L’attente dans l’espace réservé aux migrants près de la gare de Milan fut plus longue que prévue...
Source : #livre « Les cueilleurs de pierres » de Conchettine Perli sorti probablement en 2019, auto-produit.
Le lion, sa cage & ses ailes
▻https://www.nova-cinema.org/prog/2019/174-re-creations-revolutions/armand-gatti/article/le-lion-sa-cage-ses-ailes
Cette série de films réalisée en 1975 par le trio composé d’Armand Gatti, de son fils Stéphane Gatti et d’Hélène Châtelain, expose le spectateur à l’immigration ouvrière de ces années-là. Toujours animé de la volonté de briser les barrières et les codes quand c’est nécessaire, la bande à Gatti ne se contente pas de filmer les flux tendus de mécaniques infatigables et d’humains interchangeables. C’est en compagnie de chacune des communautés d’immigrés de l’usine Peugeot de Montbéliard qu’elle va concevoir les scénarios de chacune des parties de cette fresque ouvrière pour devenir une véritable (re)création collective. Une dynamique de réappropriation qui rappelle les groupes Medvedkine menés entre autre par Chris Marker (encore lui) avec deux spécificités pourtant : le trio demeure à la réalisation, ce sont les (...)
Le vrai cout de la #viande pas chère : pauvre , riche affaire
Depuis une dizaine d’années, les producteurs de porcs d’outre-Rhin jouissent de subventions massives accordées par Berlin pour accélérer l’industrialisation des exploitations. Aujourd’hui, le pays est devenu autosuffisant et inonde l’Europe à prix cassé. Le marché est dominé par une poignée d’entreprises qui pratiquent l’économie d’échelle grâce à l’automatisation, et entassent des dizaines de milliers de bêtes gavées d’antibiotiques dans des hangars sur caillebotis, coupés de la lumière du jour. Si cette viande est si bon marché, c’est aussi en raison du droit du travail allemand, qui permet aux grands abattoirs d’employer des ouvriers détachés venus d’Europe de l’Est et payés au rabais
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L6MrcGNTJak
70% des #antibiotiques consommés le sont par les animaux.
A part en Suède, ou seuls 2% des animaux seront traités, tout le cheptel absorbe des antibiotiques destinés en dernier recours aux humains, comme la #colistine, en cas de maladie. Plusieurs milliers de personnes décèdent en Allemagne chaque année à cause des bactéries multirésistantes et des antibiotiques qui ne peuvent plus les traiter.
Le documentaire se penche sur les dégâts colossaux de l’élevage intensif puisque même les végétariens qui mangent des carottes poussées dans des champs amendés en #lisier de porcs peuvent attraper les bactéries résistantes (près de 10% de la population allemande). Il aborde également le problème de l’épandage et la #pollution environnementale en plus de l’exploitation d’une main d’œuvre à bas cout.
C’est assez réussi pour vous dégouter de la viande de porc, même si le docu ne parle pas du traitement de la charcuterie qui se fait avec des produits cancérigènes comme les nitrates de potassium et nitrites de sodium, voir
Vices et vertus de la charcuterie industrielle
▻https://www.franceinter.fr/emissions/grand-bien-vous-fasse/grand-bien-vous-fasse-31-juillet-2019
▻http://rf.proxycast.org/1598717311705948160/16173-31.07.2019-ITEMA_22118058-0.mp3
C’est bien de préciser avec l’exemple des carottes bio que cela ne dépend pas des consommateurs, des choix individuels mais bien de choix industriels et de laisser-aller politique, donc de choix de société → les petits pas ne servent à rien !
506 Refugees Lose Their Lives in Occupational Homicides in 6 Years
The Laborers’ Health and Occupational Safety (İSİG) Assembly has released its report on occupational homicides in July 2019. The report has shown that at least 163 workers lost their lives in occupational homicides last month.
The report has also shared information regarding the refugees and migrants who lost their lives in occupational homicides in the last six years:
In 2013, 22 immigrants/refugees (2 percent)
In 2014, 53 immigrants/refugees (3 percent)
In 2015, 67 immigrants/refugees (4 percent)
In 2016, 96 immigrants/refugees (5 percent)
In 2017, 88 immigrants/refugees (4 percent)
In 2018, 110 immigrants/refugees (6 percent)
In the first seven months of 2019, 70 immigrants/refugees (7 percent)
Occupational homicides in the first seven months
The report has also given details about the refugees and immigrants who died in occupational homicides in the first seven months of 2019.
Accordingly, of the 1,004 workers who lost their lives in the first seven months, 26 workers were from Syria, 23 workers from Afghanistan, four workers from Turkmenistan, four workers from Ukraine, three workers from Uzbekistan, two from Azerbaijan, two from Iran, two from Georgia, one from Czechia, one from Italy, one from Colombia and one from Russia.
According to the report, 17 of the occupational homicides occured in the sector of agriculture/forestry, eight in municipal/general affairs, eight in construction/road, eight in ships/dock, seven in textile/leather, five in tree/paper, four in chemistry, three in accomodation/entertainment, two in food, two in metal, one in mining, one in press and one in commerce.
The most frequent causes of death were explosion/burning, being poisoned/suffocated or drowned, traffic/service bus accident, being crushed/trapped under debris and falling from a higher place. While six of the deceased workers were children, nine of them were women.
The provinces where the highest number of occupational homicides occurred in the first seven months are Ankara, İstanbul and Kocaeli.
163 occupational homicides in July
The report has also shared the following information about the occupational homicides that occurred in July 2019:
At least 163 workers lost their lives in July.
In the first seven months of 2019, 1,004 workers lost their lives: 159 workers died in January, 127 workers in February, 114 workers in March, 153 workers in April, 163 workers in May, 125 workers in June and at least 163 workers in July.
Of the 163 deceased workers, 120 workers were wage earners (workers and civil servants) and 43 workers were working on their own behalf (farmers and shop owners).
While 10 of the deceased workers were women, 153 of them were men. The homicides of women took place in the sectors of agriculture, office, metal, healthcare, accommodation and municipality.
In July 2019, six child workers, four of whom were younger than 14, lost their lives in occupational homicides. These homicides took place in the sectors of agriculture and commerce.
Six immigrants/refugees died in occupational homicides. While two of them were from Syria and two of them were from Turkmenistan, two workers were from Italy and Georgia each.
The sectors with the highest number of occupational homicides were agriculture, construction, transportation, municipal/general affairs, commerce/office, metal and mining.
The most frequent causes of death were traffic/service bus accident, being crushed/trapped under debris, falling from a high place, heart attack, electric shock, being poisoned/suffocated and suicide.
In July, occupational homicides took place in 52 provinces of Turkey, primarily in Kocaeli, Manisa, Aydın, Gaziantep, Ankara, İzmir, Mersin, Samsun, Van, Adıyaman, Konya and Muğla.
Only one of the deceased was a member of a union.
The names of the deceased workers
Alper Kıransoy, İsa Dikme, Serkan Can, Bülent Bayramin, Selahattin Gökbel, Lokman Kahya, Erol Özdemir, Şakir İpek, Mehmet Ali Kubat, Ayhan Yaşar, Mehmet Ali Sönmez, Zeynel Bayazgül, Kazım Vural, Yunus Yıldırım, Şeref Doğramacı, Kazım Vural, İmdat Öz, Güler Adam, Muhammed Emir Bozanoğlu, İlhan Yılmaz, Mustafa Endes, Hasan İğircik, Hakan Kasırga, Hakan Tükkan, Saniye Çağlar, Şems Aybars, Hasan Şimşek, İsmail U., Metin Çomak, Ufuk Kıranlı, Kemal Baştuğ, Bayram Sarı, İbadullah Özdemir, Ahmet Boy, Enis Eken, Nafi Dişli, Nezir Ayvaz, Mustafa Akkaya, Yusuf Çırak, Halil Doğan Mıhçı, Mustafa Dilemen, Mehmet Hasçelik, Hamza Surani, Valid Youssef, Vahdettin Çelik, Hicabi Gül, Sefahattin Bozkurt, Osman Kocaman, Erol Kilit, Mehmet Yanar, Çınar Baysak, Şeref Öktem, Ahmet Yuca, Rahim Aydın, Ali Taş, İsmail Albayrak, Yılmaz Solgun, Metin Durmaz, Erol Güney, Erdoğan Aydın, Muharrem Külah, Ali Osman Güçlü, Zülfikar Can, Mehmet Eroğlu, Orhan Kartal, Osman Ersoy, Süleyman Şen, Mehmet Karataş, Ömer Kazancı, Sinan Erkut, Yahya Cahit Küçükşahin, S.A., Cengiz Yalman, Abdullah Özbey, Sabahattin Güngördü, Mustafa Şahin, Ömer Tepe, Ercan Akgül, Halil Donat, Ömer Koçak, Necati Er, Murat Güraras, İdris Koç, Şerif Özdilek, Ferhat Sertkaya, Şinasi Kurnaz, Mustafa Koç, Roberto Montegurdia, Özlem Çelik, Burhan Asan, Günay Gönülaçar, Ravil Geniyev, Osman Duran, Mehmet Çalar, Ercan Sarıtaş, Özgür Kaya, Ahmet Pekgöz, Adem Kavşut, Alişan Eşref, Mustafa Çelik, Harun Özay, Hüsniye Barutçu Türkdoğan, Aydın Yiğit, Renas Taşkıran, İlyas Yazgan, Musa Turunc, Hüseyin Yıldız, Şeref Doğan, Yunus Doğan, Şakir Koçer, Ali İhsan Yavuz, Hacı Demirkıran, Mustafa Ali Altuntaş, Hasan Akgül, Nizamettin Gürler, Ahmet Ataşlı, İbrahim Bozkurt, Rıdvan Tunç, Hasan Ali Gürsoy, Ramazan Karaduman, Şenol Yücel, Ramazan Kavuşduk, Nebi Saygı, Mesut Karakülah, Celal Şeneroğlu, Hasan Dede Solak, Osman Sezgin, Rabia Vural, Ramazan Gürel, Sadık Pektaş, Hüseyin Tavşan, Metin Parça, İsmail Derya, Ayaz Güloğlu, Nupelda Güloğlu, Mustafa Güngör, Serdar Şahin, Erkan Kurut, İrem Kurut, Gülbahar Akdeniz, Bekir Aydın, Abdurrahman Balcıoğlu, Hüseyin Barış, Bayram Türkmen, Tülin Türkmen, Abdülhakim Demir, Vali Çevik, Govsettin Türkmen, Furkan Diri, Demir Ali Tekin, Ali Akbaş, Zehra Aydın, Mustafa Nuri Uçar, A.Y., Erdoğan Hoplamaz, Seyfi Şanlı, Sıtkı Atille, Yasin Atille, Ömer İncecik, Mehmet Özsöz, Bülent Gültekin, Hikmet Akdemir and Mehmet Aykut.
▻https://bianet.org/english/labor/211250-506-refugees-lose-their-lives-in-occupational-homicides-in-6-years
#décès #mort #travail #Turquie #réfugiés #asile #migrations #statistiques #chiffres #travailleurs_étrangers #accidents_de_travail
via @isskein
#Michelle_Fe_Santiago, la voix des #domestiques abusées
Dans les pays du Golfe, la maltraitance des employées de maison fait souvent la « une ». Basée au #Koweït depuis 1999, la journaliste philippine Michelle Fe Santiago porte la #mémoire de la violence qui frappe sa communauté.
« Love to the max… max, max, max ! », claironne gaiement un jingle. Michelle Fe Santiago, dite Maxi, prend place dans le studio. Cette journaliste philippine, au visage jovial, anime la matinale de Pinoy Arabia, radio en ligne créée en octobre 2014 pour divertir une audience majoritairement composée de compatriotes. Une communauté importante au Koweït qui regroupe pas moins de 222 000 Philippins, dont 62% officient comme domestiques. « Je passe quelques chansons d’amour. Parfois je réponds à des commentaires d’auditeurs, je relaie des dédicaces et diffuse quelques actualités », relate Michelle derrière son écran.
La journaliste, en poste au Koweït depuis 1999, couvre les actualités de l’Emirat pour Arab Times en parallèle à sa fonction de correspondante au Moyen-Orient pour la chaîne de télévision philippine ABS-CBN. En presque vingt ans d’expatriation, Maxi sait combien il n’est pas aisé pour les Philippines de vivre et de travailler dans les pays du Golfe, et particulièrement au Koweït. Un nouveau jingle passe : « Live is short, love to the max (La vie est courte, aimez au maximum, ndlr) ». « Je ne vais pas rentrer dans les détails, mais il m’est arrivé de couvrir des faits divers… », Maxi se retient d’un sourire gêné.
Lourd à porter
Il y a sept ans, elle est prévenue de l’hospitalisation d’une domestique philippine trouvée inanimée dans l’arrière-pays désertique, poignardée. « Elle a rampé longtemps, mais a survécu. Un policier l’avait violée à l’arrière de sa voiture et avait voulu la faire disparaître. » Dans les colonnes de Kuwait Times, Michelle est la première journaliste à couvrir le drame. Son article trouve un écho auprès d’une avocate koweïtienne qui se porte volontaire pour représenter la domestique gratuitement. « Le policier a été arrêté, jugé, puis condamné à perpétuité », hoche-t-elle de la tête solennellement.
Des cas comme cette domestique, Maxi en a couvert une multitude. Un exercice qui laisse des marques. « Parfois quand j’entends leur histoire, j’ai envie de pleurer, mais en tant que journaliste vous ne pouvez pas montrer vos émotions. C’est contraire à l’éthique de pleurer devant ses interlocuteurs. J’ai appris à contrôler mes larmes. Quand je rentre chez moi, il m’arrive cependant de littéralement m’effondrer. »
L’ambassade des Philippines au Koweït estime à plus de 2500 par an les cas de domestiques violentées physiquement ou sexuellement. Un chiffre qui ne reflète pas la réalité, selon plusieurs associations locales d’aide aux travailleurs étrangers. C’est le cas de Kuwait Society for Human Rights. En 2018, l’ONG a reçu quelque 5400 plaintes de travailleurs étrangers, majoritairement des domestiques.
Même écho pour Sandigan, collectif de Philippins basé au Koweït connu pour ses évacuations spectaculaires d’employées de maison. Ces travailleurs sociaux disent recevoir des centaines de messages d’appel à l’aide par mois. Salaires impayés, défenestrations de fuite, maltraitances, violences sexuelles, manque de nourriture ; les domestiques philippines font face à l’impunité des ménages koweïtiens auxquels la police locale a difficilement accès.
Difficile également de dénoncer. Car si le Koweït est l’unique pays à se targuer d’avoir un parlement et un débat politique où il est possible de remettre en cause et critiquer le gouvernement, la liberté d’expression reste relative quand elle touche à l’image du pays. « Ici vous devez parfois trouver des moyens détournés de couvrir un sujet. Mais je ne peux pas non plus garder les yeux fermés. Alors je m’assure que l’autocensure que j’exerce sur mon travail ne sacrifie pas la véracité et les faits », sourit la journaliste.
Appels à l’aide
A l’occasion des élections de mi-mandat, Maxi délivre quelques conseils pratiques pour aller voter sur les ondes de Pinoy Arabia entre quelques dédicaces de parents philippins dédiées à leurs enfants exilés au Koweït. L’an dernier, alors qu’un énième meurtre d’une domestique philippine faisait les gros titres de la presse locale, le président philippin Duterte actait une interdiction, durant quatre mois, pour tout nouveau ressortissant de venir travailler au sein de l’Emirat. Une mesure très critiquée au Koweït, et une période de forte tension diplomatique, qui a néanmoins débouché sur un accord. « Pinoy Arabia a collaboré avec l’ambassade pour aider toutes celles qui voulaient quitter le Koweït pendant cette période-là. »
Si la radio fondée par Maxi n’a aucune vocation politique, et ne sert majoritairement qu’à divertir son audience, elle est un formidable moyen de prendre le pouls de la communauté philippine. « Même si les conditions de mes compatriotes se sont améliorées depuis l’accord, je reçois encore des messages d’appel à l’aide. Je ne fais jamais de sauvetage moi-même. Mon rôle est de me coordonner avec l’ambassade quand cela arrive. »
Pris de gros risque
Après une longue présence sur le sol koweïtien, Maxi a certes acquis une popularité chez les siens et a pu couvrir entre autres l’invasion américaine en Irak, mais la journaliste philippine grimace à l’idée de rester une nouvelle décennie dans l’Emirat. « Ce n’était pas du tout prévu que je fasse une partie de ma carrière ici. J’étais simplement venue passer un Noël avec des proches. »
Née de deux parents instituteurs, à Zamboanga, ville située dans l’ouest de l’île de Mindanao, Michelle dit avoir toujours eu la fibre journalistique et n’avoir jamais pensé un jour à s’exiler dans un autre pays, comme plus de 10% de la population des Philippines – soit 11 millions de personnes. « J’ai pris de gros risques en venant m’installer ici car je gagnais bien ma vie aux Philippines. Dans cinq ans, je pense rentrer. Pourquoi ne pas faire des documentaires sur des problèmes sociaux qui existent dans mon pays ? »
▻https://lecourrier.ch/2019/07/28/michelle-fe-santiago-la-voix-des-domestiques-abusees
#exploitation #travail_domestique #abus #violence #pays_du_Golfe #Phiippines #migrations #travailleurs_étrangers #viols #abus_sexuels
ping @isskein
Boom di lavoratori italiani in Spagna, secondi solo a romeni e marocchini
Strappata ai cinesi la terza posizione. L’incremento è stato del 71% in 10 anni.
Il numero di italiani che lavorano in Spagna è cresciuto del 71% negli ultimi 10 anni e ha strappato alla Cina la terza posizione nella classifica che vede i nostri connazionali preceduti sono da romeni e marocchini.
Sono più di 46.000 gli italiani arrivati a lavorare in Spagna dal 2008, concentrandosi soprattutto in Catalogna, a Madrid, sulle isola canarie e nella Comunidad Valenciana, per un totale oggi di 110.691 associati alla Seguridad Social (la copertura sanitaria spagnola, indispensabile per avere un lavoro).
L’Italia è passata quindi dall’ottava alla terza posizione, anche se gran parte della forza lavoro italiana è di origini argentine o uruguaiane. La Romania conta 333.406 occupati in Spagna, mentre il Marocco ne conta 253.018. La Cina è scivolata in quarta posizione, ma comunque in rialzo rispetto alla sesta occupata nel 2018.
▻https://www.agi.it/estero/lavoratori_emigrati_italiani_in_spagna-5630198/news/2019-06-10
#émigration #Italie #migrants_italiens #Espagne #chiffres #statistiques #migrations #travail #travailleurs_étrangers
Ajouté à la métaliste:
►https://seenthis.net/messages/762801
La démocratie à l’épreuve des migrations
Alors qu’on soulignait la Journée internationale des migrants le 18 décembre dernier et dans un contexte où la signature du Pacte mondial des migrations crée bien des remous, il convient de rappeler qu’à cette même date, en 1990, l’Assemblée générale de l’ONU adoptait la #Convention_internationale_de_protection_des_droits_des_travailleurs_migrants et des membres de leur famille. Bien qu’aucun des États riches de destination des personnes migrantes ne l’ait encore signée ou ratifiée, cette convention énonce des #principes essentiels auxquels on pourrait référer pour l’élaboration d’#instruments_juridiques à l’échelle internationale.
▻https://www.pressegauche.org/La-democratie-a-l-epreuve-des-migrations
#travailleurs_migrants #droits #convention #convention_internationale #migrants_travailleurs #travailleurs_étrangers
Migration and Gender Outcomes: Analysis of Selected Policies in #Sri_Lanka
This paper analyzes the implications of migration rules, regulations, and policies in Sri Lanka, in the country’s efforts to integrate gender perspectives into migration issues. The study focuses on three policies: the imposition of maximum chargeable amounts that agents can collect for recruiting migrant workers, mandatory predeparture training for migrants, and the Family Background Report requirement. The study adopts a combined methodology, wherein an in-depth case study of Sri Lanka is developed based on data from key informant interviews and a review of the literature. This qualitative methodology is reinforced by a difference-in-differences analysis of the Family Background Report policy. The study finds that women’s increased access to migration brought about by the zero-chargeable policy is neutralized by the #Family_Background_Report (FBR) requirement. Ideally, the FBR policy should be revisited to strike a balance between women’s autonomy versus benefits to children left behind. As such, in addition to the multifaceted gender implications of migration policies, the study underscores the importance of coordination among policies to ensure optimal gender outcomes.
▻https://www.knomad.org/publication/migration-and-gender-outcomes-analysis-selected-policies-sri-lanka
#genre #migrations #rapport #travailleurs_migrants #travailleurs_étrangers #femmes
Home in body bags - calls for action as Bangladesh migrant deaths spike
At least 3,793 Bangladeshis have died while working abroad last year, the highest annual toll since 2005
▻http://news.trust.org/item/20190121163026-wkfyx
#travailleurs_étrangers #travail #migrations #migrants_bangladais #Bangladesh #décès #morts #statistiques #exploitation #esclavage_moderne #chiffres
ping @reka
Germany passes immigration law to lure non-EU skilled workers
Business leaders have warned of damage to economy caused by labour shortages.
The German government has passed an immigration law focused on attracting skilled workers from outside the EU in an attempt to remedy a chronic shortage.
Business leaders have long lobbied the government to ease immigration legislation, arguing that parts of the economy are being stifled by a lack of workers and that the long-term effects could be irreversibly damaging.
The #Fachkräftezuwanderungsgesetz – or skilled labour immigration law – will make it easier for employers to recruit from outside the European Union, amid clear evidence that there are not enough German and EU workers to fill demand.
It will also mean that existing asylum seekers who have found work but face deportation because their claims have failed can stay in their jobs.
The law has been rigorously debated, and changes were being made up to the last minute of Wednesday’s cabinet session, the final one of the year. Some cabinet members thought there would not be consensus on the law in Germany’s governing grand coalition.
Parts of Angela Merkel’s conservative alliance and the rightwing populist Alternative für Deutschland party have repeatedly said they fear the law will encourage low-skilled migration. Unlike the UK debate on skilled worker migration, the issues of salary thresholds and quotas have barely been mentioned.
The legislation will ensure it is easier for employers to bring workers in from outside the EU. About 1.2 million jobs remain empty in Germany, according to the Federal Labour Office, from lorry drivers to carpenters and care workers.
Employers will no longer have to go through the time-consuming and bureaucratically burdensome process of having to prove there is no domestic worker who could fill a particular role. Nor will they be restricted by an official list of which jobs are in short supply.
Anti-immigration sentiment is high in Germany, and has posed a threat to the survival of Merkel’s government. She has stressed that the asylum and refugee policy will be unaffected and kept strictly separate from the new law, in order to assuage fears refugees and unskilled migrants will view it as an invitation to come to Germany, triggering a repeat of the refugee influx of about 1 million people in 2015. Experts have said it may be difficult to make this distinction in practice because no salary thresholds or quotas have been set.
The AfD has repeatedly argued the law will fuel rather than control immigration and will suppress German workers’ wages, which have already been restrained over the past decade.
Alexander Gauland, the co-leader of the AfD, has called it “a fresh incentive for people from around the world to come to Germany”.
The German Economic Institute (IW) has estimated that not being able to fill vacancies has cost the economy around €30bn.
Mathias Middelberg, the interior affairs spokesman for the parliamentary group of Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union, said the acceptance of rejected asylum seekers into the workplace “sends the wrong signal”.
Joachim Pfeiffer, an economics expert from the CDU, welcomed the law, saying: “It makes clear that in Germany we need more skilled workers … we have more than 2 million unemployed, more than a million of them with insufficient qualifications. We need qualified workers and this law makes it easier to have access to them.”
But he also warned against incentivising what he called the “wrong type of workers”.
“We want to be able to be able to choose who comes here – those who are good and who we need … but we don’t want to encourage everyone to come to Germany just to be able to take advantage of the welfare state,” he said.
Gauland said that just as his party had long warned, “illegal immigrants will now be allowed to stay for ever as soon as they’ve stepped over the border … it is a fresh incentive for people from around the world to come illegally”.
#Allemagne #travailleurs_étrangers #migrations #économie #travail #travailleurs_qualifiés #loi
#Germany just passed an #immigration law to fill labor shortages (1.2 mill jobs are open) w/non-EU nationals. Some call it a much-needed to recruit qualified workers while others call it a ’fresh incentive for people to come illegally.’ What do you think?
▻https://twitter.com/MigrMatters/status/1075703944859566080?s=19
ping @_kg_
A mettre en lien avec cela
Bundespressekonferenz zum #Fachkräfteeinwanderungsgesetz am 19.12.18
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/745570
UK and German immigration: a tale of two very different laws
While Britain seems to put politics above the economy, Germany’s new law welcomes foreign job-seekers.
Two European countries announced radical overhauls of their immigration rules on Wednesday, but there the similarity ended.
Britain, where concerns about long-term impacts of immigration helped drive the 2016 vote to leave the European Union, billed its stricter regime as “a route to strengthened border security and an end to free movement”.
Germany, however, facing such a shortage of workers that is threatening economic growth, said it was easing immigration rules to attract more foreign job-seekers.
In an interview on BBC Radio 4’s Today programme, the British home secretary, Sajid Javid, stressed that the Conservatives’ 2017 election manifesto had made clear the party’s “commitment to bring net migration down”.
His counterpart in Germany, Horst Seehofer, said: “We need manpower from third countries to safeguard our prosperity and fill our job vacancies.” The economy minister, Peter Altmaier, hailed the new law – keenly awaited by business - as historic.
Britain’s priority appears primarily to be establishing a system of tough controls capable of keeping certain people out. Business has accused the government of putting a political imperative for restriction before the needs of the economy.
In contrast, by introducing looser visa procedures and reducing red tape Germany’s emphasis appears to be on making it easier for certain people to enter and to stay. Some in Angela Merkel’s conservative alliance and in the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) have said such a move ignores public concerns about immigration.
The UK’s system does not put a cap on numbers but aims to reduce annual net migration to “sustainable levels”. It requires skilled workers to earn a minimum salary, to be decided next year. After Brexit there would be no more special treatment for EU citizens; a transitional temporary worker scheme would allow them, and workers of any skill level from other “low risk” countries, to enter Britain without a job offer for up to 12 months.
Business leaders have warned that the system will leave the UK poorer, depriving industry of a migrant workforce on which it has depended. The proposed £30,000 salary threshold for skilled workers would leave hospitals, the contstruction and hospitality sectors, manufacturing, agriculture and logistics desperately short of labour, they said.
Germany’s Fachkräftezuwanderungsgesetz, or skilled labour immigration law, will allow skilled workers such as cooks, metallurgy workers and IT technicians to enter the country for six months to try to find a job, provided they can support themselves financially.
More controversially, the law will offer the prospect of permanent residency to asylum seekers who have a job and speak good German but currently face deportation if their asylum applications are turned down.
Immigration has been a key political issue in Germany since Europe’s 2015 migration crisis, when the country absorbed more than 1 million mostly Muslim refugees and migrants, sparking a xenophobic backlash and surge of support for the anti-immigration AfD in federal and regional elections.
Ministers stressed the new rules were a “pragmatic solution” to a pressing economic problem. The AfD said they would fuel immigration, providing “a fresh incentive for people from around the world to come”. In Germany, however, those politics have not, so far, prevailed.
▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/dec/19/immigration-rules-uk-germany-economy-job-seekers-opposing-camps?CMP=sha
#comparaison #UK #Angleterre
Manca un milione di lavoratori: la Germania allarga le maglie dei visti
Sono 1,2 milioni i posti di lavoro che le imprese tedesche non riescono a coprire per carenza di manodopera qualificata. Il flusso di migranti dagli altri Paesi della Ue non è riuscito a riempire i vuoti che sono stati colmati anche se solo in parte dai richiedenti asilo. Un terzo (il 28%) dei rifugiati in età da lavoro arrivati in Germania dalla fine del 2014 a giugno di quest’anno aveva un lavoro, con tassi di occupazione crescenti. Il Governo di Angela Merkel, prendendo atto dell’emergenza lavorativa, ha approvato una legge sull’immigrazione che agevola l’ingresso di lavoratori extra europei e dà una chance di restare ai rifugiati che abbiano un lavoro anche se la loro richiesta di asilo è stata respinta.
Più immigrati nell’interesse nazionale
Il nuovo provvedimento, varato dal Governo mercoledì e che dovrà ora essere approvato dal Parlamento, potrebbe creare nuove tensioni politiche sul delicato tema dell’immigrazione che ha spinto in alto i consensi per il partito xenofobo Alternative für Deutschland. Ma il ministro dell’Economia Peter Altmaier ha motivato la decisione di aprire le maglie dei visti con «l’interesse nazionale». Così, ha spiegato, «veniamo incontro alle chiare esigenze rappresentate dalle principali associazioni economiche del Paese e diamo una prospettiva chiara alle imprese sperando che mantengano i loro investimenti nel medio periodo e rafforziamo il sistema previdenziale e i contributi per le indennità di disoccupazione».
Sei mesi per cercare un lavoro
La proposta prevede di aprire le porte anche ai cittadini extra europei con bassa o media specializzazione, permettendo loro di entrare e rimanere in Germania al fine di cercare un lavoro per un periodo di sei mesi, a condizione che sappiano un po’ di tedesco e possano vivere a proprie spese. Una possibilità finora riservata solo a figure altamente specializzate come medici, ingegneri e informatici. Un secondo provvedimento del Governo di Grande Coalizione dà una chance ai circa 200mila rifugiati che hanno visto la propria richiesta di asilo respinta ma sono “persone tollerate” perché per varie ragioni non possono essere deportate. Essi potranno chiedere un permesso di lavoro della durata di 30 mesi se già hanno un’occupazione da almeno 18 mesi e se dimostrano di poter vivere senza sussidi dello Stato. Alla fine di questo periodo, se ancora avranno un lavoro e la loro conoscenza del tedesco sarà migliorata, potranno chiedere un permesso di residenza.
Il 30% dei rifugiati si è integrato
Secondo i calcoli dell’Istituto di ricerca sul lavoro Iab, del resto, i rifugiati giunti in massa tra il 2015 e 2016 si stanno integrando nel sistema produttivo con tassi di occupazione crescenti. Il 72% dei richiedenti asilo in età da lavoro (15-64 anni) censiti a fine luglio 2018 arriva da otto Paesi non europei: Afghanistan, Eritrea, Iraq, Iran, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia e Siria. Nei primi sei mesi del 2017 il tasso di occupazione di queste persone è aumentato di circa 9 punti percentuali e nei primi sei del 2018 di altri 12 punti, arrivando al 28 per cento.
Negli ultimi anni il numero di immigrati giunti in Germania da questi otto Paesi è cresciuto in maniera significativa, sottolinea lo Iab. Alla fine del 2014 c’erano circa 360mila persone in età da lavoro, a metà del 2018 erano già oltre un milione (1,1). Un aumento dovuto, presumibilmente, all’afflusso dei rifugiati. Allo stesso tempo ha fatto un balzo significativo il numero di occupati: a fine 2014 avevano un lavoro dipendente circa 96mila di essi e a metà del 2018 erano già 311mila.
I settori più colpiti dalla mancanza di personale
La Germania ha urgente bisogno di integrare cittadini extra Ue - rifugiati ma anche migranti economici - per sopperire all’annosa carenza di personale determinata dal calo demografico in un’economia in crescita costante. Il problema è molto sentito nei Länder meridionali: Baviera, Baden-Württemberg e Renania ma tocca anche le Regioni industriali del Nord e per alcuni settori è generalizzato. Meccanica, trasporti e servizi, in specie sanitari e per gli anziani, sono i settori più colpiti. Secondo i dati più aggiornati dell’Agenzia federale del lavoro, il tempo medio per coprire le vacanze di personale risulta in costante aumento: da maggio 2017 ad aprile 2018 (media mobile annuale) è cresciuto per tutte le professioni da 100 a 107 giorni rispetto ai 90 giorni del 2017 sul 2016. Con situazioni molto diverse a seconda dei comparti. Così, nel settore automobilistico l’attesa è salita da 126 a 142 giorni; nello sviluppo software e programmazione da 139 a 159; nel settore energetico da 148 a 167; nell’idraulica, sanitari, impianti di condizionamento e riscaldamento da 156 a 183; nel settore edile da 110 a 141; per i medici da 128 a 130, per i fisioterapisti da 144 a 157, per gli infermieri da 143 a 154. In aumento anche il tempo per trovare sul mercato lavoratori nel campo dell’assistenza agli anziani: dai 167 giorni del 2017 ai 175 del 2018.
Germany’s new immigration laws open door for skilled labor
Non-EU skilled citizens will have it easier now to move and get a job in Germany. In a bid to attract more skilled workers, the coalition government has come up with an agreement on the immigration issue. The deal, among others, makes it easier for non-EU skilled workers search for a job and work in Germany, in particular if they work in any of the occupations where there is a job shortage.
The German Deutsche Welle newspaper reports that Angela Merkel’s government worked until late Monday night, to reach a deal on the immigration issue. The talks between the grand coalition were focused in two key points:
How to fill the skilled labor gap in Germany through targeted immigration from non-EU countries
The prospects of remaining in Germany for asylum seekers that were rejected, but have in the meantime found work and integrated into society?
According to the new immigration law, skilled labor from abroad with the adequate training and education will face fewer restrictions when they attempt to get a job in Germany.
Any non-EU citizen will now be permitted to work in Germany if they have the qualified vocational training or degree course and an employment contract.
Meaning, German companies in every sector are now able to recruit foreign skilled workers, unlike previously when they were allowed to recruit only workers in specific sectors.
In addition, job seekers will have in disposition a period of six months to find a job in Germany. Still, having the vocational training remains a requirement.
The law will also offer the opportunity to get a better residency permit, to rejected asylum seekers who remain in the country, by securing a permanent job.
Reactions to Germany’s new deal on migration
The German Interior Minister Horst Seehofer said during a press conference in Berlin that coalition partners have agreed on a legislation that would set clear rules.
“On one hand, it would satisfy the needs of the German businesses for employing skilled workers from third countries. On the other hand, it would also enable a controlled, orderly immigration,” he said, expressing his belief that the legislation would significantly reduce illegal migration.
The chief executive of the Confederation of German Employers’ Associations, Steffen Kampeter, also assessed the agreement as important for maintaining Germany’s economic competitiveness.
“To do so, we are dependent on qualified workers from abroad,” he said.
However, there were voices from the opposition in the German parliament saying that the agreement just created “more bureaucracy and opaque regulations” for migrants, instead of easing and simplification, among which the Green party migration expert Filiz Polat.
▻https://www.germany-visa.org/germanys-new-immigration-laws-open-door-for-skilled-labor
Les patrons allemands réclament plus d’immigrés
Le taux de chômage en Allemagne est au plus bas depuis la Réunification, clôturant une année marquée par l’arrivée réussie des réfugiés sur le marché du travail. Les patrons en redemandent.
▻https://www.explicite.info/articles/3423-les-patrons-allemands-r%C3%A9clament-plus-dimmigr%C3%A9s
#patronnat
Ihr Fachkräfte, kommet
Das 149 Seiten dicke Papier zum Einwanderungsgesetz sei zu bürokratisch, kritisiert die Opposition. Doch auch in der Union gibt es Bedenken.
Matiullah Hussainzai runzelt kurz die Stirn, als er nach den richtigen Worten sucht. „Ich hoffe, in Deutschland bleiben zu können. Deswegen versuche ich, alles richtig zu machen“, sagt der 27-jährige Afghane. Er habe Deutschkurse besucht, Maßnahmen absolviert. Jetzt bereite er sich mit einem Praktikum auf eine Ausbildung im „Kreuzberger Himmel“ vor. Er steht hinter dem Tresen des Berliner Restaurants, das sich auf die Ausbildung und Beschäftigung von Geflüchteten spezialisiert hat, hinter ihm stapeln sich Gläser mit eingelegten Zitronen.
Hussainzai ist einer der Männer, um die sich der politische Streit in den vergangenen Tagen gedreht hat: Menschen, deren Asylantrag abgelehnt wurde, die aber dennoch weiter in Deutschland sind. Seit drei Jahren sei er nun in Deutschland, erzählt Hussainzai. In seiner Heimat arbeitete er als Maler und Lackierer – eine Ausbildung dafür gibt es in Afghanistan nicht.
In seinem Dorf in der Nähe von Dschalalabad habe man aus Angst vor den Taliban eine Sicherheitsgruppe bilden wollen, erzählt Hussainzai, auch er war dabei. Doch dann schnappten die Taliban einen von ihnen, und der trug eine Liste mit allen Namen bei sich. „Einen Monat lang habe ich mich in Kabul versteckt“, sagt Hussainzai. Dann habe er sich mit Hilfe von Schleppern über die Balkanroute nach Deutschland durchgeschlagen.
Gegen die Ablehnung seines Asylantrags wehrt sich Hussainzai nun mit einem Anwalt. Die Ausbildung im Kreuzberger Himmel würde für ihn in dieser Situation mehr als nur einen Job bedeuten: Er bekäme eine Ausbildungsduldung und damit die Sicherheit, während dieser dreijährigen Duldung und für den Fall einer Anschlussbeschäftigung auch in den folgenden zwei Jahren nicht abgeschoben zu werden.
Ein „Riesenschritt, ein „historischer Tag“
Anders als zunächst geplant sollen Fälle wie der von Hussainzai künftig nicht unter das Fachkräfteeinwanderungsgesetz fallen. Die Ausbildungsduldung wird genau wie eine neu geschaffene Beschäftigungsduldung in ein eigenes Gesetz ausgelagert – das erklärten am Mittwochvormittag Bundesinnenminister Horst Seehofer (CSU), Bundesarbeitsminister Hubertus Heil (SPD) und Bundeswirtschaftsminister Peter Altmaier (CDU). Beide Gesetzentwürfe hatte das Kabinett am Morgen beschlossen.
Die Diskussion über ein deutsches Einwanderungsgesetz zieht sich seit Jahren wie Kaugummi. Von einem „Riesenschritt“ sprach Heil nun sichtlich zufrieden. Ihm sei kein anderes Land weltweit bekannt, das ein „so modernes und unbürokratisches“ Einwanderungsgesetz habe, triumphierte Seehofer. Und Altmaier sprach gar von einem „historischen Tag“: „Wir lassen hiermit 30 Jahre ideologischer Debatte hinter uns.“
Das neue Gesetz soll mit seinen 149 Seiten nun Fachkräften aus Nicht-EU-Ländern erlauben, zur Erwerbsarbeit nach Deutschland einzureisen. Entsprechende Regelungen gibt es bereits für Akademiker*innen und Engpassberufe. „Dem soll die berufliche Qualifikation nun gleichgestellt werden“, sagte Seehofer. Für Niedrigqualifizierte sieht das Gesetz keine Erleichterungen vor.
Teilqualifikationen können nachgeholt werden
Die Minister betonten: „Wir wollen Einwanderung in den Arbeitsmarkt, nicht in die Sozialsysteme.“ Konkret soll ein Visum bekommen, wer über eine mit deutschen Standards vergleichbare Berufsausbildung verfügt, die deutsche Sprache beherrscht und ein Jobangebot vorweisen kann.
In bestimmten Fällen sollen Teilqualifikationen auch in Deutschland nachgeholt werden können. Die Vorrangprüfung, nach der zunächst geprüft werden muss, ob für einen Job Deutsche oder EU-Bürger*innen zur Verfügung stehen, soll entfallen. Fachkräfte, die ihren Lebensunterhalt selbst bestreiten, dürfen zudem für sechs Monate zur Jobsuche einreisen. Unter noch strengeren Bedingungen ist dies auch zur Ausbildungsplatzsuche möglich.
Das zweite Gesetz soll eine bundeseinheitliche Umsetzung der Ausbildungsduldung garantieren. Bisher wurde diese in verschiedenen Bundesländern sehr unterschiedlich ausgelegt, Bayern etwa gilt als besonders restriktiv. Künftig sollen diese Regelungen auch für Assistenz- oder Helferausbildungen gelten, wenn sich eine Berufsausbildung anschließt.
Anreiz, illegal nach Deutschland zu kommen
Für ausreisepflichtige Menschen, die seit mindestens 18 Monaten einer sozialversicherungspflichtigen Beschäftigung von mindestens 35 Stunden die Woche nachgehen, deutsch sprechen, ihren Lebensunterhalt finanzieren, deren Identität geklärt ist und die nicht straffällig geworden sind, soll es zudem die Möglichkeit einer „Beschäftigungsduldung“ von 30 Monaten geben, an die sich eine Aufenthaltserlaubnis anschließen kann. Die Voraussetzungen seien bewusst sehr streng gewählt, sagte Seehofer.
Dieser Punkt war in der Debatte über den Referentenentwurf der wohl umstrittenste – wohlgemerkt nicht zwischen Union und SPD, die sich eigentlich eine noch liberalere Lösung gewünscht hatte. Es waren Stimmen innerhalb der Union, die eine Beschäftigungsduldung selbst unter solch strengen Voraussetzungen keinesfalls wollten.
Bis Dienstagnachmittag war unklar, ob der Entwurf am Mittwoch überhaupt ins Kabinett könne. Als „aus fachpolitischer Sicht nicht zustimmungsfähig“ hatten CDU-Innen- und Wirtschaftspolitiker die Regelungen zu Duldung und Ausbildungsplatzsuche zuvor in einem Schreiben genannt.
Die Vorsitzende des Innenausschusses im Bundestag, Andrea Lindholz (CSU), hatte im Merkur kritisiert, das Gesetz biete „Migrationswilligen“ weltweit einen Anreiz, nach Deutschland zu kommen – auch illegal. Wohl auch als Reaktion darauf sind die Beschäftigungsduldung sowie die Einreise zur Arbeits- oder Ausbildungsplatzsuche zunächst zeitlich befristet.
Seehofer: Diskussionen als „Nervenprobe“
In einem Schreiben an Seehofer und Altmaier betonten hingegen die Chefs der verschiedenen Arbeitgeberverbände vergangene Woche, wie wichtig die Arbeitsmarktintegration von Geflüchteten sei.
Die bisherigen Diskussionen seien zeitweise eine „Nervenprobe“ gewesen, sagte Seehofer am Mittwoch. Nun erwarte er „intensive Beratungen“ im parlamentarischen Verfahren. In diesem müsse nun auch die SPD stärker Position beziehen, fordert Aziz Bozkurt, Bundesvorsitzender der AG Migration in der SPD: „Was dieses Gesetz ausdrückt, ist nicht das Willkommen, das es sein müsste.“ Es sei noch immer zu bürokratisch, um Deutschland für Fachkräfte attraktiv zu machen. Geduldeten helfe es nur punktuell. „Sobald es um Migration geht, setzen bei der Union leider Vernunft und Verstand aus.“
Die Forderungen der Verbände, der Wirtschaft und der Unternehmen blieben ungehört, kritisierte auch Filiz Polat von den Grünen. „Der schwarz-roten Koalition fehlen Mut und Innovationskraft für einen großen Wurf in der Migrationspolitik.“ Gökay Akbulut von der Linksfraktion konstatierte, wenn es um Geflüchtete gehe, herrsche „unverändert ein ideologisch dominiertes Abwehrdenken“. Die Liberale Linda Teuteberg bemängelte, angesichts der voraussichtlich 3,9 Millionen benötigten Arbeitnehmer in den kommenden Jahren sei das Gesetz „wirklich ein Tropfen auf den heißen Stein“.
Reçu via email:
Das Bundeskabinett hat sich heute auf einen Entwurf für ein
Fachkräfte-Einwanderungsgesetz geeinigt. Gleichzeitig wird ein „Beschäftigungsduldungsgesetz“ vorgeschlagen (siehe Anlagen, die hoffentlich die aktuellsten sind!). Die Einigung wurde erst gestern nach zähem Ringen erzielt. Trotz Einigung gab es bereits kurz nach Beschluss deutliche Kritik aus den Reihen der CDU, - so ganz überzeugend klingt das also nicht mit der Einigung.
An den bisher in einem Vorschlag zusammengefassten Regelungen hat sich wenig geändert. Das Beschäftigungsduldungsgesetz ist im Kern und in
Ausrichtung (Verschärfung der Erteilungsvorausetzungen für die jeweiligen Duldungen) so schlecht geblieben wie vorher.
Wesentliche Änderungen nach einem ersten Überblick:
Verschlechterung (auch das ist trotz bereits scharfer Vorlage mit Beifall der SPD möglich!)
a) Bereits die Einleitung eines Dublin-Verfahrens, nicht erst die
Einleitung des Überstellungsverfahrens, ist eine konkrete Maßnahme zur
Aufenthaltsbeendigung. Damit ist für alle Dublin-Verfahren die Erteilung einer Ausbildungsduldung verunmöglicht.
b) Auch für alle „Altfälle“ (Einreise vor dem 31.12.2016) ist der
Vorbesitz einer Duldung VOR Erteilung einer Ausbildungsduldung Voraussetzung.
c) Um eine Beschäftigungsduldung erteilen zu können, muss der Lebensunterhalt durch Beschäftigung gesichert sein. Der Bezug
öffentlicher Leistung ist also in jedem Fall schädlich.
d) Anstelle von Tagessätzen für Straftaten, die die Erteilung einer Beschäftigungsduldung ausschließen, wurde allgemein darauf abgestellt,
dass ALLE VORSÄTZLICHEN Straftaten die Erteilung verhindern. Ausnahmen gelt en für Straftaten nach dem AufenthG und AsylG.
Ver(schlimm)besserungen (allesamt keine besseren Regelungen als im zurzeit geltenden Recht!)
a) das Verbot der schulischen Ausbildung entfällt
b) kein Arbeitsverbot für Menschen aus sicheren HKL, wenn sie ihren Asylantrag zurückgenommen oder gar keinen gestellt haben, wenn das dem Kindeswohl dient (UmA) oder die Rücknahme oder das Nichtstellen nach
einer Beratung durch das BAMF erfolgt ist (hier werden sicherlich auch noch die Rückkehrberatungsstellen beteiligt werden wollen).
c) Versagung der Ausbildungs- und Beschäftigungsduldung und „nur“ noch bei „offensichtlichem Mißbrauch“ (das dürfte trotzdem zu vergnüglichen Ausflügen der Ausländerbehörden in diverse Verschwörungstheorien führen,
auch wenn am Ende die Fakten zählen werden)
d) Versagt wird die Beschäftigungsduldung dann, wenn konkrete Maßnahmen zur Aufenthaltsbeendigung bevorstehen, die in einem hinreichenden sachlichen und zeitlichen Zusammenhang zur Aufenthaltsbeendigung stehen
(eine nuancierte Verbesserung, aber offen für jedwede Auslegung, die
wohl dann wieder nach einer bundeseinheitlichen Regelung schreit, - um dann so oder schlimmer zu werden als im bisherigen Entwurf)
e) Immerhin: eine Beschäftigungs oder Ausbildungsduldung kann erteilt werden, wenn der Ausländer die erforderlichen und ihm zumutbaren Maßnahmen für die Identitätsklärung ergriffen hat (aber auch hier werden die Auslegungsspielräume größer sein als alle Fußballfelder der
Bundesliga zusammen)
f) Einige Absenkungen der Erteilungsvoraussetzungen lassen die Herzen nicht höher schlagen, aber sollen erwähnt werden: Erteilungsdauer für 30 Monate (bisher: 24), auch neue Lebenspartner können einbezogen werden,
Alleinerziehende benötigen nur eine 12 monatige Vorbeschäftigung (bisher 18), Sprachniveau A2 reicht aus, ein unverschuldeter abbruch eines I-Kurses hat keine Nachteile.
Die BundestagsfraktionBD90/Die Grünen hat heute einen eigenen Entwurf für ein Einwanderungsgesetzvorgelegt. Dieser kann abgerufen werden unter (BT-Drucksache 19/6542):
►http://dipbt.bundestag.de/doc/btd/19/065/1906542.pdf
Die diesbezüglichePressemitteilung finden Sie hier:
►https://www.gruene-bundestag.de/presse/pressemitteilungen/2018/dezember/deutschland-braucht-ein-modernes-einwanderungsgesetz.html
Peter Tauber, ehemaliger Generalsekretär der CDU und jetzt
Verteidigungsstaatssekretär, zog heute in der Rh einischen Post ein positives Fazit: „Einwanderer müssen zu unseren Landsleuten werden. Wir brauchen einen offenen Geist. Und wir müssen Menschen, die bei uns den Fachkräftebedarf decken, deutlich machen: Wir wollen nicht nur, dass Du bei uns arbeitest, wir wollen auch, dass du bei uns und mit uns lebst,
dass du Teil unserer Gesellschaft wirst.“ Das bedeute: „Sie haben dieselben Pflichten, aber auch dieselben Rechte.“
Diese integrationspolitisch sinnvolle und zugleich humane Ausrichtung einer Arbeitsmarkt orientierten Migrationspolitik muss jedoch für alle Menschen, auch für die hier bereits lebenden Asylsuchenden und Geduldeten gelten. Davon ist der Gesetzesentwurf weit, weit entfernt.
#ILO Global Estimates on International Migrant Workers – Results and Methodology
If the right policies are in place, labour migration can help countries respond to shifts in labour supply and demand, stimulate innovation and sustainable development, and transfer and update skills. However, a lack of international standards regarding concepts, definitions and methodologies for measuring labour migration data still needs to be addressed.
This report gives global and regional estimates, broken down by income group, gender and age. It also describes the data, sources and methodology used, as well as the corresponding limitations.
The report seeks to contribute to the 2018 Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration and to achieving SDG targets 8.8 and 10.7.
Le résumé:
https://i.imgur.com/lh4YoRd.png 
https://i.imgur.com/FEHRSWC.png 
https://i.imgur.com/BaWulQc.png 
https://i.imgur.com/dbAySpV.png 
https://i.imgur.com/qA4ichi.png 
https://i.imgur.com/qylShd6.png #OIT #statistiques #chiffres #monde #genre #âge #2017 #migrations #travailleurs_migrants #travail #femmes
Global migrant numbers up 20 percent
Migrants of working age make up 4.2 percent of the global population, and the number is growing. A UN report notes how poorer countries are increasingly supplying labor to richer ones to their own detriment.
There are 277 million international migrants, 234 million migrants of working age (15 and older) and 164 million migrant workers worldwide, according to a UN report.
Figures for 2017 from the United Nations’ Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN/DESA) published on Wednesday show that migrants of working age make up 4.2 percent of the global population aged 15 and older, while migrant workers constitute 4.7 percent of all workers.
The numbers rose by almost 20 percent between 2013 and 2017 for international migrants, 13 percent for migrants of working age and 9 percent for migrant workers.
Distribution
Of the 164 million migrant workers worldwide, 111.2 million (67.9 percent) are employed in high-income countries, 30.5 million (18.6 percent) in upper middle-income countries, 16.6 million (10.1 percent) in lower middle- income countries and 5.6 million (3.4 percent) in low-income countries.
From 2013 to 2017, the concentration of migrant workers in high-income countries fell from 74.7 to 67.9 percent, while their share in upper middle-income countries increased, suggesting a shift in the number of migrant workers from high-income to lower-income countries.
The report noted that this growing number could be attributed to the economic development of some lower-income nations, particularly if these countries are in close proximity to migrant origin countries with close social networks.
The share of migrant workers in the labor force of destination countries has increased in all income groups except for lower middle-income countries.
In high-income countries, falling numbers of migrant workers were observed simultaneously with a higher share in the labor force as a result of the sharp fall in the labor force participation of non-migrants, due to a variety of factors such as changes in demographics, technology and immigration policies.
“Stricter migration policies in high-income countries and stronger economic growth among upper middle-income countries may also contribute to the trends observed,” the report noted.
Geography
Some 60.8 percent of all migrant workers are found in three subregions: Northern America (23.0 percent), Northern, Southern and Western Europe (23.9 percent) and Arab States (13.9 percent). The lowest number of migrant workers is hosted by Northern Africa (less than 1 percent).
The subregion with the largest share of migrant workers as a proportion of all workers is Arab States (40.8 percent), followed by Northern America (20.6 percent) and Northern, Southern and Western Europe (17.8 percent).
In nine out of 11 subregions, the labor force participation rate of migrants is higher than that of non-migrants. The largest difference is in the Arab States, where the labor force participation rate of migrants (75.4 percent) is substantially higher than that of non-migrants (42.2 percent).
Gender
Among migrant workers, 96 million are men and 68 million are women. In 2017, the stock of male migrant workers was estimated to be 95.7 million, while the corresponding estimate for female migrant workers was 68.1 million.
“The higher proportion of men among migrant workers may also be explained by...the higher likelihood of women to migrate for reasons other than employment (for instance, for family reunification), as well as by possible discrimination against women that reduces their employment opportunities in destination countries,” the report noted.
It added that societal stigmatization, the discriminatory impacts of policies and legislation and violence and harassment undermine women’s access to decent work and can result in low pay, the absence of equal pay and the undervaluation of female-dominated sectors.
Age
Prime-age adults (ages 25-64) constitute nearly 87 percent of migrant workers. Youth workers (aged 15-24) and older workers (aged 65 plus) constitute 8.3 percent and 5.2 percent, respectively, of migrant workers. This age composition holds for male and female migrant workers alike.
“The fact that the overwhelming majority of migrant workers consist of prime-age adults suggests that some countries of origin are losing the most productive part of their workforce, which could have a negative impact on their economic growth,” the report noted, but it added that emigration of prime-age individuals may also provide a source of remittances for countries of origin.
Destination countries, meanwhile, benefit from receiving prime-age workers as they are increasingly faced with demographic pressures.
Labor shortage in Germany
Germany’s BDI industry association said skilled labor from abroad was key to Germany’s future economic success. “The integration of skilled workers from other countries contributes significantly to growth and jobs,” BDI President Dieter Kempf said.
The country’s VDE association of electrical, electronic and IT engineering was the latest group in Germany to point to the growing need for foreign experts. Emphasizing that Germany itself was training too few engineers, VDE said there would be a shortage of 100,000 electrical engineers over the next 10 years.
“We will strive to increase the number of engineers by means of migration,” VDE President Gunther Kegel noted.
▻https://www.dw.com/en/global-migrant-numbers-up-20-percent/a-46596757
Al menos uno de cada cuatro movimientos migratorios son retornos a los países de origen
Un estudio estima que entre el 26% y el 31% de los flujos de migración mundiales consisten en regresos a los lugares de partida. En los últimos 25 años apenas ha habido cambios en la proporción de población migrante mundial
▻https://ctxt.es/es/20181226/Firmas/23708/ctxt-Observatorio-Social-La-Caixa-migracion.htm
#retour_au_pays
source: ▻https://www.pnas.org/content/116/1/116
GLOBAL MIGRATION INDICATORS
Préparé par le Centre mondial d’analyse des données sur la migration (CMADM) de l’OIM, le rapport 2018 sur les indicateurs de la migration dans le monde résume les principales tendances mondiales en fonction des dernières statistiques, présentant 21 indicateurs dans 17 domaines relatifs à la migration.
Le rapport s’appuie sur des statistiques provenant de sources diverses facilement accessibles sur le Global Migration Data Portal.
Le rapport regroupe les statistiques les plus récentes dans des domaines comme la migration de main-d’œuvre, les réfugiés, les étudiants internationaux, les envois de fonds, le trafic illicite de migrants, la gouvernance des migrations et bien d’autres, permettant aux responsables politiques et au grand public d’avoir un aperçu de l’ampleur et des dynamiques de la migration à travers le monde.
Par ailleurs, le rapport est le premier à faire le lien entre le programme mondial de gouvernance des migrations et les débats sur les données migratoires. Les thèmes choisis sont particulièrement pertinents pour le Pacte mondial pour des migrations sûres, ordonnées et régulières et pour les Objectifs de développement durable (ODD). Le rapport fait un état des lieux des données sur chaque thème et propose des solutions pour les améliorer.
« Bien que le Pacte mondial sur la migration et les ODD soient des cadres importants pour améliorer la façon dont nous gérons les migrations, des données plus précises et fiables sur les sujets relatifs à la migration sont nécessaires pour tirer parti de cette opportunité. Ce rapport donne un aperçu global de ce que nous savons et ne savons pas sur les tendances de la migration dans le monde », a déclaré Frank Laczko, Directeur du CMADM.
« La communauté internationale prend des mesures pour renforcer la collecte et la gestion des données sur la migration mais il reste beaucoup à faire. Une base de données solide est essentielle pour éclairer les politiques nationales sur la migration et seront plus que jamais nécessaires à la lumière du Pacte mondial pour des migrations sûres, ordonnées et régulières », a déclaré Antonio Vitorino, le nouveau Directeur général de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations.
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https://www.iom.int/sites/default/files/styles/large/public/press_release/media/gmdac_1.jpg?itok=fWxQsk1I#.jpg ▻https://www.iom.int/fr/news/loim-publie-un-rapport-sur-les-indicateurs-de-la-migration-dans-le-monde-2018
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Pour télécharger le rapport :
▻https://publications.iom.int/system/files/pdf/global_migration_indicators_2018.pdf
Quelques éléments-clé :
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Loin de la terre promise
Venus d’#Amérique_latine, des milliers de travailleurs et travailleuses récoltent les #fruits et #légumes de #Provence. Parfois confrontés à des employeurs malhonnêtes, certains ouvriers s’organisent.
« En France, plus personne veut bosser dans l’#agriculture ! » Appuyé contre son tracteur sous le soleil écrasant de la fin d’été, L., maraîcher bio entre #Arles et #Avignon, se désole de la #pénurie de #main-d’œuvre française. Dans cette plaine fertile des #Bouches_du_Rhône, c’est le constat amer que font la plupart des agriculteurs. « Les Français, ils ne tiennent pas le coup ! » renchérit un de ses collègues. La solution : des #ouvriers_étrangers, bosseurs et pas exigeants.
Après les Espagnols, les Portugais et les Marocains, ce sont des milliers de #travailleurs_sud-américains qui viennent dans le Sud de la France via des entreprises d’#intérim espagnoles comme #Terra_Fecundis, #Laboral_Terra ou #Eurofirm. Créées par des notables de la région de Murcia, Alicante ou Valence, dans le sillage de la crise du BTP de 2008 en Espagne qui a mis des milliers d’ouvriers sur le carreau, elles envoient dans toute l’Europe des travailleurs « en provenance de pays à faible coût », comme elles le mettent en avant auprès des agriculteurs.
Des nouveaux travailleurs pas chers
Côté agriculteurs, tout est facilité : même si le salaire horaire doit être désormais le même que celui des Français (lire ci-dessous), les boîtes d’intérim payent les cotisations sociales espagnoles, moins chères d’environ 10%. Entre l’exploitant et les travailleurs, aucun contrat individuel, mais une « commande » collective est passée auprès des entreprises espagnoles qui leur « livrent » les travailleurs en bus. L’agriculteur n’a plus qu’à régler la facture. Leur période d’embauche est calquée sur les besoins et les aléas de la production : ils sont donc révocables à tout moment.
« Ce système arrange tout le monde ! constate Béatrice Mesini, sociologue. A la fois les agriculteurs qui ont tout à y gagner mais aussi les travailleurs eux-mêmes, qui sont très contents de pouvoir toucher 7,50 euros de l’heure pour vivre et rembourser leurs dettes au lieu de 3,50 à 5,50 euros en Espagne et encore moins chez eux en Amérique du Sud. »
Des #abus et de la #surexploitation
« Ils ne nous déclaraient que huit jours par mois alors qu’on travaillait tous les jours. » Sifrid
Mais à quel prix ? Sous-déclaration des heures de travail, conditions de #logement déplorables, retenues démesurées sur le #salaire (la nourriture, les frais de santé, etc.)… Les accusations sont nombreuses. Rencontré à Beaucaire, Sifrid, Equatorien, raconte son arrivée en France en 2006, via Terra Fecundis (TF) : « Ils ne nous déclaraient que huit jours par mois alors qu’on travaillait tous les jours et parfois on n’était payés que plusieurs mois plus tard, dénonce le quadragénaire, le visage tanné par le soleil. En plus, ils prélèvent une somme pour les transports, pour le logement, pour tout ! Ils ne payent pas légalement ! »
André Fadda, du syndicat CGT intérim 13, le confirme : « Dans le #travail_détaché, la première infraction qu’on note, tous secteurs confondus, c’est les amplitudes #horaires qui ne sont jamais respectées, dénonce-t-il. Ils peuvent parfois travailler jusqu’à 200, voire 250 heures par mois. »
Des pratiques épinglées par la #justice
La justice française s’est penchée sur le cas de ces entreprises espagnoles. En 2011, une information judiciaire pour #homicide involontaire est ouverte au Tribunal de Tarascon, à la suite de la #mort par #déshydratation d’#Iban_Elio_Granda_Maldonado, un travailleur TF. Aucune mesure n’a été prise à ce jour et la procédure s’éternise.
A l’été 2017, la Juridiction interrégionale spécialisée (JIRS) de Marseille ouvre une #enquête pour « #dissimulation_d’activité » et « #fraude_au_détachement ». Rien n’en est encore ressorti. D’ailleurs, sur les 3000 contrôles effectués en 2016 dans des #exploitations_agricoles, seules 329 entreprises ont été déclarées en #infraction. TF brouille les pistes : elle reste injoignable à son siège espagnol de Murcia et son adresse française à Châteaurenard nous mène vers l’appartement d’un de ses salariés, qui confirme qu’il n’y a plus de bureaux ici depuis trois ans.
Les pratiques douteuses de ces entreprises ont attiré l’œil de la Mutuelle sociale agricole (MSA) et de l’Inspection du travail dont les contrôles sont de plus en plus fréquents. Sont ciblés ceux faisant appel aux prestations de TF, Laboral Terra, etc. Ennuyés par ces contrôles, les agriculteurs commencent à se montrer réticents aux services de ces sociétés. Un exploitant ayant souhaité rester anonyme témoigne : « Parfois, j’embauche quelques Equatoriens. Avant, je le faisais via Terra Fecundis mais maintenant, je passe par un groupement d’employeurs de droit français : au moins, on ne risque plus une descente de gendarmes. »
Lassés d’être considérés comme des « négriers » et des « esclavagistes », des exploitants visités en viennent à mettre dehors les journalistes de manière musclée : « Vous voyez la porte là ? Eh ben, vous la prenez. Basta, on en a marre de lire des conneries sur notre dos. » D’autres, un peu plus enclins à la discussion, finissent par confier leur désarroi : « On sait qu’il y a des pratiques anormales, mais nous on est réglo et ça se passe très bien. Et puis ils sont là pour bosser ! » Ceux-ci ont cessé de « se faire livrer » par Terra Fecundis et recrutent désormais leurs #saisonniers en direct.
S’organiser pour se faire respecter
Petit à petit, les Sud-Américains qui ont acquis la nationalité espagnole contournent le détachement et passent par #Réagir, un groupement d’employeurs agricoles départemental. Sous la serre, Manuel, Johana, Maula, Rolando et Gloria, en pleine plantation du fenouil, ne regrettent pas d’avoir quitté TF : « Ici au moins, nos heures supplémentaires sont payées et les jours fériés et les dimanches majorés. » Un cadre qui plaît aussi à leur employeur qui souligne que « le paiement des charges en France ouvre le droit à une couverture sociale et à une #mutuelle ».
Pourtant, même là, la situation est loin d’être idéale et ne garantit pas toujours de meilleurs traitements au quotidien… Blanca (le prénom a été changé à la demande de la personne ndlr ) travaille dans une entreprise française de conditionnement de fruits et légumes dans la région d’Avignon : « Je travaille trois jours et demi par semaine mais entre 5h du matin et 19h, avec des pauses. Dans l’entreprise, on nous a dit qu’on ne pouvait pas travailler plus de 48h par semaine ! lance cette mère de famille en riant un peu jaune. Mais bon, moi ça m’arrange pour les enfants. »
Même si très peu d’entre eux parlent le français, ces travailleurs commencent à connaître leurs droits et des formes d’organisation collective émergent. La #solidarité est forte : des #cagnottes sont montées pour aider certains à payer des frais médicaux, des tournois de volley sont organisés pour souffler, se retrouver… Et en profiter pour s’échanger des contacts de boulot. Lassé de se « faire voler par les entreprises espagnoles », Peters, ancien saisonnier de TF, a monté sa propre entreprise pour mettre directement les travailleurs et les agriculteurs en lien : « Comme je parle bien français, à force je connaissais les employeurs et ils faisaient directement appel à moi. Je me suis lancé. »
De leur côté, Santiago et Nelly sont cofondateurs d’une toute récente association, #Latinos_Sin_Fronteras, à Beaucaire : « On ne veut pas être vus que comme des machines à travailler. On est aussi des musiciens, des peintres, et on veut promouvoir notre culture, explique Santiago. « On voudrait aussi proposer des cours de français », rajoute Nelly. Julien Sanchez, le maire (FN) de #Beaucaire, n’a pas l’air très disposé à les aider dans leurs démarches. Mais la dynamique est lancée et entre deux matches de volley, certains soufflent que malgré les pressions, ils aimeraient monter un syndicat…
Le #détachement : une politique européenne
Pensé à l’origine pour favoriser la circulation des travailleurs au sein de l’Union européenne, le détachement est mis en place en 1996 à travers une directive qui précise qu’un travailleur détaché est « tout travailleur qui, pendant une période limitée, exécute son travail sur le territoire d’un Etat membre autre que l’Etat sur le territoire duquel il travaille habituellement ». Accusé de favoriser le « #dumping_social », le texte est amendé en 2017 en proposant d’établir l’égalité de rémunération et de règles salariales entre travailleurs détachés et locaux, tout en maintenant le règlement des #cotisations_sociales dans le pays d’origine. Il limite aussi la durée du détachement à douze mois et compte « protéger les travailleurs de la fraude et de l’exploitation ».
Ces règles ont été entérinées en juillet 2018 par une nouvelle directive. « Pour l’Europe, c’est un système de win win win ! explique la sociologue Béatrice Mesini. A la fois pour le pays d’origine, pour le pays récepteur et pour le pays de mise à disposition. Tout le monde est gagnant et c’est pour ça que ça marche. »
En Europe, le nombre de #travailleurs_détachés a augmenté de 45% entre 2010 et 2014, passant de 1,3 à 1,9 million, contre 600 000 en 2007. Le Ministère du travail français en recensait 516 101 en 2017, soit deux fois plus qu’en 2016, alors qu’en PACA, dans le secteur agricole, ils étaient 67 357 à venir ramasser des fruits et légumes, soit 7,4% de l’emploi salarié régional
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« Workers not slaves » : les sans-parole s’emparent de l’espace public libanais
Environ 300 personnes se sont retrouvées hier à #Dora afin de manifester leur colère face aux conditions de travail des immigrés.
International Migration Outlook 2018
Preliminary data show that OECD countries received slightly more than 5 million new permanent legal migrants in 2017. This represents the first decline in migration to the area since 2011 (down by around 5%, compared to 2016). This is due, however, to the significant reduction in the number of recognised refugees in 2017 while other migration categories remained stable or increased.
After two years of record‑high numbers of asylum applications to OECD countries, there was a significant decline in 2017, with 1.23 million claims. This figure is still well above any other recorded year, prior to 2015. The top three origin countries were Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq. In 2017, the United States received the highest number of asylum applications in the OECD (330 000 applications), followed by Germany (198 000).
Accounting for almost 40% of permanent migrants, family migration (family reunification and formation as well as accompanying family members) remained the most important migration channel to the OECD area. The sharp increase in this category in the period 2015/16 reversed a decline that started in 2010.
For the first time, this year’s Outlook includes a consolidated number for all categories of temporary labour migration to OECD countries. These categories comprise international recruitments of seasonal workers and other temporary foreign workers; EU workers sent by their employers to other EU countries under local contracts (posted workers); and intra‑company transferees. In total, more than 4.2 million temporary foreign workers were recorded in the OECD in 2016, which corresponds to an 11% increase compared to the previous year. The main receiving countries for temporary foreign workers are Poland (672 000, mostly from Ukraine) and the United States (660 000, with India as main origin country).
Around 3.3 million international students were enrolled in higher education in an OECD country, 8% up from the previous year. Recent trends in the United States, however, indicate a strong decline in the number of study permits in 2016 (‑27%). On average, international students account for 9% of the total number of students enrolled in establishments of higher education in OECD countries in 2015. They represent 14% of all students enrolled in Master’s degree courses and 24% of those enrolled in doctoral courses.
On average across OECD countries, migrants’ employment rate increased by 1 percentage point in 2017, to 67.1. Their average unemployment rate decreased by 1 percentage point to 9.5%, and the average unemployment gap with their native‑born peers narrowed to 3 percentage points in 2017. This development was partly driven by significant improvements in some EU countries.
On the policy side, migration channels for highly‑qualified foreigners continue to be refined in many countries, involving adjustment of the selection criteria of permanent programmes and reviewing conditions for temporary programmes. Start‑up visas continue to grow in number while investor programmes are under review and see stricter conditions. Eligibility for family reunification is also an area of policy adjustment.
The labour market impact of recent refugees
For European countries as a whole, the estimated relative impact of recent refugee inflows on the working‑age population is projected to reach no more than 0.4% by December 2020. In terms of labour force, since participation rates of refugees are typically very low in the early period of their stay in the host country, the magnitude of the aggregate net impact is estimated to be even smaller, at less than 0.25% by December 2020.
In countries with the highest aggregate effects, the impact is likely to be much larger in specific segments of the labour market, notably among young low‑educated men. Since this population group is already vulnerable in most host countries, well‑targeted measures are needed to provide them with adequate support.
The illegal employment of foreign workers
The illegal employment of foreign workers may result from non‑compliance with either migration – or labour – rules. Addressing this issue is therefore both an economic and migration policy objective.
Consequently, OECD countries should seek to improve co ordination and coherence between enforcement authorities. They should also raise awareness among both employers and workers and use improved status verification systems as part of measures to prevent the illegal employment of migrant labour. However, when the illegal employment of foreign workers becomes a highly prominent issue or is deemed structural, regularisation programmes may be considered. They need to be designed carefully and accompanied by appropriate changes in legal labour migration channels and stronger enforcement measures. Finally, policies to combat the illegal employment of foreign workers should be conducted not only at national and sector levels, but also internationally.
Main findings
Labour market integration of immigrants
Between 2016 and 2017, the unemployment rate of migrants in the OECD decreased by more than 1 percentage point to 9.5%, and the employment rate increased from 65.5% to 67.1%. The improvement was more marked for foreign‑born women.
Specific migrant groups are showing particularly high employment rates. For example, in the European Union, the employment rate of EU migrants is higher than that of natives by 5 percentage points. In the United States, for the first time in recent years, migrants from Mexico and Africa outperformed migrants from Asia by 1 and 3 percentage points, respectively.
Across OECD countries, the creation of integration programmes for newly‑arrived migrants and refugees continues, focusing largely on language and skills acquisition. Many countries have also developed measures intended for the most vulnerable, notably unaccompanied minors and children who arrive late to the education system.
Labour market impact of refugees
European countries received 4 million new asylum applications between January 2014 and December 2017, three times as many as during the previous four‑year period. During the same period (2014‑17), about 1.6 million individuals were granted some form of protection.
For European countries as a whole, the relative impact of recent refugee inflows on the labour force is estimated to be quite small, at less than 0.25% by December 2020. Specific groups (young, low‑educated men) in the most affected countries (Austria, Germany, Sweden) are, however, more exposed.
In the absence of any migrant returns to their countries of origin, the total number of rejected asylum seekers could reach 1.2 million by end 2020. The effect on the informal labour market will depend on the level of voluntary returns and the efficiency of enforcement measures.
Illegal employment of foreign workers
Illegal employment of foreign workers is most likely to affect men of a relatively young age. The sectors most concerned by such illegal employment are agriculture, construction, manufacturing and domestic services.
▻https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/sites/0312b53d-en/index.html?itemId=/content/component/0312b53d-en
#migrations #réfugiés #OCDE #statistiques #asile #chiffres #2017 #rapport #travailleurs_étrangers #marché_du_travail #travail
cc @reka
Sur FB, une explication du scandale #Windrush.
Ici le lien (à défiler)
►https://twitter.com/EdChirac/status/990669955401166848
#histoire #UK #Angleterre #immigration #travail #travailleurs_étrangers #travailleurs_immigrés #WWII #reconstruction #deuxième_guerre_mondiale #seconde_guerre_mondiale #colonies #colonisation #colonialisme #Jamaïque #Bahamas #Barbade #Îles_Vierges #Grenade #Saint-Christophe-et-Niévès #Trinité-et-Tobago #British_Nationality_Act #Commonwealth #nationalité #naturalisation #citoyenneté #Empire_Windrush #génération_Windrush #multiculturalisme #racisme_ordinaire #racisme #xénophobie #carnaval_de_Notting_Hill #Commonwealth_Immigrants_Act #environnement_hostile #hostile_environment #Theresa_May #sans-papiers #Brexit #renvois #expulsions #deuxième_génération #segundos #secundos #Amber_Rush
’National day of shame’ : #David_Lammy criticises treatment of Windrush generation
Labour MP says situation has come about because of the hostile environment that begun under Theresa May, as he blames a climate of far-right rhetoric. People who came to the UK in the 1950s and 60s are now concerned about whether they have a legal right to remain in the country. The government has admitted that some people from the Windrush generation had been deported in error, as Theresa May appeared to make a U-turn on the issue Some Windrush immigrants wrongly deported, UK admits.
Amber Rudd’s resignation letter in full and the Prime Minister’s response
Amber Rudd has resigned as home secretary amid increasing pressure over the way the Home Office handled immigration policy.
Her resignation came after leaked documents undermined her claims she was unaware of the deportation targets her officers were using.
Downing Street confirmed Theresa May had accepted Ms Rudd’s resignation on Sunday night. She is the fifth cabinet minister to have left their position since the Prime Minister called the snap election in June 2017.
▻https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/amber-rudd-resignation-letter-full-transcript-windrush-scandal-theres
Il grosso scandalo sull’immigrazione nel Regno Unito
I giornali britannici hanno scoperto che alcune politiche – promosse da Theresa May da segretaria agli Interni – hanno colpito persone che erano arrivate regolarmente
#Amber_Rudd, the Windrush scandal and the reluctant Remainer
The Windrush scandal is undoubtedly the scene of a crime, multiple crimes. But which scene and what crime now needs maximum public exposure?
▻https://www.opendemocracy.net/uk/nando-sigona/amber-rudd-windrush-scandal-and-reluctant-remainer
’It’s like a death sentence’ : ex-NHS worker billed £4,388 for treatment
Falling ill on a visit from Jamaica became costly nightmare for #Pauline_Pennant, who had worked in UK for 30 years
▻https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/may/23/go-die-not-interested-windrush-citizen-feels-neglected-by-britain?CMP=s
Black history is still largely ignored, 70 years after Empire Windrush reached Britain
Now, 70 years and three to four generations later, the legacy of those who arrived on the Windrush and the ships that followed is being rightly remembered – albeit in a way which calls into question how much their presence, sacrifices and contributions are valued in Britain.
▻https://theconversation.com/black-history-is-still-largely-ignored-70-years-after-empire-windru
#histoire #mémoire
Chased into ’self-deportation’: the most disturbing Windrush case so far
As Amelia Gentleman reflects on reporting one of the UK’s worst immigration scandals, she reveals a new and tragic case.
In the summer of 2013, the government launched the peculiarly named Operation Vaken, an initiative that saw vans drive around six London boroughs, carrying billboards that warned: “In the UK illegally? Go home or face arrest.” The billboards were decorated with pictures of handcuffs and the number of recent immigration arrests (“106 arrests last week in your area”). A line at the bottom adopted a softer tone: “We can help you to return home voluntarily without fear of arrest or detention.”
The Conservatives’ 2010 manifesto promise to reduce migration to the tens of thousands had been going badly. It was time for ministers to develop new ways of scaring immigrants into leaving and for the government’s hostile environment policy to get teeth. More than 170,000 people, many of them living in this country legally, began receiving alarming texts, with warnings such as: “Message from the UK Border Agency: you are required to leave the UK as you no longer have the right to remain.”
The hope was that the Home Office could get people to “self-deport”, frightening them into submission. In this, politicians appeared to have popular support: a YouGov poll at the time showed that 47% of the public approved of the “Go home” vans. The same year, Home Office vehicles began to be marked clearly with the words “Immigration Enforcement”, to alert people to the hovering presence of border guards.
Operation Vaken ran for just one month, and its success was limited. A Home Office report later found that only 11 people left the country as a result; it also revealed that, of the 1,561 text messages sent to the government’s tip-off hotline, 1,034 were hoaxes – taking up 17 hours of staff time.
Theresa May’s former adviser Nick Timothy later tried to argue that the vans had been opposed by the prime minister and were only approved while she was on holiday. But others who worked on the project insisted that May had seen the wording on the vans and requested that the language be toughened up. Meanwhile, the Immigration Enforcement vehicles stayed, with their yellow fluorescent stripes and black-and-white checks, a sinister presence circling areas of high migration. Gradually, the broader strategy of intimidation began to pay off. Some people were frightened into leaving.
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In my two years of reporting on what became known as the Windrush scandal, Joycelyn John’s experience was the most disturbing case I came across. Joycelyn arrived in London in 1963 at the age of four, travelling with her mother on a Grenadian passport as a British subject. She went to primary and secondary school in Hammersmith, west London, before working in hotels in the capital – including the Ritz and a Hilton.
Some time around 2009, she lost her Grenadian passport, which contained the crucial stamp giving her indefinite leave to remain. She had trouble getting a new passport, because her mother had married and changed her daughter’s surname from Mitchell to John. Because she never registered the change, there was a discrepancy between Joycelyn’s birth certificate and the name she had used all her adult life. She spent several years attempting to sort out her papers, but by 2014, aged 55, she had been classified as living in Britain illegally. She lost her job and was unable to find new work. For a while, she lived in a homeless hostel, but she lost her bed, because the government does not normally fund places for people classified as illegal immigrants. She spent two years staying with relatives, sleeping on sofas or the floor.
In that time, Joycelyn managed to gather 75 pages of evidence proving that she had spent a lifetime in the UK: bank statements, dentists’ records, medical files, tax records, letters from her primary school, letters from friends and family. But, inexplicably, this was not enough. Every letter she received from the Home Office warned her that she was liable to be deported to Grenada, a country she had left more than 50 years ago. She began to feel nervous about opening the door in case immigration officers were outside.
A Home Office leaflet encouraging people to opt for a voluntary departure, illustrated with cheerful, brightly coloured planes and published about the same time as the “Go Home” vans were launched, said: “We know that many people living in the UK illegally want to go home, but feel scared of approaching the Home Office directly. They may fear being arrested and detained. For those returning voluntarily, there are these key benefits: they avoid being arrested and having to live in detention until a travel document can be obtained; they can leave the UK in a more dignified manner than if their removal is enforced.” This appeal to the desire for a dignified departure was a shrewd tactic; the idea of being forcibly taken away terrified Joycelyn, who saw the leaflets and knew of the vans. “There’s such stigma... I didn’t want to be taken off the plane in handcuffs,” she says. She was getting deeper into debt, borrowing money from a younger brother, and felt it was no longer fair to rely on him.
When the hostile environment policy is working well, it exhausts people into submission. It piles up humiliations, stress and fear until people give up. In November 2016, Joycelyn finally decided that a “voluntary” departure would be easier than trying to survive inside the ever-tightening embrace of Home Office hostility. Officials booked her on a flight on Christmas Day; when she asked if she could spend a last Christmas with her brother and five sisters, staff rebooked her for Boxing Day. She was so desperate that she felt this was the best option. “I felt ground down,” she says. “I lost the will to go on fighting.”
By that point, she estimated she must have attempted a dozen times to explain to Home Office staff – over the phone, in person, in writing – that they had made a mistake. “I don’t think they looked at the letters I wrote. I think they had a quota to fill – they needed to deport people.” She found it hard to understand why the government was prepared to pay for her expensive flight, but not to waive the application fee to regularise her status. A final letter told her: “You are a person who is liable to be detained... You must report with your baggage to Gatwick South Virgin Atlantic Airways check-in desk.” The letter resorted to the favoured Home Office technique of scaring people with capital letters, reminding her that in her last few weeks: “YOU MAY NOT ENTER EMPLOYMENT, PAID OR UNPAID, OR ENGAGE IN ANY BUSINESS OR PROFESSION.” It also informed her that her baggage allowance, after a lifetime in the UK, was 20kg – “and you will be expected to pay for any excess”.
How do you pack for a journey to a country you left as a four-year-old? “I was on autopilot,” Joycelyn recalls. “I was feeling depressed, lonely and suicidal. I wasn’t able to think straight; at times, I was hysterical. I packed the morning I left, very last-minute. I’d been expecting a reprieve. I didn’t take a lot – just jeans and a few T-shirts, a toothbrush, some Colgate, a towel – it didn’t even fill the whole suitcase.” She had £60 to start a new life, given to her by an ex-boyfriend. She had decided not to tell her sisters she was going; she confided only in her brother. “I just didn’t want any fuss.” She didn’t expect she would ever be allowed to return to Britain.
In Grenada, she found everything unfamiliar. She had to scrub her clothes by hand and struggled to cook with the local ingredients. “It’s just a completely different lifestyle. The culture is very different.” She was given no money to set her up and found getting work very difficult. “You’re very vulnerable if you’re a foreigner. There’s no support structure and no one wants to employ you. Once they hear an English accent – forget it. They’re suspicious. They think you must be a criminal if you’ve been deported.”
Joycelyn recounts what happened to her in a very matter-of-fact way, only expressing her opinion about the Home Office’s consistent refusal to listen when I ask her to. But her analysis is succinct: “The way I was treated was disgusting.” I still find it hard to accept that the government threatened her until she felt she had no option but to relocate to an unfamiliar country 4,300 miles away. The outcome – a 57-year-old Londoner, jettisoned to an island off the coast of Venezuela, friendless and without money, trying to make a new life for herself – is as absurd as it is tragic.
*
In April 2018, the leaders of 52 countries arrived in London for the Commonwealth heads of government meeting. The Mall was decorated with flags; caterers at Buckingham Palace prepared for tea parties and state dinners. In normal times, this summit would have been regarded as a routine diplomatic event, heavy with ceremony and light on substance. But, with Brexit looming, the occasion was seen as an important opportunity to woo the countries on which Britain expected to become increasingly reliant.
A week before the event, however, the 12 Caribbean high commissioners had gathered to ask the British government to adopt a more compassionate approach to people who had arrived in the UK as children and were never formally naturalised. “I am dismayed that people who gave their all to Britain could be discarded so matter-of-factly,” said Guy Hewitt, the Barbados high commissioner. “Seventy years after Windrush, we are again facing a new wave of hostility.”
Hewitt revealed that a formal request to meet May had been declined. The rebuff convinced the Caribbean leaders that the British government had either failed to appreciate the scale and seriousness of what was happening or, worse, was aware, but did not view it as a priority. It smacked of racism.
By then, I had been covering cases such as Joycelyn’s for six months. I had written about Paulette Wilson, a 61-year-old grandmother who had been detained by the Home Office twice and threatened with deportation to Jamaica, a country she had left half a century earlier; about Anthony Bryan, who after 50 years in the UK was wrongly detained for five weeks; and about Sylvester Marshall, who was denied the NHS radiotherapy he needed for prostate cancer and told to pay £54,000 for treatment, despite paying taxes here for decades. Yet no one in the government had seemed concerned.
I contacted Downing Street on 15 April to ask if they could explain the refusal to meet the Caribbean delegation. An official called back to confirm that a meeting had not been set up; there would be other opportunities to meet the prime minister and discuss this “important issue”, she said.
It was a huge mistake. An article about the diplomatic snub went on the Guardian’s front page and the political response was instantaneous. Suddenly, ministers who had shown no interest were falling over themselves to express profound sorrow. The brazen speed of the official turnaround was distasteful to watch. Amber Rudd, then the home secretary, spoke in parliament to express her regret. The Home Office would establish a new team to help people gather evidence of their right to be here, she announced; fees would be waived. The prime minister decided that she did, after all, need to schedule a meeting with her Caribbean colleagues.
There were a number of factors that forced this abrupt shift. The campaigner Patrick Vernon, whose parents emigrated from Jamaica in the 50s, had made a critical connection between the scandal and the upcoming 70th anniversary of the arrival of the Empire Windrush at Tilbury Docks. A fortnight earlier, he had launched a petition that triggered a parliamentary debate, calling for an immigration amnesty for those who had arrived as British subjects between 1948 and 1971. For months, I had been describing these people as “Caribbean-born, retirement-age, long-term British residents”, a clunky categorisation that was hard to put in a headline. But Vernon’s petition succinctly called them the “Windrush generation” – a phrase that evoked the emotional response that people feel towards the pioneers of migration who arrived on that ship. Although it was a bit of a misnomer (those affected were the children of the Windrush generation), that branding became incredibly potent.
After months of very little coverage, the BBC and other media outlets began to report on the issue. On 16 April, the Guardian reprinted the photographs and stories of everyone we had interviewed to date. The accounts were undeniable evidence of profound and widespread human suffering. It unleashed political chaos.
*
It was exciting to see the turmoil caused by the relentless publication of articles on a subject that no one had previously wanted to think about. Everyone has moments of existential doubt about whether what they do serves a purpose, but, for two weeks last April, the government was held to account and forced to act, demonstrating the enormous power of journalism to trigger change.
At the Guardian’s offices in London, a team of reporters was allocated to interview the huge number of emerging Windrush voices. Politicians were contacted by constituents who had previously been nervous about giving their details to officials; they also belatedly looked through their constituency casebooks to see if there were Windrush people among their immigration caseload; finally, they began to speak up about the huge difficulties individuals were facing as a result of Home Office policy.
Editors put the story on the front page, day after day. Any hope the government might have had of the issue quickly exhausting itself was dashed repeatedly by damaging new revelations. For a while, I was unable to get through my inbox, because there were too many unhappy stories about the government’s cruel, bureaucratic mishandling of cases to be able to read and process. Caroline Bannock, a senior journalist who runs the Guardian’s community team, created a database to collect people’s stories, and made sure that everyone who emailed got an answer, with information on where to go for advice and how to contact the Windrush Taskforce, set up by Rudd.
I found the scale of the misery devastating. One morning, I came into work to find 24 messages on my answerphone from desperate people, each convinced I could help. I wanted to cry at my desk when I opened a letter from the mother of a young woman who had arrived in Britain from Jamaica in 1974, aged one. In 2015, after being classified as an illegal immigrant and sent to Yarl’s Wood detention centre, she had taken an overdose and died. “Without the time she spent in Yarl’s Wood, which we understand was extremely unpleasant, and the threat of deportation, my daughter would be alive today,” she wrote. The government had been aiming to bring down immigration at any cost, she continued. “One of the costs, as far as I am concerned, was my daughter’s life.”
Alongside these upsetting calls and letters, there were many from readers offering financial support to the people we interviewed, and from lawyers offering pro bono assistance. A reader sent a shoebox full of chocolate bars, writing that he wanted to help reporters keep their energy levels up. At a time when the reputation of journalism can feel low, it was rewarding to help demonstrate why independent media organisations are so important.
If the scene at the office was a smooth-running model of professionalism, at home it was chaos. I wrote until 2am and got up at 5am to catch up on reading. I tapped out so many articles over two weeks that my right arm began to ache, making it hard to sleep. My dictaphone overheated from overuse and one of its batteries exploded. I had to retreat entirely from family life, to make sure I poured out every bit of information I had. Shoes went missing, homework was left undone, meals were uncooked. There was an unexpected heatwave and I was aware of the arrival of a plague of ants, flies and fleas (and possibly nits), but there was no time to deal with it.
I am married to Jo Johnson, who at the time was a minister in May’s government. As a news reporter, I have to be politically independent; I let him get on with his job and he doesn’t interfere in mine. Life is busy and mostly we focus on the day-to-day issues that come with having two children. Clearly, there are areas of disagreement, but we try to step around anything too contentious for the sake of family harmony.
But the fact did not go unnoticed. One Sunday morning, Jo had to go on television to defend Rudd, returning home at lunchtime to look after the children so I could talk on the radio about how badly the government had got it wrong. I can see why it looks weird from the outside; that weekend it felt very weird. I had only one brief exchange about the issue with his brother Boris, who was then the foreign secretary, at a noisy family birthday party later in the year. He said: “You really fucked the Commonwealth summit.”
*
On 25 April, Rudd appeared in front of the home affairs select committee. She told MPs she had been shocked by the Home Office’s treatment of Paulette and others. Not long into the session, Rudd was thrown off course by a question put to her by the committee’s chair, Yvette Cooper. “Targets for removals. When were they set?”
“We don’t have targets for removals,” she replied with easy confidence. It was an answer that ended her career as home secretary.
In an earlier session, Lucy Moreton, the head of the Immigration Service Union, had explained how the Home Office target to bring net migration below 100,000 a year had triggered challenging objectives; each region had a removal target to meet, she said. Rudd’s denial seemed to indicate either that she was incompetent and unaware of how her own department worked, or that she was being dishonest. Moreton later told me that, as Rudd was giving evidence, colleagues were sending her selfies taken in front of their office targets boards.
Rudd was forced back to parliament the next day. This time, she admitted that the Home Office had set local targets, but insisted: “I have never agreed there should be specific removal targets and I would never support a policy that puts targets ahead of people.” But, on 29 April, the Guardian published a private memo from Rudd to May, sent in early 2017, that revealed she had set an “ambitious but deliverable” target for an increase in enforced deportations. Later that evening, she resigned.
When I heard the news, I felt ambivalent; Rudd hadn’t handled the crisis well, but she wasn’t responsible for the mess. She seemed to be resigning on a technicality, rather than admitting she had been negligent and that her department had behaved atrociously on her watch. The Windrush people I spoke to that night told me Rudd’s departure only shifted attention from the person who was really responsible: Theresa May.
*
Joycelyn John was issued with a plane ticket from Grenada to England in July 2018. “A bit of me was ecstatic, a bit of me was angry that no one had listened to me in the first place,” she told me when we met at her still-bare flat in June this year. She had been rehoused in September, but the flat was outside London, far from her family and empty; council officials didn’t think to provide any furniture. Friends gave her a bed and some chairs, but it was months before she was able to get a fridge.
In late 2018, she received a letter of apology from the then home secretary, Sajid Javid. “People of the Windrush generation who came to Britain from the Commonwealth, as my parents did, have helped make this country what it is today,” he wrote. “The experiences faced by you and others have been completely unacceptable.” The letter made her cry, but not with relief. “I thought: ‘What good is a letter of apology now?’ They ruined my life completely. I came back to nothing. I have had to start rebuilding my life from scratch at the age of 58.”
She still has nightmares that she is back in Grenada. “I can feel the heat, I can smell the food, I can actually taste the fish in the dream – in a good way. But mostly they are bad memories.” The experience has upended her sense of who she is. “Before this I felt British – I just did. I’m the sort of person who would watch every royal wedding on television. I feel less British now. I feel I don’t belong here, and I don’t belong there.”
While a government compensation scheme has been announced, Joycelyn, like most of the Windrush generation, has yet to receive any money. Since the government apologised for its “appalling” treatment, 6,000 people have been given documents confirming their right to live in the UK. Joycelyn is one of them. But, although her right to be here is now official, she hasn’t yet got a passport – because she can’t afford the fee. And she remains frightened. “I’m still looking over my shoulder all the time. I’m a nervous wreck.”
▻https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/sep/14/scale-misery-devastating-inside-story-reporting-windrush-scandal?CMP=sh
Derrière le #muguet, les petites mains roumaines du #maraîchage nantais
Contrairement aux idées reçues, de nombreux habitants des #bidonvilles de l’agglomération nantaise travaillent. Où cela ? Là où l’on veut bien d’eux et notamment chez les maraîchers, où ils sont devenus indispensables à la cueillette du muguet ou des #radis.
#Frise_chronologique. Histoire des luttes des immigrations
La frise chronologique « Histoires de luttes des immigrations » est un outil multimédia de valorisation des #expériences collectées dans les ateliers de récits de vie « Petits Histoires- Grandes Histoires ».
Cette mini-encyclopédie est nourrie des #souvenirs des participant-e-s, leurs expériences, leurs #parcours_familiaux et migratoires, avec des événements qui font le lien entre l’histoire personnelle, locale, nationale et internationale.
Monuments to the work of Bangladeshi migrants
An estimated 9.4m Bangladeshis have left the country to seek employment abroad. Their experiences are being chronicled in poetry and art.
Diana Campbell Betancourt, the artistic director and chief curator of the Dhaka Art Summit, says that “one cannot understand Bangladesh without considering these workers.” All too often, they are abused and overworked, treated as slaves or indentured servants. “These workers give so much with their labour, and they need to be seen as more than just bodies,” she says. The Dhaka summit shows that they are not only more than bodies, fully human, but artists, too.
Kamruzzaman Shadhin, a Bangladeshi artist, collected the abandoned clothes of Bangladeshis who were illegally trafficked into Malaysia and Thailand, tapping an internal migrant community in Thakurgaon to stitch them together into a giant patchwork quilt (pictured, top). Liu Xiaodong, a Chinese artist, paints portraits of migrant workers in a medium often reserved for powerful patrons. In one, a bearded man looks over his shoulder with a wary face and a cigarette in his mouth against a blue background (pictured). In another, a gaunt man with sunken cheeks is a picture of exhaustion, his eyes bloodshot from working long hours. Mr Liu’s work humanises these workers, but does not glamourise their suffering.
https://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/imagecache/1280-width/20180303_BKP502.jpg 
https://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/imagecache/1280-width/images/2018/02/blogs/prospero/20180303_bkp503_facebook.jpg Et de la #poésie :
Mr Khokan never strayed from his writing roots, and needed a way to express his experiences in a creative manner. He founded Amrakajona (“We Are” in Bengali) as a group for Bengali migrant workers interested in poetry, as well as another poetry group, Singapore Bengali Literature. The Dhaka Art Summit, which ran from February 2nd-10th in the dusty, congested Bangladeshi capital, showcased poetry from members of Singapore Bengali Literature. Mr Khokon read “Pocket 2”, a lament for his wife and their forced separation:
I remember when I returned this time
my heart dissolved in your tears
The pocket of my shirt was wet
Reaching the end of my memories
I wear that shirt every night
and write love poems to you
MD Sharrif Uddin, another poet, addressed the invisibility of the migrant worker directly:
Though my tears satisfy the thirst of the city,
It will forget me by and by!
But like the waters on the high waves of the river,
I’ll survive and I’ll be there.
The sweat of my tired body has
Become the moisture of the city,
and in this moisture, I’ll survive.
I live forever.
▻https://www.economist.com/blogs/prospero/2018/02/constructing-identities?fsrc=scn/tw/te/bl/ed/monumentstotheworkofbangladeshimigrantsconstructingidentities
#migrants_bangladais #migrations #travailleurs_étrangers #monument #art #esclavage_moderne (ping @reka) #exploitation #exil #poésie
cc @isskein
MIGRANT WORKER POETRY COMPETITION
Ici les poètes travailleurs sélectionnés pour le prix 2016 :
▻https://www.singaporeworkerpoetry.com/copy-of-poets-1
En voici une :
#Home
Across the seas, I have a home
Too far to reach, too close to forget
A place where I find genuine comfort
A place far better than the rest of the world
But then I have to bid my farewell
Say my goodbyes without shedding tears
Leave those who are dear to me
For a better life, for the future I see
Now, I am in the land of the lion’s head
Searching for grace, counting the days
Fearing that at the end of my plea
All my struggles will be nothing but history
Yes, I long for that place I call home
Too far to reach, too close to forget
The road back there, I shall once heed
For at the end of my journey, there shall I rest
Towards that home that’s dear to me
The sail of my boat, I shall aim one of these days
Going beyond the horizon that limits my sight
On a plight far treacherous than the Odyssey
Yes, there is a home that’s so dear to me
Too far to reach, too close to forget
A place that bears all of my past
A place I longed for my future to start
And as I close my eyes from the shenanigans of today
All I hope is a tomorrow where I can be
Towards the home I long to see
Towards that dream that seems to be of infinity.
OIT | Lancement du rapport sur les liens entre migration et santé
▻https://asile.ch/2018/02/26/oit-lancement-rapport-liens-entre-migration-sante
Le rapport de l’Organisation internationale du travail, publié en anglais, s’intitule “Promoting a Right-based Approach to Migration, Health, and HIV and AIDS : A framework for Action”. Il apporte une analyse des problèmes liés au SIDA dans les contextes de migration de travail. « La publication a été préparée par Patrick Taran, avec l’assistance du groupe de […]
The midnight train to Moscow
Riding the rails to Russia with the migrant workers of Central Asia.
The search began before dawn; the train had just crossed the border of Tajikistan into Uzbekistan. We were only three hours into the four-day train ride between Dushanbe, Tajikistan’s capital, and Moscow.
https://foreignpolicymag.files.wordpress.com/2017/07/moscow-train.jpg 
https://foreignpolicymag.files.wordpress.com/2017/07/07_buildingsite.jpg 
Il faut trouver le soldat Médine !
▻http://labrique.net/index.php/thematiques/immigration/953-il-faut-trouver-le-soldat-medine-3
2 Septembre 1939 : l’ordre de mobilisation générale appelle les patriotes à une énième boucherie à la gloire de la religion drapeautique. Ah ça, quand il faut sonner le clairon, nos dirigeants va-t’en guerre répondent toujours « présents ! » Quand il s’agit d’aller crever dans une tranchée par contre y’a plus personne, si ce n’est les prolos et les troupes coloniales ! Aujourd’hui, les descendant.es des tirailleurs africains vivent avec bien peu d’informations sur le parcours de leurs ancêtres. Lorsque Bouchra se met en tête de retrouver la trace de son arrière-grand-père, elle découvre comment l’État français profite de l’oubli des familles pour économiser sur l’entretien des tombes d’anciens (...)
#tirailleurs_africains #deuxième_guerre_mondiale #colonialisme #seconde_guerre_mondiale #France #WWII #patriotisme #troupes_coloniales #mémoire #oubli #tombes #histoire #mère_patrie #tirailleurs_algériens #camp_de_transit #Pithiviers #détention #centres_de_détention #mort_pour_la_France #mourir_pour_la_France #Oignies #migration #travailleurs_étrangers #migrants_algériens #Compagnie_des_mines_de_Dourges #mines #mineurs #cimetière #fosses_communes #carré_militaire #Souvenir_français #dignité #Haubourdin
L’esclavage moderne existe en #Suisse
Une étude mandatée par la police fédérale fait la lumière sur le trafic et l’#exploitation des #travailleurs_étrangers en Suisse. La chercheuse Johanna Probst en commente les résultats.
La traite des femmes finissant dans des réseaux de prostitution a déjà été largement documentée en Suisse. Mais une autre forme de trafic humain demeure ignorée : celui des travailleurs – non sexuels – engagés par des intermédiaires peu scrupuleux pour des salaires et des conditions indignes. Aucune étude n’avait jamais été réalisée en Suisse pour mesurer l’ampleur du phénomène.
Le Groupe d’experts européens sur la lutte contre la traite (GRETA) s’en est d’ailleurs inquiété. La police fédérale a mandaté en 2014 le Forum suisse de l’étude des migrations et de la population de l’université de Neuchâtel pour combler ce vide. L’une des trois chercheuses, Johanna Probst, a présenté les résultats aux autorités, après un an et demi d’une enquête focalisée sur quatre cantons (Genève, Zurich, Berne et le Tessin).
▻http://www.lecourrier.ch/138332/l_esclavage_moderne_existe_en_suisse
#travail #trafic_d'êtres_humains
En lutte contre le stade Dubaï du capitalisme...
▻http://www.liberation.fr/monde/2015/03/11/a-dubai-des-ouvriers-asiatiques-se-rebiffent_1218618
Un mouvement de protestation rare s’est produit mardi à Dubaï. Des #ouvriers asiatiques du bâtiment ont bloqué une rue du centre-ville afin de protester contre des conditions de travail difficiles et un non-respect de leurs droits.
Vêtus d’une tenue et d’un casque verts, les employés réclamaient des #salaires plus élevés pour leurs travaux sur le « Fountain View » , une résidence construite par la société Emaar Properties, spécialisée dans les appartements haut de gamme. Le complexe offre une vue sur le Burj Khalifa - plus haut gratte-ciel du monde avec 828 mètres - et sur la fontaine de Dubaï.
Manifestations et autres grèves étant interdites aux Emirats arabes unis, la police de Dubaï a vite déployé ses agents afin de maîtriser les centaines d’ouvriers rassemblés, rapporte le site Arabian Business. Il aura fallu moins d’une heure pour que le différend soit résolu, a indiqué la police de la ville sur Twitter, et, contre toute attente, aucune arrestation n’aura été effectuée.(...)
De tels rassemblements sont rares en raison du système de #parrainage mis en place pour les #travailleurs_étrangers dans le Golfe persique. Sans la nationalité émiratie, il est impossible de rester vivre légalement sur le territoire, à moins d’avoir un travail, et donc un parrain.
Les mobilisations des ouvriers de ce chantier reflètent pourtant une réalité qui concerne l’ensemble du territoire : l’écart abyssal de richesse entre les résidents émiratis et les ouvriers asiatiques employés massivement. Ces derniers proviennent principalement du Pakistan, du Nepal, du Bangladesh ou encore de l’Inde, et sont des millions à construire gratte-ciel, centres commerciaux et routes, à travers toute la région. Selon l’ONG de défense des droits de l’homme Human Rights Watch, ils seraient près de 5 millions de migrants en tout à Dubaï.
Deux immigrés pour 1 national (?) et de nombreux touristes ; des luttes ouvrières depuis 2007/2008.
Le stade DUBAÏ du capitalisme, Mike Davis, un article de 2007 qui a précédé (?) la rédaction du livre du même nom
▻http://laboratoireurbanismeinsurrectionnel.blogspot.fr/2011/07/le-stade-dubai-du-capitalisme.html
A la #frontière_tuniso-libyenne, on craint un scénario identique à 2011
En moins de trois semaines, les #affrontements entre milices rivales dans la capitale libyenne ont fait une centaine de #morts. Mercredi 30 juillet , la France a évacué ses ressortissants et fermé son ambassade. Ces derniers temps, des milliers de Libyens et de travailleurs étrangers affluent chaque jour en Tunisie.
▻http://www.rfi.fr/moyen-orient/20140801-frontiere-tuniso-libyenne-craint-scenario-2011-egypte-ras-jedir-sissi-t
#Tunisie #Libye #Egypte #Tripoli #migration #travailleurs_étrangers #asile #réfugiés
Le dilemme des migrants #éthiopiens expulsés d’#Arabie_saoudite
ADDIS ABEBA, 13 janvier 2014 (IRIN) - Partis pour échapper à la #pauvreté, peu d’entre eux ont réussi, même ceux qui ont trouvé du travail. Beaucoup ont été #maltraités par leurs employeurs. Quelque 144 000 Éthiopiens sont maintenant rentrés chez eux, expulsés par l’Arabie saoudite qui a commencé à prendre des mesures répressives contre les #travailleurs_étrangers sans papiers en novembre 2012.
▻http://www.irinnews.org/photo/Download.aspx?Source=Report&Year=2014&ImageID=201401091200540066&Width=490
▻http://www.irinnews.org/fr/report/99460/le-dilemme-des-migrants-%C3%A9thiopiens-expuls%C3%A9s-d-arabie-saoudite
The ban is a blessing… For the traffickers in Ethiopia
About 170,000 Ethiopians were deported from Saudi Arabia between November 2013 and March 2014. Four years later, Ethiopia is yet to fully reintegrate and rehabilitate these returnees, and now has to grapple with the deportation of another 100,000 workers.
▻https://www.migrant-rights.org/2017/11/stories-of-origin-the-ban-is-a-blessing-for-the-traffickers-in-ethio
#femmes