• State Dept. official Josh Paul resigns over U.S.-Israel arms transfers - The Washington Post
    By Michael Birnbaum | October 18, 2023
    https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2023/10/18/state-department-josh-paul-resignation-israel

    A State Department official who worked on arms transfers to foreign powers resigned Wednesday over the Biden administration’s handling of the conflict in Israel and Gaza, declaring he could not support further U.S. military assistance to Israel and calling the administration’s response “an impulsive reaction” based on “intellectual bankruptcy.” (...)

  • Battle of Navarino
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Navarino


    Dans les pays capitalistes on ne nous apprend pas à l’école que les guerres et conflits actuels sont la continuation des conflits de l’ère de la montée de l’occident industrialisé capitaliste. Les nations qu’on connaît sont le produit des besoins de la restructuration du monde selon les exigences du capital industriel et financier moderne.

    L’idée de l’état nation comme expression de la volonté d’un peuple est un leurre. Les idées nationalistes ne sont que l’expression sentimentale et idéologique des forces économiques au travail. En 1827 la volonté des Grecs de se libérer de la cruelle exploitation par l’empire féodal ottoman a servi de prétexte bienvenu aux maîtres des pays capitalistes pour se défaire des douanes et rançons ottomans gênant leur commerce. Leur alliance avec la Russie féodale ne contredit pas ce résultat d’analyse historique.

    La première guerre de l’opium de 1839 se passe dans le même contexte d’expansion capitaliste lancé par la multiplication des forces productives par l’industrialisation et élimine encore des limites aux échanges commerciales et financières.

    Encore aujourd’hui les luttes de libération nationales sont soumis au forces de gravitation exercées par les poids lourds économiques et militaires. Quand on regarde le conflit en Palestine entre le peuple palestinien à qui l’état d’Israël et ses citoyens les plus brutaux ont volé ses terres, on identifie facilement les forces de gravitation antagonistes à l’oeuvre. L’Ukraine est une autre preuve exemplaire pour l’existence des mécanismes impérialistes développés d’abord àl’époque de la bataille de Navarin.

    Ces observations conduisent la conclusion qu’il n’y aura pas de libération des peuples par la création d’états nation.Pour y arrver il faudra éliminer les capitalistes et exploiteurs au pouvoir et construire des états indépendants gouvernés par les peuples en lutte pour l’union mondiale.

    Grâce au technologies de production, de communication et de transport modernes nous sommes plus proches que jamais d’une société humaine. N’oublions jamais que par rapport aux capacités entièrement développés de notre espèce nous vivons toujours en Préhistoire.

    The Battle of Navarino was a naval battle fought on 20 October (O. S. 8 October) 1827, during the Greek War of Independence (1821–29), in Navarino Bay (modern Pylos), on the west coast of the Peloponnese peninsula, in the Ionian Sea. Allied forces from Britain, France, and Russia decisively defeated Ottoman and Egyptian forces which were trying to suppress the Greeks, thereby making Greek independence much more likely. An Ottoman armada which, in addition to Imperial warships, included squadrons from the eyalets of Egypt and Algiers, was destroyed by an Allied force of British, French and Russian warships. It was the last major naval battle in history to be fought entirely with sailing ships, although most ships fought at anchor. The Allies’ victory was achieved through superior firepower and gunnery.

    #Europe #Grèce #Turquie #USA #Russie #France #histoire #guerre_de_libération #nationalisme #capitalisme.#féodalisme #industrialisation #bataille_navale #voiliers

    • 1812
      https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/1812

      27. Februar: Lord Byron äußert im britischen House of Lords Verständnis für den Luddismus und verteidigt die Maschinenstürmer seines heimatlichen Wahlkreises.

      11. März: Das Preußische Judenedikt von König Friedrich Wilhelm III. verfügt die Gleichstellung jüdischer Bürger in Preußen.

      13. Mai: Ludwig van Beethoven vollendet seine 7. Sinfonie.

      12. Juni jul. / 24. Juni greg.: Napoleon befiehlt bei Kaunas den Bau von drei Schiffsbrücken und den Übergang über die Memel. Damit überschreitet er die Grenze und greift Russland an. Der Russlandfeldzug 1812 beginnt. Bis zum 30. Juni folgt die Grande Armée mit rund 500.000 Soldaten.

      18. Juni: Die Vereinigten Staaten erklären Großbritannien den Krieg: Damit beginnt der so genannte Krieg von 1812 unter Präsident James Madison

      12. August: Mit der Middleton Railway nimmt die weltweit erste Zahnradbahn in England ihren regulären Betrieb auf. Sie verbindet zum Kohletransport eine Kohlenzeche in Middleton, West Yorkshire, mit Leeds. Seit dem 24. Juni fährt auf der Strecke die Salamanca, die erste wirtschaftlich erfolgreiche Dampflokomotive Englands.
      – Jean Baptiste Joseph Fourier legt seine Arbeit über Fourier-Reihen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Paris vor.
      – Siméon Denis Poisson entwickelt seine Poisson-Gleichung für das elektrische Potential eines stromdurchflossenen Leiters.
      – Jean Louis Burckhardt beschreibt erstmals hethitische Inschriften (Hama-Steine).

      16. Dezember: Die geschlagenen Reste der Grande Armée überqueren die Memel und erreichen Ostpreußen. Nur 5.000 von ehemals 500.000 Soldaten haben die Flucht vor den nachrückenden russischen Verbänden überlebt.

      20. Dezember: Auslieferung der ersten Exemplare von Grimms Märchen (Erstauflage)

      30. Dezember: Konvention von Tauroggen. Der preußische General Yorck schließt einen lokalen Waffenstillstand mit Russland.

      1912

      29. Dezember: Geburt meiner polnischen Großmutter in Schlesien.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3i4f3NtLp5E

  • Keynes and the Marxists
    https://jacobin.com/2023/10/keynesian-economics-marxism-dialogue-sweezy-baran-robinson-kalecki-ackerman

    11.10.2023 by Nathan Tankus
    ...
    The “Keynesian Revolution” did not conquer the United States; at best it conquered the Boston area (for a limited time). It’s no coincidence, in fact, that dynastic scion John F. Kennedy was the high-water mark for anything approaching “Keynesianism” in government.
    ...

    #USA #économie #marxisme #keynésianisme

  • German Social Democrat Leader Boycotts Bernie Over Palestine
    https://jacobin.com/2023/10/german-social-democrats-bernie-sanders-israel-palestine-boycott

    German Social Democratic Party leader Saskia Esken has boycotted a Bernie Sanders event over his supposedly anti-Israel statements. Bernie’s statement? “The targeting of civilians is a war crime, no matter who does it.”

    Senator Bernie Sanders has been in Europe this week, debuting his bestseller It’s OK to Be Angry About Capitalism in its new Dutch and German translations. He’s spoken at several large public engagements in the Netherlands and Belgium, all of which sold out in a matter of hours and were very enthusiastically received. His last stop on the tour was Germany, where he spoke before yet another sold-out audience, followed by a reception hosted by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, a foundation associated with Die Linke, the German left party.

    The gathering was broad and included trade union leaders, climate activists, and members of other parties. Everyone from Die Linke cochair Janine Wissler to the moderate Green Party leader Ricarda Lang was eager to meet with Bernie Sanders.

    There was one prominent exception, however. Saskia Esken, leader of the ruling Social Democratic Party, had accepted an invitation to attend the reception from the event’s organizers before suddenly pulling out. Esken made the announcement yesterday morning on BlueSky, saying that she had “Tea to spill.” She continued that because Bernie had not clearly “stood on the side of Israel and against the terror of Hamas” she had to cancel what she described as a meeting with Sanders. The spectacle of a German leader refusing to talk with a prominent Jewish politician based on his insufficient support for the state of Israel was widely commented upon by Germans on social media.

    Senator Sanders’s remarks had been careful and not particularly controversial in even the American context: “The targeting of civilians is a war crime, no matter who does it,” Sanders wrote in a Wednesday statement. But he cautioned that “Let us not forget that half of the two million people in Gaza are children. Children and innocent people do not deserve to be punished for the acts of Hamas.”

    A member of Senator Sanders’s staff said that as far as he knew, “Bernie had never heard of Saskia Esken, but I’m sure he would have been pleased to meet her.”

    Saskia Esken’s office has not responded to a request for comment.

    #gauche #USA #Allemagne #SPD

  • Pour produire toujours plus de gaz de schiste, TotalEnergies profite de la faiblesse des autorités texanes
    https://disclose.ngo/fr/article/pour-produire-toujours-plus-de-gaz-de-schiste-totalenergies-profite-de-la-

    Dans la ville d’Arlignton, au Texas, des habitants se mobilisent contre TotalEnergies dont la production de gaz de schiste a explosé ces dernières années. En réaction à leur influence grandissante, la multinationale française s’organise. À coup de billets verts. Lire l’article

  • L’administration #Biden annonce discrètement qu’elle va financer une section du mur à la frontière avec le #Mexique

    « Construire un mur massif sur toute la frontière sud n’est pas une solution politique sérieuse », avait proclamé Joe Biden lors de son accession à la présidence des Etats-Unis. Son administration a pourtant discrètement annoncé jeudi 5 octobre qu’elle comptait ajouter une nouvelle section au mur frontalier avec le Mexique pour tenter de limiter les arrivées de migrants, reprenant à son compte une mesure phare et controversée de l’ancien président Donald Trump.

    Cette décision a valu à Joe Biden d’être accusé de #volte-face, lui qui avait promis le jour de son entrée en fonction, en janvier 2021, que le contribuable ne payerait plus pour la construction d’un mur. Le démocrate de 80 ans, candidat à sa réélection, a assuré qu’il ne « pouvait pas interrompre » le #financement engagé par son prédécesseur, faute d’avoir pu convaincre le Congrès d’employer ces fonds pour d’autres mesures. Le même jour, la Maison Blanche a fait part de la reprise de vols directs d’expulsion vers le Venezuela pour les immigrés en situation irrégulière, interrompus depuis des années.

    Le ministre de la sécurité intérieure, Alejandro Mayorkas, a expliqué qu’une nouvelle portion de mur serait érigée dans la vallée du #Rio_Grande, à la frontière avec le Mexique. « Il existe actuellement un besoin aigu et immédiat de construire des barrières physiques et des routes à proximité de la frontière des Etats-Unis afin d’empêcher les entrées illégales », a-t-il déclaré dans un avis officiel publié par le registre fédéral des Etats-Unis. Plus de 245 000 tentatives d’entrées illégales ont été enregistrées sur une dizaine de mois jusqu’au début d’août, selon l’administration.

    Le ministre a ensuite assuré sur le réseau social X (ex-Twitter) que des passages de l’avis officiel avaient été « sortis de leur contexte » et a affirmé : « Il n’y a pas de nouvelle politique concernant le mur à la frontière. Nous avons toujours dit clairement qu’un mur n’était pas une solution. »

    Au Mexique, le président Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, qui rencontre jeudi le chef de la diplomatie américaine, Antony Blinken, a jugé qu’il s’agissait d’un « pas en arrière ». « Cette autorisation pour la construction du mur est un pas en arrière parce qu’elle ne résout pas le problème, nous devons nous attaquer aux causes » de l’immigration illégale, a réagi le président mexicain.

    Des fonds approuvés sous la présidence de Donald Trump

    « L’argent était prévu pour le mur frontalier. J’ai essayé de convaincre [les républicains au Congrès] d’allouer les fonds à autre chose, de les rediriger. Ils n’ont pas voulu », s’est défendu Joe Biden. « En attendant, il n’est pas possible légalement d’utiliser cet argent pour autre chose que ce pour quoi il a été prévu », a poursuivi le démocrate pour justifier une décision vivement critiquée par certains élus de son parti, en particulier dans l’aile gauche.

    M. Mayorkas a expliqué de son côté que les fonds pour « les barrières physiques supplémentaires » viendraient d’une dotation approuvée par le Congrès dans ce but précis en 2019, quand M. Trump était au pouvoir. L’immigration illégale est un problème politique croissant pour M. Biden, que les républicains accusent de laxisme.

    Donald Trump, son rival et favori de la droite pour la prochaine élection présidentielle, n’a pas manqué de réagir. L’annonce de l’administration Biden montre que « j’avais raison quand j’ai construit 900 km (…) d’un mur frontalier tout beau, tout neuf », a-t-il écrit sur sa plate-forme Truth Social. « Joe Biden s’excusera-t-il auprès de moi et de l’Amérique pour avoir mis si longtemps à bouger et avoir permis que notre pays soit inondé de 15 millions d’immigrants illégaux, venant de lieux inconnus ? », a-t-il ajouté.

    Les républicains ont fait de l’immigration l’un de leurs angles d’attaque favoris contre la Maison Blanche. L’aile droite du parti s’oppose par exemple au déblocage de fonds supplémentaires pour l’Ukraine, estimant que cet argent devrait plutôt servir à lutter contre la crise migratoire.

    Le sénateur conservateur Lindsey Graham a demandé de lier les deux sujets, alors que le Congrès américain doit voter sur un nouveau budget, et donc sur une éventuelle rallonge pour l’Ukraine, avant le 17 novembre, sous peine de paralysie de l’Etat fédéral.

    Reprise des expulsions vers le Venezuela

    La Maison Blanche s’est défendue d’utiliser la construction du mur pour marchander le soutien des parlementaires républicains à un nouvel effort financier en faveur des Ukrainiens : « Je ne ferais pas le lien entre les deux », a assuré Karine Jean-Pierre.

    Concernant le Venezuela, l’administration Biden va reprendre dans les prochains jours les expulsions directes par avion, suspendues depuis des années en raison de la situation sécuritaire très dégradée dans ce pays.

    Le département d’Etat a précisé que les autorités de Caracas avaient accepté de recevoir leurs ressortissants ainsi renvoyés. Le gouvernement vénézuélien a confirmé, dans un communiqué, que les deux pays avaient « conclu un accord permettant de rapatrier de manière organisée, sûre et légale des citoyens vénézuéliens depuis les Etats-Unis ».

    Les Vénézuéliens sont l’une des nationalités les plus représentées parmi les migrants qui arrivent régulièrement à la frontière sud des Etats-Unis. Cette reprise des expulsions directes vise des personnes entrées sur le territoire américain après le 31 juillet 2023. Pour ceux qui se trouvaient sur le sol américain avant cette date, Washington avait récemment annoncé l’octroi de 500 000 permis temporaires de séjour.

    Selon l’ONU, plus de sept millions de personnes ont fui le Venezuela depuis l’effondrement de son économie. Le régime du président Nicolas Maduro est visé par des sanctions de Washington, qui n’a pas reconnu sa réélection en 2018.

    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/10/05/l-administration-biden-annonce-discretement-qu-elle-va-financer-une-section-
    #Joe_Biden #frontières #USA #Etats-Unis #murs #barrières_frontalières #renvois #expulsions #Venezuela

    • ‘Stabbed in the back’ : Biden’s border wall U-turn leaves Indigenous and climate groups reeling

      Rio Grande communities feel like the ‘sacrificial lamb’ in a political war as climate activists and environmentalists call foul

      The Biden administration’s decision to waive environmental, public health and cultural protections to speed new border wall construction has enraged environmentalists, Indigenous leaders and community groups in the Rio Grande valley.

      “It was disheartening and unexpected,” said Laiken Jordahl, a borderlands campaigner with the Center for Biological Diversity (CBD), amid concerns of the impact on essential corridors for wild cats and endangered plants in the area. “This is a new low, a horrific step backwards for the borderlands.”

      This is the first time a Democratic administration has issued such waivers for border wall construction, and for Joe Biden, it’s a marked departure from campaign promises and his efforts to be seen as a climate champion.

      “I see the Biden administration playing a strategic game for elections,” said Michelle Serrano, co-director of Voces Unidas RGV, an immigrants rights and community advocacy group based in the Rio Grande valley. The many rural, immigrant and Indigenous communities that live in the region have become “the sacrificial lamb” for politicians looking to score points, she added.

      As the climate crisis fuels ecological decline, extreme weather and mass migration, the administration’s move is especially upsetting, she added. “Building a border wall is counterproductive,” she said.

      “This is an inhumane response to immigration,” said Michele Weindling, the electoral director of the Sunrise Movement, a youth-led climate justice group. “The right thing to do would be to treat immigrants with compassion and address the root cause of what is forcing people to have to leave their countries, which is the climate crisis.”

      Following the administration’s decision to approve the Willow drilling project in Alaska and renege on a promise to end new drilling, the border wall construction will likely further alienate young voters, she said: “Biden has already caused distrust among young voters. This is another and horrendous reversal of promises he made on the campaign trail, which is a dangerous move to make ahead of 2024.”

      Among the 26 environmental and cultural protections the administration is waiving are the National Environmental Policy Act, the Endangered Species Act, the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act and the American Indian Religious Freedom Act.

      The administration’s proposed 20 new miles of a “border barrier system” in Starr county, Texas, cuts near the lower Rio Grande Valley national wildlife refuge. Construction would bisect fields where the Carrizo/Comecrudo Tribe and other tribes source peyote for sacramental use. It would also cut through or near old village sites and trails.

      “By developing this, they are furthering a genocide,” said Juan Mancias, the chair of the Carrizo/Comecrudo Tribe, who has been battling border wall construction though tribal cultural sites and graveyards through multiple US administrations. Colonizers “killed our people in the first place, and we had to bury – then you dig them up to build. It’s ongoing genocide”, he said.

      The new sections of border wall would cut through “some of the most rural, peaceful sections of the Rio Grande”, said Jordahl, who recently canoed down the stretch of river where the administration plans its construction. “It was one of the most serene experiences I have ever had on the border. There were orioles flapping their wings in the sky, kingfishers, great blue herons.”

      CBD believes the construction will set back the recovery of endangered ocelots, and cut off wildlife corridors essential to the spotted wildcats’ long-term survival. Two endangered plants, the Zapata bladderpod and prostrate milkweed, would also be threatened by wall construction, according to the CBD.

      The waivers were announced just a month after the Government Accountability Office, a nonpartisan watchdog agency, released a dire report finding that border wall construction during the Trump administration had destroyed towering saguaro cactuses in Arizona, threatened ocelots in Texas and dynamited Indigenous cultural sites and burial grounds. The report urged US Customs and Border Protection and the interior department to develop a plan to ease the damage.

      In fueling Donald Trump’s zeal to build a “big, beautiful wall” at the US-Mexico border, his administration issued waivers that suspended 84 federal laws including protections pertaining to clean air and water, endangered species, public lands and the rights of Native Americans. The Biden administration rescinded one of the prior administration’s waivers in June.

      In July, the federal government agreed in a settlement to pay $1.2bn to repair environmental damages and protect wildlife affected by sections of border wall construction. Several states as well as the Sierra Club and Southern Border Communities Coalition had challenged Trump’s use of military construction and of treasury department forfeiture funds to build parts of the wall.

      Now, the president who once vowed that “not another foot of wall would be constructed” under his watch has had his administration issue further waivers to speed wall construction. He has argued that his administration is compelled to construct border barriers, because money to fund its construction was already allocated by Congress. “I tried to get them to reappropriate, to redirect that money. They didn’t,” Biden told reporters. Asked if he thought the border wall worked, he responded, “No.”

      Environmental advocates have disputed the president’s claim that there was no choice but to move ahead with border wall construction. The administration was not obligated to waive environmental and public health protections to speed the work, they argue.

      “It’s absolutely mystifying as to why they thought it was a good idea to issue these waivers,” Jordhal said. “They could have moved forward with the Endangered Species Act still intact, so endangered wildlife and these areas would have had protections.” Keeping environmental, health and cultural protections in place would also have allowed local communities to provide input on the proposed construction and its impact, he added.

      “I’m angry,” said Nayda Alvarez, who spent years fighting the Trump administration’s efforts to seize land that her family has held for at least five generations to build the border wall. “Biden didn’t keep his promises – what happened to his word?”

      Even after the lawsuit to take her property along the Rio Grande was dropped, Alvarez said, she remained uncertain and uneasy – and continued to voice her concerns about the ecological damage caused by border barriers. “We thought maybe we’d be OK with a Democrat as president, and now Biden did this. We’re being stabbed in the back.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/06/biden-border-wall-indigenous-climate-rio-grande
      #peuples_autochtones #nature

      –-

      A mettre en lien aussi avec les conséquences sur la #faune et la #nature de la construction de #barrières_frontalières :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/515608
      #wildlife

  • Bruce Springsteen’s Nebraska and Born in the U.S.A. Captured Two Sides of Reagan’s America
    https://jacobin.com/2023/10/bruce-springsteen-nebraska-born-in-the-usa-reagan-america


    Cet article décrit comment la musique de Bruce Springsteen sur son disque Nebraska transmet une vue intérieure de la vie des gens ordinaires, du prolétariat et des assassins par manque de tout. L’auteur dessine le rôle du groupe E Street Band dans la transformation des compositions dans l’hymne rock Born in the U.S.A.. . Pourtant il y manque une pièce au puzzle pour compléter l’inage du musicien le plus états-unien des annés 1980.

    C’est bien lui qui a orchestré la répétition générale pour la prise du mur de Berlin par le peuple en 1989. Ronald Reagan n’a fait qu’itérer le geste berlinois obligatoire de chaque président US depuis Kennedy. Le vieil homme n’attirait plus les foules comme son légendaire prédecesseur. C’est Bruce Springsteen qui a injecté le venim de la liberté type USA dans les coeurs lors de son concert à Berlin-Est.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PXsQS2HbD2c

    10.10.2023 by William Harris - Back in the old smug, condescending days, when boyish, prep school–faced conservative intellectuals wore bow ties and peered from lordly heights at pop culture, Washington Post columnist George Will stuffed wads of cotton in his ears and stood through the whole four-hour duration of a Bruce Springsteen concert. He arrived at a stadium in the suburbs of Washington, DC, without knowing how marijuana smelled or what Springsteen’s music sounded like, and emerged, still a bit puzzled about whether he’d been in the company of stoners, feeling as if he had the wind at his back. Here, at last, was a “wholesome cultural portent.” A star without even “a smidgen of androgyny.” An image of an ideal, made-for-Reagan working class. “Rock for the United Steelworkers” that didn’t languish in shuttered-factory blues, or export blame onto the rich, or “whine” and curl into helplessness. Springsteen was a greasy-denim, bandana-sporting dynamo — abruptly muscle-ripped, after a waifish early career — whose power cords and corn-fed “homilies” instructed fans to “‘downsize’ their expectations,” to buckle in for a lifetime of hard work, to embrace “family and traditional values,” and to well up with passion when they saw the stars and stripes.

    https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLiN-7mukU_REYdA_UUaejpJvf5nitRok9

    “If all Americans — in labor or management, who make steel or shoes or cars or textiles,” Will wrote in his next column, “made their products with as much energy and confidence as Springsteen and his merry band make music, there would be no need for Congress to be thinking about protectionism.” We lived in lazy, profligate times, fearful of the rest of the world’s productive capacity, but Springsteen — the “hardest working white man in show business,” one critic quipped — made music infused with the great American work ethic. It was the summer of 1984, and Springsteen wasn’t the only act on tour: Ronald Reagan, too, was out cruising the country, parading down the campaign trail. Will whispered his way into the president’s ear: it was time for the Republican Party to nourish itself on the hearty blue-collar patriotism of Born in the U.S.A.

    Five days after Will’s column came out, the America Prouder, Stronger, Better tour, the follow-up to 1980’s Let’s Make America Great Again campaign, pulled its plush, dollar-soaked bandwagon into the slipshod center of New Jersey. Out came Reagan, striding into the gushy set of a Robert Altman movie. “America’s future rests in a thousand dreams inside your hearts,” he told the crowd. “It rests in the message of hope in songs of a man so many young Americans admire — New Jersey’s own, Bruce Springsteen. And helping you make those dreams come true is what this job of mine is all about.” Seven records in, Springsteen had just released his first truly superstar-level pop album; now he found himself sent off to fight in the culture wars.
    Nebraska Death Trip

    Young Springsteen wasn’t much for political statements. His first, nervous public pronouncement occurred on stage in 1980, the night after Reagan ascended to the White House. “I don’t know what you thought about what happened last night,” he told the student body at Arizona State University. “But I thought it was pretty frightening.”

    Four years later, he hissed out another. After the DC show, the Born in the U.S.A. tour swung through the Rust Belt, stopping in Pittsburgh the night after Reagan’s New Jersey speech. Five songs in, Springsteen paused to let everyone know he’d heard the president’s words. “I kind of got to wondering what his favorite album of mine must’ve been, you know. I don’t think it was the Nebraska album. I don’t think he was listening to this one.” Then he launched into the spare, spectral, quickstep acoustic haze of “Johnny 99.”

    “Johnny 99” is both classic Springsteen and Bruce way out on the margins: it opens with an auto plant closing and ends with a convict pleading for a judge to exchange his ninety-nine-year sentence for the death penalty. The man’s job left; the bank kept hounding him about his mortgage; things kept boiling, until one night he mixed wine and gin and killed a stranger. All the rusty, nine-to-five New Jersey imagery, familiar from Springsteen’s early albums, returns here, but the old twilight avenues of hope and escape have shut down. No more Chuck Berry, no more open roads, no more hand-me-down vistas of rock ’n’ roll freedom. Just execution lines, judges, cops, cracked dreams, and lowercase bosses.

    Gone, too, are the candied sax solos, the glistering piano, the alert straight-time drums, the revving electric melodies of Springsteen’s E Street Band — all subbed out for solo Springsteen, alone and acoustic and austere. And not really even Springsteen — he hides himself beneath a series of character masks, pared down to near invisibility, another nobody on an album filled with rootless, cruel, pummeled lives. Calm, confused murderers, singing from the electric chair; families fraying amid foreign wars and Midwest farm disasters; sad, wonder-filled children, crouching in corn fields below steel-gated, light-spangled mansions. This is the world of Nebraska, Springsteen’s seventh album, released in 1982 at the nadir of a recession let loose by Reagan’s crushing of the labor movement and Federal Reserve chair Paul Volcker’s yanking up of the interest rate. An album right on time and out of it, stalking a ghost-thick past.

    As Warren Zanes argues in his new book, Deliver Me From Nowhere: The Making of Bruce Springsteen’s Nebraska, the record stands as the essential hinge point in Springsteen’s career, uprooting the far left post of what a Springsteen album might sound like and planting it way out in the hinterland. Nebraska limned one hushed, saturnine, cult-worshipped half of where Springsteen’s music might go. The other half, represented by the huge pop splash of 1984’s Born in the U.S.A., couldn’t have been more different. It traded out noirish black and white for full-on florescent color, ghostly quiet for up-to-date synth and continent-sized snares, authorial vacancy for all Bruce, all the time.

    Yet bafflingly, alluringly, these two twinned, polarized albums were cooked up in the same notebooks and studio sessions and even briefly planned together as a double album. The whole of Springsteen, stirring inside one record sleeve. And not just Springsteen: part of the retrospective magnetism of that legendary 1982–84 run is how much of our own time-trapped, culture war–haunted world of feeling still seems to live here, pinched within these wide, confining boundaries. Nebraska and Born in the U.S.A.: two records that caught a view of the future in the rearview.
    The ’50s in the ’80s, the ’80s in the ’50s

    After The River (1980), the suits at Columbia Records expected Springsteen’s star to keep rising. In the same market-saturating week, he’d already appeared on the cover of Time and Newsweek, and he was coming off his first number-one album and first top-ten single, “Hungry Heart.” His writing had grown starker, more grounded and realist, deepening his music’s air of working-class authenticity without letting go of youth and romanticism — even tacking, at times, toward new frontiers of melody and pop-friendliness. Radio loved him; the live shows rocked all night. Critics poured in prophecies and execs laid down plans. He was half Dylan, half Elvis, born under a blistering James Brown sun — proof that rock ’n’ roll could keep its mainstream middle lane open, post-disco and post-punk.

    Back in New Jersey, however, Bruce was planless. A bit mapless, too: few people, bandmates included, really knew where he lived. He’d rented a modest ranch house in Colts Neck, ill-furnished and thick with orange shag carpeting, and fell into a meditative sort of depression. He’d lost touch. His family had long ago packed up for California. He was single. His only friends were his employees. A radio DJ asked him whether he had a life outside of music, and he confessed that he didn’t, really, that he only had one non-biz friend, a guy named Matty who “owns a motorcycle shop.” He sat in the dark at night and watched whichever movies flashed onto his TV, falling into a trance over Terrence Malick’s Badlands (1973), a fictionalization of the Charles Starkweather murder spree in 1950s Nebraska. He pored over the gothic enigmas of Flannery O’Connor. He paged through WPA-era songbooks of old folk tunes and felt his mood mirrored in the desolate rural world of country and blues. Driving at night through Freehold, the dead-end town where he grew up, he’d stop his car in front of his grandparents’ old ramshackle house — the house he lived in, more or less without parental supervision, suffering and exploiting a kind of terrible freedom, until he was six. In a zig-zag, groping-in-the-dark way, he was working.

    Back at home he would sit with his guitar at the edge of his bed and his feet on the orange shag carpet and sing. His roadie, Mike Batlan, had bought him a TEAC 144, a relatively cheap, newish piece of technology that captured multitrack recording on a simple cassette tape. It gave off only a lo-fi sound, but it suited Springsteen’s needs perfectly: he was just sketching, recording drafts that he planned to polish up in a sleek Manhattan studio with the E Street Band. With Batlan as a silent background presence, Springsteen entered a bedroom world of his own, singing rough songs into a cassette. He had no idea that he was recording Nebraska.

    The songs came out as confessions, or testimonies, often sung from the perspective of first-person characters and addressed to some unreachable Kafkaesque authority, mixing intimacy and distance. They told stories of loneliness, of people whose communities collapse and whose moral compasses spin out of control: narrators who kill people without much immediate reason, or spend their days haunted by a bittersweet past.

    Springsteen approached these characters with a sort of still, low-toned empathy: he presented their lives plainly, without judgment, framed by spare landscapes of context. He could do this because he felt they were a part of him. He, too, lived in a community-less vacuum. He, too, felt called back to a mysterious, melancholic childhood, where the air in his grandparents’ house hung stale with the never-finished grieving of a long-dead daughter, and where the lights in his father’s house were always shut off, obscuring a figure alone in the kitchen, drinking silently each night after long days at the factory.

    Springsteen’s childhood memories brought him back to the 1950s, as did much of Nebraska’s source material: the Nebraskan serial killer Charles Starkweather, for instance, who murdered eleven people in the Great Plains between 1957 and ’58, inspired the album’s title and its opening song. These sources conjured up a menacing, alienated, depraved 1950s, a world of seething undercurrents and nighttime despondence far removed from the fizzy fountain drink, drive-in milkshake, jukebox imagery of old-time rock ’n’ roll lore.

    This was a 1950s activated by the brash class war of Reagan’s 1980s: farmers in debt, workers fired, communities falling apart. The cusp of a new world. Leftist critics often knock Springsteen for being an unreconstructed New Deal liberal, nostalgic for an idealized set of historical images — proud male breadwinners, cozy class compromise, national glory days — that never really existed. But Nebraska strips the shine off this postwar myth. Spend time with this record, and you start to see the seeds of the neoliberal 1980s scattered all over the disquieting fields of the 1950s.
    Bedroom Versus Studio

    Really for the first time across the full stretch of an album, Nebraska brought Springsteen’s great mature theme into view: the confusion of public and private, the way the wider social world seeps into our personal lives. Never before had he turned out a suite of songs so thematically unified. Singing on the edge of his bed, Springsteen knew he had something good. But he also knew he had something different — too angular for Columbia Records, too quiet and darkly vulnerable for the E Street Band. And, anyway, he had a range of material, a promising but shaggy draft, much of it sitting oddly against the low-frequency landscape of barren heartland violence. He scribbled a light note, confident and uncertain and jokey, and sent the tape off to his manager, Jon Landau. Landau listened and felt concerned for Springsteen’s mental health — all this strange, bleak, unexpected material. Then he sent the lone copy of the tape back, rallied the band, and booked a studio at the Power Plant in Manhattan.

    The sessions sailed. After three weeks they pretty much had an album recorded — the only catch being that the album wasn’t Nebraska. A handful of songs off that cheap, lint-covered cassette had pulled away under the band’s influence, shown the ability to nestle inside the synth-y smash of a snare or a cinematic orchestral swell and transform into something new. Those storm-dark Nebraska clouds parted, and things felt lighter, more electric and anthemic. On the demo tape, “Born in the U.S.A.” came across muted and depressed, a bitter song about a beat-down, jobless Vietnam vet born in a land of broken promises. Once E Street drummer Max Weinberg’s drum-machine-inspired snare crashed its way in, however, the track hit liftoff. It took on color and surge and pop-chart reverb and grew vexing, its music and lyrics waging a bewitching war.

    New possibilities opened up, worlds away from anything the rural, recession-haunted demo conjured. Football stadium shows, car commercials, Prince- and Madonna-level fame, a biting lefty protest anthem that George Will, too, might play on repeat. Something everyone might love or resent without anyone, Bruce included, really understanding.

    The studio filled up with pop dreams, and Springsteen only felt more confused. The band had worked its magic on a good portion of the cassette, but the majority of its songs stayed reticent. The cleaner, bigger, and more baroque these songs sounded, the more they lost their character. And their characters. As Springsteen says: “Every step I took in trying to make [the songs] better, I lost my people.” The songs and the people they portray only lived if they were given space, left a bit askew — no synth, no polish, just dusty harmonica, dark-fabled glockenspiel, and lonesome lo-fi distance.

    In 1982, these jagged songs had Springsteen’s heart. At first, he thought he’d turn out a double album, presenting two radically distinct sides of the same artist: bright, polished rock scored by the E Street Band up against faintly lit solo folk-country. But in the end, he decided to halt the mixing process on the glamorous album that was shaping up to be Born in the U.S.A., and to go somewhere more lonely and baleful: the next Springsteen album was already here, in his pocket, on the cassette tape that he’d mixed with an old waterlogged boom box he’d left sitting on his couch in Colts Neck, half dead after a canoe trip. It would take months to master, proving all but impossible to translate this drugstore-shelf tape to studio-level technology so it could be pressed to vinyl, and impossible, too, to enhance the tape’s sound quality really at all — much more than Springsteen anticipated, the record had to remain quiet and echoey, poor and pebbled and gaunt. But for Nebraska’s fans, many of whom — Bruce included, Zanes reveals — view the album as Springsteen’s best work, contingency and imperfection made the record. The sad hiss of the bedroom trumped the studio’s clean automated perfection.

    In a postmodern twist, the sonic texture of this ’50s-haunted, black-and-white-cover rural album offered a view of the future — musically, technologically, socially. Critics trace the origin of lo-fi music back to many possible sources — the Beach Boys’ Smiley Smile, Bob Dylan’s Basement Tapes, Paul McCartney’s McCartney — but Nebraska remains a perennial contender. A whole grainy, out-of-joint, DIY sound tumbled out of this record — the lean, half-haunted, zombied-out stuff of twenty-first-century nostalgia. A sound that doubled as a new at-home tech, bowling-alone way of life. Back in his bedroom, Springsteen presaged the solitary figure of the DJ, the end of the band, the rusted digital world. Bedroom beats and bedroom depression, thin and tinny and plugged in.
    Postmodern Futures

    This was the future Springsteen let us glimpse in ’82: communities vacuumed up, the working class in splinters. He returned in 1984 with a new picture. In between he’d suffered a breakdown, drove across the country with his one friend Matty looking for romantic salvation in the quaint communities his music idealized, and finally wound up in Los Angeles. He hid in the city’s anonymity and took on its routines. Therapy. Weight lifting. “I was a big fan of meaningless, repetitive behavior,” he told one biographer.

    If Nebraska seemed like an odd-fitting anachronism that surreptitiously captured its era, Born in the U.S.A. was its through-the-looking-glass opposite: a plainly right-on-time album that nevertheless felt retrograde. On its cover, famously, were Springsteen’s Levi-clad ass cheeks, red bandanna hanging from a pocket and the American flag striped in the background. The music videos had him greased up underneath cars, driving into work at oil refineries, and operating huge drills at construction sites. Springsteen picked up Reagan-era imagery, populist and all-American and nostalgia-soaked, and played with it, catching himself in a tangle of ironies along the way: a crystallized, made-for-MTV portrait of the working class styled just as the late-century proletariat frayed into pictureless disorganization.

    At best, Bruce in the hard hat offered a partial view of late-century workers; at worst, Born in the U.S.A.’s imagery played right into the Right’s post-’60s culture-war script, pitting flag-draped construction workers against stoned student-radical brats, macho jingoists and ordinary Real Men against down-with-the-patriarchy hysterics. Part of these images’ value lay in their playful showmanship, their wink and feint. But part of their power, too, rested in how they traded on authenticity, leaving the world stranded in a no-man’s-land between scare quotes and grounded belief.

    Suspicious critics saw the record as Springsteen’s cynical attempt to cash in on the Reaganite moment. Springsteen countered, in frustration, that he’d been misunderstood, and that hucksters like Reagan and Will had exploited his art. As anyone who listens to the lyrics knows, “Born in the U.S.A.” indicts the US empire in a way few products of American pop culture ever have. The song is “not ambiguous,” Springsteen once said. But meanwhile, as anyone who hears the music and the way Springsteen sings the hook knows, the song traffics also in very different feelings: an unresolved alchemy where invective turns into pride, pride into spent bitterness, all swirled up in a confused, downtrodden euphoria. Contra Springsteen and Will, it’s hard to imagine a more ambiguous song. This is what gives it its power, its troubled cultural endurance.

    As an album, Born in the U.S.A. is fun and uneven, a ridiculous stretch of hit after hit that plays well on a road trip but never reaches sustained depth or unity. As a leadoff song, however, festooned with the album’s lightning-rod imagery, “Born in the U.S.A.” haunts more than anything Springsteen’s ever done — in no small part because of the way it bears the mark of the Nebraska demo. You can still hear those ghosts smothered under its snares.

    A whiff of ironic prophecy hangs about Nebraska and Born in the U.S.A. Between them, these two albums’ joined-at-the-hip contrariness traced the outlines of our postindustrial, “new economy” cultural condition just as it was coming into formation. Somewhere drifting between their opposed sounds stalls a world lonely and backward-looking, image-obsessed and distrustful of images, disarrayed and yet held together by clapped-out archetypes that won’t leave us alone, pinballing around in our culture-war fever dreams. The self-divided compact of “Born in the U.S.A.,” the limit-case extremism of Nebraska: they leave us with the rug-pulling sense that we still don’t understand as much as we think we do, that we live in a cracked world in which identity can be pieced together through anything, shame and neglect mixing with pride.

    In the late ’70s and early ’80s, the future seemed to be stirring in a thousand obvious subterranean musical worlds: the nighttime eeriness of David Bowie and Iggy Pop’s Berlin, the plastic mechanical mayhem of Devo’s gray, deindustrial Akron, the cold techno coming out of Detroit, or the gender- and race- synthesizing fun house of Prince’s freaky Paisley Park cyborg pop. And yet some sad, essential part of our time has been better captured by a body of music shorn of any futuristic trace: the neo-trad, contradiction-dense heartland rock of Bruce Springsteen.

    #Berlin #DDR #USA #Reagan #néolibéralisme #musique

  • US-Soldaten bei Manöver im Grunewald, 1959


    Voilà encore un indice pour la véracité de l’hypothèse que le militaire (pas seulement) étatsunien est une bande d’imbéciles. Tôt le matin ces deux messieurs se sont munis de chapkas contre les températures sibériennes dans la forêt municipale berlinoise. Ensuite ils se sont perdus parce qu’ils ne savent pas lire la carte étalée sur le capot de leur jeep et parce qu’il sont trop bêtes pour suivre l’indication sur le panneau derrière eux qui montre le chemin de retour aux enfants de la ville après la baignade estivale dans le lac cinquante mètres plus loin.

    Si vous avez envie de découvrir d’autres histoires à la con du temps de la guerre froide l’ AlliiertenMuseum est à vous.

    Natur im Kalten Krieg
    AlliiertenMuseum
    Datum : 15.10.2023
    Uhrzeit : 12:00 Uhr

    Clayallee 135
    14195 Berlin
    T +49 (0)30 / 818 199-0
    F +49 (0)30 / 818 199-91
    E info@alliiertenmuseum.de

    https://www.kulturkorso.de/gruenegeheimnisse/alliiertenmuseum-von-der-gruensten-seite-3.html

    #guerre #guerre_froide #Berlin #USA

  • Chomsky: Republicans Are Willing to Destroy Democracy to Retake Power
    https://chomsky.info/20210616

    ... climate change — the euphemism for the heating of the planet that will end organized human life on earth unless soon brought under control.
    ...
    Under Reagan there was little disguise; racist rhetoric and practices came naturally to him. Meanwhile the Republican Christian nationalist strategist Paul Weyrich easily convinced the political leadership that by abandoning their former “pro-choice” stands and pretending to oppose abortion, they could pick up the northern Catholic and newly politicized Evangelical vote. Gun-loving was soon added to the mix, by now reaching such weird absurdities as the recent Benitez decision overturning California’s ban on assault rifles, which are, after all, hardly different from Swiss army knives [according to Benitez]. Trump added more to the mix. Like his fellow demagogues in Europe, he understood well that refugees can be used to whip up xenophobic passions and fears. His racist appeals also went beyond the norm.
    ...
    But some vestiges of democracy remain, even after the neoliberal assault. Probably not for long if neoliberal “proto-fascism” extends its sway.

    But the fate of democracy won’t actually matter much if the “proto-fascists” regain power. The environment that sustains life cannot long endure the wreckers of the Trump era of decline. Little else will matter if irreversible tipping points are passed.

    #USA #droite

  • Il est temps de déclassifier l’ensemble des documents portant sur les relations Nixon-Kissinger-Pinochet

    Le 25 août 2023, la Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) a discrètement publié sur son site web deux documents sur le coup d’Etat militaire au Chili. Ils avaient été classés top secret pendant un demi-siècle. Il s’agissait du President’s Daily Brief-PDB [document présenté chaque matin au président des Etats-Unis, faisant le résumé d’informations classifiées liées à la « sécurité nationale »] du matin du 11 septembre 1973 – le jour du coup d’Etat – et du 8 septembre 1973, moment où l’armée chilienne finalisait ses plans pour renverser le gouvernement démocratiquement élu du socialiste Salvador Allende. Les documents nouvellement publiés se sont avérés pratiquement impossibles à trouver et à lire sur le site web de la CIA, car noyés parmi des dizaines d’autres PDB précédemment déclassifiés. Le département d’Etat a fini par envoyer un communiqué indiquant les liens. La publication des PDB était « conforme à notre engagement en faveur d’une plus grande transparence », selon ce communiqué. « Nous restons déterminés à travailler avec nos partenaires chiliens pour tenter d’identifier d’autres sources d’information afin de mieux faire connaître les événements marquants de notre histoire commune. »

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2023/09/28/il-est-temps-de-declassifier-lensemble-des-doc

    #international #chili #usa

  • En Australie, pour le retour d’Assange à la mère patrie, la mobilisation monte.
    http://www.argotheme.com/organecyberpresse/spip.php?article4514

    Les soutiens internationaux à Julian Assange bloquent peut-être son extradition aux États-Unis où il est condamné à 175 ans d’emprisonnement. Ils ne suffisent pas pour sa libération de l’arbitraire, sa détention au Royaume-Uni est loin d’être acquise. Même, elle risque de satisfaire l’exigence des USA qui comptent mettre la main dessus pour accusation d’espionnage. Actualité, événement, opinion, intérêt général, information, scoop, primauté

    / #USA,_Maison_Blanche,_CIA, journaliste, poète, livre, écrits, censure, presse, journaux, dictature, expressions, liberté, #Journalisme,_presse,_médias, #Wikileaks, Internet, Web, cyber-démocratie, communication, société, (...)

    #Actualité,_événement,_opinion,_intérêt_général,_information,_scoop,_primauté #_journaliste,_poète,_livre,_écrits #censure,_presse,_journaux,_dictature,_expressions,_liberté #Internet,_Web,_cyber-démocratie,_communication,_société,_médias

  • États-Unis : Les attaques contre le droit à l’avortement sont des attaques contre tous les travailleur·euses

    Entretien avec Sara Nelson, présidente du syndicat des agent·es de bord – CWA

    Au cours de l’année écoulée, les travailleuses ont vu leur vie changer de manière irrévocable. L’arrêt historique Dobbs de la Cour suprême a vidé de sa substance un droit fondamental à l’autonomie corporelle et plongé des millions de personnes dans la crise et l’incertitude. Presque immédiatement, une litanie d’histoires d’horreur a émergé. Des médecins refusant des soins vitaux par crainte de représailles ; des femmes victimes d’agresseurs ou tuées pour avoir eu accès à l’avortement.

    Depuis cet arrêt, 14 États ont interdit totalement l’avortement et plusieurs autres travaillent sans relâche à en restreindre l’accès. Non contents de cette attaque sans précédent contre l’autonomie reproductive, certains Républicains sont rapidement passés à leur prochaine cible : le contrôle des naissances. Il est tout à fait clair que ces attaques se poursuivront sans relâche jusqu’à ce que nous soyons suffisamment forts en tant que mouvement pour les arrêter. Alors, comment diable y parvenir ?

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2023/09/24/etats-unis-les-attaques-contre-le-droit-a-lavo

    #international #avortement #usa

  • Virtue hoarders
    https://www.humanities.uci.edu/news/virtue-hoarders

    Pour en finir avec l’arrogance de la classe intellectuelle ;-)

    April 16, 2021 - Can people working salaried professional and white-collar jobs truly be allies to the working class when they benefit from the very structures that oppress others? In Virtue Hoarders (University of Minnesota Press, 2021), Catherine Liu, professor of film and media studies at UCI, analyzes this class, the “Professional Managerial Class” (PMC), and elucidates what she sees as a hypocritical ideology.

    In the Q&A that follows, Liu breaks it down.

    Your book is a polemic about the professional-managerial class (PMC). Could you help us understand what the PMC is and who is a part of it?

    The Professional Managerial Class is a stratum of any complex capitalist society that is made up of credentialed elites who have influential positions in the creative professions and liberal industries, academia, government, journalists, the NGO and foundation world, and corporate America. Does this sound too vague? They are white-collar salaried workers who had to get professional certification to do what they do. At the beginning of the 20th century in the United States, they made up a small part of the population and were a mediating class between workers who labored with their bodies in unspeakable conditions and the capitalists who owned factories, oil wells, mines, steel mills, etc. and who were known as robber barons. In 1900 in the U.S., there were many more family farms and small business owners. Today, that part of the population is much smaller, and the PMC is much larger: credentialed elites are experts, engineers, doctors and MBAs. They manage other people and their wealth and produce content, but the PMC cannot live on the interest of their wealth alone. They own a lot of American assets, but they have to go to work. They make up now about 25% of the workforce, but they exert an undue amount of power over culture and ideology. Academia is a place where we train the Professional Managerial Classes. In orthodox Marxism, they would be called petit bourgeois. John and Barbara Ehrenreich, who created the concept of the PMC, noted in 1977 that they were a new class that had emerged in the U.S. and that they had taken over progressive politics and had interests that were increasingly divergent from those of working-class people.

    You’ve identified aspects of a particular culture of the PMC (lifestyle and family, for example), and you argue that this culture has roots in the counterculture of the 1960s. Could you speak to that connection?

    The vanguard and most elite elements of the PMC believe that their consumption and lifestyle habits are anti-traditional and alternative, much in the way that hippies believed that in the 1960s and 70s. They do yoga, participate in novel child rearing methods, only buy organic food, etc. Think Gwyneth Paltrow and her lifestyle brand GOOP. Just as the Age of Aquarius did not require any political organizing, the age of PMC Enlightenment requires not the support of redistributive economic policies, but a kind of individualized mindfulness and virtue that makes this class uniquely incapable of solidarity. The emergence of ‘alternatives’ to reason spawned the New Age, an apolitical version of the counterculture from which anti-vaxxers have drawn succor. In fact, during the 18th century, there were pitched debates about the smallpox vaccine that had just been invented: religious believers were terrified of inoculation and thought it challenged the will of God. You would think that the intelligentsia or the educated elites would be for science and the Enlightenment, but the PMC no longer believe in the public exercise of reason as a public good. In the humanities, professors have been the first to question universalism and reason itself as oppressive and we have reaped what our countercultural ideals have sown.

    In terms of PMC parenting, a part of the book which has gotten an enormous response, my class believes in optimization of a child’s capacity, either on the basis of creativity or competition. We are terrified that our children will experience a decline in earning ability or standard of living, but structurally, with the disappearance of a social safety net, a dearth of jobs and the catastrophic American health care system, our children objectively confront a much more vicious and unforgiving world. Focusing our anxieties on our children and childrearing techniques only continues the idea that individuals can devise solutions to a terrifying world.

    You’ve also argued that the PMC plays a pivotal role in present-day American politics. Could you talk about some of the ways that’s true?

    The PMC wants to disguise its own interests as a class that are bound by material interests to support the work of capitalism and capitalists, so it produced the ideology that keeps the status quo in place. I know this makes me sound like an old Left kind of person, which I probably am, but I’m not a guy wearing a tweed cap and yelling at you on the street. I yell at you in print. There are many things I won’t say in a forum like this because I am an employee of the university, but I think my class and the way its interests have been managed in the university merely reproduce the inequalities and injustices of the social whole. The PMC wants to see itself as virtuous heroes in historical struggles, but it merely reproduces the status quo very well. I won’t say anything more than that except to express my daily disappointment that those of us with gold plated health insurance do not want that for every person in this country.

    What do you hope readers take away from your book?

    I hope to give people the words with which to describe the ideological oppression of our times. I have had such an enormous response to the book already and I think it’s because I was there to name something that we all know and have experienced. From public school teachers, to nurses, to doctors, to union organizers, to working class people who are called “First Gen” students in the academy, people have written to me privately about how angry, afraid and stressed they are about their working conditions and the ideology behind those conditions. One public school teacher who abandoned PMC prestige mongering described his Peace Corps training as basically indoctrination in an extreme form of PMC pluralism: he was told that he could never understand the community he was working in and that he had to accept “difference” and just keep quiet about it. Medical residents have written to me about COVID protocols that have them working inhuman hours but because they are desperate to get a job, they cannot complain. A former Google employee and organizer described the willingness of management to “listen” to employee grievances while quietly pushing out the most vocal critics of Google’s discriminatory employment policies. I’m just giving people critical tools by which to name the ideology under which we all travail. A shared language is the beginning of solidarity. This book is my contribution to public discourse. I can’t hide behind the professional façade any longer. I’m planning the next short polemic on the history and rhetoric of trauma discourse in post-Reagan America.

    I have also had a huge response from comedians who have written to me that it is impossible to write jokes in our extra woke world. There is a lot of humor in the book: laughter can set us free. I really believe that. I laugh at my own horrible PMC internalized instincts every single day.

    Politik des Moralismus und der Tugend
    https://humanismus-aktuell.de/catherine-liu-virtue-hoarders

    Catherine Lius Virtue Hoarders: The Case against the Professional Managerial Class ist in der Reihe Forerunners: Ideas First der University of Minnesota Press erschienen, die kurze, thesenhafte, hinterfragende und spekulierende Texte versammelt. So darf der Beitrag der marxistisch geprägten Professorin für Film- und Medienwissenschaften an der University of California Irvine auch nicht als nuancierte, wissenschaftlichen Standards streng folgende Analyse verstanden werden. Vielmehr legt Liu mit Virtue Hoarders eine Polemik und das Zeugnis ihres persönlichen Klassenverrats vor (4f.). Zu diesem Bruch will Liu auch ihre Leserinnen und Leser, welche sie innerhalb der Professional Managerial Class verortet, motivieren.

    Der Terminus Professional Managerial Class (PMC) wurde in den 1970er Jahren von Barbara und John Ehrenreich[1] geprägt und steht in der Tradition von Siegfried Kracauers Angestellten[2] und C. Wright Mills White Collar Workers[3]. Die PMC bestehe aus „salaried mental workers who do not own the means of production and whose major function in the social division of labor may be described broadly as the reproduction of capitalist culture and capitalist class relations.“[4] Barbara und John Ehrenreich intervenierten in die in der Folge der Studentenbewegung entfachte Diskussion über den Klassenstandpunkt der Professorin, des Journalisten, der Ingenieurin, des Arztes und der Managerin. Sowohl ihre Subsumption unter die Arbeiterklasse, deren höchst-bezahltestes Stratum diese Berufe bilden sollten, als auch ihre Kategorisierung als petit bourgeoisie – der Begriff für die nach Marx ständig schrumpfende Gruppe kleiner Selbstständiger – schien den Ehrenreichs unzutreffend. Die PMC sei stattdessen gerade dadurch bestimmt, dass sie sich sowohl gegenüber dem Kapital als auch gegenüber der Lohnarbeit in einem antagonistischen Verhältnis befinde.

    Innerhalb dieses doppelten Antagonismus bleibt der PMC dennoch genügend Spielraum für unterschiedliche klassenpolitische Bündnisse. Mit dieser Prämisse steigt Liu in ihre Schrift ein, wenn sie feststellt, dass sich die PMC nach 1968 zunehmend auf der Seite des Kapitals wiederfand und ideologisch wie materiell in den Klassenkampf gegen die Arbeiterklasse trat (3). Liu beschreibt diese Neukonfiguration gesellschaftlicher Kräfteverhältnisse als die Verwandlung des Hippies in den Yuppie, des Aussteigers in den meritokratischen „Schreibtischtäter“. Die Geschichtsschreibung erfolgt jedoch nicht entlang politischer Schlüsselmomente oder ökonomischer Entwicklungen. Stattdessen erzählt Liu die Verschiebung der Klassenallianzen mit Hilfe kultureller Phänomene, die sie nach ihren klassenmäßigen Aspekten abklopft (14).

    Liu legt eine collagierte Anklageschrift vor, die verschiedenste Facetten von Kultur, Weltanschauung, Praxis und Politik heranzieht, jedoch auch schnell wieder fallen lässt, ohne das Material in seiner Tiefe gründlich durchdrungen zu haben. So springt ihr Text von Occupy Wallstreet als einer PMC-Nachwuchs-Bewegung, die klaren inhaltlichen Forderungen komplett entsagt und stattdessen im Prozeduralismus gefangen bleibt, über die durch die steigenden Kosten höherer Bildung bei fallender Bildungsrendite ausgelöste Statuspanik in der PMC bis zu den fragwürdigen geschichtswissenschaftlichen Thesen, auf deren Rücken das 1619 Project der New York Times Rassismus zum essenzialistischen, transhistorischen Faktum menschlicher Geschichte zu erklären versucht (25, 28, 39). Liu berichtet von Alan Sokals Grubenhund in der Social Text von 1996[5] und wie die Akademie nach dieser Bloßstellung des Poststrukturalismus – und auch nach der Entstehung der Alt Right – ihre Faszination für Subkultur und Transgression immer noch nicht ablegen kann (17, 26). Zuweilen entsteht jedoch der Eindruck, dass die kulturellen Phänomene nicht nur im Vorbeigehen abgehandelt, sondern auch verzerrt wiedergegeben und instrumentalisiert werden. Die US-amerikanische Bewegung gegen und Diskussion um sexuelle Gewalt auf Universitäts-Campus müssen als Material herhalten und werden in die der Anklageschrift passende Form gepresst. Die einzigen Aspekte, die Liu hieran zu interessieren scheinen, sind die Verengung der Problematik auf die Universität als zentrale Stätte der PMC-Klassenreproduktion und die moralische Komponente in der Politik gegen sexuelle Gewalt (71).

    Von diesen bunt gewählten Beispielen gelingt es ihr jedoch auch an einigen Punkten durchaus erhellende Brücken zurück in die Politik zu schlagen. So zum Beispiel, wenn sie Obamas mediale Inszenierung als sympathisch-empathischen Buchliebhaber mit seinen Reformen des öffentlichen Schulwesens unter den Slogans No Child Left Behind und Race To The Top kontrastiert, die zwar keinen Dollar mehr in das Schulsystem speisten, jedoch mit Hilfe von vergleichstestabhängiger Budgetierung den desolaten Zustand des Schulsystems auf die Schultern der Lehrkräfte abluden (45-49). Ausgehend von Harper Lees Bestseller To Kill a Mockingbird wird ein ähnlicher Sprung von Kultur zu konkreter, materieller Politik gewagt. Den Erfolg des Buches führt Liu nicht zuletzt auf die Figur des Anwalts Atticus Finch, das tugendhafte Zentrum des Romans und Identifikationsfigur der PMC-Leserschaft, zurück. Das Buch zeichne das Bild von den guten, stolzen Armen, die keine staatlichen Hilfen annehmen in Gestalt der Familie Cunningham auf der einen Seite und der moralisch verdorbenen, impulsiven und selbstverständlich auf Staatskosten lebenden Familie Ewell auf der anderen Seite. Damit, so argumentiert Liu, stimme der Roman ein in die neoliberale Ideologie und das zentrale Dogma von Bill Clintons Welfare Bill von 1996, Unterstützung erzeuge Abhängigkeit und soziale Netze fangen nicht etwa diejenigen auf, die gerade abstürzen, sondern fesseln alle die, die gerade den Aufstieg versuchen. Mehr noch: »the moral rectitude of the virtuous lawyer and his high-sprited daughters renders the solution to racism attractive to the establishment – work on individual capacities for empathy and walking in another human being’s shoes; read books; have rightous feelings« (52).[6] Für Liu ist es folglich auch kaum überraschend, dass die Fortsetzung Go Set a Watchman, in der Atticus Finch seine frühere KKK-Mitgliedschaft beichtet, trotz der historisch zutreffenden Korrektur des elitistischen Rassismusverständnisses aus To Kill a Mockingbird hauptsächlich enttäuschte Rezensionen erhielt (53).

    Ganz in der Tradition Kracauers beschreibt Liu eine Klasse, der die individuellen Aufstiegschancen jegliche Idee von Solidarität und Kollektivität ausgetrieben haben und die ihre Treue dem Kapital gegenüber als Flexibilität und Belastbarkeit tarnt (12, 74). Die PMC werte ihre klassenspezifische Praxis und ihren Geschmack moralisch auf – ohne sie jedoch als klassenspezifisch zu erkennen – und baut gerade auf diese moralische Überlegenheit ihren gesellschaftlich-kulturellen Führungsanspruch. Liu beschreibt, wie individuelle Entsagung, Selbstkontrolle und Rechtmäßigkeit – die zentralen Erfordernisse in PMC-Berufen – zu einer Politik des Moralismus und der Tugend geführt haben, die von ihren klassenmäßigen Grundlagen nichts wissen möchte. Während die PMC versucht zum gesellschaftlichen Über-Ich aufzusteigen, ist Trump das Symbol des Rollbacks gegen diese Hegemonie. Er verkörpert die Es-getriebene Politik, die ihren Mangel an Selbstkontrolle und ihre Ignoranz jeglicher Konvention als Stärke und Potenz feiert. Liu sieht einzig in einer Anti-PMC-Klassenpolitik von links eine an der Wurzel des Trump-Symptoms ansetzende Strategie und sie versteht ihre Polemik offenkundig als Auftakt dazu (4). Gerade in diesen Überlegungen zur PMC-Kultur als Bedingung der derzeit grassierenden, sich populistisch gebenden reaktionären Politik steckt ein besonders erhellendes Moment des Buches.

    Zum Ende des Buches drängt sich jedoch die Frage auf, was die PMC jetzt eigentlich sei. Denn der Definition der Ehrenreichs folgt Liu – auch wenn sie diese eingangs zitiert – nicht. Das Bild, das sie von der PMC zeichnet, ist undifferenziert, überspitzt und grenzt an einen Strohmann. Einer Polemik ist solch eine Konstruktionsleistung jedoch kaum zum Vorwurf zu machen. Probleme entstehen jedoch genau da, wo die Grenzen der PMC zu Gunsten der Polemik vollständig zerfranst werden. So zieht Liu zum Beispiel den 2019 an die Öffentlichkeit geratenen Bestechungsskandal um Zulassungen an US-Universitäten heran, um die Bildungspanik der PMC zu illustrieren – als seien Hollywood-Größen und erfolgreiche Unternehmer ganz selbstverständlich als Teil der PMC anzusehen (41). An anderer Stelle beschreibt sie die Bildungsreformen der letzten Jahrzehnte als einen gezielten Angriff auf die gewerkschaftlich organisierte Lehrerschaft öffentlicher Schulen – als würde der Lehrerberuf nicht selbst zur PMC gehören. Es drängt sich dann doch die Frage auf, ob nicht auch die PMC wie ein floating signifier, dieses Versatzstück poststrukturalistischer Theorie, welches sich die PMC für ihre vermeintlich emanzipatorische Politik zu Eigen gemacht hat (24), verwendet wird.

    Liu zeigt die anhaltende Relevanz des Konzepts der PMC auf, indem sie eine Klassenpolitik aufdeckt, die auf den ersten Blick unter dem grassierenden Individualismus verborgen bleibt. Das gilt vor allem in Zeiten einer globalen Pandemie, in der Teile der Lohnabhängigen weiter ihrer Handarbeit am gewohnten Arbeitsplatz nachgehen und große Expositionsrisiken in Kauf nehmen müssen, während andere Teile die Flucht vor dem Virus in das Home Office antreten können. Besonders im deutschen Kontext, in dem der ideologisch aufgeladene Sammelbegriff Mittelschicht nicht nur politisch, sondern bereits seit Helmut Schelsky bis heute auch wissenschaftlich immer wieder zur Verklärung der Wirklichkeit herhalten musste, wäre der PMC eine verstärkte Rezeption zu wünschen. Dass das Konzept der PMC erlaubt, kleine Selbstständige und höher oder hoch gebildete Lohnabhängige als Angehörige verschiedener Klassen zu verstehen und so den Fokus in marxistischer Tradition statt auf die Quantität des Einkommens auf seine Qualität zu legen, ist demgegenüber ein analytischer Vorteil. Allerdings muss vermieden werden, diesen Vorteil durch allzu vorschnelle Polemik zu verspielen und stattdessen auf nüchterne Analyse gesetzt werden, um die Untersuchung der gegenwärtigen Klassenverhältnisse und -auseinandersetzungen nachhaltig voranzubringen und die PMC nicht zum monolithischen Block zu erklären. Dass die AfD in ihren ersten Jahren sehr zutreffend als „Professorenpartei“ bezeichnet wurde, kann vielleicht als erster Hinweis auf die innere, politische Spaltung der PMC dienen.

    Anmerkungen

    [1] Ehrenreich, Barbara & Ehrenreich, John (1977): The Professional-Managerial Class. Radical America, 11(2), S. 7-31.; Ehrenreich, Barbara & Ehrenreich, John (1977): The New Left and the Professional-Managerial Class. Radical America, 11(3), S. 9-22.

    [2] Kracauer, Siegfried (2017 [1930]): Die Angestellten: Aus dem neuesten Deutschland. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp.

    [3] Mills, C. Wright (1951): White Collar: The American Middle Classes. New York: Oxford University Press.

    [4] Ehrenreich & Ehrenreich: The Professional-Managerial Class, S. 13.

    [5] Der Physik- und Mathematikprofessor Alan Sokal publizierte in dem auf poststrukturalistische Kulturwissenschaften spezialisierten Journal Social Text einen Artikel mit dem Titel „Transgressing the Boundaries: Towards a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity“ (46/47, S. 217-252), in dem er nahelegte, dass die physikalische Realität ein soziales und linguistisches Konstrukt darstelle. Im Nachgang der Publikation eröffnete Sokal, mit seinem Artikel gezielt versucht zu haben, den Jargon einiger linker Strömungen in den Geisteswissenschaften zu parodieren und dass es keine wissenschaftliche Grundlage für die im Artikel aufgestellten Thesen gebe.

    [6] „Die moralische Rechtschaffenheit des tugendhaften Anwalts und seiner hochmütigen Tochter machen die Lösung des Rassismusproblems für das Establishment attraktiv – arbeite an der individuellen Fähigkeit zur Empathie und zum Hineinversetzen in den Anderen; lies Bücher: habe rechtschaffene Gefühle.“ (Ü.d.A.)

    Autorin: Catherine Liu
    Erschienen: 2021
    Seiten: 90
    Preis: $ 10,00
    ISBN: 978-1-5179-1225-3

    Jonas Fischer studiert Sozialwissenschaften an der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin und arbeitet schwerpunktmäßig zu materialistischer Staatstheorie sowie Regulations- und Hegemonietheorie.

    The Independent Review.
    https://www.independent.org/publications/tir/article.asp?id=1620

    Catherine Liu is a bona fide “liberal.” She’s opposed to cronyism, intolerance, and hypocrisy. She values free speech and robust inquiry. She’s passionate about the working poor and the middle class. All of this means that she can’t stand Democrat leadership and “the elites” on the Left. There are so few liberals (and conservatives) these days. We need many more people like her—principled, persuasive, aggressive, and willing to call out others in their camps.

    Unfortunately, Liu is a “Socialist”—hard-core by her own description. But who knows what that means? She’s also a Bernie fan and he’s not much of a Socialist anymore—in the textbook sense of government owning the means of production. She also confuses “capitalism” with “crony capitalism" and its “rent-seeking” (p. 4). Then again, Liu is a professor of “film and media studies,” so one might not expect her to know too much about economics.

    Still, Liu’s comments in Virtue Hoarders on politics seem spot-on. Her chief target is the “PMC”—the “professional managerial class.” As an academic, she is in the PMC but is disturbed by its norms. White-collar, upper-class in terms of education and income, and often ideologically on the Left, she describes the PMC as engaged in class warfare against the lower classes.

    Worse yet, the PMC sees itself as vastly superior to “powerless” people who they ignore—or objectify as they try to save them from various sins and pitfalls. The PMC defines virtues and then attempts to “hoard” them through “virtue signaling.” Its members create “moral panics” over violations of these virtues. They turn politics and policy battles into “individual passion plays” (p. 2).

    The approach is deeply disunifying and destructive. The PMC condescends against “deplorables” and attacks those who disagree. As Geoff Shullenberger expresses it in his review: “The politics of virtue-hoarding is anti-universalist. Rather than pursue shared public goods, its function is to fortify the class’s dominant position by morally distinguishing it from the underclass” (“The Dictatorship of Virtue,” Washington Examiner, January 26, 2021:48–49). This pursuit of power and privilege—by already-powerful and privileged people—is profoundly offensive to Liu as a Marxist.

    Liu is upset at their methods, but there is a practical problem as well: a political backlash from blue-collars and other common folk. “Ordinary people without college degrees have rejected PMC technocracy in favor of populist authoritarianism because they no longer believe” (p. 74). They don’t trust that “the elites” have their best interests in mind and otherwise find them somewhere between annoying, blind, and despicable.

    This explains much of the recent popularity of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders. Certainly, the GOP is looking to capitalize on disdain for the elites. To Liu, the Republican reaction is “pure media theater” (p. 4). While the GOP is an anticipated obstacle, she has much higher hopes for the Democrats. Unfortunately, such expectations are a fool’s errand these days. Democrat politicians aren’t liberal (on military interventionism, civil liberties, or the working class) any more than Republicans are conservative on fiscal matters.

    Liu is particularly upset at the PMC’s elevation of race over class through “identity politics,” since she sees class as the dominant lens to understand the world. She discusses “The 1619 Project” as a key example in this regard. Addressing race to some extent is not problematic. But elevating it over class is not in line with reality or, thus, ultimately helpful.

    Sociologically, elevating class over race is a common mistake. Race matters, but class matters more. Consider this thought experiment: Is it easier for you to talk with someone of a different race but the same class—or someone of the same race but a very different class? For me and most people I ask, the latter is much more difficult.

    Class also matters much more in policy terms. Race and culture can connect to preferences and behaviors. But class-based differences routinely emerge, especially with means-tested policies. To note, Charles Murray observed that welfare changed “the rules of the game” for the poor—in terms of working, forming a family, saving money, getting an education, etc. (Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980; New York: Basic Books, 1984). With the War on Poverty, the elites dramatically changed incentives for the poor, especially for family structure.

    Along these lines, Liu’s two chapters on children and family are important, but illustrate a strange disconnect in her thinking. She notes that the PMC preaches that marriage and traditional families are not important; they argue that concerns about family structure and stability are overblown or even irrelevant. But then in their personal lives, they treat marriage as highly desirable and productive. (Charles Murray addresses this with Belmont vs. Fishtown in Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-2010 [New York: Crown Publishing Group, 2012])

    Ironically, Liu’s discussion of welfare ignores class-based explanations! She perpetuates the myth that Reagan slashed social spending. And she confuses “demonizing the poor” with the critique of Reagan and Murray about what government was doing to the poor (p. 15). She’s old enough to remember when liberals also criticized welfare programs—for dehumanizing the poor through bureaucracies, but maybe she wasn’t paying attention back then.

    The more-recent obsession on race (over class) has often had an exceedingly negative impact. Liu is helpful here too. As with “fragility” (White and Black) and the most popular applications of “systemic racism,” the PMC practices a terrible form of religion—with a nasty “rhetorical tone” (p. 9) and various forms of “asceticism” (p. 10). Its members “police each other to enforce the sort of social and intellectual conformity required by their class” (p. 73).

    The result of this “woke religion”: guilt without the Cross, “original sin” but only for certain groups, scapegoats without salvation; hypocritical virtue-signaling (a la Matthew 6:5-18) without socially-beneficial virtues. Joshua Mitchell calls this “a fourth religious awakening”—unfortunately, without God, forgiveness, or redemption (American Awakening: Identity Politics and Other Afflictions of Our Time; New York: Encounter Books, 2020).

    In all of this, I agree with Liu when she exhorts her readers: “We must be heretics. We should blaspheme” (p. 77). For Christians, this false religion is not only wrong but hostile to basic freedoms. So, we pray for our leaders so “we may live peaceful and quiet lives in all godliness and holiness” (I Timothy 2:1-2). But this isn’t just about Christianity. If our country does not have enough liberals who will engage in heresy and blasphemy against the Left’s now-dominant religion and its PMC values, our future will likely be bleak and merciless.

    D. Eric Schansberg
    Indiana University Southeast

    #USA #lutte_des_classes #woke #théorie

  • Mann stirbt bei Brückensturz : Familie verklagt Google Maps wegen falscher Navigation
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/news/mann-stuerzt-von-bruecke-familie-verklagt-google-wegen-navigation-l

    Voilà ce qui t’arrive si tu fais confiance à la cartographie élaborée par les monopoles. Tu meurs. D’une manière ou d’une autre. C’est aussi simple que ça.

    Peut-être c’est moins grave dans un monde meilleur où les représentations cartographiques ne sont pas faussées par les cartographes sous contrat chez les maîtres du monde. Là où l’état s’occupe bien des infrastructures.

    Dans le monde fabuleux de l’entreprise libre style USA il ne faut faire confiance qu’à ses amis et alliés - mais pas trop quand même, sachant qu’eux aussi sont victimes des faussaires.

    Eine Familie in North Carolina in den USA hat Google verklagt. Ein Familienmitglied sei der Navigation von Google Maps gefolgt und mit dem Auto über eine eingestürzte Brücke gefahren, wie das Nachrichtenmagazin Spiegel berichtet. Die Familie wirft Google vor, von der Baufälligkeit der Brücke gewusst zu haben und fahrlässig gehandelt zu haben. Google habe es versäumt, sein Navigationssystem zu aktualisieren, heißt es.

    Die Brücke sei demnach bereits vor neun Jahren eingestürzt. Trotzdem fehlten laut der North Carolina State Patrol Warnhinweise an der Straße. Die Brücke sei weder von lokalen noch von staatlichen Stellen gewartet worden.
    Mann folgt Google Maps und stürzt mit dem Auto von einer Brücke

    Wie aus der Klageschrift hervorgeht, war der Vater von zwei Kindern am 30. September 2022 auf der Strecke unterwegs gewesen und stürzte sechs Meter tief von der Brücke in einen Fluss, wo er ertrank.

    Beklagt wird demnach, dass Google zuvor bereits mehrere Male von Personen über den maroden Zustand der Brücke informiert worden war. Dennoch seien die Routeninformationen nicht aktualisiert worden. Google hat zu dem Vorfall bislang noch keine Stellung bezogen.

    #cartographie_fatale #USA #Google #Alphabet_Inc #droit #infrastructure_publiqe

  • Wanted Dead Or Alive
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Email_spam


    Depuis toujours je rêve de faire payer avec leur temps de vie les spammeurs qui en volent à un nombre infini de gens. Si le compte était bon ils disparîtraient instantanément de la surface de la terre. Malheureusement ce n’est qu’un rêve.

    Voici un des avocats de la bande californienne qui a osé m’envoyer un email pour m’inciter à les engager pour détruire mes ennemis. Manque de peau je fais partie des gens qui ont connu l’internet avant qu’un cabinet d’avocats états-unien (bien sûr) a fait perdre du temps de vie à un nombre illimité de gens par le premier email publicitaire envoyé en grande quantité. Je ne suis pas dupe.

    At the beginning of the Internet (the ARPANET), sending of commercial email was prohibited. Gary Thuerk sent the first email spam message in 1978 to 600 people. He was reprimanded and told not to do it again. Now the ban on spam is enforced by the Terms of Service/Acceptable Use Policy (ToS/AUP) of internet service providers (ISPs) and peer pressure.

    Spam is sent by both otherwise reputable organizations and lesser companies. When spam is sent by otherwise reputable companies it is sometimes referred to as Mainsleaze Mainsleaze makes up approximately 3% of the spam sent over the internet.

    On ne peut pas le savoir, mais peut-être un jour la prophétie du Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy sera réalité.
    https://hitchhikers.fandom.com/wiki/Sirius_Cybernetics_Corporation

    The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy describes the Marketing Department of the Sirius Cybernetics Corporation as: “A bunch of mindless jerks who’ll be the first against the wall when the revolution comes.”

    Ceci concerne d’abord les #Microsoft de ce monde, mais ces law firms rentrent bien dans le cadre.

    #USA #SPAM #avocats #juristes #wtf

  • Lettre ouverte à nos camarades de DSA : pour un anti-impérialisme conséquent

    Democratic socialist of America (DSA) est sur le point de faire la terrible erreur de rompre avec plus de 100 ans de solidarité avec les peuples coloniaux dans leurs luttes contre l’impérialisme et avec la solidarité avec les opprimés dans leur lutte pour la démocratie.

    Depuis 2014, la Russie mène une guerre d’agression contre son ancienne colonie, l’Ukraine, en s’emparant de la Crimée en 2014, en organisant des mouvements séparatistes à Donetsk et à Louhansk, puis en lançant une guerre totale depuis le 24 février 2022. Il s’agit d’une invasion ouvertement annexionniste avec une trajectoire génocidaire, à laquelle le peuple ukrainien résiste pour la survie de sa nation. La guerre russe a donné lieu à des atrocités telles que le massacre de populations civiles et l’enlèvement de milliers d’enfants.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2023/09/19/lettre-ouverte-a-nos-camarades-de-dsa-pour-un-

    #international #usa

  • 1969 : Herbie Mann, The Battle Hymn Of The Republic
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DJT_acVUjV4

    as mentioned in Hunter S Thompson’s The Battle of Aspen

    His version of “Battle Hymn of the Republic” was American author Hunter S. Thompson’s campaign music in 1970 when he ran for sheriff of Pitkin County. It is also on the soundtrack to Wayne Ewing’s Breakfast With Hunter.

    Herbert Jay Solomon (April 16, 1930 July 1, 2003), better known as Herbie Mann, was a Jewish American jazz flautist and important early practitioner of world music. Early in his career, he also played saxophones and clarinets (including bass clarinet), but Mann was among the first jazz musicians to specialize on the flute and was perhaps jazz music’s preeminent flautist during the 1960s.

    Remembering the Turbulent Life of a ’Gonzo’ Writer
    https://www.npr.org/2007/11/18/16339490/remembering-the-turbulent-life-of-a-gonzo-writer
    des interviews audio

    November 18, 2007 - Seymour, a young staffer at Rolling Stone who idolized Thompson, was supposed to meet Thompson at his airline gate, but Seymour missed him. Instead, he found Thompson sitting by himself on the floor in baggage claim. When Seymour extended his hand in greeting, Thompson demanded Seymour help him off the ground.

    It was the beginning of a relationship that would last more than a decade. Seymour became Thompson’s assistant and was soon part of Thompson’s world — a world that included drugs, heavy drinking, rock stars, writers and artists. In a new book, Seymour and Jann Wenner, the founder, editor and publisher of Rolling Stone, recount the turbulent life of the journalism pioneer best known for Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas.

    Their work, Gonzo: The Life of Hunter S. Thompson, is an oral biography that features interviews with Thompson’s inner circle, including his ex-wife, his son, actors Johnny Depp and Jack Nicholson and old friends. Wenner and Seymour also trace how Thompson grew from a reactionary “Gonzo” journalist — using a style of writing where he injected himself into the story — to a writer who defined his generation.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_Hymn_of_the_Republic

    The “Battle Hymn of the Republic”, also known as “Mine Eyes Have Seen the Glory” or “Glory, Glory Hallelujah” outside of the United States, is a popular American patriotic song written by the abolitionist writer Julia Ward Howe.

    #USA #politique #musique #journalisme #gonzo

  • San Franciscos Niedergang : Warum ich ausgerechnet hier an einen Witz aus DDR-Zeiten denken musste
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/open-source/san-francisco-innovativ-schoen-arm-li.388253

    L’auteur de ce récit de voyage constate une dégradation des conditions de vie en Californie comparable à la situation en #URSS autour de 1990.

    16.09.2023 von Rumen Milkow - Unser Autor hat sich San Francisco einmal genauer angesehen und festgestellt: Die lange Wartezeit bei der Passbehörde ist hier das kleinere Übel.

    Der bekannte Song „Are you going to San Francisco“ von John Phillips von The Mamas & The Papas aus den Sechzigern, bekannt in der Version von Scott McKenzie, besagt, dass man unbedingt Blumen im Haar haben sollte, wenn man nach San Francisco kommt, wo man einige „sanfte Menschen“ treffen würde.

    Wir hatten keine Blumen im Haar und die einzigen, die wir zu den frühen Stunden in den Straßen Downtown San Francisco antrafen, waren gebrochene Menschen, Drogenabhängige und Obdachlose, und das in großer Stückzahl. Überall roch es nach Urin, Kot und Erbrochenem.

    Die Bürgersteige ganzer Straßenzüge waren mit Zelten vollgestellt. Im letzten Jahr soll es sogar eine richtige Zeltstadt vor dem Rathaus gegeben haben, wie ich später erfuhr.
    Menschen leben in Zelten

    Dass ich ausgerechnet in San Francisco an einen Witz aus DDR-Zeiten denken würde, der mir sogleich im Hals stecken blieb, hätte ich mir nie träumen lassen. In dem Witz kommt Erich Honecker zurück von einem Staatsbesuch in der Mongolei, von dem er die Erkenntnis mitbringt, dass man außerhalb der Hauptstadt auch in Zelten wohnen kann. Der Witz war auf das DDR-Wohnungsbauprogramm gemünzt, das ins Stocken geraten war.

    Mit den Zelten waren die in der Mongolei bis heute üblichen Jurten gemeint. Die Straßen von San Francisco im Jahr 2023 sind nicht von Großfamilien mit Jurten bevölkert, sondern von Obdachlosen in Zelten. Viele haben auch nur einen Schlafsack.

    Meine Frau kommt aus Kalifornien, weswegen ich im Sommer zwei Monate dort war. Die Hauptstadt Kaliforniens, Sacramento, ist eine Stunde von Grass Valley entfernt, dem Heimatort meiner Frau. Grass Valley ist eine Kleinstadt im Nordosten Kaliforniens am Fuße der Sierra Nevada mit 13.000 Einwohnern.

    Braucht man einen Pass, so wie meine Frau, kann man ihn nicht in Grass Valley beantragen und auch nicht in Sacramento, sondern muss ins drei Stunden entfernte San Francisco fahren. Diese Praxis ist durchaus üblich in den USA. Manche müssen sogar in einen anderen Bundesstaat fahren, um an einen Reisepass zu gelangen.

    Die Wartezeit für einen neuen Pass betrug in San Francisco bereits vor Corona 9 bis 13 Wochen. Jetzt dürfte sie eher 13 Wochen plus X betragen. Nicht nur in Berlin hapert es mit der Personalausstattung der Behörden.

    Da meine Frau im Ausland lebt und wir wenige Tage später nach Berlin zurückfliegen wollten, bestand berechtigte Hoffnung, dass man dies als ausreichende Gründe akzeptieren würde, um in den Genuss eines Express-Services zu kommen. Ob man ihr auch wirklich innerhalb eines Tages einen neuen Pass ausstellen würde, das konnte ihr zuvor niemand bei der Passbehörde sagen. So machten wir uns auf den Weg nach San Francisco, um es herauszufinden.

    Diebstähle und Einbrüche an der Tagesordnung

    Zu früher Morgenstunde fanden wir zunächst ausschließlich Menschen, die in gewisser Weise „sanft“ waren, wie in dem bekannten Song beschrieben, allerdings eher im Sinne von abgestumpft und betäubt. Ein Grund dafür ist die Droge Fenthanyl, die nicht nur in San Francisco ein großes Problem ist, auch weil mit ihrer Beschaffung Diebstähle und Einbrüche verbunden sind.

    Viele Geschäfte in San Francisco stehen deswegen heute leer, oft sind die Eingänge und Scheiben mit Holzplatten verbarrikadiert. Schilder an Fensterscheiben von Autos weisen darauf hin, dass sich ein Einbruch nicht lohne, weil sich keine Wertsachen im Wageninneren befänden.

    Auch in den selbstfahrenden Autos, die immer mehr Menschen alleine, also ohne Fahrer, durch eine dystopische Kulisse befördern, dürfte kaum etwas zu holen sein, sieht man von den unzähligen Kameras auf dem Fahrzeugdach ab. Ich musste an Filme wie „Soylent Green“ und „Idiocracy“ denken. In beiden Filmen werden Straßen einer amerikanischen Großstadt von verwahrlosten Menschen bevölkert.

    Die Nähe zum Silicon Valley mit Hightech-Unternehmen wie Apple, Google und Facebook hat die Preise für Mietwohnungen und Häuser in der Stadt in den vergangenen Jahren explodieren lassen. Rund 35.000 Menschen gelten in San Francisco und der Bay-Area aktuell als obdachlos.

    Öffentliche Plätze fallen durch das Fehlen von Bänken auf, was Obdachlosen einen dauerhaften Aufenthalt erschweren soll. In nicht wenigen Haltestellen öffentlicher Verkehrsmittel, denen in aller Regel die Glasscheiben fehlen, haben sie sich mit ihren Schlafsäcken niedergelassen.

    Die Wohnungskrise ist außer Kontrolle geraten, Familien mit einem Einkommen von 120.000 Dollar gelten offiziell als arm. Diese Ziffer hat das amerikanische Ministerium für Wohnungsbau festgelegt, sie ist die höchste im ganzen Land. Politiker und Hilfsvereine fordern deswegen nun sogar Bürger auf, Obdachlose bei sich aufzunehmen.

    Wirtschaftlich stärkster Bundesstaat

    Ein Problem, das auch in Berlin nicht ganz unbekannt ist, wenngleich nicht in diesem Ausmaß. Auch in der deutschen Hauptstadt gibt es hin und wieder Zelte von Obdachlosen. In aller Regel werden die Leute, die darin leben, von Ordnungsamt und Polizei rasch zum Abbau ihrer Unterkunft bewegt. Auch Berlin zieht viele Obdachlose aus dem Rest des Landes und aus dem Ausland an.

    Ähnliches gilt auch für San Francisco, wobei hier das milde kalifornische Klima hinzukommt. Ein weiterer Unterschied ist, dass San Francisco eine nicht unbedeutende Stadt im wirtschaftlich stärksten Bundesstaat der USA ist, der immerhin 14 Prozent zum Gesamtbruttoinlandsprodukt der Vereinigten Staaten beiträgt und darüber hinaus, wäre er ein Nationalstaat, die fünftgrößte Volkswirtschaft der Welt darstellt, vor Großbritannien, Frankreich und Indien.

    Es war ein sonniger Tag Ende Juli, an dem wir kurz nach sieben Uhr morgens in San Francisco ankamen. Eine knappe Stunde später tauchten die ersten Menschen, die aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach noch eine Wohnung hatten, auf den Straßen von Downtown San Francisco auf, die zuvor praktisch ausschließlich von Obdachlosen und Suchtkranken bevölkert waren.

    Es waren vor allem Mitarbeiter der Stadt, unter anderem der Passbehörde, zu der wir wollten, die sich auf dem Weg zur Arbeit einen Kaffee holten. In Downtown San Francisco gibt es heute nur noch wenige Cafés, und an ihren Eingängen patrouillieren in aller Regel Mitarbeiter der Firma „Urban Alchemy“, die darauf achten, dass keine Obdachlosen in das Café gelangen.

    Meine Frage, ob sie von der Stadt oder von einer Privatfirma bezahlt werden, konnten die Mitarbeiter nicht recht beantworten. Unklar ist auch, ob die Mitarbeiter von „Urban Alchemy“ wirklich für Ruhe und Ordnung sorgen, nicht nur in San Francisco, sondern auch in Los Angeles und Sausalito in Kalifornien und Austin in Texas. Denn es gibt Kritik an der „gemeinnützigen Organisation“, die sich vor allem aus ehemaligen Häftlingen rekrutiert und „non profit“ sein soll.

    Obwohl offiziell kein Sicherheitsdienst, zeigt eine Suche auf LinkedIn Mitarbeiter von „Urban Alchemy“, die sich selbst als solche bezeichnen. Es war kurz nach 9.30 Uhr, als meine Frau ihren Antrag auf einen neuen Pass bei der Behörde, bei der es einen regen Andrang gab, abgeben konnte. Um 15 Uhr am Nachmittag sollten wir wiederkommen.

    Auch in Berlin muss man auf seinen Pass warten, wenngleich nicht so lange wie in San Francisco. Dort sind es nur sechs bis acht Wochen. Und man braucht ebenfalls zwei Termine, die oft nicht ganz einfach zu ergattern sind. Einen Termin, um den Pass zu beantragen. Den anderen, um ihn abzuholen.

    Ob der Pass meiner Frau wirklich am Nachmittag fertig sein würde, konnte uns immer noch niemand garantieren. Dass man ihren Antrag entgegengenommen hatte, nahmen wir als gutes Omen. Da wir jetzt frei und nichts weiteres geplant hatten, gingen wir runter zur Market Street, der bekanntesten Straße in Downtown San Francisco, in der sich unter anderem die Twitter-Zentrale befindet.

    Das Technologie-Unternehmen Uber hat die Market Street bereits verlassen. Twitter könnte dem Vorbild bald folgen. Mit Ausnahme eines lichtdurchfluteten Großraumbüros von „Urban Alchemy“ stehen die Räumlichkeiten nahezu aller großen Geschäfte, Hotels, Banken und Fast-Food-Ketten heute leer und Nachmieter sind nur schwer zu finden.

    Eine Tourismus-Region

    Trotzdem treibt es weiterhin Touristen hierher, vor allem wegen der Endstation der historischen Cable Cars. Auch wenn gegen Mittag einige Besucher der Stadt auf der Market Street unterwegs sind, dominieren auch jetzt Obdachlose und Suchtkranke das Straßenbild. Bei ihrem Anblick stelle ich mir die Frage, was Touristen antreibt, sich durch von obdachlosen und suchtkranken Menschen bevölkerte Straßen kutschieren zu lassen? Eine Antwort will mir nicht einfallen.

    Meine Frau, die in den Neunzigern selbst einige Jahre in San Francisco gelebt hatte, verglich ihren aktuellen Eindruck mit dem Gefühl, das sie Anfang der Neunziger als 17-Jährige bei ihrer Reise in die Sowjetunion Gorbatschows hatte: ein gebrochenes Reich, das bald darauf unterging. Vielleicht so gebrochen wie viele Menschen in San Francisco heute?

    Auch ich war schon mehrfach hier gewesen. Das San Francisco von heute hat mit der Stadt, wie ich sie kenne, nichts mehr zu tun. Ob sie auch untergehen wird? Wer weiß.

    Pünktlich um 15 Uhr waren wir zurück in der Passbehörde. 16.30 Uhr, die Behörde schließt offiziell um 16 Uhr, hielt meine Frau ihren neuen Pass freudestrahlend in den Händen.

    Um der Rush Hour aus dem Weg zu gehen, fuhren wir nicht sogleich aus der Stadt, was um diese Uhrzeit viele tun, sondern „nur“ zur Golden Gate Bridge. Hier gab es ausschließlich Touristen, dazu einen fantastischen Blick auf die imposante Hängebrücke, dem vielleicht bekanntesten Wahrzeichen San Franciscos, die ehemalige Gefängnisinsel Alcatraz und rüber zur Stadt.

    Obdachlose und Drogenabhängige waren dort nicht auszumachen. Fast war es so wie in dem Song von John Phillips: „If you come to San Francisco – Summertime will be a love-in there“.

    #USA #impérialisme #sans_abris #San_Francisco #pauvreté

  • Forget the song, get the girl !
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KyScKtmgHJk


    "It’s Love That Really Counts," written by the songwriting team, Burt Bacharach & Hal David
    Extrait :
    https://genius.com/The-shirelles-its-love-that-really-counts-lyrics

    Who cares if you don’t show me Paris or Rome?
    As long as you are here, I’m happy at home

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dionne_Warwick

    Bacharach asked Warwick if she would be interested in recording demonstration recordings of his compositions to pitch the tunes to record labels, paying her $12.50 per demo recording session (equivalent to $120 in 2022). One such demo, “It’s Love That Really Counts” – destined to be recorded by Scepter-signed act the Shirelles – caught the attention of the President of Scepter Records, Florence Greenberg, who, according to Current Biography (1969 Yearbook), told Bacharach, “Forget the song, get thegirl!”

    Il avait raison, quelle chanson de m... , mais alors quelle force de voix et de caractère de part de la jeune Dionne.

    Puis, quel système d’exploitation machiste et capitaliste connu sous la devise « the american way of life ». Heureuaement que c’est fini depuis #meetoo et l’introduction de la right-to-work law , pas vrai ?

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Right-to-work_law

    #USA #musique #machisme #capitalisme

  • Chassez le naturel ...
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4EO87D4AM9k&pp=ygUZV2hlbiBXZSBBbGwgR2V0IHRvIEhlYXZlbg%3D%3D


    When We All Get To Heaven - The Bird Youmans

    ... il revient au galop
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6ClwsynwVrI


    Bill & Gloria Gaither ft. Terry Blackwood, Karen Peck

    When We All Get to Heaven
    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/When_We_All_Get_to_Heaven

    “When We All Get to Heaven” is a popular Christian hymn. The lyrics were written in 1898 by Eliza Hewitt and the melody by Mrs. J. G. (Emily) Wilson. The two became acquainted at Methodist camp meetings in New Jersey. Hewitt was cousin to Edgar Page Stites, another well-known hymnist who wrote the lyrics to “Beulah Land.”

    ... sauf si tu es black et t’appelles Dionne Warwick

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NgJDkvXcWtM&t=202


    (You’ll Never Get To Heaven) If You Break My Heart

    Un pays, deux nations.
    This is not a love song. (PIL)

    #USA #religion #musique #jim_crow

  • Le refus du gratte-ciel
    https://topophile.net/savoir/le-refus-du-gratte-ciel

    1925. Lewis Mumford, critique d’architecture, historien des villes et des techniques, avocat des cités-jardins et membre de la Regional Planning Association of America (RPAA), rédige un dialogue fictif, chargé d’ironie mordante, entre un architecte et un critique au sujet du gratte-ciel, le skyscraper, cette expression architecturale des Etats-Unis et son idéal masculin, le self-made-man. Si... Voir l’article

  • The US Is Facing a Growing Air Safety Crisis. We Have Ronald Reagan to Thank for It.
    https://jacobin.com/2023/09/reagan-patco-strike-faa-air-traffic-controllers-short-staffing-safety-crisi

    Comment l’abandon de la gestion d’infrastructures essentielles par l’état mène au dysfonctionnement et aux accidents mortels.

    8.9.2023 by Joseph A. McCartin - On March 15, 2023, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) held a “safety summit” in McLean, Virginia, gathering more than two hundred “safety leaders” from across American aviation to discuss “ways to enhance flight safety.” What prompted the unusual summit was, by the FAA’s own admission, a “string of recent safety incidents, several of which involved airplanes coming too close together during takeoff or landing.”

    As the New York Times recently reported, such events have continued since the McLean summit, including one on August 11 in which a private plane nearly landed on top of a Southwest Airlines flight in Phoenix. Analyzing a database maintained by NASA that records confidential reports filed by pilots and air traffic controllers, the Times found roughly three hundred near misses in the most recent twelve-month period and evidence that the number of such reports filed have doubled over the past ten years.

    One contributing factor to the growing concerns about safety is a shortage of air traffic controllers. A recent internal study by the inspector general of the US Department of Transportation found that twenty of twenty-six critical facilities (77 percent of them) are staffed below the FAA’s 85-percent threshold. That includes the vital New York Terminal Radar Approach Control (TRACON) facility, which manages one of the most complex airspaces in the world and is currently at 54 percent of its staffing target (which is jointly determined by the FAA and the controllers’ union, the National Air Traffic Controllers Association). Less than 1 percent of FAA facilities are currently meeting 100 percent of their staffing targets.

    According to the inspector general, the FAA “lacks a plan” to address the staffing crisis. To meet its needs while short-staffed, the agency has been requiring controllers to work overtime. The Times reports that some have already logged more than four hundred hours of extra time in 2023.

    In many ways, this brewing crisis recalls the situation that existed in the FAA more than a half century ago, when overstretched air traffic controllers struggled to deal with burgeoning air traffic at the dawn of jet travel. Then, as in recent months, worries about the possibilities of catastrophic accidents were on the rise. The roots of this current crisis, however, can be traced back to the Reagan administration.
    Today’s Controller Staffing Crisis and the Early Days of Air Traffic Control

    Many of the incidents that provoked the FAA’s “safety summit” have been widely reported:

    On January 13, an American Airlines plane crossed a runway in front of an oncoming Delta Air Lines plane when its pilot misunderstood an air traffic controllers’ direction, forcing the Delta flight to suddenly abort its takeoff.
    On January 23, a Kamaka Air cargo flight came within 1,173 feet of a United Airlines flight arriving from Denver when both arrived almost simultaneously at Daniel K. Inouye International Airport in Hawaii.
    Less than two weeks later, on February 4, a FedEx cargo plane was forced to abort its landing at Austin-Bergstrom International Airport in Texas after a departing Southwest Airlines flight was mistakenly cleared for takeoff on the same runway.
    On February 16, an Air Canada Rouge flight and an American Airlines flight were mistakenly cleared to land almost simultaneously on the same runway in Sarasota, Florida.
    On February 27, a Learjet took off without clearance on a runway at Boston’s Logan Airport on which a JetBlue flight was about to touch down, forcing the JetBlue pilot to abort the landing and put the jet into a steep climb to avoid a collision.
    On March 7, a Republic Airways/American Eagle flight mistakenly taxied across a runway that a United Airlines Airbus bound for Chicago had just been cleared to take off from.

    More than forty-five thousand flights occur daily in the United States — by far the busiest national airspace in the world. By any measure, until recently the FAA has long supervised the world’s safest airspace, especially when one considers how rare accidents are given the volume of flights. The last commercial airline accident causing fatalities happened in 2009. But as the incidents above suggest, this system that has functioned so well over the years might be starting to fray. Any one of the recent incidents could have resulted in a collision with the potential for staggering loss of life.

    The FAA itself was created in response to an accident — a midair collision over the Grand Canyon in 1956 that killed 128. Launched in 1958, the agency’s first priority was to bring order to the nation’s haphazard system of air traffic control.

    It struggled to do so. The FAA’s air traffic control workforce, recruited almost exclusively from the ranks of military veterans who had learned to use radar in the service, was overworked and under-resourced from the outset. The agency’s problems became clear on December 16, 1960, when another midair collision occurred, this one over New York City, killing 134.

    The New York catastrophe triggered a reaction among a group of young air traffic controllers who had been complaining about their equipment and short staffing. They began to organize. Led by two controllers, Mike Rock and Jack Maher, who had been working on the morning of the accident, the workers began to demand improved radar and an end to forced overtime. By 1962, they could draw on President John F. Kennedy’s Executive Order 10988, which introduced a limited form of union recognition and collective bargaining to the federal government. Under the umbrella of that executive order, Rock, Maher, and their coworkers worked to build a union.

    Their efforts were spurred on by a string of other accidents that highlighted the problems with the system. Indeed, the FAA witnessed an average of twelve fatal air accidents annually between 1962 and 1966. Then in July 1967, a Piedmont Airlines Boeing 727 and a twin-engine Cessna collided over Hendersonville, North Carolina, killing eighty-two people.

    Controllers had seen enough. By January 1968, they had formed a national union, the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO). Its creation marked a turning point. With PATCO’s formation, controllers got a collective voice, and they used that voice effectively in subsequent years, lobbying Congress and FAA management to improve a system in crisis, pushing for innovations such as the NASA-administered program for reporting near accidents. Over the next decade. PATCO’s influence helped improve safety substantially.
    Ronald Reagan and the PATCO Strike

    But controllers’ morale still suffered. While their agitation helped make the system safer, their pay began to lag behind the double-digit inflation of the 1970s, and the stress of their jobs took a toll on the controllers in the busiest facilities. Like other federal employees, they were not allowed by law to negotiate over their compensation, benefits, or the length of their workweek. During the Carter administration — which deregulated the airlines, cut taxes, and cut back funding for some social welfare programs — their frustration grew to the point that PATCO decided to endorse Jimmy Carter’s challenger in the 1980 election, Ronald Reagan. Reagan had promised that, if elected, he would work to address controllers’ concerns.

    The Reagan-PATCO alliance was infamously short lived. When Reagan, the former president of the Screen Actors Guild, refused to meet demands that PATCO members considered essential during their negotiations in the early months of his presidency, the union struck on August 3, 1981.

    PATCO’s action was illegal under federal law. It grew from years of frustrating relations with FAA management, and disappointed expectations regarding what controllers’ believed they had been promised by Reagan. They decided to strike, engaging in a form of mass civil disobedience that the union’s leaders had concluded was their only option.

    What happened next planted one of the seeds of today’s air safety crisis. Reagan gave the striking controllers a forty-eight-hour ultimatum: return to work or be fired and permanently replaced. When more than eleven thousand (approximately 70 percent of the controller workforce) defied his warning, Reagan fired them on August 5, and the FAA began efforts to permanently replace them.

    Never before had the government faced the prospect of training a new, highly technical workforce from scratch in such a short time. Some moderate Republicans, like Representative Guy Molinari of New York, urged Reagan to hire back controllers who had not been leaders of the walkout, warning of the long-term cost and lingering consequences of replacing all the strikers. But once he issued his ultimatum, Reagan and his hard-line advisers believed that sticking to the mass firing would send a message to domestic and foreign observers alike that he was not a president to be trifled with. So even though public opinion favored rehiring most of the strikers, Reagan never relented.

    Reagan’s decision to ban all strikers meant that it took years for the system to come back to its prestrike staffing levels. Seven years later, the vital New York TRACON was still operating at only 80 percent of its target staffing. Even more important for the long run: the huge group of replacements hired in the first five years after the strike would itself become problematic. That massive bubble of new hires meant that these replacement workers would one day near retirement within a few years of each other, and when new hires were made to replace them, the pattern would be repeated again. Ever since, the Times recently noted, “there have been waves of departures as controllers become eligible for retirement,” and the FAA has struggled to keep pace.

    The FAA requires air traffic controllers to retire at age fifty-six. It does not hire new recruits over the age of thirty-one in order to ensure that controllers can have careers of at least twenty-five years, recognizing that the first few years of a controller’s development will involve closely supervised on-the-job training. Developmental controllers train for between two and four years, with certification for specific air space positions at certain high-density facilities taking up to two years of specialized training.

    These constraints, which exist to ensure safety, make filling the slots of air traffic controllers a recurrent challenge for the FAA. The loss of a senior controller to retirement doesn’t just create a new slot to fill; it also deprives a facility of a seasoned veteran who can mentor the training of a developmental controller.
    The Corrosive Influence of Reagan’s “Nine Most Terrifying Words”

    The long-term impact of Reagan’s firing of the PATCO strikers isn’t the only troubling legacy he left to our system of air traffic travel. Although the era of austerity began under Carter, it was Reagan who helped popularize and establish a contemptuous attitude toward government as policy orthodoxy.

    At a press conference in 1986, Reagan famously quipped, “The nine most terrifying words in the English language are: ‘I’m from the government, and I’m here to help.’” In a nutshell, that pithy line summed up the ideology of the neoliberal revolution that Reagan helped to lead. Perhaps the greatest measure of his success is that this view also found a home in the Democratic Party (as Bill Clinton made clear when he declared in his 1996 State of the Union that “the era of Big Government is over.”) Almost forty years later, the United States still struggles with the anti-government animus behind that comment, a potent political influence Reagan and his neoliberal followers did so much to develop.

    Today’s GOP has taken that anti-government sentiment to new extremes that make Reagan look moderate by comparison — like Florida governor Ron DeSantis promising that he would “start slitting throats” in the federal bureaucracy on his first day in office if elected president. But it should not be forgotten that Reagan himself helped lay the groundwork for the likes of DeSantis when he declared in his 1981 inaugural address that “government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.”

    This same anti-government spirit is currently animating the GOP-led House of Representatives as it threatens to trigger the fourth federal government shutdown in the span of a decade when the federal budget deadline arrives on September 30. It is a spirit that has been inexorably eroding the morale of federal workers for years now. The last government shutdown, which came during Donald Trump’s presidency, lasted thirty-five days. It furloughed 380,000 federal workers, and forced other, “excepted workers,” whose work was considered indispensable — including air traffic controllers — to continue working without pay. One survey later showed that 90 percent of federal employees believed that the shutdown had worsened morale in their already-beleaguered agencies.

    Air traffic controllers were among those whose morale suffered most during the Trump shutdown, during which they missed two paychecks. It was therefore no coincidence that they played a crucial role in bringing that shutdown to a screeching halt. When a group of New York controllers called in sick on the morning of the shutdown’s thirty-fifth day, they forced the FAA to issue a ground stop, freezing air traffic around the nation’s busiest and most complex airspace. Within hours the Trump administration caved, and the shutdown was over.

    Unfortunately, it won’t be so easy to break the death grip of Reagan-spawned anti-government ideology that has a hold on today’s Republican party. Representative Bob Good, a Virginia Republican, recently remarked that “we should not fear a government shutdown” and asserted that if one occurs, “most Americans won’t even miss [the government].” Even if we manage to avoid another damaging shutdown perpetrated by Good and his allies in the far-right House Freedom Caucus, the likeliest solution to the looming crisis will be a continuing resolution (CR), a device that provides temporary funding for agencies in a new fiscal year until appropriations bills can be approved.

    Since the Reagan years, government shutdowns have become more common than on-time budgets, and in order to avoid shutdowns Congress has had to resort to CRs of varying coverage and length in all but three years (1989, 1995, and 1997). Yet the problem of government by CR is that it undermines the ability of agencies to plan efficiently. In the specific case of the FAA, the prospect of another shutdown or a string of patchwork CRs will further inhibit its ability to address the personnel shortage that now afflicts many of our most vital air traffic control facilities and impede the agency’s response to the problems it acknowledged in its March 15 air safety summit.

    There are real dangers far more terrifying than the bogeyman Ronald Reagan cynically conjured with his “nine most terrifying words,” as the overworked, under-equipped air traffic controllers who directed air traffic on the morning of December 16, 1960, when two planes collided in the sky over New York, could testify. Let’s hope that we don’t require the kind of wake-up call that the nation received that cold December day before we address the growing crisis in our system of air travel and finally free ourselves from Reagan’s poisonous neoliberal legacy.

    #USA #aviation #grève

  • Le mug shot de Trump ou le défi à l’Amérique

    La pose choisie par l’ancien président, Donald Trump, pour sa première photo d’identité judiciaire (mug shot) est celle de la colère et de la menace. Le ressentiment comme projet politique.

    Le premier mug shot (photo d’identité judiciaire) de Donald Trump, à Atlanta, restera dans les annales et l’ancien président le sait pertinemment. C’est la raison pour laquelle il a très certainement travaillé la pose. Il apparaît comme étant en colère et déterminé, voire menaçant. C’est un regard de défi. À qui s’adresse-t-il ? Autant à son électorat (« Je n’ai peur de rien ») qu’à la justice (« Je ne me laisserai pas faire »). Cette photo va être déclinée en goodies : T shirts, casquettes, tasses à café, etc. Elle deviendra également un mème. Bad buzz, still buzz ? Autant en faire un good buzz.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2023/09/05/le-mug-shot-de-trump-ou-le-defi-a-lamerique

    #international #usa

  • L’élite oligarchique américaine et son impact sur le monde - Chris Hedges

    Elucid (Les crises) : L’élite oligarchique américaine et son impact sur le monde Chris Hedges - Olivier Berruyer

    Chris Hedges est un journaliste américain, lauréat d’un prix Pulitzer. Il a été correspondant de guerre pour le New York Times pendant quinze ans. Reconnu pour ses articles d’analyse sociale et politique de la situation américaine, il a également enseigné aux universités Columbia et Princeton. Dans cette interview par Olivier Berruyer pour Elucid, il propose une critique de ce qu’il appelle « l’élite progressiste » américaine, l’hypocrisie de ses valeurs et son accointance avec les puissances d’argent ("les entreprises"). Il décortique le rôle de cette oligarchie, comment elle a pris le pouvoir et comment elle impacte dorénavant le monde entier.

    La vidéo =>  : https://elucid.media/politique/lelite-oligarchique-americaine-et-son-impact-sur-le-monde-chris-hedges/?mc_ts=crises

    #usa #néolibéralisme #capitalisme #médias #journalisme #universités #censure #chris_hedges #inégalités #guerre #oligarchie