who hawked prickly pears. Their Tigrinya has a different accent. In private, members of the Asmara elite disparage the TPLF—including their leaders—as “Agames,” the sons of their maids. For them, it is unthinkable that Tigrayans could be their military equals or that Tigray’s prosperity could surpass Eritrea’s.

The ostensible reason for the 1998 war was a minor territorial dispute over the town of Badme. Underneath it was the question of who should be number one in the Horn of Africa—Isaias would never be content to be anything else. A few weeks earlier, when President Bill Clinton had traveled to meet Africa’s “new brand” of leaders—the other three were Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni, Rwanda’s Paul Kagame, and Ethiopia’s Meles Zenawi—the White House chose Kampala as the venue. To the dismay of White House staffers, Isaias declined the invitation. He knew he wouldn’t dominate the meeting and didn’t want to sign up to a coalition he wouldn’t lead.

A few weeks after the outbreak of that war, I went to see Isaias with Paulos Tesfagiorgis—who ran the Eritrean Relief Association during the liberation war and had after independence overseen the country’s only human rights organization, the Regional Center for Human Rights and Development, for a brief period until it was shut down. Isaias carefully stage-manages every encounter and likes to meet alone without staff to keep a record. But the Badme War seemed to have shaken him. Arriving at his office, the guards were casual in dress and manner. Security checks were minimal. The receptionist, wearing her fatigues, waved us upstairs. The austere camaraderie of the guerrilla days lingered, but every visitor was monitored.

The presidential office was an unremarkable Italian-era building with the spacious corridors and high ceilings favored by Mediterranean architects from the era before air conditioning. Isaias’s own office was capacious, simply furnished, and dark. The curtains were drawn, and there was just one dim light shining on a coffee table. Isaias himself sat at a large desk, head in hands. He glanced up only to wave us to sit down. He was wearing a khaki safari suit and plastic sandals.

We sat, we waited. Then Isaias stood up, more heavily than his frame seemed to warrant—he is tall but slim—and joined us. His few steps were tired, and he slumped into the low chair, summoned coffee, and sighed. His face is normally inscrutable. At that moment he looked weary and wounded. He seemed at a loss for words. What he said next was the only time anyone can recollect any hint of remorse or self-doubt. If it was a performance for our benefit, it was a convincing one. “What have we done?” he asked. “What have I done?”

But Isaias’s brooding demeanor lasted no more than a minute. As he spoke, he transformed, becoming focused and energized. For more than an hour he surveyed the political and military landscape, the state of world geopolitics, and the failures of the previous seven years. His coffee remained untouched. He shifted his forceful gaze from Paulos to me and back. He was in command of our encounter, and our cups of coffee also went cold.

Eritrea had made the first gains on the battlefield. From Isaias’s encyclopedic monologue, battalion-by-battalion, he seemed utterly confident in victory. He was up against a much bigger country, however—and as Ethiopia cranked up its military mobilization, it would outnumber and outgun its smaller neighbor. Then again, overcoming long military odds was a familiar predicament for Isaias, even a comfortable one. Since leaving his university studies for the field in the sixties, forging the most efficient insurgent army in Africa, out-fighting Ethiopians was just what he did. We couldn’t tell if he believed in his own mystique, but he was certainly compelling: there was no detail on which Paulos or I could challenge him.

As Isaias detailed the deployment of his troops, their logistics and fighting capacities, he also portrayed himself as strategist, diplomat, quartermaster, and military tactician. All the other commanders who had led fighters in the previous war faded from his telling. And indeed, many were pushed away from any active role in the command. Isaias was determined that the victory should be his alone. We left the meeting with a clear sense of Isaias’s focused, manic micromanagement of the war, and a glimpse of the dark void that lay behind it. There was also no vision beyond battlefield victory and the inexorable working out of historical inevitability.

Isaias ran his war and lost it. Perhaps eighty thousand soldiers died on both sides in battles that resembled the western front of World War I. In May 2000, the Ethiopians overran Eritrean trenches, and the rout began. Veteran EPLF commanders hastily took charge of the disarrayed units and organized a last-ditch defense which slowed the Ethiopian advance. Isaias, who had previously scoffed at any suggestion of a ceasefire, desperately called Washington, D.C., to beg for one. Prime Minister Meles then ordered his troops to halt. The Ethiopian army chief of staff, General Tsadkan Gebretensae, rued that order for twenty years. He is now a member of the Tigrayan central command, organizing the defense against the Eritrean attack.

Meles’s calculus was that Isaias would be overthrown or contained, which seemed possible at first. Eritrean veterans knew who had bungled the war and who had salvaged some honor in the defeat. Demands for change grew louder. Paulos organized a group of independent Eritreans to petition for human rights and democracy. They met in Germany, writing a letter to Isaias, reflecting on their country’s predicament and asking for Eritrea to turn towards the path of democracy. (The story is vividly told in Stephany Steggall’s book, The Eritrean Letter Writers.) In November 2000, the “Group of 13” (G-13) met with Isaias in Asmara.

This was not an encounter that Isaias wanted and one for which he appeared astonishingly ill-prepared. Meeting the group alone, he began by accusing them of betraying Eritrea and giving solace to its enemies, then demanded they apologize and retract the letter. They of course refused. One of the G-13, the eminent physician Haile Debas, read out the substance of their letter, watching Isaias’s reactions closely. The president was ill at ease and unable to handle a well-articulated challenge. Leaving the meeting, Haile remarked to Paulos, “We have a bigger problem than I thought. He is mentally unstable.”

A few months later, fifteen senior EPLF leaders—the “G-15”—formulated similar demands. Isaias ignored them. They made the fatal error of waiting. In private conversations (some of them recounted in Dan Connell’s book, Conversations with Eritrean Political Prisoners) they shared their dismay at how Isaias had betrayed their dreams and their remorse over their own failure to confront him over his abuses. For his part, Isaias was biding his time. A week after 9/11, with the world’s attention distracted, he struck with his trademark ruthlessness.

Petros Solomon returned from his morning jog to find security men waiting for him outside his home. His young children were waking up inside. They have not seen or heard from him since. Their mother, Aster Yohannes, was studying in the United States at the time. After negotiating with the president’s office, she flew home. When Aster’s flight landed at Asmara airport, security agents boarded the plane and took her straight to a prison camp. Her children waited at the arrivals holding their flowers until the airport had emptied. She, too, has been neither seen nor heard of since. Their daughter Hanna has patiently campaigned for her parents not to be forgotten. She told her story in PBS Frontline’s Escaping Eritrea last year.

One of the G-15 dissidents recanted. Three were abroad. The other eleven—among the most celebrated leaders of the liberation struggle—disappeared into Isaias’s gulag. Some are feared dead, others incapacitated. No one knows. No charges have been published.

Abiy Ahmed became prime minister of Ethiopia in 2018. A reformer and relative political novice, he offered an olive branch to Isaias. One veteran diplomat compared it to a rabbit asking a cobra for a dinner date. The two men declared an end to the conflict with Eritrea, and Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The details of the deal weren’t revealed to the African Union or the Ethiopian parliament, however. Best practice—and the standard procedure at the African Union—is for a peace agreement to include provisions for democratization, human rights, and demobilization of over-sized armies, all subject to international monitoring and reporting. In this case, everything was chanced on words of goodwill. The Nobel Prize was a triumph for wishful thinking, but the Norwegian committee wasn’t the only one guilty of gullibility. The deal was greased by prince Mohamed bin Zayed of Abu Dhabi. The U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Tibor Nagy, anticipated a “warm, cordial” relationship with Eritrea. Isaias got sanctions lifted, a security pact with Ethiopia, and an emergent axis of autocrats that brought Somalia into his sphere of influence.

After Eritrea was brought in from the cold, Isaias didn’t relax his grip. Instead of demobilizing his vast army, he shopped for new weapons. Instead of allowing his people to move freely, he dispatched security agents to Addis Ababa. When Covid-19 hit, he took the opportunity for a rigorous lockdown. He trained special forces for the Somali army, reportedly with the goal that President Mohammed Abdullahi “Farmaajo” could dispense with the inconvenience of an election. The Somalis are skilled at restraining would-be autocrats, however, and managed to hold their election in May, removing their aspiring dictator. Isaias is also fishing in Sudan’s troubled waters.

But for Eritrea’s despot, these are sideshows. The contest with Tigray is the main event.

For Isaias, this portends a final decision by force of arms. He will fight without mercy. If he prevails, his lifelong ambition of becoming master of the Horn of Africa will be within his grasp. Should Isaias fall, a complacent international community will be able to claim no credit for the end of his dictatorship and destabilization. Hopefully, after a lost generation, Eritreans will be able to enjoy their long-awaited liberty.

▻https://thebaffler.com/latest/the-despotism-of-isaias-afewerki-de-waal
#Afewerki #Erythrée #dictature #Tigré

ping @karine4 @isskein

Après Taïwan, le Tibet comme représailles américaines ! - par Élisabeth Martens, le 24 août 2022

Dans le contexte international actuel, on pouvait s’y attendre : les États-Unis resserrent l’étau sur la Chine. Cette fois, ils exploitent l’ancien conflit frontalier entre l’Inde et la Chine pour attiser les tensions et déstabiliser la région. La frontière sino-indienne, nommée « Ligne Mc Mahon » depuis 1914 et rebaptisée « Ligne de contrôle effectif » (ou LAC) depuis 1962, laisse de fameux « flous artistiques » quant aux appartenances territoriales des uns et des autres. Du côté Est, l’Arunachal Pradesh, un État indien jouxtant le Bhoutan est en jeu, et du côté Ouest, c’est l’Aksai Chin contrôlé par la Chine qui est en jeu. Vous l’aurez compris, cela se passe à la frontière du Tibet, une des cinq Régions autonomes de la Chine. Or dès qu’il s’agit du Tibet, les émotions font vibrer les tripes, le dalaï-lama n’est pas loin portant ses 87 ans d’âge, accompagné par ses acolytes de l’ICT (International Campaign for Tibet). Bien joué, Mister Biden !... mais votre tactique est quand même un peu ’téléphonée’ !

http://tibetdoc.org/images/2022/Geopolitique/Apres_Ta%C3%AFwan_Tibet_01.jpg

▻http://tibetdoc.org/index.php/politique/geopolitique/675-apres-taiwan-le-tibet-comme-represailles-americaines
#Inde #Chine #USA #Tibet

L’isola nuda, rimossa dalla coscienza
▻https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Croazia/L-isola-nuda-rimossa-dalla-coscienza-220179

Sull’isola di Goli otok - Isola nuda -Tito fece internare, tra il 1949 e il 1956, migliaia di dissidenti politici. Fino al 1988, anno della sua chiusura, ha poi funzionato da carcere per detenuti di reati comuni. Ora è lasciata in totale abbandono, e nonostante sia meta di migliaia di turisti rimane una pagina nera rimossa della storia jugoslava

https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/var/obc/storage/images/aree/croazia/l-isola-nuda-rimossa-dalla-coscienza-220179/2121334-7-ita-IT/L-isola-nuda-rimossa-dalla-coscienza.jpg

BFMTV sur Twitter
▻https://twitter.com/BFMTV/status/1562657407330725890

Inflation : dans une cantine scolaire de Seine-Maritime, les enfants devront choisir entre le fromage et le dessert

#gorafi_encore_plagié #tiers_mondisation #priorités

Des jets privés, oui, des repas à l’école pour les enfants, non. Une histoire de mérite sans doute.

Un homme tué et un autre grièvement blessé par des tirs de policiers après un refus d’obtempérer à #Vénissieux
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2022/08/19/un-homme-tue-et-un-autre-grievement-blesse-par-des-tirs-de-policiers-apres-u

Deux enquêtes ont été ouvertes après cet incident (...)

En visite en Corse, le ministre de l’intérieur, Gérald Darmanin, a apporté son « soutien a priori » à « tous les policiers et gendarmes de France qui font face tous les jours à des refus d’obtempérer puisqu’il y en a un toutes les demi-heures dans notre pays ». Selon lui, il y a eu à Vénissieux « une agression claire manifestement contre ces policiers qui faisaient ce contrôle » et « ils ont donc ouvert le feu ».
« Nous avons, depuis de nombreuses années (…), de plus en plus de refus d’obtempérer (…). La loi a été modifiée pour renforcer les pouvoirs des policiers et des gendarmes et condamner ces personnes. Je ne doute pas du travail de la police », a-t-il également déclaré.

#police #violences_policières #tirs_policiers #permis_de_tuer

#Voyageur_noir (#Schwarzfahrer)

https://i.imgur.com/aJ9Mgr0.jpg

Un jeune homme noir est harcelé verbalement par une femme plus âgée dans un tramway, tandis que les autres passagers gardent le silence. Il finit par se venger...

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vQbKGDj4K10

–-> un #court-métrage que je pensais avoir recensé sur seenthis... je rattrape le coup...

#racisme #bus #ticket #tram #Noirs #film #vidéo #Pepe_Danquart

ping @isskein @karine4 @_kg_

Le numéro 62 de la revue #Nunatak (version italophone)

https://nunatak.noblogs.org/files/2021/12/Cover62-x-web-724x1024.jpg

https://i.imgur.com/9uagwPW.png

La revue est disponible en ligne :
▻https://nunatak.noblogs.org/files/2022/03/nunatak.62.interni.xsito_.pdf

Je mettrai ci-dessous des mots-clés et citations des articles...

–-----

métaliste des numéros recensés sur seenthis :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/969908

Atari Jaguar - The Death Rattle Of A Pioneer | Time Extension
▻https://www.timeextension.com/features/ultimate-guide-atari-jaguar-the-death-rattle-of-a-pioneer

https://images.timeextension.com/449fa8b26f83e/1280x720.jpg

Atari may have been instrumental in the genesis of arcade and home video gaming, but by the time the 1990s rolled around, its glory days were arguably long behind it. The video crash of 1983 had effectively killed the ’old’ Atari, with parent company Warner Communications offloading the consumer electronics and home computer divisions to former Commodore boss Jack Tramiel in 1984 – an event which led to the birth of the new ‘Atari Corporation’.

Histoire de la Jaguar, et donc forcément d’Atari, avec des témoignages exclusifs liés au développement de la console et des jeux développés sur cette plateforme.

#jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #atari #atari_corporation #business #rétrospective #histoire #préservation #jack_tramiel #warner_communications #commodore #console_atari_2600 #console_5200 #console_7800 #atari_st #atari_falcon #atari_panther #atari_jaguar #console_jaguar #commodore_amiga #atari_lynx #console_lynx #sinclair_research #martin_brennan #john_mathieson #epyx #r_j_mical #dave_needle #flare_technology #flare_one #flare_ii #gremlin_graphics #microprose #ocean #titus #us_gold #maxis #time_warner #sega #nintendo #ibm #3do_interactive #ea #electronic_arts #john_skrutch #rebellion_developments #jason_kingsley #jeu_vidéo_gridrunner #jeu_vidéo_attack_of_the_mutant_camels #attention_to_detail #fred_gill #jeu_vidéo_cybermorph #console_megadrive #console_snes #console_philips_cd-i #console_cd-i #console_saturn #console_sega_saturn #jeu_vidéo_alien_vs_predator #jeu_vidéo_tempest_2000 #jeff_minter #jeu_vidéo_doom #john_carmack #id_software #magazine_edge #console_playstation #ted_hoff #august_liguori #console_retro_vgs #darryl_still #jeu_vidéo_zero_5 #llamasoft #john_skrutch #tempest_x3 #john_skrutch #imagitec #jeu_vidéo_missile_command #jeu_vidéo_asteroids #jeu_vidéo_centipede #jeu_vidéo_breakout #jeu_vidéo_star_raiders #jason_kingsley #jeu_vidéo_chequered_flag #jeu_vidéo_virtua_racing #atd #fred_gill #jeu_vidéo_titanfall #jeu_vidéo_apex_legends #jeu_vidéo_virus #david_braben #jeu_vidéo_super_sprint #konix_multisystem #john_skruch #sam_tramiel #leonard_tramiel #jeu_vidéo_battlemorph #jeu_vidéo_space_invaders #jeu_vidéo_combat #jeu_vidéo_et #jeu_vidéo_pac-man

Tu sais mon affection pour les #titres_de_la_mort_qui_buzze, et notamment l’usage du « ce », « cette », « ces »…, censés introduire du mystère dans le titre putaclic. L’été, c’est le stagiaire qui s’y colle, alors il te place carrément deux « cette »/« ces » dans le même titre (c’est un peu too much). Rentrée scolaire 2022 : cette pénurie qui menace ces 400.000 élèves français
▻https://www.mariefrance.fr/actualite/rentree-scolaire-2022-cette-penurie-qui-menace-ces-400-000-eleves-franca

Tu veux dire, cette pénurie qui menace ces élèves de ces écoles de ce pays qu’on va tout de dévoiler si tu cliques sur ce lien ?

Ticks and #Lyme disease are on the rise in Canada. Here’s why | The Star
▻https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2022/06/20/ticks-and-lyme-disease-are-on-the-rise-in-canada-experts-warn-heres-what-yo

#Canada has seen a steep rise in reported Lyme disease cases in recent years, and as the planet warms, those numbers are expected to continue climbing.

With ticks spreading further north each year, some advocates question whether Canada is prepared to cope with the rise of Lyme disease.

#tiques #climat

Ousted Ubisoft developer Ashraf Ismail quietly working for Tencent
▻https://www.axios.com/2022/07/28/ashraf-ismail-tencent-ubisoft

https://images.axios.com/Jpr0nUApXiArU2I-qIMLupfHtA0=/0x129:3000x1817/1366x768/2022/07/27/1658950865971.jpg

Ashraf Ismail, former top developer on Assassin’s Creed games for Ubisoft before his dismissal from the company in mid-2020, was hired last year to help lead development on a game at Tencent, Axios has learned.

Why it matters: The new role amounts to a second chance for a developer whose fall from Ubisoft amid allegations of abusing his power was part of the MeToo reckoning in the game industry two years ago.

Ousted Assassin’s Creed Valhalla creative director now working for Tencent
►https://www.gamedeveloper.com/production/ousted-i-assassin-s-creed-valhalla-i-creative-director-now-working-fo

https://eu-images.contentstack.com/v3/assets/blt95b381df7c12c15d/bltb157afae6e9b7298/62e2ba73e49d4a6983cc3344/ashrafismail.PNG

Ashraf Ismail left Ubisoft Montreal following allegations of misconduct towards young female fans, and is said to have been quietly working with Tencent since 2021.

#jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #ressources_humaines #ashraf_ismail #méconduite #harcèlement_sexuel #mysogynie #homophobie #ubisoft_montréal #tencent #jeu_vidéo_assassin_s_creed_origins #jeu_vidéo_assassin_s_creed_valhalla #timi #serge_hascoët #yannis_mallat #cécile_cornet #jeu_vidéo_skull_and_bones #a_better_ubisoft #metoo

Ousted Assassin’s Creed Valhalla creative director now working for Tencent
►https://www.gamedeveloper.com/production/ousted-i-assassin-s-creed-valhalla-i-creative-director-now-working-fo

https://eu-images.contentstack.com/v3/assets/blt95b381df7c12c15d/bltb157afae6e9b7298/62e2ba73e49d4a6983cc3344/ashrafismail.PNG

Ashraf Ismail, former creative director at Ubisoft Montreal who left following allegations of sexual harassment, has spent the last year working at Tencent. As reported by Axios, Ismail was brought on in 2021 to help lead development of a new game from the Chinese tech giant.

#jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #business #ressources_humaines #ubisoft #tencent #ashraf_ismail #harcèlement_sexuel #jeu_vidéo_assassin_s_creed #jeu_vidéo_assassin_s_creed_valhalla #timi #serge_hascoët #jeu_vidéo_skull_and_bones

An update on Google Play billing in the EEA
▻https://blog.google/around-the-globe/google-europe/an-update-on-google-play-billing-in-the-eea

https://storage.googleapis.com/gweb-uniblog-publish-prod/images/Adult_on_phone_in_street_9UvQXDl.max-1300x1300.jpg

Developers who choose to use an alternative billing system will need to meet appropriate user protection requirements, and service fees and conditions will continue to apply in order to support our investments in Android and Play. When a consumer uses an alternative billing system, the service fee the developer pays will be reduced by 3%. Since 99% of developers currently qualify for a service fee of 15% or less, those developers would pay a service fee of 12% or lower based on transactions through alternative billing for EEA users acquired through the Play platform.

Tim Sweeney sur Twitter :
▻https://twitter.com/TimSweeneyEpic/status/1549409197007175687

Congratulations to Google, fast-following Apple to introduce fake open billing in Europe - “allowing” competing payment services but eliminating their ability to compete by demanding 27% of revenue.

Tim Sweeney sur Twitter :
▻https://twitter.com/TimSweeneyEpic/status/1549412449803190272

A store that sells an app should not have any involvement in commerce that is conducted after the app is purchased. It’s like Ford forcing car buyers to buy gas at Ford gas station and inflating prices 30%. It’s none of their business.

Tim Sweeney sur Twitter :
▻https://twitter.com/TimSweeneyEpic/status/1549414295024418817

[…]

When Mastercard and Visa process a credit card transaction, they charg 2.5% for the service they perform.

In this case, however, Google is NOT PERFORMING THE SERVICE they charge their 12% fee on.

Google annonce autoriser l’usage d’un système de paiement tiers sur les apps mobiles distribuées via Google Play sur… les deux territoires où cela est désormais légalement obligatoire.

Le patron d’Epic Games, qui se bat contre le duopole de Google et d’Apple au sujet des marges des deux principales boutiques mobiles, critique la part du paiement revenant quand même à Google.

#jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #business #google #google_play #tim_sweeney #epic_games #digital_markets_act #european_economic_area #android #

Le numéro 6 de la revue #Nunatak , Revue d’histoires, cultures et #luttes des #montagnes...

https://revuenunatak.noblogs.org/files/2020/11/Nunatak6vignette.jpg

métaliste des numéros recensés sur seenthis :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/926433

La publicité programmatique et le spectre de la crise - Nonfiction.fr le portail des livres et des idées
▻https://www.nonfiction.fr/article-11376-la-publicite-programmatique-et-le-spectre-de-la-crise.htm

https://cfeditions.com/krach/ressources/couv_krach_grand.jpg

Cet ancien de chez Google alerte sur les proportions inédites de la « bulle de marché » de la publicité programmatique, tout en établissant un parallèle avec la crise des subprimes de 2008.

La publicité en ligne est en butte à bien des critiques : incitations consuméristes, intrusions dans la vie privée, manipulation des comportements, etc. Toutefois, la performance même de ce procédé n’est jamais remise en cause. À l’inverse, on présuppose à la publicité en ligne — a fortiori la publicité personnalisée, qui cible les consommateurs grâce à des algorithmes — une sinistre efficacité qui, précisément, en amplifierait les méfaits.

Tim Hwang, avocat, chercheur et anciennement responsable des politiques publiques de l’intelligence artificielle chez Google, déconstruit le mythe des algorithmes de ciblage ultraperformants et de l’économie pérenne et florissante que serait celle de la publicité en ligne. Il dévoile, à rebours de cet imaginaire, une conjoncture gangrénée par les pratiques spéculatives et les manipulations des grandes places de marché publicitaires qui maintiennent à flot un secteur profondément défaillant.

#Tim_Hwang #Publicité #Programmatique

Tic tac. 62 décharges marines d’armes, parfois chimiques, sont laissées à l’abandon le long des côtes de la Manche et atlantiques. Comme ces obus, fréquemment observés par les plongeurs à l’île de Groix. Mais face au risque, l’État oppose le « secret défense ». Une enquête d’Actu.fr sur les décharges d’armes chimiques au large des côtes françaises : une « bombe à retardement ».
▻https://splann.org/glane-pour-vous-dans-la-presse-en-juin-2022
Enquête. Des décharges d’armes chimiques au large des côtes françaises : une "bombe à retardement" | Enquêtes d’actu
▻https://actu.fr/societe/des-decharges-d-armes-chimiques-au-large-des-cotes-francaises-une-bombe-a-retar

Des décharges marines d’armes parfois chimiques polluent les océans depuis un siècle. Le risque de destruction de toute vie est réel. L’État oppose le « secret-défense ».

https://static.actu.fr/uploads/2022/05/carte-decharges-sous-marines-de-munitions-verticale-new1.jpg

La grande croisade de Timothy Leary
▻https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/podcasts/lsd-la-serie-documentaire/la-grande-croisade-de-timothy-leary-1214805

Figure de la contre-culture, romanesque à souhait, Timothy Leary n’est pas entré au séminaire comme le souhaitait son père. Il expérimente le LSD au début des années 1960 alors qu’il enseigne la psychologie à l’université de Harvard.

J’ai adoré la restitution des expériences de l’armée US sur ses propres soldats :o)

#lsd #drogue #timothy_leary

Course poursuite entre #Sospel et #Nice : la personne blessée par le tir d’un policier est décédée (16 juin 2022)

Une personne est décédée jeudi 16 juin après avoir été atteinte par le tir d’un policier qui a tenté de stopper la fourgonnette avec laquelle des passeurs venaient de forcer un barrage depuis l’Italie, quatre autres migrants à leur bord.

(#paywall)
▻https://www.nicematin.com/faits-divers/course-poursuite-entre-sospel-et-nice-la-personne-blessee-par-le-tir-dun-

#Italie #France #frontière_sud-alpine #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #décès #mort #mourir_aux_frontières #Vintimille

#Omar_El-Khoury #Omar_Elkhouli
–—

ajouté au fil de discussion sur les morts à la frontière de Vintimille :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/784767

lui-même ajouté à la métaliste sur les morts aux frontières alpines :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

Bon, France Info : le #titre-de-la-mort-qui-buzze sur ce genre de sujet, c’est juste pas possible…
▻https://www.francetvinfo.fr/politique/accusations-de-viols-contre-damien-abad/accusations-de-viols-visant-damien-abad-on-vous-resume-l-affaire-en-neu

Accusations de viols visant Damien Abad : on vous résume l’affaire en neuf actes

(Et le neuvième vous surprendra.)

Les #tiers-lieux, entre militantisme, logiques marchandes et stratégies d’aménagement
▻https://metropolitiques.eu/Les-tiers-lieux-entre-militantisme-logiques-marchandes-et-strategies

Les tiers-lieux, symboles de l’urbanisme alternatif, peuvent-ils être autre chose qu’une parenthèse spatiale et temporelle dans la fabrique des métropoles ? Sandra Mallet et Arnaud Mège analysent ici le cas de l’Écosystème Darwin à #Bordeaux, qui tente de trouver sa place entre logiques marchandes et aménagement de ZAC. Situé sur la rive droite de la Garonne, sur les friches de l’ancienne caserne militaire Niel, l’Écosystème Darwin, tiers-lieu « branché » à « l’esprit d’entreprise engagé », est devenu au #Terrains

/ tiers-lieux, Bordeaux, #urbanisme_transitoire, #expérimentation

▻https://metropolitiques.eu/IMG/pdf/met_mege_mallet.pdf

Une loi adoptée le 28/02/2017, concernant la légitime défense des agents de la force publique a engendré une dérive catastrophique : en six mois, l’IGPN pointe, dans un rapport alors confidentiel, un accroissement de 50% des tirs perpétrés par les policiers et les gendarmes (mais surtout les policiers). Explications par Fabien Jobard :

▻https://video.twimg.com/amplify_video/1534049475005661184/vid/1280x720/FDtjxk-qvLw2eaKT.mp4?tag=14

Source : ▻https://twitter.com/GillesSaveret/status/1534157214591635458

La loi en question est demandée depuis 2012 par le syndicat Alliance qui profite de l’agression de quatre policiers à Viry-Chatillon (08/10/2016) pour faire pression sur le gouvernement Valls et le ministre de l’intérieur Bernard Cazeneuve pendant la mandature de François Hollande.