• Suffering unseen: The dark truth behind wildlife tourism
    https://www.nationalgeographic.com/magazine/2019/06/global-wildlife-tourism-social-media-causes-animal-suffering

    I’ve come back to check on a baby. Just after dusk I’m in a car lumbering down a muddy road in the rain, past rows of shackled elephants, their trunks swaying. I was here five hours before, when the sun was high and hot and tourists were on elephants’ backs.

    Walking now, I can barely see the path in the glow of my phone’s flashlight. When the wooden fence post of the stall stops me short, I point my light down and follow a current of rainwater across the concrete floor until it washes up against three large, gray feet. A fourth foot hovers above the surface, tethered tightly by a short chain and choked by a ring of metal spikes. When the elephant tires and puts her foot down, the spikes press deeper into her ankle.

    Meena is four years and two months old, still a toddler as elephants go. Khammon Kongkhaw, her mahout, or caretaker, told me earlier that Meena wears the spiked chain because she tends to kick. Kongkhaw has been responsible for Meena here at Maetaman Elephant Adventure, near Chiang Mai, in northern Thailand, since she was 11 months old. He said he keeps her on the spiked shackle only during the day and takes it off at night. But it’s night now.

    I ask Jin Laoshen, the Maetaman staffer accompanying me on this nighttime visit, why her chain is still on. He says he doesn’t know.

    Maetaman is one of many animal attractions in and around tourist-swarmed Chiang Mai. People spill out of tour buses and clamber onto the trunks of elephants that, at the prodding of their mahouts’ bullhooks (long poles with a sharp metal hook), hoist them in the air while cameras snap. Visitors thrust bananas toward elephants’ trunks. They watch as mahouts goad their elephants—some of the most intelligent animals on the planet—to throw darts or kick oversize soccer balls while music blares.

    Meena is one of Maetaman’s 10 show elephants. To be precise, she’s a painter. Twice a day, in front of throngs of chattering tourists, Kongkhaw puts a paintbrush in the tip of her trunk and presses a steel nail to her face to direct her brushstrokes as she drags primary colors across paper. Often he guides her to paint a wild elephant in the savanna. Her paintings are then sold to tourists.

    Meena’s life is set to follow the same trajectory as many of the roughly 3,800 captive elephants in Thailand and thousands more throughout Southeast Asia. She’ll perform in shows until she’s about 10. After that, she’ll become a riding elephant. Tourists will sit on a bench strapped to her back, and she’ll give several rides a day. When Meena is too old or sick to give rides—maybe at 55, maybe at 75—she’ll die. If she’s lucky, she’ll get a few years of retirement. She’ll spend most of her life on a chain in a stall.

    Wildlife attractions such as Maetaman lure people from around the world to be with animals like Meena, and they make up a lucrative segment of the booming global travel industry. Twice as many trips are being taken abroad as 15 years ago, a jump driven partly by Chinese tourists, who spend far more on international travel than any other nationality.

    Wildlife tourism isn’t new, but social media is setting the industry ablaze, turning encounters with exotic animals into photo-driven bucket-list toppers. Activities once publicized mostly in guidebooks now are shared instantly with multitudes of people by selfie-taking backpackers, tour-bus travelers, and social media “influencers” through a tap on their phone screens. Nearly all millennials (23- to 38-year-olds) use social media while traveling. Their selfies—of swims with dolphins, encounters with tigers, rides on elephants, and more—are viral advertising for attractions that tout up-close experiences with animals.

    For all the visibility social media provides, it doesn’t show what happens beyond the view of the camera lens. People who feel joy and exhilaration from getting close to wild animals usually are unaware that many of the animals at such attractions live a lot like Meena, or worse.

    Photographer Kirsten Luce and I set out to look behind the curtain of the thriving wildlife tourism industry, to see how animals at various attractions—including some that emphasize their humane care of animals—are treated once the selfie-taking crowds have gone.

    After leaving Maetaman, we take a five-minute car ride up a winding hill to a property announced by a wooden plaque as “Elephant EcoValley: where elephants are in good hands.” There are no elephant rides here. No paint shows or other performances. Visitors can stroll through an open-air museum and learn about Thailand’s national animal. They can make herbal treats for the elephants and paper from elephant dung. They can watch elephants in a grassy, tree-ringed field.

    EcoValley’s guest book is filled with praise from Australians, Danes, Americans—tourists who often shun elephant camps such as Maetaman because the rides and shows make them uneasy. Here, they can see unchained elephants and leave feeling good about supporting what they believe is an ethical establishment. What many don’t know is that EcoValley’s seemingly carefree elephants are brought here for the day from nearby Maetaman—and that the two attractions are actually a single business.

    Meena was brought here once, but she tried to run into the forest. Another young elephant, Mei, comes sometimes, but today she’s at Maetaman, playing the harmonica in the shows. When she’s not doing that, or spending the day at EcoValley, she’s chained near Meena in one of Maetaman’s elephant stalls.

    Meena Kalamapijit owns Maetaman as well as EcoValley, which she opened in November 2017 to cater to Westerners. She says her 56 elephants are well cared for and that giving rides and performing allow them to have necessary exercise. And, she says, Meena the elephant’s behavior has gotten better since her mahout started using the spiked chain.
    Read MoreWildlife Watch
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    We sit with Kalamapijit on a balcony outside her office, and she explains that when Westerners, especially Americans, stopped coming to Maetaman, she eliminated one of the daily shows to allot time for visitors to watch elephants bathe in the river that runs through the camp.

    “Westerners enjoy bathing because it looks happy and natural,” she says. “But a Chinese tour agency called me and said, ‘Why are you cutting the show? Our customers love to see it, and they don’t care about bathing at all.’ ” Providing separate options is good for business, Kalamapijit says.

    Around the world Kirsten and I watched tourists watching captive animals. In Thailand we also saw American men bear-hug tigers in Chiang Mai and Chinese brides in wedding gowns ride young elephants in the aqua surf on the island of Phuket. We watched polar bears in wire muzzles ballroom dancing across the ice under a big top in Russia and teenage boys on the Amazon River snapping selfies with baby sloths.

    Most tourists who enjoy these encounters don’t know that the adult tigers may be declawed, drugged, or both. Or that there are always cubs for tourists to snuggle with because the cats are speed bred and the cubs are taken from their mothers just days after birth. Or that the elephants give rides and perform tricks without harming people only because they’ve been “broken” as babies and taught to fear the bullhook. Or that the Amazonian sloths taken illegally from the jungle often die within weeks of being put in captivity.

    As we traveled to performance pits and holding pens on three continents and in the Hawaiian Islands, asking questions about how animals are treated and getting answers that didn’t always add up, it became clear how methodically and systematically animal suffering is concealed.

    The wildlife tourism industry caters to people’s love of animals but often seeks to maximize profits by exploiting animals from birth to death. The industry’s economy depends largely on people believing that the animals they’re paying to watch or ride or feed are having fun too.

    It succeeds partly because tourists—in unfamiliar settings and eager to have a positive experience—typically don’t consider the possibility that they’re helping to hurt animals. Social media adds to the confusion: Oblivious endorsements from friends and trendsetters legitimize attractions before a traveler ever gets near an animal.

    There has been some recognition of social media’s role in the problem. In December 2017, after a National Geographic investigative report on harmful wildlife tourism in Amazonian Brazil and Peru, Instagram introduced a feature: Users who click or search one of dozens of hashtags, such as #slothselfie and #tigercubselfie, now get a pop-up warning that the content they’re viewing may be harmful to animals.

    Everyone finds Olga Barantseva on Instagram. “Photographer from Russia. Photographing dreams,” her bio reads. She meets clients for woodland photo shoots with captive wild animals just outside Moscow.

    For her 18th birthday, Sasha Belova treated herself to a session with Barantseva—and a pack of wolves. “It was my dream,” she says as she fidgets with her hair, which had been styled that morning. “Wolves are wild and dangerous.” The wolves are kept in small cages at a petting zoo when not participating in photo shoots.

    The Kravtsov family hired Barantseva to take their first professional family photos—all five family members, shivering and smiling in the birch forest, joined by a bear named Stepan.

    Barantseva has been photographing people and wild animals together for six years. She “woke up as a star,” she says, in 2015, when a couple of international media outlets found her online. Her audience has exploded to more than 80,000 followers worldwide. “I want to show harmony between people and animals,” she says.

    On a raw fall day, under a crown of golden birch leaves on a hill that overlooks a frigid lake, two-and-a-half-year-old Alexander Levin, dressed in a hooded bumblebee sweater, timidly holds Stepan’s paw.

    The bear’s owners, Yury and Svetlana Panteleenko, ply their star with food—tuna fish mixed with oatmeal—to get him to approach the boy. Snap: It looks like a tender friendship. The owners toss grapes to Stepan to get him to open his mouth wide. Snap: The bear looks as if he’s smiling.

    The Panteleenkos constantly move Stepan, adjusting his paws, feeding him, and positioning Alexander as Barantseva, pink-haired, bundled in jeans and a parka, captures each moment. Snap: A photo goes to her Instagram feed. A boy and a bear in golden Russian woods—a picture straight out of a fairy tale. It’s a contemporary twist on a long-standing Russian tradition of exploiting bears for entertainment.

    Another day in the same forest, Kirsten and I join 12 young women who have nearly identical Instagram accounts replete with dreamy photos of models caressing owls and wolves and foxes. Armed with fancy cameras but as yet modest numbers of followers, they all want the audience Barantseva has. Each has paid the Panteleenkos $760 to take identical shots of models with the ultimate prize: a bear in the woods.

    Stepan is 26 years old, elderly for a brown bear, and can hardly walk. The Panteleenkos say they bought him from a small zoo when he was three months old. They say the bear’s work—a constant stream of photo shoots and movies—provides money to keep him fed.

    A video on Svetlana Panteleenko’s Instagram account proclaims: “Love along with some great food can make anyone a teddy :-)”

    And just like that, social media takes a single instance of local animal tourism and broadcasts it to the world.

    When the documentary film Blackfish was released in 2013, it drew a swift and decisive reaction from the American public. Through the story of Tilikum, a distressed killer whale at SeaWorld in Orlando, Florida, the film detailed the miserable life orcas can face in captivity. Hundreds of thousands of outraged viewers signed petitions. Companies with partnership deals, such as Southwest Airlines, severed ties with SeaWorld. Attendance at SeaWorld’s water parks slipped; its stock nose-dived.

    James Regan says what he saw in Blackfish upset him. Regan, honeymooning in Hawaii with his wife, Katie, is from England, where the country’s last marine mammal park closed permanently in 1993. I meet him at Dolphin Quest Oahu, an upscale swim-with-dolphins business on the grounds of the beachfront Kahala Hotel & Resort, just east of Honolulu. The Regans paid $225 each to swim for 30 minutes in a small group with a bottlenose dolphin. One of two Dolphin Quest locations in Hawaii, the facility houses six dolphins.

    Bottlenose dolphins are the backbone of an industry that spans the globe. Swim-with-dolphins operations rely on captive-bred and wild-caught dolphins that live—and interact with tourists—in pools. The popularity of these photo-friendly attractions reflects the disconnect around dolphin experiences: People in the West increasingly shun shows that feature animals performing tricks, but many see swimming with captive dolphins as a vacation rite of passage.

    Katie Regan has wanted to swim with dolphins since she was a child. Her husband laughs and says of Dolphin Quest, “They paint a lovely picture. When you’re in America, everyone is smiling.” But he appreciates that the facility is at their hotel, so they can watch the dolphins being fed and cared for. He brings up Blackfish again.

    Katie protests: “Stop making my dream a horrible thing!”

    Rae Stone, president of Dolphin Quest and a marine mammal veterinarian, says the company donates money to conservation projects and educates visitors about perils that marine mammals face in the wild. By paying for this entertainment, she says, visitors are helping captive dolphins’ wild cousins.

    Stone notes that Dolphin Quest is certified “humane” by American Humane, an animal welfare nonprofit. (The Walt Disney Company, National Geographic’s majority owner, offers dolphin encounters on some vacation excursions and at an attraction in Epcot, one of its Orlando parks. Disney says it follows the animal welfare standards of the Association of Zoos & Aquariums, a nonprofit that accredits more than 230 facilities worldwide.)

    It’s a vigorous debate: whether even places with high standards, veterinarians on staff, and features such as pools filled with filtered ocean water can be truly humane for marine mammals.

    Dolphin Quest’s Stone says yes.

    Critics, including the Humane Society of the United States, which does not endorse keeping dolphins in captivity, say no. They argue that these animals have evolved to swim great distances and live in complex social groups—conditions that can’t be replicated in the confines of a pool. This helps explain why the National Aquarium, in Baltimore, announced in 2016 that its dolphins will be retired to a seaside sanctuary by 2020.

    Some U.S. attractions breed their own dolphins because the nation has restricted dolphin catching in the wild since 1972. But elsewhere, dolphins are still being taken from the wild and turned into performers.

    In China, which has no national laws on captive-animal welfare, dolphinariums with wild-caught animals are a booming business: There are now 78 marine mammal parks, and 26 more are under construction.

    To have the once-in-a-lifetime chance to see rare Black Sea dolphins, people in the landlocked town of Kaluga, a hundred miles from Moscow, don’t have to leave their city. In the parking lot of the Torgoviy Kvartal shopping mall, next to a hardware store, is a white inflatable pop-up aquarium: the Moscow Traveling Dolphinarium. It looks like a children’s bouncy castle that’s been drained of its color.

    Inside the puffy dome, parents buy their kids dolphin-shaped trinkets: fuzzy dolls and Mylar balloons, paper dolphin hats, and drinks in plastic dolphin tumblers. Families take their seats around a small pool. The venue is so intimate that even the cheapest seats, at nine dollars apiece, are within splashing distance.

    “My kids are jumping for joy,” says a woman named Anya, motioning toward her two giddy boys, bouncing in their seats.

    In the middle of the jubilant atmosphere, in water that seems much too shallow and much too murky, two dolphins swim listlessly in circles.

    Russia is one of only a few countries (Indonesia is another) where traveling oceanariums exist. Dolphins and beluga whales, which need to be immersed in water to stay alive, are put in tubs on trucks and carted from city to city in a loop that usually ends when they die. These traveling shows are aboveboard: Russia has no laws that regulate how marine mammals should be treated in captivity.

    The shows are the domestic arm of a brisk Russian global trade in dolphins and small whales. Black Sea bottlenose dolphins can’t be caught legally without a permit, but Russian fishermen can catch belugas and orcas under legal quotas in the name of science and education. Some belugas are sold legally to aquariums around the country. Russia now allows only a dozen or so orcas to be caught each year for scientific and educational purposes, and since April 2018, the government has cracked down on exporting them. But government investigators believe that Russian orcas—which can sell for millions—are being caught illegally for export to China.

    Captive orcas, which can grow to 20 feet long and more than 10,000 pounds, are too big for the traveling shows that typically feature dolphins and belugas. When I contacted the owners of the Moscow Traveling Dolphinarium and another operation, the White Whale Show, in separate telephone calls to ask where their dolphins and belugas come from, both men, Sergey Kuznetsov and Oleg Belesikov, hung up on me.

    Russia’s dozen or so traveling oceanariums are touted as a way to bring native wild animals to people who might never see the ocean.

    “Who else if not us?” says Mikhail Olyoshin, a staffer at one traveling oceanarium. And on this day in Kaluga, as the dolphins perform tricks to American pop songs and lie on platforms for several minutes for photo ops, parents and children express the same sentiment: Imagine, dolphins, up close, in my hometown. The ocean on delivery.

    Owners and operators of wildlife tourism attractions, from high-end facilities such as Dolphin Quest in Hawaii to low-end monkey shows in Thailand, say their animals live longer in captivity than wild counterparts because they’re safe from predators and environmental hazards. Show operators proudly emphasize that the animals under their care are with them for life. They’re family.

    Alla Azovtseva, a longtime dolphin trainer in Russia, shakes her head.

    “I don’t see any sense in this work. My conscience bites me. I look at my animals and want to cry,” says Azovtseva, who drives a red van with dolphins airbrushed on the side. At the moment, she’s training pilot whales to perform tricks at Moscow’s Moskvarium, one of Europe’s largest aquariums (not connected to the traveling dolphin shows). On her day off, we meet at a café near Red Square.

    She says she fell in love with dolphins in the late 1980s when she read a book by John Lilly, the American neuroscientist who broke open our understanding of the animals’ intelligence. She has spent 30 years training marine mammals to do tricks. But along the way she’s grown heartsick from forcing highly intelligent, social creatures to live isolated, barren lives in small tanks.

    “I would compare the dolphin situation with making a physicist sweep the street,” she says. “When they’re not engaged in performance or training, they just hang in the water facing down. It’s the deepest depression.”

    What people don’t know about many aquarium shows in Russia, Azovtseva says, is that the animals often die soon after being put in captivity, especially those in traveling shows. And Azovtseva—making clear she’s referring to the industry at large in Russia and not the Moskvarium—says she knows many aquariums quietly and illegally replace their animals with new ones.

    It’s been illegal to catch Black Sea dolphins in the wild for entertainment purposes since 2003, but according to Azovtseva, aquarium owners who want to increase their dolphin numbers quickly and cheaply buy dolphins poached there. Because these dolphins are acquired illegally, they’re missing the microchips that captive cetaceans in Russia are usually tagged with as a form of required identification.

    Some aquariums get around that, she says, by cutting out dead dolphins’ microchips and implanting them into replacement dolphins.

    “People are people,” Azovtseva says. “Once they see an opportunity, they exploit.” She says she can’t go on doing her work in the industry and that she’s decided to speak out because she wants people to know the truth about the origins and treatment of many of the marine mammals they love watching. We exchange a look—we both know what her words likely mean for her livelihood.

    “I don’t care if I’m fired,” she says defiantly. “When a person has nothing to lose, she becomes really brave.”

    I’m sitting on the edge of an infinity pool on the hilly Thai side of Thailand’s border with Myanmar, at a resort where rooms average more than a thousand dollars a night.

    Out past the pool, elephants roam in a lush valley. Sitting next to me is 20-year-old Stephanie van Houten. She’s Dutch and French, Tokyo born and raised, and a student at the University of Michigan. Her cosmopolitan background and pretty face make for a perfect cocktail of aspiration—she’s exactly the kind of Instagrammer who makes it as an influencer. That is, someone who has a large enough following to attract sponsors to underwrite posts and, in turn, travel, wardrobes, and bank accounts. In 2018, brands—fashion, travel, tech, and more—spent an estimated $1.6 billion on social media advertising by influencers.

    Van Houten has been here, at the Anantara Golden Triangle Elephant Camp & Resort, before. This time, in a fairly standard influencer-brand arrangement, she’ll have a picnic with elephants and post about it to her growing legion of more than 25,000 Instagram followers. In exchange, she gets hundreds of dollars off the nightly rate.

    At Anantara the fields are green, and during the day at least, many of the resort’s 22 elephants are tethered on ropes more than a hundred feet long so they can move around and socialize. Nevertheless, they’re expected to let guests touch them and do yoga beside them.

    After van Houten’s elephant picnic, I watch her edit the day’s hundreds of photos. She selects an image with her favorite elephant, Bo. She likes it, she says, because she felt a connection with Bo and thinks that will come across. She posts it at 9:30 p.m.—the time she estimates the largest number of her followers will be online. She includes a long caption, summing it up as “my love story with this incredible creature,” and the hashtag #stopelephantriding. Immediately, likes from followers stream in—more than a thousand, as well as comments with heart-eyed emoji.

    Anantara is out of reach for anyone but the wealthy—or prominent influencers. Anyone else seeking a similar experience might do a Google search for, say, “Thailand elephant sanctuary.”

    As tourist demand for ethical experiences with animals has grown, affordable establishments, often calling themselves “sanctuaries,” have cropped up purporting to offer humane, up-close elephant encounters. Bathing with elephants—tourists give them a mud bath, splash them in a river, or both—has become very popular. Many facilities portray baths as a benign alternative to elephant riding and performances. But elephants getting baths, like those that give rides and do tricks, will have been broken to some extent to make them obedient. And as long as bathing remains popular, places that offer it will need obedient elephants to keep their businesses going. 


    In Ban Ta Klang, a tiny town in eastern Thailand, modest homes dot the crimson earth. In front of each is a wide, bamboo platform for sitting, sleeping, and watching television.

    But the first thing I notice is the elephants. Some homes have one, others as many as five. Elephants stand under tarps or sheet metal roofs or trees. Some are together, mothers and babies, but most are alone. Nearly all the elephants wear ankle chains or hobbles—cuffs binding their front legs together. Dogs and chickens weave among the elephants’ legs, sending up puffs of red dust.

    Ban Ta Klang—known as Elephant Village—is ground zero in Thailand for training and trading captive elephants.

    “House elephants,” Sri Somboon says, gesturing as he turns down his TV. Next to his outdoor platform, a two-month-old baby elephant runs around his mother. Somboon points across the road to the third elephant in his charge, a three-year-old male tethered to a tree. He’s wrenching his head back and forth and thrashing his trunk around. It looks as if he’s going out of his mind.

    He’s in the middle of his training, Somboon says, and is getting good at painting. He’s already been sold, and when his training is finished, he’ll start working at a tourist camp down south.

    Ban Ta Klang and the surrounding area, part of Surin Province, claim to be the source of more than half of Thailand’s 3,800 captive elephants. Long before the flood of tourists, it was the center of the elephant trade; the animals were caught in the wild and tamed for use transporting logs. Now, every November, hundreds of elephants from here are displayed, bought, and sold in the province’s main town, Surin.

    One evening I sit with Jakkrawan Homhual and Wanchai Sala-ngam. Both 33, they’ve been best friends since childhood. About half the people in Ban Ta Klang who care for elephants, including Homhual, don’t own them. They’re paid a modest salary by a rich owner to breed and train baby elephants for entertainment. As night falls, thousands of termites swarm us, attracted to the single bulb hanging above the bamboo platform. Our conversation turns to elephant training.

    Phajaan is the traditional—and brutal—days- or weeks-long process of breaking a young elephant’s spirit. It has long been used in Thailand and throughout Southeast Asia to tame wild elephants, which still account for many of the country’s captives. Under phajaan, elephants are bound with ropes, confined in tight wooden structures, starved, and beaten repeatedly with bullhooks, nails, and hammers until their will is crushed. The extent to which phajaan persists in its harshest form is unclear. Since 2012, the government has been cracking down on the illegal import of elephants taken from the forests of neighboring Myanmar, Thailand’s main source of wild-caught animals.

    I ask the men how baby elephants born in captivity are broken and trained.

    When a baby is about two years old, they say, mahouts tie its mother to a tree and slowly drag the baby away. Once separated, the baby is confined. Using a bullhook on its ear, they teach the baby to move: left, right, turn, stop. To teach an elephant to sit, Sala-ngam says, “we tie up the front legs. One mahout will use a bullhook at the back. The other will pull a rope on the front legs.” He adds: “To train the elephant, you need to use the bullhook so the elephant will know.”

    Humans identify suffering in other humans by universal signs: People sob, wince, cry out, put voice to their hurt. Animals have no universal language for pain. Many animals don’t have tear ducts. More creatures still—prey animals, for example—instinctively mask symptoms of pain, lest they appear weak to predators. Recognizing that a nonhuman animal is in pain is difficult, often impossible.

    But we know that animals feel pain. All mammals have a similar neuroanatomy. Birds, reptiles, and amphibians all have pain receptors. As recently as a decade ago, scientists had collected more evidence that fish feel pain than they had for neonatal infants. A four-year-old human child with spikes pressing into his flesh would express pain by screaming. A four-year-old elephant just stands there in the rain, her leg jerking in the air.

    Of all the silently suffering animals I saw in pools and pens around the world, two in particular haunt me: an elephant and a tiger.

    They lived in the same facility, Samut Prakan Crocodile Farm and Zoo, about 15 miles south of Bangkok. The elephant, Gluay Hom, four years old, was kept under a stadium. The aging tiger, Khai Khem, 22, spent his days on a short chain in a photo studio. Both had irrefutable signs of suffering: The emaciated elephant had a bent, swollen leg hanging in the air and a large, bleeding sore at his temple. His eyes were rolled back in his head. The tiger had a dental abscess so severe that the infection was eating through the bottom of his jaw.

    When I contacted the owner of the facility, Uthen Youngprapakorn, to ask about these animals, he said the fact that they hadn’t died proved that the facility was caring for them properly. He then threatened a lawsuit.

    Six months after Kirsten and I returned from Thailand, we asked Ryn Jirenuwat, our Bangkok-based Thai interpreter, to check on Gluay Hom and Khai Khem. She went to Samut Prakan and watched them for hours, sending photos and video. Gluay Hom was still alive, still standing in the same stall, leg still bent at an unnatural angle. The elephants next to him were skin and bones. Khai Khem was still chained by his neck to a hook in the floor. He just stays in his dark corner, Jirenuwat texted, and when he hears people coming, he twists on his chain and turns his back to them.

    “Like he just wants to be swallowed by the wall.”

    #tourisme #nos_ennemis_les_bêtes

  • Das Regime in Eritrea ist so repressiv wie vor dem Friedensschluss mit Äthiopien

    Das Land am Horn von Afrika hat mit seinem Nachbarn Äthiopien nach Jahrzehnten Frieden geschlossen. Doch punkto Menschenrechte bleibt es ein repressiver Staat, wie die Uno nun analysiert hat. Und es sieht nicht so aus, als würde sich das bald ändern.

    Die Menschenrechtslage in Eritrea ist auch nach dem letztjährigen Friedensschluss mit dem Nachbarstaat Äthiopien äusserst besorgniserregend. Zu diesem Schluss kommt das Uno-Hochkommissariat für Menschenrechte. «Im vergangenen Jahr haben wir in Bezug auf die Einhaltung der Menschenrechte keine Verbesserung feststellen können», sagte Kate Gilmore, stellvertretende Uno-Menschenrechtskommissarin, letzte Woche im Menschenrechtsrat in Genf.
    «Heute so repressiv wie vor dem Friedensschluss mit Äthiopien»

    Die dringend nötige Reform des unbefristeten Nationaldienstes, zu dem alle Eritreer verpflichtet sind, sei ausgeblieben. Noch immer komme es in dessen Rahmen regelmässig zu sexueller Gewalt, Folter und Zwangsarbeit, so Gilmore. Daniela Kravetz, die Uno-Sonderberichterstatterin für Eritrea, wies zudem auf die inakzeptablen Bedingungen für Gefangene hin. Weiterhin würden Eritreer ohne Begründung und ohne Prozess während Jahren eingesperrt; Angehörige würden über den Aufenthaltsort und den Zustand der Inhaftierten oft nicht informiert. Noch immer fehle dem Land zudem ein institutioneller Rahmen, um diese Probleme überhaupt anzugehen: «Es gibt keine Verfassung, kein nationales Parlament, keine unabhängige Justiz, keine Gewaltenteilung», so Kravetz.

    Auch für Vanessa Tsehaye, die Gründerin einer NGO, hatte das Tauwetter am Horn von Afrika bisher keine Auswirkungen auf die Menschenrechtslage in Eritrea. «Das Regime ist heute so repressiv wie vor dem Friedensschluss mit Äthiopien», sagte Tsehaye vor dem Menschenrechtsrat.

    Gilmore forderte Eritrea dazu auf, die überfälligen Reformen rasch in Angriff zu nehmen. Das Argument, der unbefristete Nationaldienst müsse aufgrund des Konflikts mit Äthiopien beibehalten werden, gelte nun nicht mehr. «Der Frieden mit Äthiopien liefert jene Sicherheit, die die eritreische Regierung immer als Voraussetzung angab, um den Nationaldienst einzustellen und den Fokus von der Sicherheit auf die Entwicklung zu verlagern.» Sollte es diesbezüglich keine Fortschritte geben, sei ein Ende des Flüchtlingsstroms aus Eritrea nicht abzusehen, so die stellvertretende Uno-Menschenrechtskommissarin.

    Tesfamicael Gerahtu, der Vertreter Asmaras, ging auf die geäusserte Kritik kaum ein. «Die Erwartung gewisser Kritiker, dass sich Dinge über Nacht ändern, ist unrealistisch», sagte er. Es sei falsch, den Nationaldienst als «moderne Sklaverei» zu bezeichnen. Vielmehr solle die internationale Gemeinschaft anerkennen, dass dieser das «nationale Überleben in einer Zeit von Feindseligkeit» sichergestellt habe. Es sei, fügte Gerahtu hinzu, nicht angezeigt, die eritreische Regierung zu harsch zu kritisieren: «Es wäre kontraproduktiv, Druck auf Eritrea auszuüben.»
    Unerfüllte Hoffnungen

    Äthiopien und Eritrea hatten im vergangenen Jahr nach fast zwei Jahrzehnten Frieden geschlossen. In der Folge keimte die Hoffnung, dass sich die Menschenrechtslage in Eritrea verbessern würde. Letzten Herbst ist Eritrea zudem dem Uno-Menschenrechtsrat beigetreten.

    Schon im Januar hat die Uno indes darauf hingewiesen, dass wesentliche Fortschritte im Menschenrechtsbereich bis dato ausgeblieben sind. Weiterhin verwehrt Asmara zudem der Uno-Sonderberichterstatterin Kravetz die Einreise ins Land.

    https://www.nzz.ch/information/adblocker-fuer-nzz-abschalten-ld.10501

    #COI #Erythrée #asile #migrations #réfugiés #répression #paix (well...) #Ethiopie #processus_de_paix

    • Amid border wrangles, Eritreans wrestle with staying or going

      An unexpected rapprochement last year between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and the subsequent opening of the border, seemed to offer hope of a more lenient approach toward freedom of movement by the repressive Eritrean government.

      https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/feature/2019/04/30/amid-border-wrangles-eritreans-wrestle-staying-or-going
      #frontières #ouverture_des_frontières #frontières_ouvertes

    • Why are Eritreans fleeing their country?

      Eritrea has accused the UN’s refugee agency of forcibly relocating some of its citizens stranded in Libya to Niger.

      In the past decade, thousands of Eritreans looking to improve their lives in Europe have become stranded in Libya.

      Detained during their illegal transit or rescued from drowning in the Mediterranean, refugees are sent to detention centres.

      But the battle for control of the capital Tripoli has left them exposed to the dangers of war with some going days without food.

      The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has intervened and relocated migrants to safer areas, while sending some to other countries.

      Among them, a group of 159 Eritrean nationals were sent to Niger before being relocated to a third country.

      And that hasn’t gone down well with Eritrea’s government.

      But what would happen if those Eritreans went back home?

      And is the country’s unlimited national service, a reason why many fled?

      Presenter: Richelle Carey

      Guests:

      #Suleiman_Hussein - Chairperson of Citizens for Democratic Rights in Eritrea

      #Fisseha_Teklae - Researcher for the Horn of Africa for Amnesty International

      Marie-Roger Biloa - Chief executive officer of MRB Networks

      https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/insidestory/2019/05/eritereans-fleeing-country-190506193053215.html

    • "Für die Menschen in Eritrea hat sich nichts geändert"

      Eritrea geht harsch gegen die katholische Minderheit vor - vermutlich weil Bischöfe demokratische Reformen gefordert hatten. Im Gespräch zeigt sich der eritreische Priester Mussie Zerai besorgt über die Lage in seiner Heimat.

      Seit Jahren gehört Eritrea weltweit zu den Ländern, aus denen die meisten Menschen flüchten: Allein im Jahr 2018 stellten laut Uno-Flüchtlingswerk UNHCR 42.000 Eritreer Asylanträge. Das kleine Land am Horn von Afrika gilt als repressive Diktatur und wird seit seiner Unabhängigkeit 1993 in Alleinherrschaft von Präsident Isayas Afewerki regiert. Der Uno-Menschenrechtsrat wirft dem Regime regelmäßig schwere Menschenrechtsverletzungen vor.

      Vor einem Jahr schloss Eritrea ein historisches Friedensabkommen mit dem Nachbarland Äthiopien, viele hofften danach auf Reformen. Im Interview mit SPIEGEL ONLINE spricht der eritreische Priester Mussie Zerai darüber, warum sich für die Menschen in seiner Heimat trotzdem nichts verändert hat.

      SPIEGEL ONLINE: Herr Mussie Zerai, die eritreische Regierung hat vergangenen Monat alle 21 katholischen Krankenhäuser im Land schließen lassen. Warum?

      Mussie Zerai: Das Regime in Eritrea bezeichnet sich selbst als kommunistisch und lehnt Religionen grundsätzlich ab. Nur der Staat soll die Autorität über alle Bereiche der Gesellschaft haben. Zwar wird die katholische Kirche geduldet, aber besonders wenn sie anfängt, sich sozial zu engagieren und Freiheitsrechte einzufordern, ist das dem Regime ein Dorn im Auge.

      SPIEGEL ONLINE: Was haben die Kirchen denn konkret getan?

      Zerai: Die katholischen Bischöfe in Eritrea haben an Ostern einen offenen Brief veröffentlicht, in dem sie Gewalt und Ungerechtigkeit im Land beschreiben und Reformen einfordern. Eigentlich müssen alle Publikationen in Eritrea von der staatlichen Zensurkommission freigegeben werden. Die Bischöfe haben sich dem aber widersetzt und den Brief einfach per E-Mail und über soziale Netzwerke verbreitet. Das hat den Präsidenten sehr verärgert. Die Schließung der Krankenhäuser war die Rache dafür.

      SPIEGEL ONLINE: Nur etwa fünf Prozent der Menschen in Eritrea sind katholisch. Wieso hat die Regierung Angst vor der Kirche?

      Zerai: Die katholische Kirche ist weltweit vernetzt und hat Beziehungen, die bis nach Rom reichen. Vor diesem internationalen Einfluss hat der Diktator in Eritrea Angst. Außerdem fürchtet er, zu wenig Kontrolle über die Kirche zu haben, weil sie viele soziale Einrichtungen im Land betreibt: Krankenhäuser und Schulen zum Beispiel. Deshalb sind Christen immer wieder Repressionen ausgesetzt. Leute werden verhaftet, nur weil sie öffentlich beten oder zum Gottesdienst gehen. Das Oberhaupt der orthodoxen Kirche in Eritrea, Abune Antonios, steht seit 14 Jahren unter Hausarrest.

      SPIEGEL ONLINE: Vor einem Jahr haben Eritrea und Äthiopien nach Jahrzehnten des Kriegszustandes einen Friedensvertrag abgeschlossen. Viele haben gehofft, dass sich die Menschenrechtslage in Eritrea dadurch verbessert. Ist nichts passiert?

      Zerai: Leider nein. Für die Menschen in Eritrea hat sich nichts geändert. Es gibt weiterhin den Militärdienst, der Menschen auf Lebenszeit zwingt, für den Staat zu arbeiten - ohne richtig dafür bezahlt zu werden. Politische Gefangene und inhaftierte Journalisten wurden nicht freigelassen. Unsere Verfassung ist immer noch nicht in Kraft getreten. Außerdem steigt die Armut im Land, weil das Regime jede Form der Privatwirtschaft unterbindet. Deshalb fliehen immer noch so viele Eritreer, gerade in der jungen Bevölkerung. Die Menschen sind sehr wütend.

      SPIEGEL ONLINE: Trotzdem gibt es keine Demonstrationen im Land?

      Zerai: Öffentliche Versammlungen sind in Eritrea verboten. Sobald mehrere Leute auf der Straße zusammenstehen, kommt die Polizei. Außerdem herrscht ein großes Misstrauen zwischen den Leuten, weil der staatliche Geheimdienst überall präsent ist. In den vergangenen 20 Jahren sind mehr als 10.000 Menschen verschwunden. Die Leute haben Angst, niemand vertraut dem anderen. Das macht es sehr schwierig, Proteste zu organisieren.

      SPIEGEL ONLINE: Fürchten Sie, dass das Regime in Zukunft weiter gegen die Kirche vorgeht?

      Zerai: Ja, wir haben Angst, dass der Staat als Nächstes die katholischen Bildungseinrichtungen schließt. Es gibt etwa 50 Schulen und mehr als 100 Kindergärten in Eritrea, die von der Kirche geführt werden. Gerade in ländlichen Gegenden sind das oft die einzigen Bildungseinrichtungen, die es gibt. Wenn die wegfallen, dann können viele Kinder im Land nicht mehr zur Schule gehen.

      https://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/eritrea-nach-dem-frieden-mit-aethiopien-fuer-die-menschen-hat-sich-nichts-ge

    • Eritreans wait in vain for change after peace with Ethiopia

      Eritrean taxi driver Mihreteab recalls brimming with hope in July 2018 when his country reached a peace agreement with neighbour and longtime foe Ethiopia.

      But a year and a half later, that hope has given way to disenchantment.

      “I don’t see any changes so far. People are still in jail and life is the same,” he said while waiting for passengers on a main avenue in Asmara.

      Like other ordinary Eritreans who spoke to an AFP journalist during a rare visit to the famously closed-off country, Mihreteab asked that his full name not be published.

      On the streets of the Eritrean capital, he was far from alone in feeling disillusioned.

      “I like my country and I think you are also enjoying your stay. However, life is still the same for me,” said Tekie, a small trader who sells home appliances at a market in the city centre.

      Eritrea and Ethiopia fought a deadly border war beginning in 1998 that claimed nearly 80,000 lives before a stalemate took hold in 2000 and lasted nearly two decades.

      Last year’s surprise peace deal remains the signature achievement of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and is the main reason he received this year’s Nobel Peace Prize.

      During the whip-fast rapprochement that followed, embassies reopened, flights resumed and meetings were held across the region.

      But progress has since stalled and the land border between the two nations is once again closed.

      Inside Eritrea, speculation that peace would spur reforms and ease years of repression has so far proved misguided.

      The regime of Isaias Afwerki, the only president Eritrea has ever known, has given no sign of any kind of political opening, and the situation may in fact be getting worse.

      In June, officials ordered the closure of Catholic-run health centres after church leaders published a letter expressing concern over the lack of reforms.

      There are also reports of a new wave of attempts to nationalise private schools.

      Nevertheless, ordinary Eritreans appear to appreciate Abiy’s peacemaking efforts, and the Ethiopian leader seems genuinely popular on the streets of Asmara.

      “He’s a good man and really deserved the Nobel,” said Nigisti, a handicrafts vendor.

      –‘One day life will change’-

      Even if the hoped-for benefits of peace haven’t materialised, some Eritreans remain optimistic.

      Nazret, who sells cereal in Asmara, is among them.

      “The peace deal gives me hope that one day life will change. Peace is important for us,” she said.

      Buying vegetables nearby, Netsunet said she also chose to focus on the positive.

      Born in Ethiopia in 1982 to parents of Eritrean origin, she was forced out during the war and has spent half her life in a country she does not consider her own.

      She prefers not to dwell on the moment she was “separated by force” from Ethiopia, and said she is grateful that now she has an opportunity to return.

      “At least today, we can fly to see each other,” she said. “I plan to visit my old neighbours in Ethiopia in December.”

      Eritrean officials argue that it’s wrong to suggest nothing has changed in Eritrea.

      Instead, they say the pace of reform has been deliberately slow to preserve their country’s sovereignty.

      Last week, Asmara hosted a summit for the Addis Ababa-based United Nations Economic Commission for Africa that drew delegates from across the region.

      According to Mohammed Gumhed, a researcher at the Eritrean foreign ministry, this kind of event “could not have happened before the peace deal”.

      –A ‘new chapter’?-

      During his opening remarks at the conference, Eritrean Foreign Affairs Minister Osman Saleh Mohammed declared that a wave of hope and unity was washing over the Horn of Africa after decades of conflict.

      He emphasised Eritrea’s progress in expanding access to health services, water, education and transportation.

      Addressing criticism of Isaias’ iron-fisted rule during a briefing with conference delegates, Ghetachew Merhatsion, who works in the president’s office, said Isaias was merely respecting the will of the people.

      “We see multi-party systems in many African countries and that is good for democracy. However for now Eritreans have decided to have only one party and we are making progress,” he said.

      Alem Kibreab, director-general at Eritrea’s Ministry of Energy and Mines, held out hope that the peace deal could change how the world sees Eritrea and how international investors engage with the country.

      “Who would invest when there is no peace? Now a new chapter is beginning,” he said.

      Asked about progress on reopening the two countries’ land border, Ambassador Tesfamicael Gerahtu, an official at the Eritrean foreign ministry, predicted that the main crossings would soon be reopened, though he said this would have to wait until “implementation of the agreement is finalised”.

      “The dialogues are at an advanced stage and we hope it will soon be declared,” he said.

      https://eritrea-focus.org/eritreans-wait-in-vain-for-change-after-peace-with-ethiopia

    • Fuggire la pace. L’Eritrea ad un anno dallo storico accordo di pace con l’Etiopia

      In Europa, l’accordo di pace tra Etiopia ed Eritrea è stato festeggiato come una svolta inaspettata: la prova che le autorità eritree avevano finalmente voltato pagina, un’occasione unica per riconciliarsi con il regime di Afewerkie. Fondi firmati EU sono stati già stanziati per realizzazione di grandi opere, ma l’aria che si respira ad Asmara è decisamente meno entusiasmante. Mentre il numero di persone in fuga dal servizio nazionale si è quadruplicato, i confini con l’Etiopia sono stati nuovamente chiusi e la sensazione di asfissia è tornata ad impadronirsi delle strade in stile modernista di Asmara. Dalla capitale Asmara alla regione di confine del Tigrai Nancy Porsia e la fotografa Cinzia Canneri ci raccontano un’altra Eritrea, quella che non crede alla «pace esterna».

      Con lo sguardo incollato sulla stradina sterrata che conduce verso uno dei palazzoni non finiti di periferia, Genet schiva le attenzioni dei passanti. La sua tunica abbondante non riesce a far passare inosservati la parrucca dal capello lungo e mesciato e il trucco molto marcato. Genet, nome di fantasia per tutelarne l’incolumità, è una prostituta e vive poco lontano dal centro di Asmara e i suoi edifici in stile modernista firmati da architetti italiani di fine Ottocento e del Ventennio, che dal 2017 sono Patrimonio Unesco.

      “Ci campo la famiglia” dice Genet, accennando un sorriso che malcela le sofferenze. In uno stanzone, suddiviso solo da tende, Genet vive con sua figlia, sua sorella e i figli, e suo fratello. Un televisore al centro della stanza e tutto intorno le pareti sono invase da poster colorati raffiguranti Gesù e i santi, come da tradizione ortodossa. In balcone un fornelletto da campeggio funge da cucina, mentre per il bagno tocca andare nell’androne dello stabile. Per questa sistemazione pagano circa 1000 Nakfa, più o meno 50 euro al mese. Una somma importante in un paese dove il salario medio è di 450 nakfa. Genet sta preparando con sua figlia la partenza. Direzione Etiopia dove il figlio più grande ha chiesto l’asilo politico già due anni prima, in fuga dal servizio nazionale.

      In migliaia fuggono ogni mese da quello che viene definito “il regime più sanguinario” d’Africa. Una volta all’estero gli eritrei raccontano storie inenarrabili di arresti e torture perpetrati con la logica di un regime che punisce chi si rifiuta di rimanere a vita al servizio dello Stato.

      Quando nel luglio del 2018 il Presidente Isaias Afewerki accettò l’offerta del neo primo ministro etiope di firmare l’accordo di pace bilaterale, gli eritrei rimasero increduli. Dal 1998 Eritrea ed Etiopia sono rimaste in guerra, o meglio in uno stato di “nessuna guerra, nessuna pace” da quando, nel 2000, l’Etiopia rifiutò le condizioni imposte da una commissione di frontiera istituita dal Tribunale dell’Aja in virtù dell’accordo di pace. Da allora in Eritrea è rimasto in vigore lo Stato di emergenza proclamato da Asmara due anni prima, e anche il limite di 18 mesi per il servizio nazionale previsto dalla costituzione del 1993, non è mai stato ripristinato.

      Eppure in giro per le principali strade del Paese, il regime non s’incontra. Nella capitale Asmara non c’è ombra di presidi militari, se non figure esili in divisa che si muovono a passo lento e con lo sguardo disinteressato di chi ha appena smontato dal turno di lavoro. Mentre donne molto anziane, con indosso abbondanti grembiuli grigio topo, spazzano i bordi dei marciapiedi della “piccola Roma”, come la chiamano i locali con una malcelata punta d’orgoglio. Con i suoi fiori rigogliosi, le ville in stile liberty, il suo ordine e la sua pulizia maniacali, Asmara restituisce tuttavia un senso di imbarazzo e asfissia. Quelle donne, che a fatica riescono a tirarsi dietro il bidoncino della spazzatura a loro assegnato, fanno parte dell’esercito ‘non armato’ del servizio nazionale eritreo, così come chi insegna a scuola, mette timbri in aeroporto, o fa il minatore, l’ingegnere e l’architetto.

      Su viale della Libertà, che taglia il centro storico da parte a parte, sono in tante le donne sedute agli angoli dei marciapiedi che con i loro figli mendicano. “L’accattonaggio è severamente vietato qui, ma da qualche tempo la gente ha preso coraggio e chiede l’elemosina. La gente qui ha fame” ci dice un insegnante incontrato in un caffè sempre piantonato da mendicanti.

      “La pace è un buon inizio” esordisce Solomon, ancora stupito di parlare con degli europei. Solomon lavora in un ufficio governativo da sei anni ad Asmara, e negli orari extra ufficio guida il suo taxi in giro per la capitale: “Per arrotondare” spiega. Poi racconta “Mio cugino è andato via due anni fa, ora è in Germania. E’ passato per il Sudan, Libia, e poi ha preso la via del mare”. La sua voce è bassa. Solomon sa che in patria chi scappa è un disertore, e che parlare dei disertori è pericoloso. Sorride come per prendere la rincorsa, e tutto d’un fiato ci dice “Io vorrei presto sposarmi, ma con lo stipendio del servizio nazionale non riuscirò mai a costruirmi un futuro”. L’ha detto, si è sbilanciato, ha superato la cortina di silenzio imposta dalla paura di un arresto.

      Eppure le sue parole non sanno di protesta. In Eritrea è vietato protestare. Ci si arrangia e quando non ce la si fa, s’impara a sopportare la fame. Chi scappa dal regime di Isaias Afewerki, l’ex guerrigliero che combatté per l’indipendenza dell’Eritrea e dal 1993 Presidente-dittatore, in patria è un traditore. E lo è anche per chi resta, almeno nelle conversazioni in pubblico.

      In Eritrea è difficile sentirsi al sicuro dagli occhi e le orecchie indiscreti del sistema. La connessione dati sul cellulare non esiste, e per connettersi alla rete tocca comprare qualche giga in uno degli internet point dove la massa di corpi non lascia spazio alla privacy. “La rete di informatori è fittissima” ci dice un ex giornalista che nel 2009, in quella che nel paese è passata alla storia come la seconda tornata più importante di repressione politica per via di arresti eccellenti contro la stampa, lasciò Asmara. Da allora è in una sorta di ritiro nella sua capanna di zinco alla periferia di Massawa. La città sul Mar Rosso che a fine Ottocento fu anche la capitale della colonia italiana, ancora oggi si presenta come un teatro post-bellico. Sul viale principale alcuni ragazzi scattano selfie davanti ai quattro carri armati etiopi, che gli eritrei catturarono durante la guerra di Liberazione che si protrasse dal 1961 per trenta anni. Nel centro città gli edifici di epoca romana sono distrutti e abbandonati. Una legge ne impedisce l’occupazione. Tutto intorno i corvi fanno da padrone sulle bidonville dove la gente comune vive. Solo i camion che trasportano i metalli preziosi, e fanno la spola tra il porto e la capitale, restituiscono un senso di vitalità.

      Nonostante la fine della guerra fredda con l’Etiopia, la politica di repressione del Presidente Afewerki a livello domestico è rimasta identica a sé stessa. Il servizio nazionale a tempo indefinito è ancora in vigore, e nessun prigioniero politico è stato rilasciato. Nessuna notizia si ha ancora dei politici e dei giornalisti arrestati nel corso di una retata nel 2001, né del Ministero delle Finanze, Berhane Abreh, arrestato nel settembre del 2018 dopo aver pubblicato un libro con cui esortava i giovani eritrei a manifestare per uno stato di diritto in patria.

      “La pace esterna” la chiamano gli eritrei all’estero, commentando l’accordo di pace che Asmara ha firmato con Addis Abeba. E gli eritrei continuano a scappare dalla fame prima, e dalle torture nelle carceri poi. Non si contano le migliaia di eritrei in prigione. Una sorta di gioco a ‘guardia e ladri’ in cui uomini e donne poco più che adolescenti vengono chiamati a servire il paese, accettano, resistono anni patendo stenti e umiliazioni, poi scappano, vengono riacciuffati, restano per qualche anno in galera, vengono rimessi in libertà ma a condizione di tornare a servire il paese. Tornano a lavorare per lo Stato, anche nelle miniere lungo la costa dove società straniere rivendicano estraneità allo sfruttamento dei lavoratori rimandando ogni responsabilità al Governo di Asmara, loro partner ufficiale. Dopo qualche anno di servizio, gli stessi già precedentemente arrestati, fuggono per essere nuovamente riacciuffati. Ancora anni di prigione, torture e poi rimessi in libertà. A questo punto però hanno messo su famiglia, non ce la fanno a dare da mangiare ai propri figli con quanto garantisce lo Stato durante il servizio, e quindi decidono che è arrivato il momento di scappare. Una volta non pervenuti al servizio, sono le loro mogli o i loro figli ad essere cercati e imprigionati. Uno schema sempre identico a sé stesso. Secondo il rapporto 2019 di Human Rights Watch (HRW) sull’Eritrea, il servizio nazionale infinito è da considerarsi alla stregua di una forma di schiavitù, e rimane il motivo principale di fuga dal Paese.

      Quando il regime di Afewerki ha aperto il confine con l’Etiopia nel settembre del 2018, il numero delle persone in fuga, alla ricerca di asilo nel paese confinante, si è quadruplicato, secondo il rapporto della Commissione Europea per la Protezione Civile Europea e le Operazioni di Sostegno Umanitario (ECHO).

      Nei campi profughi a Nord dell’Etiopia, organizzazioni non governative e agenzie internazionali hanno dovuto tirare su decine di migliaia di baracche in alluminio nuove di zecca per far fronte al grande esodo. Questo perché al momento della firma dell’accordo di pace, il regime di Asmara non ha fatto alcun cenno alla revoca dello stato di emergenza o al ripristino dei 18 mesi per il servizio nazionale, né al rilascio dei prigionieri politici all’indomani della firma dell’accordo di pace con l’Etiopia.

      “Da settimane Asmara ha chiuso di nuovo la frontiera di Humera e gli eritrei scappano a nuoto come prima” commenta già in aprile uno dei trafficanti ad Humera, città etiope al confine con l’Etiopia e il Sudan. Accovacciato sulla riva del fiume Tekeze che disegna il confine tra i tre paesi, osserva un uomo che da ore fa la spola tra la sponda eritrea, a Nord, e quella etiope. Un eritreo – ci spiega – è andato disperso mentre tentava di attraversare il fiume. E uno dei passatori ora cerca il suo corpo perché sua madre ha promesso una ricompensa per chi riuscirà a restituirglielo.

      Lungo il fiume Takaze sono un paio le squadre di passatori, ognuna ha un capo che decide di volta in volta a chi tocca affrontare la traghettata. Con una mano impegnata nella presa sulla zattera fatta di taniche legate con dello spago, i passatori nuotano contro corrente da una sponda all’altra del fiume solo con un braccio.

      Nei giorni in cui il valico di frontiera a Humera era aperto, centinaia di eritrei si sono accalcati lungo le sponde del fiume Tekeze. “Pagavano fino a 300 dollari per ognuno” dice uno dei passatori del Tekeze. “Dicevano di non voler stare nei campi qui in Etiopia, e puntavano al Sudan, poi Libia. Insomma avevano fretta di raggiungere l’Europa” ricorda l’uomo. “Comunque ora la frontiera qui è chiusa, e pure in Libia non si passa” spiega il passatore del Tekeze.

      All’imbrunire un ragazzo sopraggiunge con una coppia tra le rocce in riva al fiume, scambia poche battute con il trafficante di turno e si dilegua. “E’ uno degli smuggler eritrei che lavorano in zona, e quei due che sono saliti sulla zattera sono eritrei in fuga. Vanno in Sudan” spiega a bassa voce uno dei Caronte del Tekeze mentre mastica del tumbako, droga locale molto popolare.

      Nel campo Mai Aini, uno dei tanti che segnano il confine tra Eritrea e Etiopia, un uomo racconta le torture subite in prigione per aver defezionato dopo sette anni di servizio nazionale come militare al confine. “Sono rimasto sul fronte per sette anni, poi sono scappato. Mi hanno preso e buttato in prigione per cinque anni” dice Mikael mostrando i segni di tortura subiti durante la detenzione. Unghie strappate, frustate sulla schiena fanno parte della lunga lista di torture subite, ricorda mentre resta seduto sul gradino della sua casa nel campo, mentre sua moglie allatta la loro bimba di un mese, nata nella casetta di fango e paglia in cui vivono da alcuni mesi.

      A fare da cordone intorno ai rifugiati resta la comunità locale etiope. Nel Tigrai la popolazione fa parte della stessa etnia degli eritrei, tutti tigrini appunto. All’indomani del grande plauso da parte della comunità internazionale nei confronti del primo ministro Abiy Ahmed Ali per lo storico accordo di pace, qui la solidarietà verso i fratelli eritrei passa per una più complessa lotta per il potere tra le varie etnie nella capitale di Addis Abeba. Abiy fa parte dell’etnia degli oromo mentre il suo predecessore, l’ex premier Hailé Mariàm Desalegn, è un tigrino. Quest’ultimo fu costretto a dimettersi in seguito allo scoppio di violente rivolte da parte degli oromo, etnia di maggioranza nel paese. Nel nord del Paese la scorsa estate si sono registrati omicidi eccellenti di uomini vicini al nuovo primo ministro. E quando lo scorso ottobre, il braccio destro di Abiy, Jawar Mohammed, ha denunciato di essere scampato ad un attentato, gli oromo sono scesi in strada a suo sostegno, e da lì a poco anche i tigrini hanno occupato le piazze in diverse città. La tensione è degenerata in scontri in cui sono morti 67 manifestanti.

      “Come fa il primo ministro a stringere la mano ad un dittatore come Afewerki?” ci chiede un ragazzo molto giovane che da anni lavora come guida turistica a Shirè, una delle città più importanti del Tigrai. Tra i rifugiati eritrei serpeggia la paura che l’accordo di pace possa di fatto tradursi in una revisione del loro status di rifugiati in Etiopia.

      Tuttavia negli ultimi mesi i numeri dei nuovi arrivi in Tigrai si sono significativamente ridotti. Da aprile tutti i confini restano chiusi. Neanche i camion merci passano più. E la sensazione di asfissia torna ad impadronirsi delle strade in stile modernista di Asmara, mentre l’Unione Europea decide che la firma dell’accordo di pace con l’Etiopia basti come prova da parte del Governo di Afewerki di aver cambiato pagina, e di aver finalmente operato la svolta progressista che ci si attendeva. Fondi firmati EU sono stati già stanziati per realizzazione di grandi opere in Eritrea. Evidente l’Unione Europea aspettava l’occasione per riconciliarsi con il dittatore, anche al costo dell’oblio delle centinaia di storie di uomini e donne che da vent’anni fuggono torture e inenarrabili sofferenze.

      https://openmigration.org/analisi/fuggire-la-pace-leritrea-ad-un-anno-dallo-storico-accordo-di-pace-con

    • L’espoir renaît dans la Corne de l’Afrique

      En juin 2018, fraîchement élu, le Premier ministre éthiopien #Abiy_Ahmed annonce accepter l’#accord_frontalier signé avec l’Érythrée en 2000. Cette décision historique met un terme à deux décennies d’hostilités. Une décision saluée par la communauté internationale et couronnée cette année par le prix Nobel de la paix.

      Après l’indépendance officielle de l’Érythrée en 1993, les tensions avec l’Éthiopie se cristallisent en 1998 à la frontière entre les deux pays, dont le tracé reste flou : l’Éthiopie accuse son voisin d’avoir violé son territoire en envahissant la petite ville de #Badmé. La guerre est déclarée, causant près de 80’000 morts. L’accord de paix signé en 2000 à Alger se révèle précaire, et deux ans plus tard, la commission indépendante chargée de délimiter une nouvelle frontière attribue la bourgade symbolique de Badmé à l’Érythrée. En premier lieu, l’Éthiopie rejette ces conclusions, continuant ainsi à alimenter les tensions. Un revirement de situation s’opère en juin 2018 lorsque, fraîchement élu (début avril), le Premier ministre éthiopien, Abiy Ahmed, annonce renoncer à Badmé et accepter l’accord frontalier. Cette décision historique, qui a mis un terme à deux décennies d’hostilités, est saluée par la communauté internationale, et couronnée par l’attribution du prix Nobel de la paix cette année.
      Le documentariste Thomas Aders explore les rouages et les enjeux d’un processus de pacification aussi complexe que fragile, qui fait souffler un vent d’espoir sur la Corne de l’Afrique.

      https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/085424-000-A/l-espoir-renait-dans-la-corne-de-l-afrique
      #film #documentaire

    • L’esodo infinito degli eritrei. Nel limbo dei campi al confine: “Per noi non c’è pace”

      REPORTAGE dal #Tigray, zona di confine. Al primo ministro Abiy Ahmed Ali il premio Nobel per la pace, ma per chi vive sotto il regime di Afewerki la situazione non è cambiata. Si continua a scappare: in Etiopia il numero di rifugiati sfiora il milione. Da qui partito anche il primo corridoio dall’Africa di Caritas e Cei.

      La strada di terra arsa che si perde all’orizzonte è intervallata solo da qualche curva, alcune costruzioni di mattoni e una collina: a destra c’è Mereb il fiume che segna il confine, a sinistra Badamè, la zona contesa per oltre vent’anni. “Lì dopo quella curva c’è l’Eritrea: le persone passano da lì, attraversano la frontiera a piedi, ogni giorno. Camminano fino a Dabaguna, dove c’è il primo centro e lì vengono registrati. Ci sono quindi ingressi circa, si stimano fino a circa 300 passaggi al giorno”, dice Alganesh Feassaha, presidente della Fondazione Gandhi, che ci accompagna nel viaggio insieme agli operatori di Caritas Italiana. Un esodo continuo, che neanche i recenti accordi di pace hanno arrestato, anzi da quando si sono aperti i confini, a scappare è un numero maggiore di persone. Siamo nella zona del Tigray, a venti chilometri da Shire. Qui ci sono almeno 164 mila profughi, in maggioranza eritrei, nei quattro campi ufficiali e nel campo di smistamento dell’Unhcr. “Doctor Aganesh” come la chiamano qui, continua a rivolgere lo sguardo oltre la collina, al suo paese, in cui da oltre 27 anni non può rientrare. “Penso di essere un ospite non gradita, diciamo così. Ma mi manca tanto, non vedo l’ora di rientrare”, dice. Attivista, medico ayurvedico, nel Giardino dei Giusti a Tunisi un albero porta il suo nome per ricordare la sua incessante attività di aiuto verso i migranti, non solo al confine con l’Eritrea ma anche in Libia e nel Sinai. Nel campo di May Haini la sua ong si occupa di assicurare almeno un pasto al giorno ai bambini presenti. Il campo conta più di 20 mila persone, che vivono nelle tende, ma anche in casolari di mattoni e lamiere. Il tempo di permanenza è infinito, si può restare qui anche 10 anni.

      Secondo l’ultimo rapporto di Unhcr, in Etiopia ci sono quasi un milione (905,831) di rifugiati: un numero altissimo, tanto da risultare il secondo paese africano dopo l’Uganda. Solo nella zona del Tigray ci sono circa 170 mila persone, in gran parte scappate dal regime di Isaias Afewerki. “I campi più grandi sono quello di Mai Aini e Aidi Arush - spiega Oliviero Forti, responsabile immigrazione di Caritas italiana -. Le persone vivono qui, ormai da anni, con grandi difficoltà anche rispetto alla popolazione locale, perché avere numeri così alti nei campi significa gravare sulla comunità locale. Bisogna trovare le vie per alleggerire questa accoglienza - aggiunge -. L’Etiopia non è un paese che potrà proseguire con questi sforzi perché i costi, sia economici che sociali, sono elevati”.

      In una delle case di cemento incontro due ragazze appena arrivate, preparano il caffè. “Veniamo da Asmara, abbiamo passato il confine una settimana fa - dicono - per ora siamo qui nel campo, poi proviamo ad andare ad Addis Abeba”. Nella casa affianco si entra passando un piccolo cancello: nel cortile improvvisato, un filo tirato tiene su i panni stesi di bambini molto piccoli, uno zaino. Per terra, vicino alle mura ci sono alcuni sacchi, a cui una capra attinge per mangiare. “Sono eritrea, nel mio paese ero un’insegnante - racconta Farah -. Sono andata via dal paese per raggiungere mio marito, che è stato costretto a scappare, e ora è in Canada. Qui ci siamo io e i nostri tre bambini - aggiunge - non è facile, perché non è il nostro paese e le condizioni non sono ottime. Ma speriamo di ricongiungerci con lui al più presto”.

      Davanti all’ingresso del campo, sotto il manifesto di Unhcr che recita “working together to prevent suicide”, decine di persone si ammassano in fila. Oltre a chi scappa da Asmara, c’è chi arriva dal Sudan e dalla Somalia. “La frontiera è lunga e pericolosa, anche mortale, ci sono dei fiumi da attraversare e per molti il viaggio è particolarmente difficile - aggiunge Forti -. Quando riescono ad arrivare, vengono smistati in questi campi attrezzati. Ma il tempo di permanenza è molto variabile: c’è chi rimane anche oltre 10 anni. Molti giovani sono nati qui e continuano a vivere in attesa di una risposta. Ma più i tempi si allungano più si affievoliscono le speranze di trovare un’alternativa. E questo spinge molti a pensare ad altre vie: in particolare la via del deserto, della Libia e del mare”.

      In molti si affidano ai trafficanti, nelle zone di confine ci sono diversi passeur che aspettano i rifugiati per offrire un passaggio a peso d’oro. Le alternative legali e sicure sono poche: i progetti di reinsediamento verso altri paesi sono numericamente risibili, negli ultimi anni si sono ridotti in particolare i programmi di resettlement verso gli Stati Uniti, per una stretta voluta dall’amministrazione Trump. Sono stati incrementati invece i programmi privati come i corridoi umanitari, ma anche questi hanno numeri ancora bassi. In particolare, il corridoio da Addis Abeba verso l’Italia, organizzato da Caritas italiana, Fondazione Gandhi e Unhcr, da protocollo prevede l’arrivo nel nostro paese di 600 persone. Il protocollo precedente ne contava 500. “Sono numeri poco significativi se pensiamo che ogni campo ha al suo interno almeno 20 mila persone - aggiunge Forti -. Ma ovviamente importanti perché permettiamo a queste persone di arrivare con una via legale e sicura”. Oltre il limbo dei campi al confine, la situazione è complicata anche nei sobborghi delle grandi città.

      A Jemo, quartiere di Addis Abeba, c’è una comunità numerosa di rifugiati cosiddetti out of camp, fuori accoglienza. Sono passati cioè dai campi ufficiali al confine per poi spostarsi in città, uscendo di fatto dall’accoglienza. Vivono in palazzi occupati e si mantengono facendo piccoli lavoretti: la legge non gli permette ancora di lavorare. Per loro - la situazione paradossalmente è peggiorata dopo la pace firmata tra Etiopia ed Eritrea: con l’apertura dei confini molti emissari del regime sono entrati nel paese, e ora chi è scappato teme di non essere al sicuro neanche qui.

      “Molti attivisti, scappati da Asmara, hanno un problema di protezione anche in un paese di primo asilo come l’Etiopia - spiega Daniele Albanese, che per Caritas italiana segue il corridoio umanitario dal Corno d’Africa, occupandosi di tutta la parte logistica. Ogni partenza ha alle spalle una lavoro di mesi, mi racconta, mentre arriviamo nel residence di Addis Abeba, dove vivono le persone beneficiarie del progetto. “Abbiamo incontrato le persone nei campi al confine, partiamo dalla segnalazione delle Nazioni Unite che ci fornisce una lista di persone vulnerabili - aggiunge -. Tutti hanno dovuto scappare e lasciare il paese in maniera traumatica. Questo, per ora, è l’unico corridoio umanitario dall’Africa. La maggior parte dei beneficiari sono eritrei perché nel paese continua la diaspora e il movimento di persone, specialmente dopo la pace con l’Etiopia l’afflusso è diventato enorme perché si sono aperti i confini. Fuori e dentro i campi alla frontiera ci sono anche tanti trafficanti che chiedono cinque o seimila euro a persona per arrivare in Europa. La rotta più battuta è quella verso la Libia. Quello che tentiamo di fare noi è offrire una testimonianza virtuosa che vorremmo diventasse sistema”.

      Il 10 dicembre scorso il primo ministro etiope Abiy Ahmed Ali ha ritirato il premio Nobel per la Pace 2019, che gli è stato conferito per l’accordo di pace raggiunto con l’Eritrea, dopo vent’anni di guerra tra i due paesi. Ma se in Etiopia i cambiamenti sembrano procedere sia dal punto di vista economico che sociale, in Eritrea non si respira un’aria nuova. “Sono scappato dopo la firma della pace tra Eritrea ed Etiopia - racconta Mehari Haile, che fa parte del gruppo partito il 29 novembre 2019-. In Eritrea il servizio militare continua a essere definitivo, io sono stato arruolato 5 anni poi non ce la facevo più, stavo impazzendo e ho lasciato. Quando si sono aperti i confini con l’Etiopia sono riuscito a scappare, lì ho lasciato mia madre. Ma ora non posso più tornare indietro. Avevo già pensato di lasciare il mio paese in modo legale, avevo ottenuto una borsa di studio a Trento e Milano ma non mi hanno mai rilasciato il passaporto. Non puoi andartene dall’Eritrea, puoi solo scappare”. E’ per questo - aggiunge - che molti provano la rotta più pericolosa, quella del mare. “Dopo la pace tra Etiopia ed Eritrea si sono aperti i confini, ma non è cambiato niente per noi - aggiunge - Sì, non c’è più la guerra, ed è una cosa positiva, ma le nostre vite sono rimaste uguali. C’è ancora un regime dittatoriale, non c’è libertà di parola e di pensiero. E’ come se fosse una pace finta. Ho dei parenti che hanno fatto la traversata via mare e mi hanno raccontato cose orribili, mi dicono che un viaggio terribile - aggiunge -. Io ho la fortuna di arrivare con un corridoio umanitario ma in tanti non hanno altra scelta”. In tutto saranno 600 i beneficiari del progetto dal Corno d’Africa in due anni.

      Redattore Sociale ha seguito l’ultimo corridoio del 29 novembre scorso (https://www.redattoresociale.it/article/notiziario/rifugiati_da_addis_abeba_a_roma_il_nostro_primo_viaggio_sicuro_), raccontando le storie delle persone pronte a partire verso nel nostro paese (https://www.redattoresociale.it/article/notiziario/una_via_sicura_dall_africa_viaggio_tra_i_profughi_che_arriveranno_i), che ora sono accolte nelle diocesi di tutta Italia. “Nessuno ha la presunzione di risolvere i grandi problemi dell’immigrazione con i corridoi umanitari: il nostro obiettivo è mandare un messaggio chiaro, vogliamo cambiare la narrativa per cambiare anche le politiche - aggiunge Oliviero Forti -. Vogliamo spingere, cioè, le istituzioni e i governi a impegnarsi realmente a realizzare vie sicure e legali, perché le persone non debbano più tentare altre rotte, che mettono a rischio la vita di migliaia di persone come quella del Mediterraneo centrale”.

      https://www.redattoresociale.it/article/notiziario/la_diaspora_infinita_degli_eritrei_nel_limbo_dei_campi_al_confine_p
      #Annalisa_Camilli

  • Témoignage de TIG & perspectives collectives - CRIC
    https://cric-grenoble.info/analyses/article/temoignage-de-tig-perspectives-collectives-994

    Dans mon cas, mon profil m’orientait ainsi : « Bon, vous avez peu de possibilités, on a surtout des postes masculins pour les TIG », sous-entendu de la manutention (nettoyer les rues dans le service voirie, nettoyer les véhicules de Tisseo [9] maintenance du bâtiment vétuste d’un centre d’hébergement d’urgence, ménage d’une cité universitaire au centre ville,..). Les personnes catégorisées meufs, comme moi, sont quant à elles dirigées vers des missions dans le social : on me propose directement les Restos du Cœur, la Croix Rouge (accueil SDF, distribution, écoute), la banque alimentaire, un centre d’hébergement d’urgence (préparation à l’installation des repas), distribution de colis repas aux personnes en difficulté pour une asso (la mission comprenant une collecte en supermarché).

    Il aura fallu insister et inventer des arguments bidons de refus pour avoir accès à d’autres missions. On propose également de l’animation et de l’accompagnement scolaire pour les 6-12 ans via une régie de quartier, ou encore faire l’accueil de 9h à 12h et de 14h à 18h dans un Centre Socio Culturel – autrement dit, faire le taf d’un.e salarié.e. J’ai aussi dû nommer deux asso : une radio associative et militante pour entendre qu’il n’est plus possible d’y faire ses TIG (contrat terminé), et une asso de réparation de vélo, dans laquelle il n’est pas non plus possible d’aller, car ce travail est réservé uniquement aux condamné.e.s à 35h maximum de TIG [10], les plus petits délits, en somme.

    Il me sera demandé de faire le « choix » rapidement entre ces propositions données de mémoire par lae conseiller.e SPIP, entre plusieurs structures, temps pleins et temps partiels, et différentes localisations dans la ville. Le choix de l’asso doit être vite bouclé, les dates de missions posées, et le rendez-vous de « présentation à la structure » arrêté. Dossier suivant.*

    https://cric-grenoble.info/home/chroot_ml/ml-cricgrenoble/ml-cricgrenoble/public_html/local/cache-vignettes/L251xH200/arton994-91e39.jpg?1551021577

    #tig #prison #répression #peines #condamnation

  • Power shift creates new tensions and Tigrayan fears in Ethiopia.

    Disagreements over land and resources between the 80 different ethnic groups in Ethiopia have often led to violence and mass displacement, but a fast and unprecedented shift of power led by reformist Prime Minister #Abiy_Ahmed is causing new strains, experts say.

    “Ethnic tensions are the biggest problem for Ethiopia right now,” Tewodrose Tirfe, chair of the Amhara Association of America, a US-based advocacy group that played a significant role in lobbying the US government to censor the former regime. “You’ve got millions of people displaced – it’s a humanitarian crisis, and it could get out of control.”

    During the first half of 2018, Ethiopia’s rate of 1.4 million new internally displaced people exceeded Syria’s. By the end of last year, the IDP population had mushroomed to nearly 2.4 million.

    Tigrayans comprise just six percent of Ethiopia’s population of 100 million people but are perceived as a powerful minority because of their ethnic affinity with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. The TPLF wielded almost unlimited power for more than two decades until reforms within the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front last year.

    Since coming to power in April 2018, Prime Minister Abiy – from the Oromo ethnic group, Ethiopia’s largest – has brought major changes to the politics of the country, including an unprecedented redistribution of power within the EPRDF and away from the TPLF.
    The politics of ethnic tensions

    Despite the conflicting interests and disagreements between ethnic groups, the Ethiopian government has managed to keep the peace on a national scale. But that juggling act has shown signs of strain in recent years.

    https://www.irinnews.org/analysis/2019/02/14/Ethiopia-ethnic-displacement-power-shift-raises-tensions
    #Ethiopie #terres #tensions #conflit #violence #IDPs #déplacés_internes #migrations #minorités

    In 2017, an escalation in ethnic clashes in the Oromia and the Somali regions led to a spike in IDPs. This continued into 2018, when clashes between the Oromo and Gedeo ethnic groups displaced approximately 970,000 people in the West Guji and Gedeo zones of neighbouring Oromia and the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region.

    “The pace and scale of the change happening in Ethiopia is quite unbelievable,” said Ahmed Soliman, a research fellow with the Africa Programme at the London-based think tank Chatham House.

    “The impact of inter-communal tensions and ethnic violence presents a serious challenge for the new leadership – in Tigray and elsewhere. Abiy’s aggressive reform agenda has won praise, but shaking up Ethiopia’s government risks exacerbating several long-simmering ethnic rivalries.”

    Although clashes are sometimes fuelled by other disagreements, such as land or resources, people affected often claim that politicians across the spectrum use ethnic tensions as a means of divide and rule, or to consolidate their position as a perceived bulwark against further trouble.

    “Sadly [around Ethiopia] ethnic bias and violence is affecting many people at the local level,” said a foreign humanitarian worker with an international organisation helping Ethiopian IDPs, who wished to remain anonymous due to the sensitivity of the issue. This includes fuelling the displacement crisis and worsening the humanitarian situation.

    “The main humanitarian concern is that new displacements are occurring by the day, that due to the wide geographic scope, coordination and response in all locations is practically impossible,” the aid worker said.

    “I would like to see more transparency as to what actions the government is taking to hold regional and zonal governments responsible for addressing conflict, for supporting reconciliation, and supporting humanitarian response.”
    Tigray fears

    Although Tigrayans constitute a relatively small part of overall IDP numbers so far, some Tigrayans fear the power shift in Addis Ababa away from the TPLF leaves them more vulnerable and exposed.

    Already simmering anti-Tigrayan sentiments have led to violence, people told IRIN, from barricading roads and forcibly stopping traffic to looting and attacks on Tigrayan homes and businesses in the Amhara and Oromia regions.

    In the Tigray region’s capital of Mekelle, more than 750 kilometers north of the political changes taking place in Addis Ababa, many Tigrayans feel increasingly isolated from fellow Ethiopians.

    “The rest of the country hates us,” Weyanay Gebremedhn, 25, told IRIN. Despite the reforms, Tigrayans say what hasn’t changed is the narrative that they are responsible by association for the ills of the TPLF.

    Although he now struggles to find work, 35-year-old Huey Berhe, who does mostly odd jobs to pay the bills, said he felt safer living among his own community in Mekelle.

    Huey said he had been a student at Jimma University in western Ethiopia, until growing ethnic tensions sparked fights on campus and led to Tigrayans being targeted. “I left my studies at Jimma after the trouble there,” he said. “It was bad – it’s not something I like to discuss.”
    ‘A better evil’

    “There is a lot of [lies] and propaganda, and the TPLF has been made the scapegoat for all vice,” said Gebre Weleslase, a Tigrayan law professor at Mekelle University. He criticised Abiy for not condemning ethnic attacks, which he said had contributed to tens of thousands of Tigrayans leaving Amhara for Tigray in recent years.

    But Amhara Association of America’s Tewodrose said the feeling of “hate” that Ethiopians have toward the TPLF “doesn’t extend to Tigrayans”.

    “There is resentment toward them when other Ethiopians hear of rallies in Tigray supporting the TPLF, because that seems like they aren’t supporting reform efforts,” he said. “But that doesn’t lead to them being targeted, otherwise there would have been more displacements.”

    Tigrayans, however, aren’t as reassured. Despite the vast majority enduring years of poverty and struggle under the TPLF, which should give them as many reasons as most Ethiopians to feel betrayed, even those Tigrayans who dislike the TPLF now say that turning to its patronage may be their only means of seeking protection.

    “The TPLF political machinery extended everywhere in the country – into the judiciary, the universities… it became like something out of George Orwell’s ‘1984’,” Huey said. “But the fact is now the TPLF may represent a better evil as we are being made to feel so unsafe – they seem our only ally as we are threatened by the rest of the country.”

    Others note that Abiy has a delicate balance to strike, especially for the sake of Tigrayans.

    “The prime minister needs to be careful not to allow his targeting of anti-reform elements within the TPLF, to become an attack on the people of Tigray,” said Soliman.

    “The region has a history of resolute peoples and will have to be included with all other regions, in order for Abiy to accomplish his goals of reconciliation, socio-political integration and regional development, as well as long-term peace with Eritrea.”

    Although the government has a big role to play, some Ethiopians told IRIN it is essential for the general population to also face up to the inherent prejudices and problems that lie at the core of their society.

    “It’s about the people being willing and taking individual responsibility – the government can’t do everything,” Weyanay said. “People need to read more and challenge their assumptions and get new perspectives.”


    https://www.irinnews.org/analysis/2019/02/14/Ethiopia-ethnic-displacement-power-shift-raises-tensions

    #Tigréans

  • La #prison est « un moyen onéreux de fabriquer de la délinquance » | Public Senat
    https://www.publicsenat.fr/article/debat/la-prison-est-un-moyen-onereux-de-fabriquer-de-la-delinquance-135988

    Pour Léa Grujon, qui dirige l’association « Chantiers Passerelles », il est d’abord nécessaire de développer les peines de travail d’intérêt général. Les fameux « TIG », créés en 1983 ne représentent aujourd’hui que 7 % des peines exécutées. Une alternative qui peut s’appliquer aux individus de plus de 16 ans condamnés pour des petits délits ou des contraventions de cinquième classe. Pour cette jeune femme engagée, la prison reste « un moyen onéreux de fabriquer de la délinquance » de plus elle favorise la récidive : 61 % après une peine de prison contre 34 % après un TIG, et coûte bien plus cher à la société qu’une peine de travail d’intérêt général. Encore faut-il qu’il y ait des places… Aujourd’hui le système montre ses limites faute de structures d’accueil, et de places suffisantes.

  • Face à la pénurie annoncée de neige, Tignes veut skier à l’intérieur 62 millions euros
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/dossier/changement-climatique-les-enjeux/detail_face-a-la-penurie-annoncee-de-neige-tignes-veut-skier-a-l-interieur?id=1

    . . . . .
    Après un été caniculaire, l’ouverture des pistes a du-être retardée cette année. En cause, la fonte accélérée du glacier. « Sur 5 ans, on voit les glaciers bouger », précise un autre skieur, masque et casque sur la tête. « Le téléski n’avait pas pu ouvrir tout de suite car le glacier était trop descendu. C’est vraiment visible pour nous. » Des observations confirmées par Pierre Spandre, nivologue et responsable des pistes à Tignes. Selon lui, « à l’échéance de 10 à 20 ans maximum, ce sera extrêmement compliqué d’assurer du ski d’automne et d’été à Tignes ».

    Une piste de ski et une vague de surf

    Si la situation est compromise à haute altitude, qu’en sera-t-il plus bas ? Nous retournons dans la station avec le funiculaire creusé dans la montagne. Pas encore de neige, ni de touristes, Tignes et ses 2600 habitants préparent activement la saison et le futur. Avec la fin annoncée du glacier et les scénarios climatiques pessimistes, on annonce moins de neige et plus de pluie, la ville de montagne organise sa survie. Pour garantir à l’année l’avenir du ski à Tignes, le maire a une idée. Il nous emmène au pied d’un télésiège. A cet endroit, il veut en créer une piste de ski intérieure. Avec également une vague de surf. Le tout, donc, au milieu des montagnes. « Vous aurez peut-être la montagne de manière artificielle à l’intérieur mais il suffira de sortir pour découvrir -en vrai- la montagne à l’extérieur », explique, très convaincu de son projet, Jean-Christophe Vitale.

    . . . .
    #Tignes #Neige #Ski #écologie #malades_mentaux #grands_projets_inutiles

    Et aussi :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/552528
    https://reporterre.net/Face-au-changement-climatique-la-station-de-Tignes-veut-mettre-le-ski-so

  • #Rampokan

    Rampokan est une bande dessinée du dessinateur néerlandais #Peter_van_Dongen qui se compose de deux parties, #Rampokan_Java, publiée en 1998 et dans sa traduction française en 2003, et #Rampokan_Célèbes publiée en 2004 et dans sa traduction française en 2005.

    Le titre est tiré d’une #cérémonie_traditionnelle javanaise, le #rampokan_macan, sorte de #rituel destiné à exorciser les méfaits causés par une #panthère ou un #tigre. Le rampokan fut interdit par les autorités coloniales des Indes néerlandaises en 1905.

    Rampokan appartient au courant dit de la « ligne claire » (Klare lijn en néerlandais)


    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rampokan
    #BD #bande_dessinée #Java #exorcisme #interdiction #colonialisme #Pays-Bas #colonisation #Indonésie
    cc @albertocampiphoto

  • Reportage. Gli eritrei bloccati nei campi etiopi «Siamo già morti»

    Incubo rimpatrio in Eritrea: «In mare si affoga e l’Europa non ci vuole».
    Non è vita quella che si consuma nell’arcipelago di campi profughi del #Tigrai, nel nord dell’Etiopia, dove decine di migliaia di eritrei passano le giornate, circondati da altopiani silenziosi e profili montuosi a perdita d’occhio, in un isolamento senza scampo. «Tutti sanno quanto sia pericoloso scappare, che nel deserto si muore e in mare si affoga, che in Italia non ci vogliono. Sappiamo dei porti chiusi. Ma chi ha qualche risorsa, fugge. Meglio la morte che impazzire», racconta un giovane eritreo poco più che trentenne sulla strada che attraversa la tendopoli di #Mai_Aini, un informe conglomerato di lamiere e case di fango dove vivono circa dodicimila persone, alcune da dieci anni. Il ragazzo si raccomanda totale anonimato: il regolamento dell’Arra, l’agenzia governativa etiope che organizza il campo, è rigido. «Possiamo parlare coi “ferengi” (gli stranieri di pelle bianca, ndr) autorizzati che visitano il campo in veste ufficiale. Non abbiamo libertà di movimento, non possiamo lavorare. C’è molto controllo, molta pressione attorno a noi.

    E chi si comporta male – continua a ripetere con l’angoscia di chi si sente fragile e ricattabile – è tenuto lontano dai programmi di ricollocamento verso l’Europa, la nostra unica speranza per uscire da qui in modo sicuro. L’altra via è quella della fuga, come ha fatto un ragazzo proprio ieri notte, scomparso. Affronterà il viaggio coi soldi che un parente gli ha mandato dall’Europa. Anche il mio migliore amico ora vive in Germania, ci ha messo tre anni ad arrivare, ha attraversato il Sudan e la Libia », e mostra dal suo cellulare, con speranza, la foto del permesso di soggiorno tedesco che il compagno d’infanzia gli ha inviato. Non è l’unica persona incontrata sulla strada che attraversa il campo a spalancare la porta sulla sua inquietudine.

    Un uomo di 36 anni, scappato in Etiopia nel 2008 e padre di due figli nati a Mai Aini, parla delle difficoltà materiali che deprimono l’esistenza di tutti. L’acqua è poca, la razione giornaliera è di 20 litri, ma spesso si resta senza per giorni e allora bisogna comprarla. «Si litiga spesso per l’acqua, è un’ossessione». I rifugiati ricevono una quota di 60 birr mensili (meno di due euro) e 10 chili di viveri per cucinarsi nelle proprie baracche.

    Lungo il reticolo di strade polverose ogni tanto si vedono qua e là microscopiche caffetterie o negozi di suppellettili che qualche rifugiato ormai stanziale è riuscito ad aprire. Dopo dieci anni di esistenza il campo ha assunto una gracile morfologia urbana, le vie di raccordo tra le cinque zone fungono da arterie del passeggio, ci sono chiese e moschee, cartelloni delle Nazioni Unite appesi nei luoghi più in vista che incitano a combattere la piaga della violenza sessuale sulle donne.

    Il presidente eritreo Isaia Afewerki accoglie il premier etiope Abiy Ahmed ad Asmara

    Al di là d’un po’ di sport, altri momenti di socializzazione non sono contemplati. «C’era un centro giovanile dove ci s’incontrava ma è stato chiuso per tagli di budget. I nostri figli vanno a scuola nella totale demotivazione. Vivere sotto il sole cocente e il nulla attorno li deprime». Tutti i campi distano fra loro a qualche ora di macchina. Oltre ai pastori a seguito di mandrie di vacche e greggi di agnelli, qualche cammello o branchi di babbuini che saltano fra le rocce, lungo le strade s’incontrano solo una sequela martellante di check-point. Ne contiamo sette.

    I controlli si sono enormemente intensificati dallo scorso aprile, quando l’ex primo ministro Hailemariam Desalegn e il suo governo espressione della minoranza tigrina hanno fatto spazio al nuovo premier Abiy Ahmed, di etnia oromo. Un cambio arrivato dopo 18 mesi di proteste in tutto il Paese che hanno causato 700 morti. E che a sono tornate a divampare a metà settembre quando secon- do Amnesty International ci sono stati 58 morti, 23 per la autorità, a seguito della violenta repressione poliziesca scattata per sedare sconti interetnici a Buraya, sobborgo di Addis Abeba da cui sono sfollate 9.844 persone. E ora in Tigrai l’atmosfera è tesa, come se la regione si sentisse circondata dall’ostilità degli altri gruppi etnici. Il campo di Hitsats dista circa un paio d’ore da Mai Aini. Qui le testimonianze raccolte sono sempre più angoscianti.

    «Le violenza sessuali sono molto frequenti, soprattutto su minorenni. Qui è durissima, negli ultimi tempi ho contato quattro suicidi. Io mi alzo la mattina alle sei è poi non so letteralmente cosa fare. Mi siedo e inizio a pensare che devo andare via, che devo scappare. È un pensiero che s’insinua nella mente di tutti. Per tantissimi diventa un’ossessione», spiega con un filo di voce un ventottenne.

    «La paura fra la gente è cresciuta dopo il patto di pace fra Etiopia ed Eritrea siglato lo scorso luglio. C’è ansia che ora l’emergenza nel nostro Stato sia da considerarsi conclusa, e che inizino i rimpatri. Ma tornare a casa per noi significherebbe solo morire, l’orribile regime al potere considera noi espatriati come dei traditori, dei criminali da torturare». Il controllo feroce del dittatore Isaias Afewerki perseguita i rifugiati anche fuori dall’Eritrea con spie e informatori mandati da Asmara ad infiltrarsi nei campi, tra i veri profughi. I collaboratori raccolgono informazioni sui fuoriusciti e le comunicano in patria, dove poi scatta la punizione per parenti e amici. «Le spie si annidano fra le baracche, a causa loro c’è un clima di diffidenza reciproca fra noi», riferiscono i testimoni incontrati e intervistati. Non c’è speranza sul futuro del proprio Paese, in nessuno. Tutti con sguardi pesanti di sgomento ripetono che almeno fin quando questo regime resterà al potere le cose non potranno migliorare.

    «La pace fra Eritrea ed Etiopia non cambierà nulla. Nella nostra patria ci sono più carceri che scuole, gli arresti arbitrari sono all’ordine del giorno», scandiscono, ognuno portando una propria testimonianza, un episodio traumatico vissuto sulla propria pelle. Nessuno è padrone di sé, è il regime sanguinario a determinare la vita dei propri cittadini, che scuola fare, che lavoro intraprendere. La miseria economica non dà scampo. «Le nostre infrastrutture sono ferme al 1991, quando il Fpdg (il partito unico eritreo, ndr) si è insediato al potere. E poi c’è il servizio militare obbligatorio. E non esiste congedo». Tale sistema va avanti perché Isaias si garantisce la collaborazione di una parte della popolazione. «Non resta che scappare, attraverso il confine minato con l’Etiopia, verso i campi, poi l’Europa dove, se non possiamo arrivare con mezzi legali, dobbiamo sbarcare sfidando i trafficanti, l’inferno libico e la morte».


    https://www.avvenire.it/mondo/pagine/la-nonvita-dei-profughi-in-etiopia-noi-siamo-i-prigionieri-della-pace
    #Erythrée #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_érythréens #camps_de_réfugiés

  • Vocabolari bilingue per imparare l’italiano

    Negli ultimi anni in tutte le biblioteche interculturali è cresciuta molto la richiesta di vocabolari in Tigrino, Farsi, Somalo nonché in altre lingue. Sul mercato dei libri italiani e francesi però non esiste ancora un’offerta valida che risponda a questo bisogno. Interbiblio ha pertanto deciso di creare i vocabolari necessari. Interbiblio ha scelto di prendere a modello il vocabolario tedesco-somalo «#Bishara» di #Mahamud_Geryare. È realizzato in modo adeguato e contiene i concetti più importanti come pure frasi tratte dalla vita di tutti i giorni.

    http://www.interbiblio.ch/it/servizi/imparare-l-italiano

    #italien #tigrino #somalo #farsi #dictionnaire #apprendre_l'italien

    @wizo, semmai vuoi apprendere Tigrino, Farsi o Somalo...

  • Ethiopie : « On m’a battu jusqu’à ce que je signe une "confession" » - Libération
    http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/02/16/ethiopie-on-m-a-battu-jusqu-a-ce-que-je-signe-une-confession_1630387

    Au lendemain de la démission du Premier ministre, l’état d’urgence a de nouveau été décrété dans le pays, secoué par une contestation populaire et où la répression persiste malgré la libération de prisonniers politiques.

    « Tu te souviens d’avoir pleuré pendant ta détention ? » demande soudain Nathenael à son voisin de table. « Une seule fois, répond Befekadu, après une pause. Le jour où mes parents sont venus me voir en #prison. Je ne voulais rien leur montrer de mes souffrances. Mais quand ils ont quitté le parloir, je me suis effondré », confesse cet homme frêle de 38 ans. « Moi c’est le jour où l’on m’a emmené pour comparaître devant un juge, renchérit à son tour Nathenael. Je venais de passer dix jours en cellule, dans l’isolement le plus total. Dans le fourgon qui m’emmenait au palais de justice, je revoyais pour la première fois le monde extérieur : rien n’avait changé, tout continuait comme avant. Et soudain le monde m’a semblé si indifférent à mes souffrances. Les larmes me sont montées aux yeux », dit-il, en souriant.

    En #Ethiopie, il a longtemps suffi d’évoquer les atteintes aux droits de l’homme pour être emprisonné sans autre forme de procès. Les deux hommes qui échangeaient leurs souvenirs ce soir-là dans le jardin de l’hôtel Taitu, à Addis-Abeba, le savent bien : Befekadu Hailu et Nathenael Feleqe, tous deux membres d’un groupe de blogueurs baptisé Zone9, ont été détenus pendant dix-huit mois, entre avril 2014 et octobre 2015 dans la redoutable prison de Maekelawi, située à un jet de pierres de l’hôtel Taitu. « Quand je repasse devant, j’hésite encore à regarder cet endroit où j’ai été détenu si longtemps. Battu et interrogé tous les jours jusqu’à ce que je signe une "confession" qui ne correspondait en rien à la réalité », expliquait ce soir-là Befekadu Hailu, qui a aussi été emprisonné pendant un mois fin 2016.

    Colère populaire

    Désormais libres, et lavés de toutes les accusations contre eux, ils suivent avec la même perplexité que tous leurs compatriotes les derniers événements qui pourraient faire basculer le destin de leur pays. Vendredi, le gouvernement a décrété l’état d’urgence - que le pays a connu pendant dix mois jusqu’en août 2017 - au lendemain de l’annonce de la démission du Premier ministre et chef du gouvernement, Haïlemariam #Desalegn. Un coup de tonnerre dans un ciel qui n’a plus rien de serein dans l’un des plus anciens Etats d’Afrique. Voilà trois ans que l’Ethiopie est secouée par une contestation inédite qui s’étend dans plusieurs provinces du pays. Face à cette colère populaire, la coalition au pouvoir dominée par les rebelles du Tigré, ceux qui ont pris le pouvoir par les armes en 1991, a fini par lâcher du lest. Annonçant dès janvier la libération de prisonniers politiques, et la transformation de la prison de #Maekelawi en musée.

    En six semaines, plus de 6 000 prisonniers politiques ont ainsi été libérés, parmi lesquels des icônes de l’opposition comme les leaders oromo Merera Gudina et Bekere Nega. Ou encore le journaliste Eskinder Nega qui vient de passer sept ans derrière les barreaux. Tous ont été accueillis par des foules immenses à leur sortie de détention. Mais la pression populaire ne s’est pas relâchée pour autant. En début de semaine, dans la région oromo qui jouxte la capitale, blocages de routes et commerces fermés maintenaient intacte la flamme de la contestation. La démission surprise du Premier ministre jeudi, est-elle le signe d’une nouvelle étape ? Le plus étonnant, c’est que pendant quarante-huit heures au moins, personne n’a su comment interpréter cette annonce. S’agissait-il de permettre « la poursuite des réformes », comme l’a suggéré le Premier ministre lui-même en annonçant son départ ? Ou bien s’agit-il d’une reprise en main des durs du régime ? Dans l’étrange flottement qui a marqué cette fin de semaine à Addis-Abeba, tout le monde soulignait pourtant le calme qui prévalait dans la capitale, où la vie quotidienne suit le rythme des innombrables fêtes religieuses.

    Dieu est partout à Addis, et les appels du muezzin font écho aux chants des églises qui percent la nuit bien avant l’aube. Des processions de silhouettes voilées de blanc se glissent parfois au milieu des embouteillages qui bloquent régulièrement les grandes artères de la capitale. La force des traditions se télescope désormais avec les promesses de l’avenir. Partout, les grues et les immeubles en construction surgissent, renforçant l’impression d’un irrésistible boom économique, alors que l’Ethiopie affiche une croissance insolente. Mais Addis, avec ses cinq millions de citadins, donne-t-elle réellement la mesure d’un pays de 100 millions d’habitants, le deuxième le plus peuplé d’Afrique ? « Il y a une blague qui circule à Addis, rappelle le blogueur Befekadu Hailu. Un homme arrive dans la queue des taxis au centre-ville et réalise qu’une foule énorme attend avant lui. Il se poste alors d’emblée en tête de file et hurle :"Libérons le peuple !" Aussitôt, tout le monde court se cacher. Et notre homme peut tranquillement prendre son taxi. C’est une façon de souligner la timidité de la contestation dans la capitale, mais ça n’empêche pas les gens d’Addis de trouver d’autres moyens de se montrer critiques. Comme d’applaudir à ce genre de blagues. »

    Il y a d’autres signes d’une fronde discrète : dans les rues de la capitale, tout le monde écoute les tubes de Teddy Afro, le chanteur le plus populaire du moment. Longtemps interdit d’antenne et de concert, après une chanson, diffusée en 2005, Jah Yasteseryal, qui évoque la nostalgie du règne du dernier empereur et fut vite perçue comme un tube antigouvernemental. Mais Teddy Afro peut désormais organiser des concerts, comme ce fut le cas mi-janvier pour la première fois depuis six ans.

    Tigréens

    Reste qu’un autre monde se déploie à l’extérieur d’Addis-Abeba. Au-delà des frontières de cette ville en pleine expansion, se trouve ce pays réel, souvent privé d’Internet, qui à coups de manifestations parfois violentes a remis en cause l’ordre établi. Le premier foyer d’insurrection a surgi fin 2015 au cœur du pays oromo, tout proche de la capitale, puis s’est propagé à la région amhara. A elles seules, ces deux ethnies englobent plus de 60 % de la population. Elles revendiquent de plus en plus ouvertement leur volonté d’obtenir un partage plus équitable du pouvoir. L’Ethiopie, seul pays d’Afrique à ne jamais avoir été colonisé, doté d’une riche histoire millénaire, n’a jamais été une véritable démocratie.

    Au cœur de la capitale, le musée de la terreur rouge rappelle le règne meurtrier de la dictature communiste de Mengistu Haïlé Mariam, qui avait renversé le dernier empereur, Haïlé Selassié, en 1974, et sera à son tour balayé par les rebelles tigréens qui contrôlent le régime actuel. « Après 1991, l’Ethiopie a vu se créer un système qui n’existe nulle part ailleurs en Afrique. Chaque ethnie a désormais son Etat, dans un ensemble fédéral. C’est le deal qui a permis à la minorité tigréenne, 6 % de la population, de s’imposer au pouvoir », rappelle l’économiste de Guinée-Bissau Carlos Lopes, un temps en poste à la Communauté économique africaine des Nations unies, dont le siège est à Addis.

    Officiellement, le pouvoir est détenu par une coalition où cohabitent un parti tigréen, un parti #oromo, un autre pour les #Amhara et un dernier regroupant tous les autres, soit plus de 80 ethnies qui forment la nation éthiopienne. Mais en réalité, seuls les #Tigréens contrôlent réellement le pouvoir et notamment l’important secteur sécuritaire et militaire. Cet équilibre est aujourd’hui remis en cause par les manifestations qui enflamment les provinces et ont fait plusieurs centaines de victimes depuis trois ans. Mais c’est moins la pression populaire que son impact à l’intérieur de la coalition qui peut faire vaciller le pouvoir. Car, pour la première fois, les partis « officiels » oromo et amhara refusent de continuer à jouer les marionnettes pour justifier la main mise des Tigréens. Enhardis par la contestation, ils ont eux aussi tendance à élever la voix et à rejoindre les oppositions ethniques qui en province descendent dans la rue pour réclamer plus de liberté. Pour la première fois en 2016, Opdo, le parti oromo de la coalition au pouvoir a ainsi élu ses dirigeants, en refusant les « suggestions » venues de l’appareil central.

    Lemma Megersa, son nouveau jeune leader, est vite devenu très populaire. Bien plus que le Premier ministre sortant qui n’a jamais eu l’aura intellectuelle de son prédécesseur, Meles Zenawi, mort en 2012 et considéré comme l’inspirateur du « développementalisme » à l’éthiopienne. « Le pire danger pour un mauvais gouvernement, c’est le moment où il décide d’entamer des réformes », notait un internaute éthiopien sur Twitter, le jour où le Premier ministre a annoncé sa démission. En ouvrant les portes des prisons pour apaiser la contestation, le régime est-il en train de perdre la main ? A la veille du week-end, la plupart des commentateurs doutaient d’un changement de cap radical. D’autant que le régime, ou plutôt le système mis en place, peut encore se targuer d’une assise solide.

    Bras de fer

    « Le régime actuel a fait le pari du développement, avec un modèle original, souligne ainsi Carlos Lopes. On a libéralisé l’économie tout en protégeant certains secteurs clés, comme les services. Il n’y a toujours pas de banque étrangère en Ethiopie. Ce nationalisme économique a payé en mobilisant efficacement les ressources du pays, sans aucune pression extérieure, pour investir dans le social, la santé, l’éducation. L’un des plus grands projets actuels, le barrage de la Renaissance, censé assurer l’autonomie énergétique du pays, a été entièrement financé par l’appel à l’épargne populaire qui a permis de récolter plus de 400 millions de dollars ! » rappelle encore l’économiste. Mais les promesses du développement, ici comme ailleurs, engendrent de nouvelles attentes.

    Venu d’une famille pauvre du Nord, Betele n’est guère impressionné par l’université où il étudie l’histoire de l’Afrique. « Certes, beaucoup de jeunes ont désormais accès aux études, mais pour l’instant, c’est la quantité plus que la qualité qui prime. On se bat pour avoir une place assise à la bibliothèque ; il n’y a pas d’ordinateurs ; la vie coûte cher », se lamente le jeune homme, indifférent aux multiples constructions, souvent réalisées par les Chinois, qui découpent le paysage d’Addis-Abeba. « L’Ethiopie est la Chine de l’Afrique », faisait d’ailleurs remarquer le 9 janvier un éditorial du Financial Times. « Comme la Chine, son histoire remonte à des milliers d’années et comme la Chine, ce pays africain se considère comme un géant politique. Comme la Chine il y a trente ans, l’Ethiopie a mis en place un plan rigoureux de développement fondé sur l’amélioration des niveaux d’éducation et de santé, l’amélioration de la politique agricole et l’industrialisation », poursuit le journal, ajoutant : « Malheureusement, comme la Chine, ce pays a un gouvernement autoritaire qui réprime son peuple pour rester au pouvoir. Il y a cependant une différence essentielle : l’Ethiopie ne sera pas capable de combiner indéfiniment croissance économique et répression politique. »

    On pourrait croire que le Premier ministre sortant en était arrivé aux mêmes conclusions. Mais en attendant de savoir qui lui succédera, c’est plutôt un bras de fer silencieux qui se poursuit, comme un mouvement de balancier entre ouverture et crispation. « En Ethiopie, les gens sont souvent fatalistes, ça vient en partie de la religion. Mais il faut se méfier des gens passifs ou trop gentils, lorsqu’ils se réveillent », avertissait, début février, un jeune guide devant la tombe du dernier empereur, Haïlé Selassié.
    Maria Malagardis Envoyée spéciale à Addis-Abeba

    #opposants #torture

    • Sommaire :

      Studies on forest landscape restoration in hilly and mountainous regions of Asia and Africa – an introduction to the Special Issue
      How do property rights reforms provide incentives for forest landscape restoration? Comparing evidence from Nepal, China and Ethiopia
      The ‘#Conversion_of_Cropland_to_Forest_Program’ (#CCFP) as a national ‘#Payment_for_Ecosystem_Services’ (#PES) scheme in China: Institutional structure and roles, ensuring voluntarism and conditionality of subsidy payments
      Exclosures as forest and landscape restoration tools: lessons from #Tigray Region, Ethiopia
      Shared strengths and limitations of participatory forest management and area exclosure: two major state led landscape rehabilitation mechanisms in Ethiopia
      Can forest stand alone? Barriers to the restoration of the last remaining rainforest in Assam, India
      From denuded to green mountains: process and motivating factors of forest landscape restoration in #Phewa_Lake watershed, Nepal
      Change in land use and ecosystem services delivery from community-based forest landscape restoration in the Phewa Lake watershed, Nepal
      Smallholders and forest landscape restoration in upland northern Thailand
      A segregated assessment of total carbon stocks by the mode of origin and ecological functions of forests: implication on restoration potential

      #revue #Ethiopie #Assam #Inde #Népal #Thaïlande #restauration #Asie #Afrique #Chine

    • The Angels’ Share : le film le plus « socialement léger » de Ken Loach. Où l’on apprend que pour sortir de sa condition sociale, il faut une bonne part d’opportunité mais qu’on ne pourra faire l’économie d’une pratique répréhensible : l’arnaque. Une seule règle : ne pas se faire prendre.

  • La revanche d’une blande - La méridienne
    http://www.la-meridienne.info/La-revanche-d-une-blande

    « Les femmes ne sont pas condamnées à rester telles qu’elles ont été dans leur jeunesse. Elles ont le droit (je ne dis pas que c’est un devoir, et chacun fait comme bon lui semble), de s’enrichir d’un autre aspect, d’une autre beauté », écrit Sophie Fontanel dans Une apparition. Il y a deux ans, ne pouvant « plus se voir en teinture », elle a décidé d’arrêter. Dans ce livre, elle raconte l’expérience passionnante, libératrice, euphorisante que cela a été.

    #âgisme #féminisme #beauté

    • Ça n’a pas été une tentation, chez moi : je sais depuis le début que cela ne fait que marquer une étape de la vie et que c’est absolument sans importance par rapport à d’autres étapes où l’on se retrouve à ne plus pouvoir arquer ou lâchée par ses sphincters. Et en dehors du travail de grands coloristes à un SMIC la séance, la plupart du temps, je trouve généralement les cheveux teints assez moches : comme un casque, un aplat dur, parfois surligné par un méchage façon étron de pigeon malade.
      Une fois, j’ai eu envie de me teindre les cheveux, mais dans un beau vert profond, sylvestre… on m’a bien fait comprendre que c’était socialement inadmissible.
      Donc, lâchez-moi les tifs !

    • @dudh48 Je trouve embarrassants les gens qui n’arrivent pas à admettre qu’ils se sont peut-être viandés dans les grandes largeurs dans une discussion, qu’ils ont manqué de respect envers les autres intervenants et qu’il n’y a rien de déshonorant à tenter d’appréhender le point de vue d’autrui, d’évoluer avec l’autre et éventuellement s’excuser d’avoir eu un comportement ou des propos inappropriés, plutôt que d’imposer ses idées à tout prix, dans une posture arrogante et donc hermétique à la simple idée de débat contradictoire.

      Voilà, voilà !

    • excuse moi @beautefatale de réagir sans avoir encore lu ton post sur la méridienne, j’y reviendrai ! mais la réaction de l’autre salopiot DUDH48 est incroyable.
      à @monolecte Je trouve embarrassants les gens qui n’arrivent pas à admettre qu’ils se sont peut-être viandés dans les grandes largeurs dans une discussion...
      il répond : LOL Agnes, t’es trop bonne !
      comme ce con à réagit dès potron-minet à sa logorrhée d’hier et vu la richesse des réponses de @mad_meg @aude_v mais pas qu’elles. Je pensais qu’il avait enfin compris ! que dalle, oui ! après l’avoir bloqué, débloqué, rebloqué ce mec est pire qu’une plaie, du prurit !
      je promets de lire ton billet mais là, faut que j’y ailles.

    • ça me rappelle Caro, une copine qu’on surnommait « grisette » cause de sa chevelure gris-cendré qu’elle a eue très tôt et qu’elle n’a jamais essayé de cacher.
      Pour les mecs, c’est plutôt la calvitie le drame et ça peut arriver très tôt, aussi. J’en suis moi même victime, mais bon passé 50 ans une casquette ne rend plus vraiment malhonnête.
      Un p’tit condensé sur la coupe au carré tiré du dico argotique de J-B Pouy et F Caradec :

      Les pauvres chauves, les déboisés, les déplumés du caillou, ceux qui n’ont plus de tifs, d’alfa,de baguettes de tambour, crayons, cresson, #douilles, doulous, gazon, marguerites, plumes, roseaux, #tignasse, vermicelles..., ont en revanche la boule à zéro, une casquette en peau de fesse, une perruque en peau de genou, un mouchodrome, une patinoire à moustiques, un skating à mouches, une autoroutes à moucherons. Finis pour eux le choix d’une #coiffure, l’afro, la balayeuse, la banane, la petite choucroute, choupette, iroquoise, queue de canard. Et ils se moquent d’être coiffés avec les pattes du réveil, avec les pieds, comme un dessous de bras, de se peigner avec un clou, un râteau, un pétard.
      Mais pas de raison d’être à cran. Fini le merlan. Pas la peine d’aller se faire déboiser la colline.

      Un autre bon copain, commun avec « grisette », surnommé
      lui « toit de chaume » répondait souvent à la remarque qu’il était coiffé comme un pétard - que non ! mais qu’il venait d’en fumer un.

    • J’ai écrit dans un fil trollesque que je m’évitais d’intervenir sous les fils où vous publiez, et j’ai à moitié menti. J’ai dit que c’était parce que je n’avais rien à dire d’intelligent. Mais c’est aussi parce que participer amène quasi-inévitablement ce genre de « sensibilité à fleur de peau » auquel il faudrait par principe (j’y souscris volontiers d’ailleurs, y-a des lâchetés qui font principe parfois) tout passer. On pourrait dire « excuse-moi d’exister », mais ça enclencherait inévitablement un tag male-tears, sans doute mérité. Moi là, si ça me concernait, je ne répondrais sans doute pas, histoire de ne pas me faire de mal au ventre.
      Une amie m’expliquait qu’elle avait un truc à écrire au sujet qu’il n’était plus possible de discuter sans que ça ne fasse d’étincelles. Même entre gens qui s’apprécient. J’attends son billet de blog désormais.

      Bonne soirée :-)

    • Dire définitivement ce que l’on ressent plutôt que d’avoir une sensibilité de cailloux (sans contrepèterie aucune) Et tant pis si cela vous vexe de ne pas être caressé dans le sens du poil.

    • Il ne me semblait pas que le billet de @beautefatale était exclusivement réservé aux femmes.

      Le double standard affleure dans tout le livre : même si certains hommes supportent mal, eux aussi, l’idée de voir leurs cheveux blanchir (Sophie Fontanel soupire sur ce qu’ont coûté au contribuable les teintures de François Hollande, alors qu’au même moment Barack Obama assumait son grisonnement avec classe et humour), personne n’estime que cela les rend moins sexy et séduisants — au contraire, parfois.

      « Regarde comment certains hommes, depuis quelques années, ont résolu le problème de la calvitie en se rasant le crâne. Résultat : aujourd’hui, on n’a aucun mal à trouver sexy un homme au crâne glabre, alors qu’autrefois les modèles de séduction masculine étaient plutôt chevelus : Robert Redford, Paul Newman... »

      Je suis d’accord que la calvitie ( pour un homme ) et les cheveux blancs ( pour une femme ) ce n’est pas pareil. Mais dans les 2 cas, c’est un signe de vieillissement et au final la couleur de leur squelette est la même. Je pense aussi à ma fille qui, presque trentenaire, est moitié paniqué quand
      elle se repère quelques cheveux blancs.
      Mon angoisse est plutôt celle de @monolecte : se retrouver à ne plus pouvoir arquer ou lâché par ses sphincters ; où les deux en même temps avec la tête qui part à dreuze.
      J’ai 2 beau-frères qui ont adopté la casquette en peau de fesse et cela très tôt, avant 30 ans. Moi, j’y pense même pas, le fait de me raser est déjà ,en soi, rébarbatif.

      J’aurai aussi pu m’exprimer comme @biggrizzly mais pas aussi bien et ressenti que lui.

      Si on n’emmerde pas Lee Marvin pour ses cheveux blancs @aude_v ça ne risquait pas d’arriver à Yul Brynner.

    • @biggrizzly il n’est pas possible d’échapper au conflit, je parle du moins de celui qui est constructif, d’autant que le consensus pour avoir du confort ne m’intéresse qu’assez peu, il donne toujours raison à un status quo qui légitime les dominations. En cela je suis très Christiane Rochefort, ça suffit, sortons les couteaux.
      Et si cela ne suffit pas, réexpliquons encore et encore, sauf que parfois, reprendre de nouveau à zéro, jouer à l’éducatrice, bof bof
      A l’heure d’aujourd’hui les injonctions qui sont faites aux femmes, je les subis tout les jours de plein fouet.
      Mes cheveux commencent à blanchir, mon poids est au-dessus de la norme, et mon âge comme mes rides font de moi une personne qui doit lutter contre la disparition. Car le paysage social actuel se peint avec des femmes qui répondent aux critères de reproduction : jeunes, minces, le visage lisse, le sein ferme, preuves de la bonne santé de la future reproductrice.
      Les cheveux blancs des femmes marquent le passage à la ménopause, contrairement aux hommes pour lesquels cela marque plutôt sagesse et maturité. Pour les femmes ce n’est pas un état très rentable, sauf pour les laboratoires de crème anti-vieillissement. Un jour, l’assistante sociale du RSA a même osé me conseiller sur le pas de la porte, alors que je venais d’expliquer ma démarche politique de vie, bref, elle m’a conseillé de me teindre les cheveux pour trouver du travail, si, si.
      Je ne crois pas qu’un homme ai jamais entendu cela.

      Alors je suis stupéfaire de lire à plusieurs reprises votre diagnostics sur mon état de santé, que je serais « à fleur de peau », ou qu’il faut que « je prenne soin de moi », des termes issues du monde médical qui vous aident à discréditer mes propos, comme il a toujours été d’usage avec les femmes qu’on traitait d’hystériques.
      Ma remarque était simplement :

      C’est marrant hein, faut toujours que les discussions sur les femmes finissent par parler des mecs … pauvres choux

      Au lieu de reconnaitre simplement qu’il ne vous est pas possible d’avoir la même expérience ni le même ressenti qu’une femme. De juste lire ou écouter ce qu’il se dit et d’accepter que peut-être, sans avoir raison, par cette remarque je touche là à un présupposé qui autorise les hommes a constamment occuper l’espace. Même celui dans lequel nous pourrions parler du témoignage d’une femme qui raconte sa revanche sur les préceptes édictés par les hommes sur les cheveux blancs.

      J’avoue que je suis assez médusée que cela vous échappe, mais c’est à la fois désespérant et montre combien il y a encore du chemin à parcourir.

  • Land restoration in Ethiopia: ’This place was abandoned ... This is incredible to me’

    A project to restore the land in #Tigray, Ethiopia has created opportunities for livelihoods for young people who had been leaving in droves

    The minister of agriculture had the last word. “Agroforestry is becoming the heart and the mind of the government,” said Abraha. “What we see here is really the beginning of transformation. All those youngsters who wanted to migrate will have productive land.”


    https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2017/jun/21/land-restoration-in-ethiopia-this-place-was-abandoned-this-is-incredibl
    #Ethiopie #terre #jeunes #paysage #Gergera #eau
    cc @odilon

  • Leaked Documents Reveal Counterterrorism Tactics Used at Standing Rock to “Defeat Pipeline Insurgencies”
    https://theintercept.com/2017/05/27/leaked-documents-reveal-security-firms-counterterrorism-tactics-at-sta

    A shadowy international mercenary and security firm known as #TigerSwan targeted the movement opposed to the Dakota Access Pipeline with military-style #counterterrorism measures, collaborating closely with police in at least five states, according to internal documents obtained by The Intercept. The documents provide the first detailed picture of how TigerSwan, which originated as a U.S. military and State Department contractor helping to execute the global war on terror, worked at the behest of its client #Energy_Transfer_Partners, the company building the #Dakota_Access_Pipeline, to respond to the indigenous-led movement that sought to stop the project.

    • The Border / La Frontera

      For the native nations living along the US-Mexico border, the border is a barbed wire fence through their living room. Over the course of generations, they’ve formed connections on both sides of the border, and yet they’re considered foreigners and illegal immigrants in their ancestral homelands. In the O’odham language, there is no word for “state citizenship.” No human being is illegal.

      In this map, the territories of the #Kumeyaay, #Cocopah, #Quechan, #Tohono_O’odham, #Yaqui, #Tigua, and #Kickapoo are shown straddling the 2,000 mile border, with the red dots along the border representing official border crossings.


      https://decolonialatlas.wordpress.com/2017/03/21/the-border-la-frontera
      #cartographie #visualisation #frontières

    • No wall

      The Tohono O’odham have resided in what is now southern and
      central Arizona and northern Mexico since time immemorial.
      The Gadsden Purchase of 1853 divided the Tohono O’odham’s
      traditional lands and separated their communities. Today, the
      Nation’s reservation includes 62 miles of international border.
      The Nation is a federally recognized tribe of 34,000 members,
      including more than 2,000 residing in Mexico.

      Long before there was a border, tribal members traveled back
      and forth to visit family, participate in cultural and religious
      events, and many other practices. For these reasons and many
      others, the Nation has opposed fortified walls on the border for
      many years.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QChXZVXVLKo


      http://www.tonation-nsn.gov/nowall

    • A Standing Rock on the Border?

      Tohono O’odham activist #Ofelia_Rivas has a reputation for clashing with U.S. Border Patrol. On her tribe’s 4,500-square-mile reservation, which straddles the U.S.-Mexico border, that can be a stressful vocation. But she doesn’t show it, sharing conversational snippets and a slight, quick grin. Her skin is the color of stained clay, and she cuts a stylish figure: narrow glasses and a red-flecked scarf trailing in the slight breeze. Her black sneakers are gray with dust.


      http://progressive.org/dispatches/a-standing-rock-on-the-border-wall-180406

    • How Border Patrol Occupied the Tohono O’odham Nation

      In March 2018, Joaquin Estevan was on his way back home to Sells, Ariz., after a routine journey to fetch three pots for ceremonial use from the Tohono O’odham community of Kom Wahia in Sonora, Mexico (where he grew up)—a trek his ancestors have made for thousands of years. His cousin dropped him off on the Mexico side of the San Miguel border gate, and he could see the community van of the Tohono O’odham Nation waiting for him just beyond.

      But when Estevan handed over his tribal card for identification, as he had done for years, to the stationed Border Patrol agent, he was accused of carrying a fraudulent ID, denied entry to Arizona and sent back to Mexico.

      Tohono O’odham aboriginal land, in what is now southern Arizona, historically extended 175 miles into Mexico, before being sliced off—without the tribe’s consent—by the 1853 Gadsden Purchase. As many as 2,500 of the tribe’s more than 30,000 members still live on the Mexico side. Tohono O’odham people used to travel between the United States and Mexico fairly easily on roads without checkpoints to visit family, go to school, visit a doctor or, like Estevan, a traditional dancer, perform ceremonial duties.

      But incidents of U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) aggression toward members of the Tohono O’odham Nation have become increasingly frequent since 9/11, as Border Patrol has doubled in size and further militarized its border enforcement. In 2007 and 2008, the United States built vehicle barriers on the Tohono O’odham Nation’s stretch of the U.S.-Mexico border, and restricted crossings.

      The Tohono O’odham’s struggles with Border Patrol received little attention, however, until President Donald Trump took office and pushed forward his vision for a wall along the border. Verlon Jose, Tohono O’odham vice chairman, announced in 2016 that the wall would be built “over my dead body,” a quote that went viral.

      What the border wall debate has obscured, however, is the existing 650 miles of walls and barriers on the U.S. international divide with Mexico, including the 62 miles of border that run through the Tohono O’odham Nation. An increasingly significant part of that wall is “virtual,” a network of surveillance cameras, sensors and radar systems that let Border Patrol agents from California to Texas monitor the remote desert stretches where border crossers have been deliberately pushed—a strategy that has led to thousands of migrant deaths in the dangerous desert terrain. The virtual wall expands away from the international boundary, deep into the interior of the country.

      As Trump fights Congress and the courts to get $5 billion in “emergency funding” for a border wall, Border Patrol is already tapping into existing funds to expand both physical and virtual walls. While new border barrier construction on the Tohono O’odham Nation remains in limbo, new surveillance infrastructure is moving onto the reservation.

      On March 22, the Tohono O’odham Legislative Council passed a resolution allowing CBP to contract the Israeli company Elbit Systems to build 10 integrated fixed towers, or IFTs, on the Nation’s land, surveillance infrastructure that many on the reservation see as a high-tech occupation.

      The IFTs, says Amy Juan, Tohono O’odham member and Tucson office manager at the International Indian Treaty Council, will make the Nation “the most militarized community in the United States of America.”

      Amy Juan and Nellie Jo David, members of the Tohono O’odham Hemajkam Rights Network (TOHRN), joined a delegation to the West Bank in October 2017 convened by the Palestinian organization Stop the Wall. It was a relief, Juan says, to talk “with people who understand our fears … who are dealing with militarization and technology.”

      Juan and David told a group of women in the Palestinian community about the planned IFTs, and they responded unequivocally: “Tell them no. Don’t let them build them.”

      The group was very familiar with these particular towers. Elbit Systems pioneered the towers in the West Bank. “They said that the IFTs were first tested on them and used against them,” says David. Community members described the constant buzzing sounds and the sense of being constantly watched.

      These IFTs are part of a broader surveillance apparatus that zigzags for hundreds of miles through the West Bank and includes motion sensor systems, cameras, radar, aerial surveillance and observation posts. In distant control rooms, soldiers monitor the feeds. The principal architect, former Israeli Col. Danny Tirza, explained in 2016, “It’s not enough to construct a wall. You have to construct all the system around it.”

      That is happening now in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands.

      The massive post-9/11 bolstering of border enforcement dramatically changed life on the Tohono O’odham Nation. At a UN hearing in January on the rights of indigenous peoples in the context of borders, immigration and displacement, Tohono O’odham Nation Chairman Edward Manuel testified that when he came back to the Nation in 2009 after six years living off-reservation, it had become “a military state.”

      Border Patrol has jurisdiction 100 miles inland from U.S. borders, giving it access to the entirety of the reservation. Drones fly overhead, and motion sensors track foot traffic. Vehicle barriers and surveillance cameras and trucks appeared near burial grounds and on hilltops amid ancient saguaro forests, which are sacred to the Tohono O’odham.

      “Imagine a bulldozer parking on your family graveyard, turning up bones,” then-Tohono O’odham Nation Chairman Ned Norris Jr. testified to Congress in 2008. “This is our reality.”

      Around 2007, CBP began installing interior checkpoints that monitored every exit from the reservation—not just on the U.S.-Mexico border, but toward Tucson and Phoenix.

      “As a person who once could move freely on our land, this was very new,” Amy Juan says. “We have no choice but to go through the armed agents, dogs and cameras. We are put through the traumatic experience every day just to go to work, movies, grocery shopping, to take your children to school.”

      Juan calls this “checkpoint trauma.” The most severe impact is on children, she says, recalling one case in which two kids “wet themselves” approaching a checkpoint. Previously the children had been forcefully pulled out of a car by Border Patrol agents during a secondary inspection.

      Pulling people out of their vehicles is one in a long list of abuses alleged against the Border Patrol agents on the Tohono O’odham Nation, including tailing cars, pepper spraying people and hitting them with batons. Closer to the border, people have complained about agents entering their homes without a warrant.

      In March 2014, a Border Patrol agent shot and injured two Tohono O’odham men after their truck sideswiped his vehicle. (The driver said he was swerving to avoid a bush and misjudged; Border Patrol charged him with assault with a deadly weapon.) In 2002, a Border Patrol agent ran over and killed a Tohono O’odham teenager.

      Between checkpoints and surveillance, there is a feeling of being “watched all the time,” Tohono O’odham member Joseph Flores told Tucson television station KVOA.

      “I’ve gotten flat tires, then when I come to the checkpoint the agents made comments about me having a flat earlier in the day,” says Joshua Garcia, a member of TOHRN. “I felt like they were trying to intimidate me.”

      An anonymous respondent to TOHRN’s O’odham Border Patrol Story Project said, “One time a BP told me, ‘We own the night,’ meaning that they have so much surveillance cameras and equipment on the rez, they can see everything we do all the time.”

      Undocumented migrants are the ostensible targets, but agents have long indicated that Tohono O’odham are also in the crosshairs. One Tohono O’odham youth (who wishes to remain anonymous because of fears of reprisal) says that when they complained to a Border Patrol agent in February about a camera near their house, the agent responded, “It’s your own people that are smuggling, so you really need to ask yourself what is going on in that area for a camera to be set up in the first place.” That perception is common. Geographer Kenneth Madsen quotes an agent who believed as many as 80% to 90% of residents were involved in drug or human smuggling. Madsen believes the numbers could only be that high if agents were counting humanitarian acts, such as giving water to thirsty border-crossers.

      Elder and former tribal councilman David Garcia acknowledges some “smuggling that involves tribal members.” As Tohono O’odham member Jay Juan told ABC News, there is “the enticement of easy money” in a place with a poverty rate over 40%.

      Nation Vice Chairman Verlon Jose also told ABC, “Maybe there are some of our members who may get tangled up in this web. … But the issues of border security are created by the drugs … intended for your citizen[s’] towns across America.”

      Estevan knew the agent who turned him back at the border—it was the same agent who had accused him of smuggling drugs years prior and who had ransacked his car in the search, finding nothing and leaving Estevan to do the repairs. A few days after being turned away, Estevan tried again to get home, crossing into the United States at a place known as the Vamori Wash—one of the planned locations for an IFT. He got a ride north from a friend (the kind of favor that Border Patrol might consider human smuggling). Eleven miles from the border on the crumbling Route 19, the same agent flashed his lights and pulled them over. According to Estevan, the agent yanked him out of the car, saying, “I told you that you were not supposed to come here,” and handcuffed him.

      Estevan was transported to a short-term detention cell at Border Patrol headquarters in Tucson, where he was stripped of everything “except my T-shirt and pants,” he says. The holding cell was frigid, and Border Patrol issued him what he describes as a “paper blanket.” Estevan contracted bronchitis as he was shuffled around for days, having his biometrics and picture taken for facial recognition—Border Patrol’s standard practice for updating its database.

      At one point, Estevan faced a judge and attempted to talk to a lawyer. But because he was not supplied a Tohono O’odham interpreter, he had only a vague idea of what was going on. Later, Estevan was taken 74 miles north to a detention center in Florence, Ariz., where the private company CoreCivic holds many of the people arrested by Border Patrol. Estevan was formally deported and banished from the United States. He was dropped off in the late afternoon in Nogales, Mexico.

      Estevan is far from the only Tohono O’odham from Mexico to say they have been deported, although there has not been an official count. The Supreme Council of the O’odham of Mexico—which represents the Tohono O’odham who live on the Mexican side of the border—made an official complaint to the Tohono O’odham Nation’s government in May 2018, saying the Nation was “allowing the deportation of our people from our own lands.”

      Some members of the Nation, such as Ofelia Rivas, of the Gu-Vo district, have long contended that the Legislative Council is too cozy with Border Patrol. Rivas said in a 2006 interview that the Nation “has allowed the federal government to control the northern territory [in the U.S.] and allows human rights violations to occur.” The Nation has received grants from the federal government for its police department through a program known as Operation Stonegarden. Over the years, the Legislative Council has voted to allow a checkpoint, surveillance tech and two Border Patrol substations (one a Forward Operating Base) on the reservation.

      These tensions resurfaced again around the IFTs.

      ***

      In 2006, Border Patrol began to use southern Arizona as a testing ground for its “virtual wall.” The agency awarded the Boeing Company a contract for a technology plan known as SBInet, which would build 80-foot surveillance towers in the Arizona desert.

      When Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano cancelled the plan in 2011, complaining about cost, delays and ineffectiveness, CBP launched a new project, the 2011 Arizona Border Surveillance Technology Plan. As part of it, Elbit Systems won a $145 million contract to construct 53 IFTs in 2014. As CBP’s Chief Acquisition Officer Mark Borkowski explained in 2017 at the San Antonio Border Security Expo, CBP sought technology that “already existed” elsewhere. Elbit, with its towers in the West Bank, fit the bill.

      The IFTs take the all-seeing eye of Border Patrol to a whole new level. Jacob Stukenberg, a Border Patrol public information officer, tells In These Times they are “far superior than anything else we’ve had before,” adding that “one agent can surveil an area that it might take 100 agents on foot to surveil.”

      The IFT system has high-definition cameras with night vision and a 7.5-mile radius, along with thermal sensors and a 360-degree ground-sweeping radar. The data feeds into command centers where agents are alerted if any of thousands of motion sensors are tripped. In an interview in May with the Los Angeles Times, Border Patrol tribal liaison Rafael Castillo compared IFTs to “turning on a light in a dark room.”

      As with other monitoring, the towers—some as tall as 140 feet and placed very visibly on the tops of hills—have already driven migrants into more desolate and deadly places, according to a January paper in the Journal of Borderlands Studies. The first IFT went up in January 2015, just outside of Nogales, Ariz. By 2017, according to Borkowski, nearly all the towers had been built or were about to be built around Nogales, Tucson, Douglas, Sonoita and Ajo. The holdout was the Tohono O’odham Nation.

      Between 2015 and 2018, Joshua Garcia of TOHRN gave more than 30 presentations around the Nation raising the negatives of the IFTs, including federal government encroachment on their lands, the loss of control over local roads, the potential health consequences and racism in border policing. “I didn’t expect people necessarily to agree with me,” Garcia says, “but I was surprised at how much the presentations resonated.”

      Garcia joined other tribal and community members and Sierra Club Borderlands in contesting CBP’s 2016 draft environmental assessment—required for construction to begin—which claimed the IFTs would have “no significant impact” on Tohono O’odham land. Garcia listed the sites that new roads would threaten, like a saguaro fruit-harvesting camp and his own family’s cemetery.

      The Sierra Club argued the assessment had failed to properly look at the impacts on endangered species, such as the cactus ferruginous pygmy owl and the lesser longnosed bat, and hadn’t adequately studied how electro-magnetic radiation from the towers might affect people, birds and other wildlife. CBP agreed that more study was needed of the “avian brain,” but issued its final report in March 2017: no significant impact.

      In July 2017, the Gu-Vo district passed a resolution in opposition to the IFTs. “Having the land remain open, undeveloped and home to food production and wildlife, and carbon sequestration with natural water storage is crucial to the community,” the statement read.

      At the March 22 Legislative Council meeting, Garcia, the tribal elder (and a close relative of Estevan), implored the Council not to approve the IFTs. He looked to Councilman Edward Manuel, who had two months earlier described the Border Patrol presence on the Nation as a “military state,” and said, “Veto it, if it passes.”

      The resolution passed, without veto, although with a number of stipulations, including compensation for leased land.

      Nation Vice Chairman Jose told the Los Angeles Times that the vote was intended to be a compromise to dissuade the federal government from building the wall. The Nation is “only as sovereign as the federal government allows us to be,” Jose said.

      A Border Patrol spokesperson told the Los Angeles Times, however, that there are no plans to reduce agents, and that the IFTs do not eliminate the need for a wall.

      ***

      Garcia and other resisters are up against an enormous system. Trump’s plan has never been just about a border wall: The administration wants to fortify a massive surveillance apparatus built over multiple presidencies. Asked in February what he thought about the focus on the wall, Border Patrol’s Stukenberg said it was just one component of border infrastructure. Three things are required—fence, technology and personnel, he said, to build a “very solid system.”

      The endeavor is certainly very profitable. Boeing received more than $1 billion for the cancelled SBInet technology plan. For the 49 mobile surveillance trucks now patrolling the border, CBP awarded contracts to the U.S.-based private companies FLIR Systems and Telephonics. Another contract went to General Dynamics to upgrade CBP’s Remote Video Surveillance Systems, composed of towers and monitoring systems. As of 2017, 71 such towers had been deployed in desolate areas of southern Arizona, including one on the Tohono O’odham Nation. Other major companies that have received CBP contracts include Northrop Grumman, Lockheed Martin, Raytheon and KBR (a former Halliburton subsidiary).

      These companies wield tremendous lobbying power in Washington. In 2018, General Dynamics spent more than $12 million on lobbying and gave $143,000 in campaign contributions to members of the House Homeland Security Committee. To compare, the Tohono O’odham Nation spent $230,000 on lobbying and $6,900 on campaign contributions to the committee members in 2018.

      Meanwhile, at the UN hearing in January, Serena Padilla, of the nearby Akimel O’odham Nation, described an incident in which Border Patrol agents held a group of youth at gunpoint. She ended her testimony: “As a woman who is 65 years old with four children, 15 grandchildren, 33 great-grandchildren—I’ll be damned if I won’t go down fighting for my future great-great-grandchildren.”

      http://inthesetimes.com/article/21903/us-mexico-border-surveillance-tohono-oodham-nation-border-patrol

  • #Géomatique et usages | GdR MAGIS – Carnet de recherche de l’Action Prospective « La géomatique à l’épreuve des usages sociaux et territoriaux de l’information géographique ».
    https://usagis.hypotheses.org

    Le développement croissant des technologies de l’information géographique (#TIG) et de leur couplage avec les TIC conduit aujourd’hui à une diversification des usages et finalités allant bien au-delà de l’approche technicienne et experte des débuts des SIG. L’expansion des TIG, notamment sur Internet, est perceptible dans le champ de l’aménagement du territoire que ce soit au niveau des praticiens, des entreprises et du grand public (diversification des thématiques et des types de territoire et de structure), ainsi que dans le champ de l’action citoyenne et de l’organisation communautaire (diffusion de l’information voire production de données d’usage, services collectifs ou partagés…).

    Cette évolution interpelle profondément le monde de la géomatique, jusqu’alors essentiellement composé de praticiens et de chercheurs travaillant soit :

    pour les #SIG, à travers la production (de modèles) de données géographiques ;
    sur les SIG, en élaborant des méthodes d’analyse et de visualisation des données ;
    avec les SIG, en mettant les deux précédents registres au service d’approches thématiques toujours plus spécialisées.

    #géographie #cartographie #colloques #idées #thema

  • Le nombre de #tigres sauvages augmente, pour la première fois en 100 ans
    http://www.lemonde.fr/biodiversite/article/2016/04/11/le-nombre-de-tigres-sauvages-augmente-pour-la-premiere-fois-en-100-ans_49001

    Ce genre de bonnes nouvelles est tellement rare qu’elle mérite qu’on s’y attarde. Après plus d’un siècle de déclin, la population de tigres sauvages est en augmentation pour la première fois. Selon les données compilées par l’ONG World Wildlife Fund (WWF) et le Global Tiger Forum, on compterait aujourd’hui 3 890 tigres vivant dans leur habitat naturel. En 2010, lors du dernier recensement, on dénombrait 3 200 individus.

    #biodiversité

  • Washington avertit du risque d’un effondrement « catastrophique » du #barrage de #Mossoul en #Irak
    http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2016/03/10/washington-avertit-du-risque-d-un-effondrement-catastrophique-du-barrage-de-

    Le plus grand barrage d’Irak, construit sur le #Tigre et situé en amont de la ville de Mossoul, est-il menacé ? Les Etats-Unis ont lancé mercredi 9 mars un appel à une mobilisation internationale pour prévenir une « #catastrophe humanitaire de proportions gigantesques » qui pourrait être causée par un effondrement du barrage.

    La construction présente en effet des #risques de rupture élevés en raison du sol instable sur lequel il est bâti. Une rupture qui entraînerait une vague énorme, et qui ravagerait Mossoul mais inonderait aussi la capitale, Bagdad, à 400 kilomètres plus au sud. Au total, la catastrophe pourrait affecter jusqu’à 1,5 million de personnes, ont prévenu les Etats-Unis.

    • le tout premier commentaire :

      Lord Gnette 10/03/2016 - 09h54
      Il y a déjà 12 ans que les spécialistes (français) ont averti de ce problème ! « Un grand barrage à haut risque - Saddam Dam en Irak ; The expected collapse of a large dam - Saddam Dam in Irak » Article de Michel Mesny, Ingénieur général du Génie rural, des Eaux et des Forêts paru dans la revue technique LA HOUILLE BLANCHE n°4 de 2004, pages 92 à 96

      Croisé avec :

      Si Mossoul, deuxième ville d’Irak, est tenue par les djihadistes de l’organisation Etat islamique, le barrage situé à une cinquantaine de kilomètres au nord est actuellement protégé par les combattants kurdes.

      Il est donc maintenant très urgent de mener une action humanitaire (j’allais dire « d’intervenir »). Et donc de virer les kurdes du barrage…

  • #Tignous, tendre subversif
    http://bandedessinee.blog.lemonde.fr/2015/10/27/tignous-tendre-subversif/#xtor=RSS-32280322

    Pour ne jamais laisser mourir Tignous, sa compagne Chloé a sélectionné dans la masse considérable des dessins laissés par lui, ceux qui lui paraissaient emblématiques de son travail. A ce pavé de 240 pages, elle n’a pas donné d’autre titre … Continuer la lecture →

    #Dessin_d'humour #Dessin_de_presse

  • A Rogue State Along Two Rivers - The New York Times

    http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/07/03/world/middleeast/syria-iraq-isis-rogue-state-along-two-rivers.html?_r=0

    A Rogue State Along Two Rivers
    How ISIS Came to Control Large Portions of Syria and Iraq

    By JEREMY ASHKENAS, ARCHIE TSE, DEREK WATKINS and KAREN YOURISH July 3, 2014

    The militant group called the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, seemed to surprise many American and Iraqi officials with the recent gains it made in its violent campaign to create a new religious state. But the rapid-fire victories achieved over a few weeks in June were built on months of maneuvering along the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers.

    #syrie #irak #fleuves #tigres #euphrate