• Precipita da 20 metri e muore nel Carso : tentava di attraversare il confine sloveno

    Un uomo con cittadinanza marocchina è morto dopo essere precipitato in un burrone di oltre una ventina di metri sul Carso, in #Val_Rosandra (#Trieste), mentre tentava di attraversare il confine con l’Italia assieme alla moglie e ad alcuni compagni.

    L’uomo è finito nel dirupo sotto le pareti rocciose nei pressi del castello di #San_Servolo, in Slovenia, ma quando è stato soccorso le sue condizioni erano già gravi. Sul posto sono intervenuti i tecnici del Soccorso Alpino della stazione di Trieste, la Polizia di Stato, l’ambulanza e l’elisoccorso del Fvg che è stato autorizzato a procedere al recupero in territorio sloveno. L’operazione con il verricello non è semplice nella zona ricca di crepacci e fitta vegetazione.

    Il 18 dicembre un migrante pakistano di 32 anni è stato inghiottito dalle acque dell’Isonzo, nel tratto tra #Gradisca e #Sagrado. L’amico, anche lui richiedente asilo, aveva tentato inutilmente di salvarlo gettandosi nel fiume.

    Secondo la Questura, i rintracci di migranti a Trieste sono aumentati di «almeno il 50%» nel 2019 rispetto al 2018: negli ultimi 12 mesi la Polizia di Frontiera ha rintracciato circa 4 mila persone, a cui se ne aggiungono altre 1.300 che si sono presentate spontaneamente negli uffici della Questura per le pratiche amministrative e la richiesta di protezione". A Trieste sono giunti per lo più cittadini pachistani ("circa il 60% del totale") afghani, iracheni, siriani e bengalesi. Per quanto riguarda le espulsioni, ha precisato Petronzi, sono stati 210 gli stranieri irregolari espulsi dal territorio nazionale, «una decina in più rispetto al 2018».


    #frontière_sud-alpine #décès #morts #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Slovénie #Italie #Carso #mourir_aux_frontières #Alpes #violent_borders

    Ajouté à cette métaliste des migrants morts dans les Alpes :

  • Liste des personnes en situation migratoire mortes à la frontière dite « haute » (#Mongenèvre, #Val_Susa, #Col_de_l'Echelle, #Bardonecchia, #Oulx, #Briançon) entre la #France et l’Italie ces dernières années.

    Selon les informations collectées par Eva Ottavy et Lydie Arbogast, qui ont fait une mission de collecte d’info en octobre 2019 dans le cadre du projet de La Cimade « Personnes décédées et disparues aux frontières françaises » :

    5 cas de personnes décédées à la frontière franco-italienne haute ont été recensés dont 3 côté français (Matthew Blessing le 07/05/2018, Mamadi Condé le 18/05/2018 et Tamimou Derman le 07/02/2019) et 2 côté italien (Mohamed Fofana le 25/05/2018 et une personne non identifiée le 07/09/2019)

    Mise en garde des deux personnes qui ont fait un rapport intermédiaire de leur mission :

    Il est possible que ce chiffre soit en deçà de la réalité d’une part (difficultés pour mener de recherches dans la zone, possibilité que des personnes aient disparu sans laisser de trace…) et qu’un certain nombre de décès et/ou disparition ont pu être prévenus grâce aux maraudes

    Elles mentionnent notamment le cas d’une personne (nom mentionné dans le rapport, mais je ne le mets pas ici) :
    « Suite à l’appel de deux proches, inquiets d’être sans nouvelle de leur ami depuis le 15/11/2019 (date du dernier contact, lors duquel la personne disparue se trouvait à Oulx en Italie), la disparition de XXX a été signalée au procureur de la république à Gap (France) par l’’association Tous Migrants et au Comando del carabinieri à Oulx (Italie) par une militante italienne. Les recherches menées par les équipes de secours italiennes n’ont rien donné. A ce stade, aucune information n’a été transmise sur les suites données à ce signalement. »

    #frontières #mourir_aux_frontières_alpines #morts #décès #migrations #asile #réfugiés #Alpes #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #violent_borders #frontière_sud-alpine

    Je vais ajouter à cette métaliste sur les morts à la frontière sud-alpine :

  • Ethiopians Abused on Gulf Migration Route

    Ethiopians undertaking the perilous journey by boat across the Red Sea or Gulf of Aden face exploitation and torture in Yemen by a network of trafficking groups, Human Rights Watch said today. They also encounter abusive prison conditions in Saudi Arabia before being summarily forcibly deported back to Addis Ababa. Authorities in Ethiopia, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia have taken few if any measures to curb the violence migrants face, to put in place asylum procedures, or to check abuses perpetrated by their own security forces.

    A combination of factors, including unemployment and other economic difficulties, drought, and human rights abuses have driven hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to migrate over the past decade, traveling by boat over the Red Sea and then by land through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia and neighboring Gulf states are favored destinations because of the availability of employment. Most travel irregularly and do not have legal status once they reach Saudi Arabia.

    “Many Ethiopians who hoped for a better life in Saudi Arabia face unspeakable dangers along the journey, including death at sea, torture, and all manners of abuses,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The Ethiopian government, with the support of its international partners, should support people who arrive back in Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes on their back and nowhere to turn for help.”

    Human Rights Watch interviewed 12 Ethiopians in Addis Ababa who had been deported from Saudi Arabia between December 2018 and May 2019. Human Rights Watch also interviewed humanitarian workers and diplomats working on Ethiopia migration-related issues.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates as many as 500,000 Ethiopians were in Saudi Arabia when the Saudi government began a deportation campaign in November 2017. The Saudi authorities have arrested, prosecuted, or deported foreigners who violate labor or residency laws or those who crossed the border irregularly. About 260,000 Ethiopians, an average of 10,000 per month, were deported from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia between May 2017 and March 2019, according to the IOM, and deportations have continued.

    An August 2 Twitter update by Saudi Arabia’s Interior Ministry said that police had arrested 3.6 million people, including 2.8 million for violations of residency rules, 557,000 for labor law violations, and 237,000 for border violations. In addition, authorities detained 61,125 people for crossing the border into Saudi Arabia illegally, 51 percent of them Ethiopians, and referred more than 895,000 people for deportation. Apart from illegal border crossing, these figures are not disaggregated by nationality.

    Eleven of the 12 people interviewed who had been deported had engaged with smuggling and trafficking networks that are regionally linked across Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia’s semi-autonomous Puntland state, the self-declared autonomous state of Somaliland, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. Traffickers outside of Ethiopia, particularly in Yemen, often used violence or threats to extort ransom money from migrants’ family members or contacts, those interviewed told Human Rights Watch. The 12th person was working in Saudi Arabia legally but was deported after trying to help his sister when she arrived illegally.

    Those interviewed described life-threatening journeys as long as 24 hours across the Gulf of Aden or the Red Sea to reach Yemen, in most cases in overcrowded boats, with no food or water, and prevented from moving around by armed smugglers.

    “There were 180 people on the boat, but 25 died,” one man said. “The boat was in trouble and the waves were hitting it. It was overloaded and about to sink so the dallalas [an adaptation of the Arabic word for “middleman” or “broker”] picked some out and threw them into the sea, around 25.”

    Interviewees said they were met and captured by traffickers upon arrival in Yemen. Five said the traffickers physically assaulted them to extort payments from family members or contacts in Ethiopia or Somalia. While camps where migrants were held capture were run by Yemenis, Ethiopians often carried out the abuse. In many cases, relatives said they sold assets such as homes or land to obtain the ransom money.

    After paying the traffickers or escaping, the migrants eventually made their way north to the Saudi-Yemen border, crossing in rural, mountainous areas. Interviewees said Saudi border guards fired at them, killing and injuring others crossing at the same time, and that they saw dead bodies along the crossing routes. Human Rights Watch has previously documented Saudi border guards shooting and killing migrants crossing the border.

    “At the border there are many bodies rotting, decomposing,” a 26-year-old man said: “It is like a graveyard.”

    Six interviewees said they were apprehended by Saudi border police, while five successfully crossed the border but were later arrested. They described abusive prison conditions in several facilities in southern Saudi Arabia, including inadequate food, toilet facilities, and medical care; lack of sanitation; overcrowding; and beatings by guards.

    Planes returning people deported from Saudi Arabia typically arrive in Addis Ababa either at the domestic terminal or the cargo terminal of Bole International Airport. Several humanitarian groups conduct an initial screening to identify the most vulnerable cases, with the rest left to their own devices. Aid workers in Ethiopia said that deportees often arrive with no belongings and no money for food, transportation, or shelter. Upon arrival, they are offered little assistance to help them deal with injuries or psychological trauma, or to support transportation to their home communities, in some cases hundreds of kilometers from Addis Ababa.

    Human Rights Watch learned that much of the migration funding from Ethiopia’s development partners is specifically earmarked to manage migration along the routes from the Horn of Africa to Europe and to assist Ethiopians being returned from Europe, with very little left to support returnees from Saudi Arabia.

    “Saudi Arabia has summarily returned hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to Addis Ababa who have little to show for their journey except debts and trauma,” Horne said. “Saudi Arabia should protect migrants on its territory and under its control from traffickers, ensure there is no collusion between its agents and these criminals, and provide them with the opportunity to legally challenge their detention and deportation.”

    All interviews were conducted in Amharic, Tigrayan, or Afan Oromo with translation into English. The interviewees were from the four regions of SNNPR (Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region), Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray. These regions have historically produced the bulk of Ethiopians migrating abroad. To protect interviewees from possible reprisals, pseudonyms are being used in place of their real names. Human Rights Watch wrote to the Ethiopian and Saudi governments seeking comment on abuses described by Ethiopian migrants along the Gulf migration route, but at the time of writing neither had responded.

    Dangerous Boat Journey

    Most of the 11 people interviewed who entered Saudi Arabia without documents described life-threatening boat journeys across the Red Sea from Djibouti, Somaliland, or Puntland to Yemen. They described severely overcrowded boats, beatings, and inadequate food or water on journeys that ranged from 4 to 24 hours. These problems were compounded by dangerous weather conditions or encounters with Saudi/Emirati-led coalition naval vessels patrolling the Yemeni coast.

    “Berhanu” said that Somali smugglers beat people on his boat crossing from Puntland: “They have a setup they use where they place people in spots by weight to keep the boat balanced. If you moved, they beat you.” He said that his trip was lengthened when smugglers were forced to turn the boat around after spotting a light from a naval vessel along the Yemeni coast and wait several hours for it to pass.

    Since March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia has led a coalition of countries in a military campaign against the Houthi armed group in Yemen. As part of its campaign the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition has imposed a naval blockade on Houthi-controlled Yemeni ports, purportedly to prevent Houthi rebels from importing weapons by sea, but which has also restricted the flow of food, fuel, and medicine to civilians in the country, and included attacks on civilians at sea. Human Rights Watch previously documented a helicopter attack in March 2017 by coalition forces on a boat carrying Somali migrants and refugees returning from Yemen, killing at least 32 of the 145 Somali migrants and refugees on board and one Yemeni civilian.

    Exploitation and Abuses in Yemen

    Once in war-torn Yemen, Ethiopian migrants said they faced kidnappings, beatings, and other abuses by traffickers trying to extort ransom money from them or their family members back home.

    This is not new. Human Rights Watch, in a 2014 report, documented abuses, including torture, of migrants in detention camps in Yemen run by traffickers attempting to extort payments. In 2018, Human Rights Watch documented how Yemeni guards tortured and raped Ethiopian and other Horn of Africa migrants at a detention center in Aden and worked in collaboration with smugglers to send them back to their countries of origin. Recent interviews by Human Rights Watch indicate that the war in Yemen has not significantly affected the abuses against Ethiopians migrating through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. If anything, the conflict, which escalated in 2015, has made the journey more dangerous for migrants who cross into an area of active fighting.

    Seven of the 11 irregular migrants interviewed said they faced detention and extortion by traffickers in Yemen. This occurred in many cases as soon as they reached shore, as smugglers on boats coordinated with the Yemeni traffickers. Migrants said that Yemeni smuggling and trafficking groups always included Ethiopians, often one from each of Oromo, Tigrayan, and Amhara ethnic groups, who generally were responsible for beating and torturing migrants to extort payments. Migrants were generally held in camps for days or weeks until they could provide ransom money, or escape. Ransom payments were usually made by bank transfers from relatives and contacts back in Ethiopia.

    “Abebe” described his experience:

    When we landed… [the traffickers] took us to a place off the road with a tent. Everyone there was armed with guns and they threw us around like garbage. The traffickers were one Yemeni and three Ethiopians – one Tigrayan, one Amhara, and one Oromo…. They started to beat us after we refused to pay, then we had to call our families…. My sister [in Ethiopia] has a house, and the traffickers called her, and they fired a bullet near me that she could hear. They sold the house and sent the money [40,000 Birr, US $1,396].

    “Tesfalem”, said that he was beaten by Yemenis and Ethiopians at a camp he believes was near the port city of Aden:

    They demanded money, but I said I don’t have any. They told me to make a call, but I said I don’t have relatives. They beat me and hung me on the wall by one hand while standing on a chair, then they kicked the chair away and I was swinging by my arm. They beat me on my head with a stick and it was swollen and bled.

    He escaped after three months, was detained in another camp for three months more, and finally escaped again.

    “Biniam” said the men would take turns beating the captured migrants: “The [Ethiopian] who speaks your language beats you, those doing the beating were all Ethiopians. We didn’t think of fighting back against them because we were so tired, and they would kill you if you tried.”

    Two people said that when they landed, the traffickers offered them the opportunity to pay immediately to travel by car to the Saudi border, thereby avoiding the detention camps. One of them, “Getachew,” said that he paid 1,500 Birr (US $52) for the car and escaped mistreatment.

    Others avoided capture when they landed, but then faced the difficult 500 kilometer journey on foot with few resources while trying to avoid capture.

    Dangers faced by Yemeni migrants traveling north were compounded for those who ran into areas of active fighting between Houthi forces and groups aligned with the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition. Two migrants said that their journey was delayed, one by a week, the other by two months, to avoid conflict areas.

    Migrants had no recourse to local authorities and did not report abuses or seek assistance from them. Forces aligned with the Yemeni government and the Houthis have also detained migrants in poor conditions, refused access to protection and asylum procedures, deported migrants en masse in dangerous conditions, and exposed them to abuse. In April 2018, Human Rights Watch reported that Yemeni government officials had tortured, raped, and executed migrants and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa in a detention center in the southern port city of Aden. The detention center was later shut down.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) announced in May that it had initiated a program of voluntary humanitarian returns for irregular Ethiopian migrants held by Yemeni authorities at detention sites in southern Yemen. IOM said that about 5,000 migrants at three sites were held in “unsustainable conditions,” and that the flights from Aden to Ethiopia had stalled because the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition had failed to provide the flights the necessary clearances. The coalition controls Yemen’s airspace.

    Crossing the Border; Abusive Detention inside Saudi Arabia

    Migrants faced new challenges attempting to cross the Saudi-Yemen border. The people interviewed said that the crossing points used by smugglers are in rural, mountainous areas where the border separates Yemen’s Saada Governorate and Saudi Arabia’s Jizan Province. Two said that smugglers separated Ethiopians by their ethnic group and assigned different groups to cross at different border points.

    Ethiopian migrants interviewed were not all able to identify the locations where they crossed. Most indicated points near the Yemeni mountain villages Souq al-Ragu and ‘Izlat Al Thabit, which they called Ragu and Al Thabit. Saudi-aligned media have regularly characterized Souq al-Ragu as a dangerous town from which drug smugglers and irregular migrants cross into Saudi Arabia.

    Migrants recounted pressures to pay for the crossing by smuggling drugs into Saudi Arabia. “Abdi” said he stayed in Souq al-Ragu for 15 days and finally agreed to carry across a 25 kilogram sack of khat in exchange for 500 Saudi Riyals (US$133). Khat is a mild stimulant grown in the Ethiopian highlands and Yemen; it is popular among Yemenis and Saudis, but illegal in Saudi Arabia.

    “Badessa” described Souq al-Ragu as “the crime city:”

    You don’t know who is a trafficker, who is a drug person, but everybody has an angle of some sort. Even Yemenis are afraid of the place, it is run by Ethiopians. It is also a burial place; bodies are gathered of people who had been shot along the border and then they’re buried there. There is no police presence.

    Four of the eleven migrants who crossed the border on foot said Saudi border guards shot at them during their crossings, sometimes after ordering them to stop and other times without warning. Some said they encountered dead bodies along the way. Six said they were apprehended by Saudi border guards or drug police at the border, while five were arrested later.

    “Abebe” said that Saudi border guards shot at his group as they crossed from Izlat Al Thabit:

    They fired bullets, and everyone scattered. People fleeing were shot, my friend was shot in the leg…. One person was shot in the chest and killed and [the Saudi border guards] made us carry him to a place where there was a big excavator. They didn’t let us bury him; the excavator dug a hole and they buried him.

    Berhanu described the scene in the border area: “There were many dead people at the border. You could walk on the corpses. No one comes to bury them.”

    Getachew added: “It is like a graveyard. There are no dogs or hyenas there to eat the bodies, just dead bodies everywhere.”

    Two of the five interviewees who crossed the border without being detained said that Saudi and Ethiopian smugglers and traffickers took them to informal detention camps in southern Saudi towns and held them for ransom. “Yonas” said they took him and 14 others to a camp in the Fayfa area of Jizan Province: “They beat me daily until I called my family. They wanted 10,000 Birr ($349). My father sold his farmland and sent the 10,000 Birr, but then they told me this isn’t enough, we need 20,000 ($698). I had nothing left and decided to escape or die.” He escaped.

    Following their capture, the migrants described abusive conditions in Saudi governmental detention centers and prisons, including overcrowding and inadequate food, water, and medical care. Migrants also described beatings by Saudi guards.

    Nine migrants who were captured while crossing the border illegally or living in Saudi Arabia without documentation spent up to five months in detention before authorities deported them back to Ethiopia. The three others were convicted of criminal offenses that included human trafficking and drug smuggling, resulting in longer periods in detention before being deported.

    The migrants identified about 10 prisons and detention centers where they were held for various periods. The most frequently cited were a center near the town of al-Dayer in Jizan Province along the border, Jizan Central Prison in Jizan city, and the Shmeisi Detention Center east of Jeddah, where migrants are processed for deportation.

    Al-Dayer had the worst conditions, they said, citing overcrowding, inadequate sanitation, food and water, and medical care. Yonas said:

    They tied our feet with chains and they beat us while chained, sometimes you can’t get to the food because you are chained. If you get chained by the toilet it will overflow and flow under you. If you are aggressive you get chained by the toilet. If you are good [behave well], they chain you to another person and you can move around.

    Abraham had a similar description:

    The people there beat us. Ethnic groups [from Ethiopia] fought with each other. The toilet was overflowing. It was like a graveyard and not a place to live. Urine was everywhere and people were defecating. The smell was terrible.

    Other migrants described similarly bad conditions in Jizan Central Prison. “Ibrahim” said that he was a legal migrant working in Saudi Arabia, but that he travelled to Jizan to help his sister, whom Saudi authorities had detained after she crossed from Yemen illegally. Once in Jizan, authorities suspected him of human trafficking and arrested him, put him on trial, and sentenced him to two years in prison, a sentenced he partially served in Jizan Central Prison:

    Jizan prison is so very tough…. You can be sleeping with [beside] someone who has tuberculosis, and if you ask an official to move you, they don’t care. They will beat you. You can’t change clothes, you have one set and that is it, sometimes the guards will illegally bring clothes and sell to you at night.

    He also complained of overcrowding: “When you want to sleep you tell people and they all jostle to make some room, then you sleep for a bit but you wake up because everyone is jostling against each other.”

    Most of the migrants said food was inadequate. Yonas described the situation in al-Dayer: “When they gave food 10 people would gather and fight over it. If you don’t have energy you won’t eat. The fight is over rice and bread.”

    Detainees also said medical care was inadequate and that detainees with symptoms of tuberculosis (such as cough, fever, night sweats, or weight loss) were not isolated from other prisoners. Human Rights Watch interviewed three former detainees who were being treated for tuberculosis after being deported, two of whom said they were held with other detainees despite having symptoms of active tuberculosis.

    Detainees described being beaten by Saudi prison guards when they requested medical care. Abdi said:

    I was beaten once with a stick in Jizan that was like a piece of rebar covered in plastic. I was sick in prison and I used to vomit. They said, ‘why do you do that when people are eating?’ and then they beat me harshly and I told him [the guard], ‘Please kill me.’ He eventually stopped.

    Ibrahim said he was also beaten when he requested medical care for tuberculosis:

    [Prison guards] have a rule that you aren’t supposed to knock on the door [and disturb the guards]. When I got sick in the first six months and asked to go to the clinic, they just beat me with electric wires on the bottom of my feet. I kept asking so they kept beating.

    Detainees said that the other primary impetus for beatings by guards was fighting between different ethnic groups of Ethiopians in detention, largely between ethnic Oromos, Amharas, and Tigrayans. Ethnic tensions are increasingly common back in Ethiopia.

    Detainees said that conditions generally improved once they were transferred to Shmeisi Detention Center, near Jeddah, where they stayed only a few days before receiving temporary travel documents from Ethiopian consular authorities and deported to Ethiopia. The migrants charged with and convicted of crimes had no opportunity to consult legal counsel.

    None of the migrants said they were given the opportunity to legally challenge their deportations, and Saudi Arabia has not established an asylum system under which migrants could apply for protection from deportation where there was a risk of persecution if they were sent back. Saudi Arabia is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention.

    Deportation and Future Prospects

    Humanitarian workers and diplomats told Human Rights Watch that since the beginning of Saudi Arabia’s deportation campaign, large numbers of Ethiopian deportees have been transported via special flights by Saudia Airlines to Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa and unloaded in a cargo area away from the main international terminal or at the domestic terminal. When Human Rights Watch visited in May, it appeared that the Saudi flights were suspended during the month of Ramadan, during which strict sunrise-to-sunset fasting is observed by Muslims. All interviewees who were deported in May said they had returned on regular Ethiopian Airlines commercial flights and disembarked at the main terminal with other passengers.

    All of those deported said that they returned to Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes they were wearing, and that Saudi authorities had confiscated their mobile phones and in some cases shoes and belts. “After staying in Jeddah … they had us make a line and take off our shoes,” Abraham said. “Anything that could tie like a belt we had to leave, they wouldn’t let us take it. We were barefoot when we went to the airport.”

    Deportees often have critical needs for assistance, including medical care, some for gunshot wounds. One returnee recovering from tuberculosis said that he did not have enough money to buy food and was going hungry. Abdi said that when he left for Saudi Arabia he weighed 64 kilograms but returned weighing only 47 or 48 kilograms.

    Aid workers and diplomats familiar with migration issues in Ethiopia said that very little international assistance is earmarked for helping deportees from Saudi Arabia for medical care and shelter or money to return and reintegrate in their home villages.

    Over 8 million people are in need of food assistance in Ethiopia, a country of over 100 million. It hosts over 920,000 refugees from neighboring countries and violence along ethnic lines produced over 2.4 internally displaced people in 2018, many of whom have now been returned.

    The IOM registers migrants upon arrival in Ethiopia and to facilitate their return from Saudi Arabia. Several hours after their arrival and once registered, they leave the airport and must fend for themselves. Some said they had never been to Addis before.

    In 2013 and 2014, Saudi Arabia conducted an expulsion campaign similar to the one that began in November 2017. The earlier campaign expelled about 163,000 Ethiopians, according to the IOM. A 2015 Human Rights Watch report found that migrants experienced serious abuses during detention and deportation, including attacks by security forces and private citizens in Saudi Arabia, and inadequate and abusive detention conditions. Human Rights Watch has also previously documented mistreatment of Ethiopian migrants by traffickers and government detention centers in Yemen.

    Aid workers and diplomats said that inadequate funding to assist returning migrants is as a result of several factors, including a focus of many of the European funders on stemming migration to and facilitating returns from Europe, along with competing priorities and the low visibility of the issue compared with migration to Europe.

    During previous mass returns from Saudi Arabia, there was more funding for reintegration and more international media attention in part because there was such a large influx in a short time, aid workers said.

    #migrations #asile #violence #réfugiés #réfugiés_éthiopiens #Ethiopie #pays_du_Golfe #route_du_Golfe #mer_Rouge #Golfe_d'Aden #Yémen #Arabie_Saoudite #frontières #violent_borders #torture #trafic_d'êtres_humains #exploitation #routes_migratoires

    signalé par @isskein

    • Migrants endure sea crossing to Yemen and disembark in hell

      Zahra struggled in the blue waters of the Gulf of Aden, grasping for the hands of fellow migrants.

      Hundreds of men, women and teenagers clambered out of a boat and through the surf emerging, exhausted, on the shores of Yemen.

      The 20-year-old Ethiopian saw men armed with automatic rifles waiting for them on the beach and she clenched in terror. She had heard migrants’ stories of brutal traffickers, lurking like monsters in a nightmare. They are known by the Arabic nickname Abdul-Qawi — which means Worshipper of the Strong.

      “What will they do to us?” Zahra thought.

      She and 300 other Africans had just endured six hours crammed in a wooden smuggling boat to cross the narrow strait between the Red Sea and the gulf. When they landed, the traffickers loaded them into trucks and drove them to ramshackle compounds in the desert outside the coastal village of Ras al-Ara.

      There was Zahra’s answer. She was imprisoned for a month in a tin-roofed hut, broiling and hungry, ordered to call home each day to beseech her family to wire $2,000. She said she did not have family to ask for money and pleaded for her freedom.
      Instead, her captors raped her. And they raped the 20 other women with her — for weeks, different men all the time.

      “They used each of the girls,” she told The Associated Press. “Every night there was rape.”

      With its systematic torture, Ras al-Ara is a particular hell on the arduous, 900-mile (1,400 kilometer) journey from the Horn of Africa to oil-rich Saudi Arabia. Migrants leave home on sandaled feet with dreams of escaping poverty. They trek through mountains and deserts, sandstorms and 113-degree temperatures, surviving on crumbs of bread and salty water from ancient wells.

      In Djibouti, long lines of migrants descend single file down mountain slopes to the rocky coastal plain, where many lay eyes on the sea for first time and eventually board the boats. Some find their way safely across war-torn Yemen to Saudi Arabia, only to be caught and tossed back over the border. The lucky ones make it into the kingdom to earn their livings as a servant and laborers.

      But others are stranded in Yemen’s nightmare — in some measure because Europe has been shutting its doors, outsourcing migrants to other countries.

      The European Union began paying Libyan coast guards and militias to stop migrants there, blocking the other main route out of East Africa, through Libya and across the Mediterranean to Europe. The number of Mediterranean crossings plummeted — from 370,000 in 2016 to just over 56,000 so far this year.

      Meanwhile, more than 150,000 migrants landed in Yemen in 2018, a 50% increase from the year before, according to the International Organization for Migration.

      This year, more than 107,000 had arrived by the end of September, along with perhaps tens of thousands more the organization was unable to track — or who were buried in graves along the trail.

      And European policies may be making the Yemen route more dangerous. Funded by the EU, Ethiopia has cracked down on migrant smugglers and intensified border controls. Arrests of known brokers have prompted migrants to turn to unreliable traffickers, taking more dangerous paths and increasing the risk of abuses.

      Many of those migrants end up in Ras al-Ara.

      Nearly every migrant who lands here is imprisoned in hidden compounds while their families are shaken down for money. Like Zahra, they are subjected to daily torments ranging from beatings and rapes to starvation, their screams drowned out by the noise of generators or cars or simply lost in the desert.
      “Out of every thousand, 800 disappear in the lockups,” said a humanitarian worker monitoring the flow of migrants.

      Traffickers who torture are a mix of Yemenis and Ethiopians of different ethnic groups. So victims cannot appeal to tribal loyalties, they are tortured by men from other groups: If the migrants are Oromia, the torturers are Tigrinya.

      At the same time, because the three main ethnic groups don’t speak each others’ languages, Yemeni smugglers need translators to convey orders to the migrants and monitor their phone conversations with their families.

      The AP spoke to more than two dozen Ethiopians who survived torture at Ras al-Ara. Nearly all of them reported witnessing deaths, and one man died of starvation hours after the AP saw him.
      The imprisonment and torture are largely ignored by Yemeni authorities.

      The AP saw trucks full of migrants passing unhindered through military checkpoints as they went from the beaches to drop their human cargo at each desert compound, known in Arabic as a “hosh.”

      “The traffickers move freely, in public, giving bribes at the checkpoints,” said Mohammed Said, a former coast guard officer who now runs a gas station in the center of town.

      From Ras al-Ara, it’s nearly 50 miles in any direction to the next town. Around 8,000 families live in a collection of decaying, one-story stone houses beside dirt roads, a lone hotel and two eateries. The fish market is the center of activity when the daily catch is brought in.

      Nearly the entire population profits from the human trade. Some rent land to traffickers for the holding cells, or work as guards, drivers or translators. For others, traffickers flush with cash are a lucrative market for their food, fuel or the mildly stimulant leaves of qat, which Yemenis and Ethiopians chew daily.

      Locals can rattle off the traffickers’ names. One of them, a Yemeni named Mohammed al-Usili, runs more than 20 hosh. He’s famous for the red Nissan SUV he drives through town.

      Others belong to Sabaha, one of the biggest tribes in southern Yemen, some of whom are famous for their involvement in illicit businesses. Yemenis call the Sabaha “bandits” who have no political loyalties to any of the warring parties.
      Many traffickers speak openly of their activities, but deny they torture, blaming others.

      Yemeni smuggler Ali Hawash was a farmer who went into the human smuggling business a year ago. He disparaged smugglers who prey on poor migrants, torturing them and holding them hostage until relatives pay ransom.

      “I thought we need to have a different way,” he said, “I will help you go to Saudi, you just pay the transit and the transportation. Deal.”

      The flow of migrants to the beach is unending. On a single day, July 24, the AP witnessed seven boats pull into Ras al-Ara, one after the other, starting at 3 a.m., each carrying more than 100 people.

      The migrants climbed out of the boats into the turquoise water. One young man collapsed on the beach, his feet swollen. A woman stepped on something sharp in the water and fell screeching in pain. Others washed their clothes in the waves to get out the vomit, urine and feces from the rugged journey.

      The migrants were lined up and loaded onto trucks. They gripped the iron bars in the truck bed as they were driven along the highway. At each compound, the truck unloaded a group of migrants, like a school bus dropping off students. The migrants disappeared inside.

      From time to time, Ethiopians escape their imprisonment or are released and stagger out of the desert into town.
      Eman Idrees, 27, and her husband were held for eight months by an Ethiopian smuggler.

      She recalled the savage beatings they endured, which left a scar on her shoulder; the smuggler received $700 to take her to Saudi Arabia, but wouldn’t let her go, because “he wanted me.”

      Said, the gas station owner, is horrified by the evidence of torture he has seen, so he has made his station and a nearby mosque into a refuge for migrants. But locals say Said, too, profits from the trafficking, selling fuel for the smugglers’ boats and trucks. But that means the traffickers need him and leave him alone.

      On a day when the AP team was visiting, several young men just out of a compound arrived at the gas station. They showed deep gashes in their arms from ropes that had bound them. One who had bruises from being lashed with a cable said the women imprisoned with him were all raped and that three men had died.

      Another, Ibrahim Hassan, trembled as he showed how he was tied up in a ball, arms behind his back, knees bound against his chest. The 24-year-old said he was bound like that for 11 days and frequently beaten. His torturer, he said, was a fellow Ethiopian but from a rival ethnic group, Tigray, while he is Oromo.

      Hassan said he was freed after his father went door to door in their hometown to borrow money and gather the $2,600 that the smugglers demanded.
      “My family is extremely poor,” Hassan said, breaking down in tears. “My father is a farmer and I have five siblings.”

      Starvation is another punishment used by the traffickers to wear down their victims.

      At Ras al-Ara hospital, four men who looked like living skeletons sat on the floor, picking rice from a bowl with their thin fingers. Their bones protruded from their backs, their rib cages stood out sharply. With no fat on their bodies, they sat on rolled-up cloth because it was too painful to sit directly on bone. They had been imprisoned by traffickers for months, fed once a day with scraps of bread and a sip of water, they said.

      One of them, 23-year-old Abdu Yassin, said he had agreed with smugglers in Ethiopia to pay around $600 for the trip through Yemen to the Saudi border. But when he landed at Ras al-Ara, he was brought to a compound with 71 others, and the traffickers demanded $1,600.

      He cried as he described how he was held for five months and beaten constantly in different positions. He showed the marks from lashings on his back, the scars on his legs where they pressed hot steel into his skin. His finger was crooked after they smashed it with a rock, he said. One day, they tied his legs and dangled him upside down, “like a slaughtered sheep.”
      But the worst was starvation.

      “From hunger, my knees can’t carry my body,” he said. “I haven’t changed my clothes for six months. I haven’t washed. I have nothing.”

      Near the four men, another emaciated man lay on a gurney, his stomach concave, his eyes open but unseeing. Nurses gave him fluids but he died several hours later.

      The torment that leaves the young men and women physically and mentally shattered also leaves them stranded.

      Zahra said she traveled to Yemen “because I wanted to change my life.”

      She came from a broken home. She was a child when her parents divorced. Her mother disappeared, and her father — an engineer — remarried and wanted little to do with Zahra or her sisters. Zahra dropped out of school after the third grade. She worked for years in Djibouti as a servant, sending most of her earnings to her youngest sister back in Ethiopia.

      Unable to save any money, she decided to try her luck elsewhere.

      She spoke in a quiet voice as she described the torments she suffered at the compound.

      “I couldn’t sleep at all throughout these days,” as she suffered from headaches, she said.

      She and the other women were locked in three rooms of the hut, sleeping on the dirt floor, suffocating in the summer heat. They were constantly famished. Zahra suffered from rashes, diarrhea and vomiting.

      One group tried to flee when they were allowed to wash at a well outside. The traffickers used dogs to hunt them down, brought them back and beat them.
      “You can’t imagine,” Zahra said. “We could hear the screams.” After that, they could only wash at gunpoint.

      Finally, early one morning, their captors opened the gates and told Zahra and some of the other women to leave. Apparently, the traffickers gave up on getting money out of them and wanted to make room for others.

      Now Zahra lives in Basateen, a slum on the outskirts of southern Yemen’s main city, Aden, where she shares a room with three other women who also were tortured. .

      Among them is a 17-year-old who fidgets with her hands and avoiding eye contact. She said she had been raped more times than she can count.

      The first time was during the boat crossing from Djibouti, where she was packed in with more than 150 other migrants. Fearing the smugglers, no one dared raise a word of protest as the captain and his crew raped her and the other nine women on board during the eight-hour journey.
      “I am speechless about what happened in the boat,” the 17-year-old said.

      Upon landing, she and the others were taken to a compound, where again she was raped — every day for the next two weeks.

      “We lived 15 days in pain,” she said.

      Zahra said she’s worried she could be pregnant, and the 17-year old said she has pains in her abdomen and back she believes were caused by the rapes — but neither has money to go to a doctor.

      Nor do they have money to continue their travels.

      “I have nothing but the clothes on me,” the 17-year old said. She lost everything, including her only photos of her family.

      Now, she is too afraid to even leave her room in Basateen.
      “If we get out of here,” she said, “we don’t know what would happen to us.”

      Basateen is filled with migrants living in squalid shacks. Some work, trying to earn enough to continue their journey.

      Others, like Abdul-Rahman Taha, languish without hope.

      The son of a dirt-poor farmer, Taha had heard stories of Ethiopians returning from Saudi Arabia with enough money to buy a car or build a house. So he sneaked away from home and began walking. When he reached Djibouti, he called home asking for $400 for smugglers to arrange his trip across Yemen. His father was angry but sold a bull and some goats and sent the money.

      When Taha landed at Ras al-Ara, traffickers took him and 50 other migrants to a holding cell, lined them up and demanded phone numbers. Taha couldn’t ask his father for more money so he told them he didn’t have a number. Over the next days and weeks, he was beaten and left without food and water.

      One night, he gave them a wrong number. The traffickers flew into a rage. One, a beefy, bearded Yemeni, beat Taha’s right leg to a bloody pulp with a steel rod. Taha passed out.

      When he opened his eyes, he saw the sky. He was outdoors, lying on the ground. The traffickers had dumped him and three other migrants in the desert. Taha tried to jostle the others, but they didn’t move — they were dead.
      A passing driver took him to a hospital. There, his leg was amputated.

      Now 17, Taha is stranded. His father died in a car crash a few months ago, leaving Taha’s sister and four younger brothers to fend for themselves back home.

      Taha choked back tears. In one of their phone calls, he remembered, his father had asked him: “Why did you leave?”

      “Without work or money,” Taha told him, “life is unbearable.”

      And so it is still.

      #réfugiés_éthiopiens #famine #mourir_de_faim #Oromo

    • Sbarcare all’inferno. Per i migranti diretti in Europa la tappa in Yemen vuol dire stupro e tortura

      Il durissimo reportage fotografico di Associated Press in viaggio con i migranti etiopi lungo la rotta che dal Corno d’Africa porta verso la penisola arabica racconta l’orrore perpetrato negli ’#hosh' di #Ras al-Ara che la comunità internazionale non vuole vedere. Le terribili storie di Zahra, Ibrahim, Abdul e gli altri.

      #viol #viols #torture #violences_sexuelles #photographie

  • #Push-back_map

    Cette carte documente et dénonce des #push-backs systématiques. Ils sont une réalité quotidienne aux nombreuses #frontières de l’Europe et du monde. Renvoyer les gens à travers les frontières contre leur volonté est une pratique de l´État qui est violente, et qui doit cesser maintenant !

    Veuillez noter que si un témoignage ou un rapport ne dispose pas d’une localisation GPS exacte, l’emplacement du marqueur ne sera qu’une approximation.


    #push-back #cartographie #contre-cartographie #cartographie_critique #cartographie_radicale #asile #migrations #réfugiés #cartographie_participative #violent_borders #monde
    ping @reka @fil

  • Le numéro 1, un très beau numéro de la revue
    #Nunatak , Revue d’histoires, cultures et #luttes des #montagnes...

    Sommaire :

    Une sensation d’étouffement/Aux frontières de l’Iran et de l’Irak/Pâturages et Uniformes/La Banda Baudissard/
    À ceux qui ne sont responsables de rien/Des plantes dans l’illégalité/Conga no va !/Mundatur culpa labore

    La revue est disponible en pdf en ligne (https://revuenunatak.noblogs.org/numeros), voici l’adresse URL pour télécharger le numéro 1 :

    Je mettrai ci-dessous des mots-clés et citations des articles...

    • Marocchino muore travolto dal treno

      Un uomo marocchino, dall’apparente età di 30 anni, è stato travolto e ucciso ieri sera da un treno in Alto Adige, all’altezza di Oltrisarco, mentre camminava lungo i binari.

      Si tratta di un migrante che, secondo i primi riscontri della polizia ferroviaria, sarebbe stato insieme ad un gruppetto di connazionali. Non è ancora chiaro come lo straniero sia finito sotto le ruote del treno.

      Il decesso è avvenuto sul colpo e ci sono stati una serie di ritardi dei convogli per tutta la nottata. Si tratta del quarto episodio simile nell’ultimo periodo.


    • Tragedia al Brennero: profugo muore folgorato sul treno merci

      Il corpo trovato dagli agenti del commissariato di Brennero sul tetto di un container fermo allo scalo merci. I poliziotti: «Siamo impotenti»
      BRENNERO. Ancora un morto sui treni dei migranti in viaggio dall’Italia verso l’Austria. Questa notte allo scalo merci del Brennero è stato trovato il corpo di un uomo folgorato da una scarica elettrica, sul tetto di un container su un carro merci.

      Il convoglio, partito da Verona, era rimasto bloccato alla stazione di Brennero, a causa del deragliamento in Austria che da qualche giorno ha interrotto la linea oltreconfine. Sono stati gli operatori del Commissariato di polizia del Brennero a trovare il corpo. Durante il controllo di alcuni carri merci poco prima di mezzanotte, hanno notato lo squarcio nel telone di un vagone, fatto da alcuni migranti per salire e scendere.

      Guardando oltre, hanno notato un cadavere sul tetto di un container sul carro a fianco. Il corpo, che non era visibile da sotto, è stato notato dagli agenti saliti sulla cabina «dirigenti in movimento». Probabilmente, il migrante si è alzato in piedi facendo da parafulmine. Si è prodotta una scarica violentissima che lo ha ucciso sul colpo.

      La dinamica. Da quanto si è potuto ricostruire, l’uomo sarebbe salito sul tetto del container per cercare di squarciare dall’alto il telone di un vagone accanto, ed entrare per ripararasi dal freddo. Mentre era sul tetto, il treno avrebbe fatto un piccolo movimento, facendogli perdere l’equilibrio. Il migrante avrebbe quindi toccato i fili dell’alta tensione.

      Il suo corpo ha fatto da conduttore, scaricando l’energia verso terra. Dallo stato del cadavere, completamente carbonizzato, non è stato ancora possibile risalire alla nazionalità e all’identità della vittima. La salma è stata trasportata all’ospedale di Vipiteno. Molto probabilmente si tratta di un africano di circa 30 anni. In questi giorni infatti, a causa dell’incidente ferroviario in Austria, sono molti i giovani africani (una trentina) che - nonostante le temperature polari - stazionano a Brennero in attesa di passare il confine verso Nord.

      Si tratta dell’ennesima tragedia sulla linea del Brennero che vede coinvolti migranti che tentano di arrivare in Germania saltando a bordo dei carri merci.

      LE REAZIONI. In mattinata è stata diramata una nota a firma di Mario Deriu e Fulvio Coslovi, segretari provinciali dei sindacati di polizia Siulp e Coisp.

      "La morte di un uomo - si legge -, ancor più quando avviene tragicamente, suscita su ognuno di noi sentimento di pervasiva impotenza, ma quando questa è determinata da silenzi egoistici è da politiche di interesse di parte, bene, allora, siamo in qualche misura tutti responsabili. Questo per affermare che incrementare ossessivamente i controlli di polizia militarizzando la frontiera, non produce alcun risultato, se questi non sono sostenuti da precise scelte di politica europea, condivise e non unilaterali. Diversamente, per il futuro, non possiamo che presagire il ripetersi di tragedie di terra sul nostro territorio. I poliziotti, per l’ennesima volta, hanno assistito al dramma di una morte ingiusta. Toccati umanamente dalla cattiva sorte che ha colpito un uomo disperato, che cercava di realizzare il sogno di vita migliore, anche in questa occasione gli operatori hanno mostrato umanità e professionalità con la consapevolezza di non poter essere gli «armotizzatori sociali» di un fenomeno epocale".


    • Muore folgorato sul treno merci al Brennero

      Un migrante è morto nella notte su un treno merci al Brennero, salito con molta probabilità a Verona, nel suo viaggio dall’Italia verso l’Austria. L’uomo è stato folgorato da una scarica elettrica, sul tetto di un container su un carro merci. La notizia, di Alto Adige online, è stata confermata dalla polizia. Il convoglio numero 43128 verso le ore 23 era rimasto bloccato alla stazione di Brennero, a causa del deragliamento in Austria che da qualche giorno ha interrotto la linea oltreconfine.


    • Ferrovia del Brennero: profugo travolto e ucciso dal treno

      La tragedia a Bolzano sud: l’uomo stava camminando con altre persone lungo i binari. E’ morto sul colpo.

      BOLZANO. Un’altra tragedia sui binari che coinvolge un migrante. Martedì sera (31 ottobre 2017) un profugo, da quanto si è potuto sapere di origine africana, è stato travolto ed ucciso da un treno mentre camminava lungo i binari della ferrovia del Brennero a Bolzano.

      L’uomo - dai primi accertamenti della polizia ferroviaria- sembra non fosse da solo, ma facesse parte di un gruppo. Violentissimo l’impatto, il poveretto è morto sul colpo.

      L’allarme è stato dato dal macchinista del convoglio. E’ il secondo incidente di questo tipo nel giro di pochi mesi a Bolzano.

      Per ore la linea del Brennero è rimasta bloccata creando forti disagi ai viaggiatori: sono state comunque previste delle corse sostitutive con i bus.


    • Dal Gambia fino a Bolzano: la tragica fine di un «invisibile»

      Era originario del Gambia ed aveva appena 19 anni, il ragazzo che martedì 31 ottobre ha perso la vita sui binari della ferrovia del Brennero.

      BOLZANO. Il giovane è morto attorno alle 19.30 sui binari di Bolzano, nel tratto che corre quasi parallelo a via Achille Grandi, travolto da un treno.

      Una fine tragica per tutti, ma soprattutto per chi, per giungere fino in Italia, aveva già superato mille difficoltà, quelle rappresetante da un viaggio massacrante di mesi, che dal suo paese di origine, il Gambia, lo aveva portato fino in Libia, per poi imbarcarsi e raggiungere le coste nostrane.

      Le indagini hanno portato a scoprire che B.A., queste le iniziali della vittima, era arrivato in Italia nell’estate del 2016 e che non era registrato in alcun centro d’accoglienza, che aveva presentato richiesta di protezione internazionale e che, a Bolzano, probabilmente, era giunto da appena qualche giorno.

      Nel capoluogo è entrato a far parte di quel gruppo di «invisibili» che di notte, soprattutto, vivono gli angoli più dimenticati della città, arrivando a camminare, come accaduto, lungo i binari del trento, per raggiungere, presumibilmente in questo caso, i centri di accoglienza di Bolzano sud.


    • Morti due migranti mentre viaggiavano su un treno partito da Verona

      Morti due migranti mentre viaggiavano su un treno partito da Verona

      Morti su un treno merci in Tirolo due profughi, si tratta di un uomo e una donna, mentre una terza persona sarebbe in gravissime condizioni e attualmente è ricoverata nella clinica universitaria di Innsbruck. Il convoglio era partito dalla Stazione di Verona, con i profughi che si erano nascosti al di sotto di un Tir all’interno di un vagone adibito al trasporto di mezzi pesanti.

      A riferire quanto avvenuto è il sito del Tiroler Tageszeitung, dove si legge di come il terribile incidente sia avvenuto durante la fase di scarico dei tir, nei pressi della stazione di Wörgl al confine tra Austria e Germania, con l’uomo e la donna che sarebbero accidentalmente rimasti schiacciati.

      Al momento sono inoltre in corso degli accertamenti da parte delle forze di polizia locali per appurare se la morte non fosse già sopraggiunta per assideramento dei due migranti. A quanto risulta, infatti, i motori dei mezzi pesanti erano stati accesi circa un quarto d’ora prima dell’avvio delle procedure di scarico e i profughi, se vigili e coscienti, avrebbero avuto tutto il tempo necessario per salvarsi. Per stabilire l’esatta causa del decesso sarà dunque necessario attendere l’esito dell’autopsia.

      „Morti due migranti mentre viaggiavano su un treno partito da Verona“


    • Austria, due profughi morti schiacciati in treno merci: un altro gravissimo

      Le vittime sono un uomo e una donna. I tre viaggiavano sulla tratta che da Verona arriva a Wörgl passando per il Brennero. Si erano nascosti sotto un tir, che li ha travolti durante la fase di scarico.

      Un uomo e una donna sono morti su un treno merci in Tirolo, un terzo uomo è in gravi condizioni ed è stato trasportato in gravi condizioni alla clinica universitaria di Innsbruc. Profughi, si erano nascosti sotto un tir in un vagone che trasportava i mezzi pesanti e sono stati schiacciati durante la fase di scarico, nella stazione di Wörgl, sul confine con la Germania. A dare la notizia il sito del Tiroler Tageszeitung.

      I tre viaggiavano su un treno della cosiddetta Rola, Rollende Landstrasse (strada su binari), che trasporta tir da Verona a Wörgl, passando per il Brennero. Pochi giorni fa un ragazzo eritreo di 17 anni è morto nella stazione di Bolzano, travolto nel tentativo di salire su un treno merci diretto in Austria. Un’altra migrante è stata invece uccisa da un treno sulla linea del Brennero nella zona di Ala, in Trentino. Nella stazione di Bolzano sono state adottate una serie di misure di sicurezza e di controllo. Dopo la Germania, da ieri anche la polizia austriaca ha intensificato i controlli sui treni merci, che vengono sempre più spesso utilizzati dai profughi.


    • Profughi sui treni merci, allarme in Germania

      Nascosti nei treni merci tra i pallets oppure addirittura aggrappati sul tetto di un vagone. Con l’intensificazione dei controlli su strada e sui treni passeggeri sempre più migranti tentano di raggiungere la Germania in questo modo.

      Spesso mettendo in questo viaggio della speranza a rischio la propria vita.

      L’allarme viene lanciato dalla polizia tedesca, che con il primo dicembre ha intensificato i controlli sulla linea ferroviaria Rosenheim-Monaco. Sono, infatti, 180 le persone intercettate su vagoni merci nei mesi di ottobre e novembre in Germania, molte delle quali in arrivo dall’Italia.

      La polizia tedesca spiega che i migranti non viaggiano solo all’interno, ma anche all’esterno dei vagoni, rischiando di cadere oppure di toccare la linea elettrica. I controlli vengono effettuati nella stazione di Raubling, dove si incontrano la linea ferroviaria che arriva dal Tirolo e dal Brennero e quella da Salisburgo. Monaco dista da qui solo più una sessantina di chilometri.

      I controlli sono stati concordati con la Deutsche Bahn e le altre società di trasporti merci su rotaia. Per motivi di sicurezza la linea ferroviaria viene interrotta per la durata dei controlli. Ritardi per i treni passeggeri - secondo la polizia - «probabilmente saranno inevitabili». Sono stati intensificati anche i pattugliamenti nelle stazioni di Monaco e lungo le linee ferroviarie, anche con l’ausilio di elicotteri.

      Proprio pochi giorni fa un ragazzo eritreo di 17 anni è morto nella stazione di Bolzano, travolto nel tentativo di salire su un treno merci diretto al Brennero. Un’altra migrante è stata invece uccisa da un treno sulla linea del Brennero nella zona di Ala, in Trentino. Per evitare ulteriori incidenti, nella stazione di Bolzano sono state adottate una serie di misure di sicurezza e di controllo.

      «La morte di Abiel sui binari della stazione di Bolzano è un segno da cogliere», afferma il direttore della Caritas altoatesina Paolo Valente. «La causa principale delle migrazioni - prosegue - sono gli squilibri economici e il mancato rispetto dei diritti umani a livello mondiale. L’Europa e il mondo ricco rispondono a questa sfida con l’incapacità di assumersi e di distribuire le responsabilità, intensificando i controlli, erigendo barriere che dividono il mondo in uomini di serie A e uomini di serie B», conclude Valente.


    • Morire di confine al Brennero

      Pochi giorni prima, invece, il 21 novembre a Bolzano, aveva perso la vita il diciassettenne Abel Temesgen, rimasto ucciso mentre cercava di salire su un treno allo scalo merci della stazione. “La sua storia”, raccontava pochi mesi fa Anna Brambilla di Asgi ad Open Migration, “illustra bene la filiera di omissioni a cui vanno spesso incontro i minori soli: invitato ad allontanarsi dalla tendopoli per adulti di Messina, dopo aver dichiarato di avere 16 anni e poi 21, transitato da Roma, poi dall’hub di Milano, fermato a Bolzano dalla polizia e poi ucciso da un treno in corsa appena fuori dal capoluogo altoatesino e accertato infine come minorenne, da morto”.


    • La lunga attesa dei minori migranti soli in Italia

      Anche lui eritreo, Abel Temesgen è un altro ragazzino vittima dei confini. “La sua storia”, racconta Anna Brambilla, “illustra bene la filiera di omissioni a cui vanno spesso incontro i minori soli: invitato ad allontanarsi dalla tendopoli per adulti di Messina, dichiaratosi 16enne e poi 21enne, transitato da Roma, dall’hub di Milano, fermato a Bolzano dalla polizia e poi ucciso da un treno in corsa appena fuori dal capoluogo altoatesino e accertato infine come minorenne, da morto”. L’asse del Brennero, come la provincia di Como, il Tarvisio e Bardonecchia sono punti sempre più caldi per i minori in fuga.


    • Solo un anno fa era morto Abel: aveva 17 anni

      Quella di Abel Temesgen, il diciassettenne eritreo deceduto mentre cercava di salire su un treno merci per raggiungere il fratello in Germania, era stata una morte inutile. O meglio, visto che tutte le morti sono inutili, quella di Abel lo era ancora di più perché egli non aveva alcuna necessità di viaggiare di nascosto su un treno merci. La sua età e il suo stato, infatti, gli davano il diritto di ricongiungersi ai suoi familiari.


    • Morire di confine al Brennero

      Ci sono volute settimane di ricerca – e un lavoro che forse competeva ad altri – per risalire al nome e all’identità della giovane donna morta lo scorso 16 novembre, nei pressi della stazione di Borghetto sul confine tra Veneto e Trentino. La donna stava camminando lungo la massicciata quando è stata travolta da un treno regionale diretto a Verona. Adesso sappiamo che si chiamava #Rawda, aveva 29 anni, ed era arrivata in Italia da poco più di dieci giorni. Aveva con sé il tesserino di uno dei principali centri di accoglienza di Milano per migranti in transito, segno che, dopo essere sbarcata a Reggio Calabria, stava cercando una via verso nord.

      A raccontare a Open Migration questa storia è Alessandra Volani di Antenne Migranti, progetto di monitoraggio dei flussi migratori lungo la direttrice del Brennero, che insieme a un’altra giovane, Valentina Sega, e a un cittadino di origine etiope – Zabenay Jabe Daka, esponente dell’associazione trentina Amici dell’Etiopia – è tra i principali artefici di questa ricerca. “Subito ci siamo resi conto”, racconta Alessandra, “di come i tentativi da parte delle autorità di identificare la donna e di provare ad avvertirne i familiari si fossero di fatto bloccati. Anzi, ormai erano già stati avviati con il comune di Avio i preparativi per la sepoltura, senza che a quel corpo fosse assegnato un nome né tanto meno fosse stata avvisata la famiglia”.

      A imprimere una svolta a questa storia è stata solo una fortuita coincidenza, unita alla determinazione di tante persone comuni: il 25 novembre, durante una visita alla camera mortuaria di Avio, Alessandra Volani scopre, accanto al corpo della donna, una borsa contenente i pochi effetti personali che aveva con sé al momento della morte. “All’interno”, spiega la giovane, “abbiamo trovato alcuni biglietti scritti in amarico che abbiamo tradotto con l’aiuto di Zabenay”.

      #Brenner #Autriche

    • #Rawda non è stata dimenticata: Comunicato stampa di Antenne Migranti
      Rawda aveva 29 anni e ha perso la vita a pochi chilometri dalle nostre case. Era partita tempo fa dalla sua terra, l’Etiopia, dove vivono i suoi cari. E’ arrivata in Italia lo scorso novembre. Nel freddo della stagione e del sistema d’accoglienza, Rawda si è trovata smarrita. Ha concluso il suo viaggio il 16 novembre 2016, camminando lungo i binari nei pressi di Borghetto: nel buio, un treno l’ha investita.

      Rawda non è stata dimenticata. Grazie all’impegno di tante persone della comunità della Vallagarina e al nostro gruppo Antenne Migranti è stato possibile mettersi in contatto con la famiglia, che ha chiesto sostegno per poter rivedere, seppur da deceduta, la propria cara, non potendosi permettere la cifra necessaria al rimpatrio della salma. In poche settimane la mobilitazione di tante persone della comunità locale ha fatto sì che venisse raccolto quanto serve per coprire le spese . Ora Rawda può tornare a casa. Un’incredibile solidarietà popolare, che permetterà, oltre al rimpatrio, di studiare anche una forma di sostegno alla figlia di Rawda, rimasta orfana.

      Una solidarietà che fa onore al Trentino, ma che non può servire come alibi alle mancanze che questa storia evidenzia.

      Primo, la vicinanza di molti trentini ha coperto quella che crediamo essere un’assenza delle istituzioni: se, arrivando da lontano, si muore così tragicamente su un territorio, non sarebbe lecito aspettarsi che siano le istituzioni pubbliche di quel territorio a rendere omaggio alla defunta? Senza un’attivazione volontaristica, invece, Rawda sarebbe rimasta sepolta in Trentino, e chissà quando la sua famiglia avrebbe avuto notizia della sua morte.

      Secondo, è necessario abituarsi alle morti sulle rotaie? Dopo Rawda, altre quattro persone hanno perso la vita sulla rotta ferroviaria Verona-Austria. Dobbiamo aspettarci di dover cercare altre famiglie orfane e rimpatriare altre salme?

      Preoccupati per la condizione delle persone migranti che transitano lungo i nostri binari, abbiamo costituito il gruppo indipendente Antenne Migranti. Con il sostegno della Fondazione Alexander Langer di Bolzano, il nostro obiettivo è svolgere attività di monitoraggio nelle stazioni e città lungo la rotta del Brennero per cercare di fornire supporto, in termini di orientamento informativo, ai migranti in transito e di stimolare le istituzioni rispetto alle problematiche esistenti.
      Il progetto è stato presentato venerdì 20 gennaio al Centro Culturale Trevi di Bolzano.


    • Migranti, “quando capita a due passi da te è diverso”. Storia di Rawda e degli italiani che l’hanno restituita a sua figlia

      Non solo vittime del viaggio nel deserto e della traversata del Mediterraneo, la chiusura delle frontiere interne dell’Europa sta rendendo sempre più pericoloso il viaggio dei migranti intenzionati a chiedere asilo fuori dall’Italia. Da un anno a questa parte, 21 persone sono morte nel tentativo di passare in Francia, Svizzera e Austria. Quattordici i morti nella zona di Ventimiglia, due tra Como e Chiasso e cinque sulla tratta del Brennero. Rawda Abdu è una di queste vittime. Partita dall’Etiopia all’età di 23 anni, già madre di una bambina nata da una violenza in un sobborgo di Addis Abeba, dopo sei anni di lavori precari in Egitto e Libia lo scorso anno decide di rischiare la traversata in mare, verso l’Europa. Si imbarca a Tripoli e arriva a Palermo l’8 novembre 2016. Identificata a Reggio Calabria il giorno successivo, viene trasferita ad un centro di accoglienza di Milano il 14 novembre. Due giorni dopo un treno la travolge mentre percorre i binari , all’altezza di Avio, provincia di Trento.

      A ricostruire la vicenda è Sara Ballardini di Antenne Migranti, progetto che insieme alla Fondazione Alexander Langer monitora la tratta del Brennero per dare informazioni e supporto legale ai migranti. “Respinta dalla polizia di frontiera in base al trattato di Dublino, viene caricata su un treno regionale che dal confine la riporta a sud, direzione Verona”. Senza biglietto, Rawda viene fatta scendere intorno alle 22 alla piccola stazione di Borghetto. Spaesata inizia a camminare a lato della linea ferroviaria. Non si accorge del treno che arriva alle sue spalle e la sbalza sulla massicciata. “Il suo corpo sarebbe rimasto senza nome – racconta Valentina Sega, che vive a Trento ma è originaria di Avio e ha voluto seguire la vicenda da subito – la Polfer si era infatti limitata a prendere le impronte digitali, anche se nella borsetta che la ragazza aveva con sé c’era un foglio con i numeri di tutta la sua famiglia”. Sarà poi Zebenay Jabe Daka, cittadino italiano presidente dell’associazione trentina “Amici dell’Etiopia”, a informare i parenti di Rawda e a ricostruire la sua storia. Di famiglia poverissima, con le sue rimesse manteneva l’intero nucleo familiare: i genitori e la figlia. “La famiglia di Rawda era distrutta, l’unico desiderio che sono riusciti a esprimere è stato quello di poter riavere la salma”, racconta Zebenay.

      Ma il sindaco di Avio Federico Secchi, eletto con Lega e Forza Italia e noto per i saluti romani in onore di un combattente della Repubblica di Salò, non aveva intenzione di contribuire alle spese per il rimpatrio. “Per fortuna altre persone nella giunta comunale ci hanno dato una mano, ma soprattutto il parroco e tante associazioni solidali. In poche settimane siamo riusciti a raccogliere 11mila euro, cifra sufficiente al rimpatrio della salma e all’avviamento di un progetto di sostegno a distanza per la figlia rimasta orfana”, ricorda Zebenay. “Una colletta a cui ha partecipato l’intero paese, una mobilitazione solidale enorme che conferma come, davanti a casi concreti, le persone comuni riescano a superare pregiudizi e chiusure”. Molti dei cittadini solidali, infatti, pochi mesi prima si erano espressi contrariamente all’accoglienza di alcuni richiedenti asilo in paese. “Al momento dell’ultimo saluto al cimitero di Avio, prima del rimpatrio della salma, c’era tutto il paese e anche la vicesindaco: in tanti hanno cambiato il proprio sguardo sulla problematica dei migranti”.
      Folgorati o travolti da treni mentre camminano sulle rotaie, investiti lungo l’autostrada o sui sentieri di montagna. Le vittime delle frontiere sono quasi sempre molto giovani. Tra i pochi a cui si è riusciti a dare un nome ci sono diversi minorenni, che avrebbero potuto attraversare legalmente la frontiera, se solo qualcuno li avesse correttamente informati dei loro diritti e i governi di Francia, Svizzera e Austria non respingessero indiscriminatamente chi chiede loro asilo dopo essere passato dall’Italia.


    • Novembre 2017, #Anthony (5 ans), a été trouvé en état d’hypothermie dans le wagon d’un train de marchandises en gare de Bolzano par un commandant de la police... 15 minutes plus tard le petit aurait été trouvé mort...

      Polfer, Anthony salvato in extremis

      «Per un’ora il bambino ha solo tremato, nonostante fosse già al caldo. Secondo i medici, se l’avessimo trovato 10-15 minuti dopo sarebbe stato troppo tardi». Lo ha detto il comandante della stazione della polfer al Brennero Stefano Linossi, che l’atra mattina ha trovato il piccolo Anthony.
      «Alle 7.20 - racconta - durante un giro di controllo della stazione siamo stati allertati dalle grida di aiuto di un bambino proveniente da un treno merci. Con l’aiuto di personale delle ferrovie siamo riusciti a trovarlo». «Il mio primo pensiero è stato di portarlo subito al riparo, così lo abbiamo accompagnato in una stanza riscaldata e abbiamo allertato il medico di turno». Visto che sul treno è stato trovato uno zaino con indumenti ed effetti personali di una donna, Linossi ha chiamato il dirigente di movimento per appurare la presenza di altre persone in zona, ma dai macchinista non erano arrivate segnalazioni.


    • Pas de nouvelles concernant ce migrant qui a été retrouvée en conditions très graves à #Roncafort, percuté par un train :

      Roncafort, travolto dal treno. Migrante in rianimazione

      È stato travolto da un treno in transito mentre si trovava sui binari, forse nel tentativo di salire in corsa a bordo del convoglio: un uomo di trentanove anni originario del Camerun si trova ora nel reparto di terapia intensiva dell’ospedale Santa Chiara, in rianimazione, dopo essere stato operato nella notte per le gravi fratture. I medici si sono riservati la prognosi.

      Il grave incidente si è verificato nella notte tra sabato e ieri, attorno alla mezzanotte, all’altezza di Roncafort, dove il macchinista del convoglio, il Bologna-Brennero che stava procedendo in direzione nord, non è riuscito a fare nulla per evitare l’impatto.
      Il trentanovenne camminava sui binari ma dev’essere riuscito a scostarsi all’ultimo momento, evitando così di essere centrato in pieno dal treno. Il macchinista ha udito soltanto un colpo sordo, ha fermato immediamente la marcia del treno ed è sceso a terra per verificare che cosa fosse successo.

      Il macchinista del treno ha quindi chiamato i soccorsi. L’ambulanza del 118 e la Polfer sono immediatamente arrivati, ma in un primo momento è stato difficile trovare l’uomo ferito perché era stato sbalzato qualche metro più in là ed era buio. Una volta recuperato, l’uomo camerunense, molto grave, è stato portato in ospedale al Santa Chiara dove è in prognosi riservata.

      Dopo l’incidente, la linea ferroviaria è rimasta interrotta per più di un’ora. Il treno è stato messo fuori servizio, i passeggeri sono stati portati in stazione a Trento e poi fatti proseguire con autobus sostitutivi.
      L’uomo colpito dal treno, che non aveva documenti con sé, è risultato essere una delle persone richiedenti asilo ospitate nella residenza Fersina. La residenza Fersina è una delle strutture di prima accoglienza per i migranti. In Trentino ce ne sono sei, di cui tre nel capoluogo, una a Rovereto, una a Garniga Terme e una a Baselga di Pinè.

      Tra le ipotesi, è stata avanzata quella secondo cui l’uomo stesse camminando lungo i binari con l’intenzione di salire in corsa sul treno, che in quel tratto non è ancora alla massima velocità. In questo caso si tratterebbe di un tentativo di dirigersi verso il Brennero, magari per raggiungere altri Paesi europei a nord. Ma non ci sono certezze.
      Al Brennero il migrante avrebbe trovato ostacoli nel passaggio della frontiera, dopo le recenti misure prese dal governo austriaco e gli accordi con i governi italiano e tedesco. Il flusso di migranti al Brennero è diminuito drasticamente negli ultimi mesi.

      Alla residenza Fersina sono ospitati attualmente 201 dei 693 migranti presenti nel capoluogo. In tutto il Trentino i richiedenti asilo e titolari di protezione internazionale presenti attualmente sono 1.512.
      Il numero è in diminuzione. A inizio anno alla Fersina erano 246 e le presenze totali sul territorio provinciale erano 1.666. Cinformi, il Centro informativo per l’immigrazione della Provincia, stima che le presenze di richiedenti asilo scenderanno a fine anno a 1.373, quasi 300 in meno in un anno. A una parte di essi verrà riconosciuto lo status di rifugiato o altre forme di protezione internazionale.

      Il Camerun non è uno dei Paesi di origine più frequenti tra i profughi arrivati in Trentino. La prima nazionalità è la Nigeria, da dove arriva il 27%, più di un quarto, dei richiedenti asilo presenti sul territorio provinciale. Seguono il Pakistan col 16%, il Mali con l’8%, il Gambia e il Senegal col 7% ciascuno. Dal Ghana arriva il 6% dei migranti, dalla Guinea il 5% come anche dalla Costa d’Avorio e dal Bangladesh. Dal Togo, sempre in Africa, arriva il 2% dei richiedenti asilo presenti ora in Trentino.


  • UM exhibit to showcase human toll of U.S.-Mexico border crossings

    University of Michigan anthropologist #Jason_De_León and a few students were doing field work in Arizona’s Sonoran Desert seven years ago when the group stumbled upon the corpse of a woman.

    For years, De León had been studying undocumented migrants crossing the Mexico border into the U.S. through the desert, so he was aware of the thousands of people who died in the desert because of the perilous terrain.

    #visualisation #cartographie #morts #mourir_aux_frontières #décès #migrations #asile #réfugiés #USA #Etats-Unis #cartoexperiment #frontières #violent_borders #Mexique

    via @isskein
    ping @reka @karine4

  • Y.M (20) i N.S.(34) iz Irana su danas ujutro, posle 7h, uhvaćeni od 4 hrvatska policajca na granici kod Šida,koji su ih psovali,tukli pendrecima po glavi,šutirali po celom telu.Nakon torture,licima je oduzet novac,dovedeni do granice kod Šida i gurnuti ilegalno nazad u Srbiju.

    #Šid #Sid #Croatie #Serbie #push-back #refoulement #violence #violent_borders #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_iraniens #frontières #route_des_Balkans

    métaliste sur la route de balkans :

  • Who writes history? The fight to commemorate a massacre by the Texas #rangers

    In 1918, a state-sanctioned vigilante force killed 15 unarmed Mexicans in #Porvenir. When their descendants applied for a historical marker a century later, they learned that not everyone wants to remember one of Texas’ darkest days.

    The name of the town was Porvenir, or “future.” In the early morning hours of January 28, 1918, 15 unarmed Mexicans and Mexican Americans were awakened by a state-sanctioned vigilante force of Texas Rangers, U.S. Army cavalry and local ranchers. The men and boys ranged in age from 16 to 72. They were taken from their homes, led to a bluff over the Rio Grande and shot from 3 feet away by a firing squad. The remaining residents of the isolated farm and ranch community fled across the river to Mexico, where they buried the dead in a mass grave. Days later, the cavalry returned to burn the abandoned village to the ground.

    These, historians broadly agree, are the facts of what happened at Porvenir. But 100 years later, the meaning of those facts remains fiercely contested. In 2015, as the centennial of the massacre approached, a group of historians and Porvenir descendants applied for and was granted a Texas Historical Commission (THC) marker. After a three-year review process, the THC approved the final text in July. A rush order was sent to the foundry so that the marker would be ready in time for a Labor Day weekend dedication ceremony planned by descendants. Then, on August 3, Presidio County Historical Commission Chair Mona Blocker Garcia sent an email to the THC that upended everything. Though THC records show that the Presidio commission had been consulted throughout the marker approval process, Garcia claimed to be “shocked” that the text was approved. She further asserted, without basis, that “the militant Hispanics have turned this marker request into a political rally and want reparations from the federal government for a 100-year-old-plus tragic event.”

    Four days later, Presidio County Attorney Rod Ponton sent a follow-up letter. Without identifying specific errors in the marker text, he demanded that the dedication ceremony be canceled and the marker’s production halted until new language could be agreed upon. Ponton speculated, falsely, that the event was planned as a “major political rally” for Beto O’Rourke with the participation of La Raza Unida founding member José Ángel Gutiérrez, neither of whom was involved. Nonetheless, THC History Programs Director Charles Sadnick sent an email to agency staff the same day: “After getting some more context about where the marker sponsor may be coming from, we’re halting production on the marker.”

    The American Historical Association quickly condemned the THC’s decision, as did the office of state Senator José Rodríguez, a Democrat whose district includes both Presidio County and El Paso, where the ceremony was to be held. Historians across the country also spoke out against the decision. Sarah Zenaida Gould, director of the Museo del Westside in San Antonio and cofounder of Latinos in Heritage Conservation, responded in an email to the agency that encapsulates the views of many of the historians I interviewed: “Halting the marker process to address this statement as though it were a valid concern instead of a dog whistle is insulting to all people of color who have personally or through family history experienced state violence.”

    How did a last-gasp effort, characterized by factual errors and inflammatory language, manage to convince the state agency for historic preservation to reverse course on a marker three years in the making and sponsored by a young Latina historian with an Ivy League pedigree and Texas-Mexico border roots? An Observer investigation, involving dozens of interviews and hundreds of emails obtained through an open records request, reveals a county still struggling to move on from a racist and violent past, far-right amateur historians sowing disinformation and a state agency that acted against its own best judgment.

    The Porvenir massacre controversy is about more than just the fate of a single marker destined for a lonely part of West Texas. It’s about who gets to tell history, and the continuing relevance of the border’s contested, violent and racist past to events today.

    Several rooms in Benita Albarado’s home in Uvalde are almost overwhelmed by filing cabinets and stacks of clipboards, the ever-growing archive of her research into what happened at Porvenir. For most of her life, Benita, 74, knew nothing about the massacre. What she did know was that her father, Juan Flores, had terrible nightmares, and that in 1950 he checked himself in to a state mental hospital for symptoms that today would be recognized as PTSD. When she asked her mother what was wrong with him, she always received the same vague response: “You don’t understand what he’s been through.”

    In 1998, Benita and her husband, Buddy, began tracing their family trees. Benita was perplexed that she couldn’t find any documentation about her grandfather, Longino Flores. Then she came across the archival papers of Harry Warren, a schoolteacher, lawyer and son-in-law of Tiburcio Jáquez, one of the men who was murdered. Warren had made a list of the victims, and Longino’s name was among them. Warren also described how one of his students from Porvenir had come to his house the next morning to tell him what happened, and then traveled with him to the massacre site to identify the bodies, many of which were so mutilated as to be virtually unrecognizable. Benita immediately saw the possible connection. Her father, 12 at the time, matched Warren’s description of the student.

    Benita and Buddy drove from Uvalde to Odessa, where her father lived, with her photocopied papers. “Is that you?” she asked. He said yes. Then, for the first time in 80 years, he began to tell the story of how he was kidnapped with the men, but then sent home because of his age; he was told that the others were only going to be questioned. To Benita and Buddy’s amazement, he remembered the names of 12 of the men who had been murdered. They were the same as those in Harry Warren’s papers. He also remembered the names of the ranchers who had shown up at his door. Some of those, including the ancestors of prominent families still in Presidio County, had never been found in any document.

    Talking about the massacre proved healing for Flores. His nightmares stopped. In 2000, at age 96, he decided that he wanted to return to Porvenir. Buddy drove them down an old mine road in a four-wheel-drive truck. Flores pointed out where his old neighbors used to live, even though the buildings were gone. He guided Buddy to the bluff where the men were killed — a different location than the one commonly believed by local ranchers to be the massacre site. His memory proved to be uncanny: At the bluff, the family discovered a pre-1918 military bullet casing, still lying on the Chihuahuan desert ground.

    Benita and Buddy began advocating for a historical marker in 2000, soon after their trip to Porvenir. “A lot of people say that this was a lie,” Buddy told me. “But if you’ve got a historical marker, the state has to acknowledge what happened.” Their efforts were met by resistance from powerful ranching families, who held sway over the local historical commission. The Albarados had already given up when they met Monica Muñoz Martinez, a Yale graduate student from Uvalde, who interviewed them for her dissertation. In 2013, Martinez, by then an assistant professor at Brown University, co-founded Refusing to Forget, a group of historians aiming to create broader public awareness of border violence, including Porvenir and other extrajudicial killings of Mexicans by Texas Rangers during the same period. The most horrific of these was La Matanza, in which dozens of Mexicans and Mexican Americans were murdered in the Rio Grande Valley in 1915.

    In 2006, the THC created the Undertold Markers program, which seemed tailor-made for Porvenir. According to its website, the program is designed to “address historical gaps, promote diversity of topics, and proactively document significant underrepresented subjects or untold stories.” Unlike the agency’s other marker programs, anyone can apply for an undertold marker, not just county historical commissions. Martinez’s application for a Porvenir massacre marker was accepted in 2015.

    Though the approval process for the Porvenir marker took longer than usual, by the summer of 2018 everything appeared to be falling into place. On June 1, Presidio County Historical Commission chair Garcia approved the final text. (Garcia told me that she thought she was approving a different text. Her confusion is difficult to understand, since the text was attached to the digital form she submitted approving it.) Martinez began coordinating with the THC and Arlinda Valencia, a descendant of one of the victims, to organize a dedication ceremony in El Paso.
    “They weren’t just simple farmers. I seriously doubt that they were just killed for no reason.”

    In mid-June, Valencia invited other descendants to the event and posted it on Facebook. She began planning a program to include a priest’s benediction, a mariachi performance and brief remarks by Martinez, Senator Rodríguez and a representative from the THC. The event’s climax would be the unveiling of the plaque with the names of the 15 victims.

    Then the backlash began.

    “Why do you call it a massacre?” is the first thing Jim White III said over the phone when I told him I was researching the Porvenir massacre. White is the trustee of the Brite Ranch, the site of a cross-border raid by Mexicans on Christmas Day 1917, about a month before the Porvenir massacre. When I explained that the state-sanctioned extrajudicial execution of 15 men and boys met all the criteria I could think of for a massacre, he shot back, “It sounds like you already have your opinion.”

    For generations, ranching families like the Brites have dominated the social, economic and political life of Presidio County. In a visit to the Marfa & Presidio County Museum, I was told that there were almost no Hispanic surnames in any of the exhibits, though 84 percent of the county is Hispanic. The Brite family name, however, was everywhere.

    White and others in Presidio County subscribe to an alternative history of the Porvenir massacre, centering on the notion that the Porvenir residents were involved in the bloody Christmas Day raid.

    “They weren’t just simple farmers,” White told me, referring to the victims. “I seriously doubt that they were just killed for no reason.” Once he’d heard about the historical marker, he said, he’d talked to everyone he knew about it, including former Texas Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson and Mona Blocker Garcia.

    I visited Garcia at her Marfa home, an 1886 adobe that’s the same age as the venerable Marfa County Courthouse down the street. Garcia, 82, is Anglo, and married to a former oil executive whose ancestry, she explained, is Spanish and French Basque. A Houston native, she retired in the 1990s to Marfa, where she befriended the Brite family and became involved in local history. She told me that she had shared a draft text of the marker with the Brites, and they had agreed that it was factually inaccurate.

    Garcia cited a story a Brite descendant had told her about a young goat herder from Porvenir who purportedly witnessed the Christmas Day raid, told authorities about the perpetrators from his community and then disappeared without a trace into a witness protection program in Oklahoma. When I asked if there was any evidence that the boy actually existed, she acknowledged the story was “folklore.” Still, she said, “the story has lasted 100 years. Why would anybody make something like that up?”

    The actual history is quite clear. In the days after the massacre, the Texas Rangers commander, Captain J.M. Fox, initially reported that Porvenir residents had fired on the Rangers. Later, he claimed that residents had participated in the Christmas Day raid. Subsequent investigations by the Mexican consulate, the U.S. Army and state Representative J.T. Canales concluded that the murdered men were unarmed and innocent, targeted solely because of their ethnicity by a vigilante force organized at the Brite Ranch. As a result, in June 1918, five Rangers were dismissed, Fox was forced to resign and Company B of the Texas Rangers was disbanded.

    But justice remained elusive. In the coming years, Fox re-enlisted as captain of Company A, while three of the dismissed lawmen found new employment. One re-enlisted as a Ranger, a second became a U.S. customs inspector and the third was hired by the Brite Ranch. No one was ever prosecuted. As time passed, the historical records of the massacre, including Harry Warren’s papers, affidavits from widows and other relatives and witness testimony from the various investigations, were largely forgotten. In their place came texts like Walter Prescott Webb’s The Texas Rangers: A Century of Frontier Defense, which played an outsize role in the creation of the heroic myth of the Texas Rangers. Relying entirely on interviews with the murderers themselves, Webb accepted at face value Fox’s discredited version of events. For more than 50 years, Webb’s account was considered the definitive one of the massacre — though, unsurprisingly, he didn’t use that word.

    An Observer review of hundreds of emails shows that the state commission was aware of potential controversy over the marker from the very beginning. In an email from 2015, Executive Director Mark Wolfe gave John Nau, the chair of the THC’s executive committee, a heads-up that while the marker was supported by historical scholarship, “the [Presidio County Historical Commission] opposes the marker.” The emails also demonstrate that the agency viewed the claims of historical inaccuracies in the marker text made by Mona Blocker Garcia and the county commission as minor issues of wording.

    On August 6, the day before the decision to halt the marker, Charles Sadnick, the history programs director, wrote Wolfe to say that the “bigger problem” was the ceremony, where he worried there might be disagreements among Presidio County residents, and which he described as “involving some politics which we don’t want a part of.”

    What were the politics that the commission was worried about, and where were these concerns coming from? Garcia’s last-minute letter may have been a factor, but it wasn’t the only one. For the entire summer, Glenn Justice, a right-wing amateur historian who lives in a rural gated community an hour outside San Angelo, had been the driving force behind a whisper campaign to discredit Martinez and scuttle the dedication ceremony.

    “There are radicals in the ‘brown power’ movement that only want the story told of Rangers and [the] Army and gringos killing innocent Mexicans,” Justice told me when we met in his garage, which doubles as the office for Rimrock Press, a publishing company whose catalog consists entirely of Justice’s own work. He was referring to Refusing to Forget and in particular Martinez, the marker’s sponsor.

    Justice has been researching the Porvenir massacre for more than 30 years, starting when he first visited the Big Bend as a graduate student. He claims to be, and probably is, the first person since schoolteacher Harry Warren to call Porvenir a “massacre” in print, in a master’s thesis published by the University of Texas at El Paso in 1991. Unlike White and Garcia, Justice doesn’t question the innocence of the Porvenir victims. But he believes that additional “context” is necessary to understand the reasons for the massacre, which he views as an aberration, rather than a representatively violent part of a long history of racism. “There have never been any problems between the races to speak of [in Presidio County],” he told me.

    In 2015, Justice teamed up with former Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson and Sul Ross State University archaeologist David Keller on a privately funded excavation at the massacre site. He is working on a new book about the bullets and bullet casings they found — which he believes implicate the U.S. Army cavalry in the shooting — and also partnered with Patterson to produce a documentary. But they’d run out of money, and the film was taken over by noted Austin filmmaker Andrew Shapter, who pitched the project to PBS and Netflix. In the transition, Justice was demoted to the role of one of 12 consulting historians. Meanwhile, Martinez was given a prominent role on camera.

    Justice was disgruntled when he learned that the dedication ceremony would take place in El Paso. He complained to organizer Arlinda Valencia and local historical commission members before contacting Ponton, the county attorney, and Amanda Shields, a descendant of massacre victim Manuel Moralez.

    “I didn’t want to take my father to a mob scene,” Shields told me over the phone, by way of explaining her opposition to the dedication ceremony. She believed the rumor that O’Rourke and Gutiérrez would be involved.

    In August, Shields called Valencia to demand details about the program for the ceremony. At the time, she expressed particular concern about a potential Q&A event with Martinez that would focus on parallels between border politics and violence in 1918 and today.

    “This is not a political issue,” Shields told me. “It’s a historical issue. With everything that was going on, we didn’t want the ugliness of politics involved in it.” By “everything,” she explained, she was referring primarily to the issue of family separation. Benita and Buddy Albarado told me that Shields’ views represent a small minority of descendants.

    Martinez said that the idea of ignoring the connections between past and present went against her reasons for fighting to get a marker in the first place. “I’m a historian,” she said. “It’s hard to commemorate such a period of violence, in the midst of another ongoing humanitarian crisis, when this period of violence shaped the institutions of policing that we have today. And that cannot be relegated to the past.”

    After communicating with Justice and Shields, Ponton phoned THC Commissioner Gilbert “Pete” Peterson, who is a bank investment officer in Alpine. That call set in motion the sequence of events that would ultimately derail the marker. Peterson immediately emailed Wolfe, the state commission’s executive director, to say that the marker was becoming “a major political issue.” Initially, though, Wolfe defended the agency’s handling of the marker. “Frankly,” Wolfe wrote in his reply, “this might just be one where the [Presidio County Historical Commission] isn’t going to be happy, and that’s why these stories have been untold for so long.” Peterson wrote back to say that he had been in touch with members of the THC executive committee, which consists of 15 members appointed by either former Governor Rick Perry or Governor Greg Abbott, and that an email about the controversy had been forwarded to THC chair John Nau. Two days later, Peterson added, “This whole thing is a burning football that will be thrown to the media.”

    At a meeting of the Presidio County Historical Commission on August 17, Peterson suggested that the executive board played a major role in the decision to pause production of the marker. “I stopped the marker after talking to Rod [Ponton],” Peterson said. “I’ve spent quite a bit of time talking with the chairman and vice-chairman [of the THC]. What we have said, fairly emphatically, is that there will not be a dedication in El Paso.” Through a spokesperson, Wolfe said that the executive committee is routinely consulted and the decision was ultimately his.

    The spokesperson said, “The big reason that the marker was delayed was to be certain about its accuracy. We want these markers to stand for generations and to be as accurate as possible.”

    With no marker to unveil, Valencia still organized a small commemoration. Many descendants, including Benita and Buddy Albarado, chose not to attend. Still, the event was described by Jeff Davis, a THC representative in attendance, as “a near perfect event” whose tone was “somber and respectful but hopeful.”

    Most of THC’s executive committee members are not historians. The chair, John Nau, is CEO of the nation’s largest Anheuser-Busch distributor and a major Republican party donor. His involvement in the Porvenir controversy was not limited to temporarily halting the marker. In August, he also instructed THC staff to ask the Presidio historical commission to submit applications for markers commemorating raids by Mexicans on white ranches during the Mexican Revolution, which Nau described as “a significant but largely forgotten incident in the state’s history.”

    Garcia confirmed that she had been approached by THC staff. She added that the THC had suggested two specific topics: the Christmas Day raid and a subsequent raid at the Neville Ranch.

    The idea of additional plaques to provide so-called context that could be interpreted as justifying the massacre — or at the very least setting up a false moral equivalence — appears to have mollified critics like White, Garcia and Justice. The work on a revised Porvenir massacre text proceeded quickly, with few points of contention, once it began in mid-September. The marker was sent to the foundry on September 18.
    “It’s hard to commemorate such a period of violence, in the midst of another ongoing humanitarian crisis, when this period of violence shaped the institutions of policing that we have today.”

    In the end, the Porvenir descendants will get their marker — but it may come at a cost. Martinez called the idea of multiple markers “deeply unsettling” and not appropriate for the Undertold Marker program. “Events like the Brite Ranch raid and the Neville raid have been documented by historians for over a century,” she said. “These are not undertold histories. My concern with having a series of markers is that, again, it casts suspicion on the victims of these historical events. It creates the logic that these raids caused this massacre, that it was retribution for these men and boys participating.”

    In early November, the THC unexpectedly announced a dedication ceremony for Friday, November 30. The date was one of just a few on which Martinez, who was still planning on organizing several public history events in conjunction with the unveiling, had told the agency months prior that she had a schedule conflict. In an email to Martinez, Sadnick said that it was the only date Nau could attend this year, and that it was impossible for agency officials to make “secure travel plans” once the legislative session began in January.

    A handful of descendants, including Shields and the Albarados, still plan to attend. “This is about families having closure,” Shields told me. “Now, this can finally be put to rest.”

    The Albarados are livid that the THC chose a date that, in their view, prioritized the convenience of state and county officials over the attendance of descendants — including their own daughters, who feared they wouldn’t be able to get off work. They also hope to organize a second, unofficial gathering at the marker site next year, with the participation of more descendants and the Refusing to Forget historians. “We want people to know the truth of what really happened [at Porvenir],” Buddy told me, “and to know who it was that got this historical marker put there.”

    Others, like Arlinda Valencia, planned to stay home. “Over 100 years ago, our ancestors were massacred, and the reason they were massacred was because of lies that people were stating as facts,” she told me in El Paso. “They called them ‘bandits,’ when all they were doing was working and trying to make a living. And now, it’s happening again.”

    #mémoire #histoire #Texas #USA #massacre #assassinat #méxicains #violence #migrations #commémoration #historicisation #frontières #violence_aux_frontières #violent_borders #Mexique

  • Dimenticati ai confini d’Europa

    L’obiettivo della ricerca è dare voce alle esperienze dei migranti e dei rifugiati, per rendere chiaro il nesso tra quello che hanno vissuto e le politiche europee che i governi hanno adottato.
    Il report si basa su 117 interviste qualitative realizzate nell’enclave spagnola di Melilla, in Sicilia, a Malta, in Grecia, in Romania, in Croazia e in Serbia. Ciò che emerge chiaramente è che il momento dell’ingresso in Europa, sia che esso avvenga attraverso il mare o attraverso una foresta sul confine terrestre, non è che un frammento di un viaggio molto più lungo ed estremamente traumatico. Le rotte che dall’Africa occidentale e orientale portano fino alla Libia sono notoriamente pericolose, specialmente per le donne, spesso vittime di abusi sessuali o costrette a prostituirsi per pagare i trafficanti.

    Il report mostra che alle frontiere dell’Unione Europea, e talora anche a quelle interne, c’è una vera e propria emergenza dal punto di vista della tutela dei diritti umani. L’assenza di vie legali di accesso per le persone bisognose di protezione le costringe ad affidarsi ai trafficanti su rotte che si fanno sempre più lunghe e pericolose. I tentativi dell’UE e degli Stati Membri di chiudere le principali rotte non proteggono la vita delle persone, come a volte si sostiene, ma nella maggior parte dei casi riescono a far sì che la loro sofferenza abbia sempre meno testimoni.

    #Europe #frontières #asile #migrations #droits_humains #rapport #réfugiés #Sicile #Italie #Malte #Grèce #Roumanie #Croatie #Serbie #UE #EU #femmes #Libye #violence #violences_sexuelles #parcours_migratoires #abus_sexuels #viol #prostitution #voies_légales #invisibilisation #invisibilité #fermeture_des_frontières #refoulement #push-back #violent_borders #Dublin #règlement_dublin #accès_aux_droits #accueil #détention #mouvements_secondaires

    Pour télécharger le rapport :

    ping @isskein

    • Migranti, il Centro Astalli: “È emergenza diritti umani alle frontiere d’Europa”

      Assenza di vie di accesso legale ai migranti forzati, respingimenti arbitrari, detenzioni, impossibilità di accedere al diritto d’asilo: è il quadro disegnato da una nuova ricerca della sede italiana del Servizio dei gesuiti per i rifugiati.

      S’intitola “Dimenticati ai confini d’Europa” il report messo a punto dal Centro Astalli, la sede italiana del Servizio dei gesuiti per i rifugiati, che descrive, attraverso le storie dei rifugiati, le sempre più numerose violazioni di diritti fondamentali che si susseguono lungo le frontiere di diversi Paesi europei. La ricerca, presentata oggi a Roma, si basa su 117 interviste qualitative realizzate nell’enclave spagnola di Melilla, in Sicilia, a Malta, in Grecia, in Romania, in Croazia e in Serbia.

      Il report, si spiega nella ricerca, «mostra che alle frontiere dell’Unione europea, e talora anche a quelle interne, c’è una vera e propria emergenza dal punto di vista della tutela dei diritti umani». Secondo padre Camillo Ripamonti, presidente del Centro Astalli, la ricerca mette bene in luce come l’incapacità di gestire il fenomeno migratorio solitamente attribuita all’Ue, nasca anche dalla «volontà di tanti singoli Stati che non vogliono assumersi le proprie responsabilità» di fronte all’arrivo di persone bisognose di protezione alle loro frontiere, al contrario è necessario che l’Europa torni ad essere «il continente dei diritti, non dobbiamo perdere il senso della nostra umanità». «Si tratta di una sfida importante - ha detto Ripamonti - anche in vista delle prossime elezioni europee».

      A sua volta, padre Jose Ignacio Garcia, direttore del Jesuit Refugee Service Europa, ha rilevato come «gli Stati membri dell’Ue continuano ad investire le loro energie e risorse nel cercare di impedire a migranti e rifugiati di raggiungere l’Europa o, nel migliore dei casi, vorrebbero confinarli in ‘centri controllati’ ai confini esterni». «La riforma della legislazione comune in materia d’asilo, molto probabilmente – ha aggiunto - non verrà realizzata prima delle prossime elezioni europee. I politici europei sembrano pensare che se impediamo ai rifugiati di raggiungere le nostre coste, non abbiamo bisogno di un sistema comune d’asilo in Europa».

      La fotografia delle frontiere europee che esce dalla ricerca è inquietante: violazioni di ogni sorta, violenze, detenzioni arbitrarie, respingimenti disumani, aggiramento delle leggi dei singoli Paesi e del diritto internazionale. Un quadro fosco che ha pesanti ricadute sulla vita dei rifugiati già provati da difficoltà a soprusi subiti nel lungo viaggio. «Il Greek Council for Refugees – spiega la ricerca - ha denunciato, nel febbraio del 2018, un numero rilevante di casi di respingimenti illegali dalla regione del fiume Evros, al confine terrestre con la Turchia. Secondo questa organizzazione, migranti vulnerabili come donne incinte, famiglie con bambini e vittime di tortura sono stati forzatamente rimandati in Turchia, stipati in sovraffollate barche attraverso il fiume Evros, dopo essere stati arbitrariamente detenuti in stazioni di polizia in condizioni igieniche precarie». Secondo le testimonianze raccolte in Croazia e Serbia, diversi sono stati gli episodi di violenze fisiche contro rifugiati e di respingimenti immediati da parte della polizia di frontiera.

      E in effetti nel nuovo rapporto del Centro Astalli, più dei soli dati numerici e dei carenti quadri normativi ben descritti, a colpire sono i racconti degli intervistati lungo le diverse frontiere d’Europa. Un ragazzo marocchino, in Sicilia, per esempio ha raccontato «di come i trafficanti gli abbiano rubato i soldi e il cellulare e lo abbiamo tenuto prigioniero in un edificio vuoto con altre centinaia di persone per mesi». «Durante il viaggio – è ancora la sua storia – i trafficanti corrompevano gli ufficiali di polizia e trattavano brutalmente i migranti». Nel corso di un tentativo di attraversamento del Mediterraneo ricorda poi di aver sentito un trafficante dire a un altro: «Qualsiasi cosa succeda non mi interessa, li puoi anche lasciar morire».

      Ancora, una ragazza somala di 19 anni, arrivata incinta in Libia, ha raccontato di come il trafficante la minacciasse di toglierle il bambino appena nato e venderlo perché non aveva la cifra richiesta per la traversata. Alla fine il trafficante ha costretto tutti i suoi compagni di viaggio a pagare per lei ma ci sono voluti comunque diversi mesi prima che riuscissero a mettere insieme la somma richiesta. Storie che sembrano provenire da un altro mondo e sono invece cronache quotidiane lungo i confini di diversi Paesi europei.

      Infine, padre Ripamonti, in merito allo sgombero del centro Baobab di Roma che ospitava diverse centinaia di migranti, ha osservato che «la politica degli sgomberi senza alternative è inaccettabile». Il Centro Astalli «esprime inoltre preoccupazione anche per le crescenti difficoltà di accesso alla protezione in Italia: in un momento in cui molti migranti restano intrappolati in Libia in condizioni disumane e il soccorso in mare è meno efficace rispetto al passato, il nostro Paese ha scelto di adottare nuove misure che rendono più difficile la presentazione della domanda di asilo in frontiera, introducono il trattenimento ai fini dell’identificazione, abbassano gli standard dei centri di prima accoglienza».


  • How the Border Patrol Faked Statistics Showing a 73 Percent Rise in Assaults Against Agents

    Last November, reports that a pair of U.S. Border Patrol agents had been attacked with rocks at a desolate spot in West Texas made news around the country. The agents were found injured and unconscious at the bottom of a culvert off Interstate 10. Agent Rogelio Martinez soon died from his injuries. Early reports in right-wing media outlets such as Breitbart suggested that the perpetrators were undocumented immigrants, and President Donald Trump quickly embraced the narrative to bolster his (...)

    #FBI #surveillance #migration #frontières #manipulation

  • Vidéo : des policiers s’en prennent violemment à un couple avec enfants dans un train à Menton

    Une vidéo publiée sur Facebook le 27 mars montre l’arrestation violente d’un couple et de ses enfants, près de la frontière franco-italienne. On y voit des policiers user de la force pour faire sortir du wagon le mari, sa femme enceinte et leurs progénitures.

    #Menton #vidéo #asile #migrations #refoulement #push-back #France #Italie #Vintimille #violence #violences_policières #police #violent_borders #frontières #CRS

    Lien vers la vidéo :
    cc @isskein

  • Migranti: in un video la violenza della Guardia Costiera Turca

    A due anni dall’anniversario dell’accordo Europa-Turchia la BBC trasmette un video che illustra l’accanimento della Guardia Costiera Turca nei confronti delle persone che cercano di raggiungere la Grecia, per la maggior parte siriani in fuga dalla guerra

    #gardes-côtes #Turquie #gardes-côtes_turcs #Grèce #frontières #violent_borders #violence #frontière_greco-turque #violence #refoulement #push-back #réfugiés_syriens

    Ici la #vidéo:

  • Cette frontière tue. Trop de personnes sont mortes et continuent de mourir a cette #frontière meurtrière qu’est #Calais. Il n’existe pas de liste officielle des gens qui sont décedé·e·s par le régime des frontières. Ici bas une énumération non exhaustive des décès à la frontière entre la France et l’Angleterre.

    Il y aura certainement encore des personnes qui mourront dans l’ignorance, les causes et faits de leurs décès censurés ou non-reportés. Beaucoup sont déjà mortes sans nom, sans vigile ou manifestation, sans famille ou sans ami·e·s pour parler en leur nom.

    Mais jamais on ne laissera ces vies perdues passer sous silence. On ne pardonnera jamais et on n’oubliera jamais.

    Cette frontière tue ! Pas une personne de plus !

    @sinehebdo @cdb_77 @kongo
    source : Passeurs d’hospitalités

  • #BSF kills yet another Bangladeshi

    A Bangladeshi national has been tortured to death by India’s Border Security Force (BSF) along the #Shingnagar frontier in #Shibganj_upazila on Saturday, reports UNB.

    Shariful Islam, son of late Amzad Ali of Panditpara village, died at Rajshahi Medical College Hospital after he was severely beaten by the BSF men.

    At least 403 Bangladeshi nationals were killed - 269 gunned down and 109 tortured to dead - by the BSF personnel in nine years between 2009 and 2017. As many as 593 others were injured by the BSF men during the period, according to Odhikar.


    #violences_policières #mourir_aux_frontières #violent_borders #frontières #Inde #Bangladesh #migrations #migrants_bangladais #décès #mort #statistiques #chiffres

  • Des réfugiés, piégés par la neige, meurent de froid

    Une dizaine de réfugiés syriens — dont des femmes et des enfants — ont péri dans les montagnes libanaises enneigées.

    #Liban #violent_borders #frontières #montagne #neige #mourir_de_froid #mourir_aux_frontières #réfugiés_syriens #asile #migrations #réfugiés #morts #décès #Syrie

    Petit commentaire sur qui est l’ultime #responsable dans cette histoire... certainement pas la neige, ni le froid ni la montagne, mais bien le régime migratoire, donc tous les Etats nations qui ferment les frontières.
    Ils ne sont pas piégés par la neige, mais par les frontières fermées !


  • Interview croisé de Charles Heller et moi-même dans Libération aujourd’hui... petite page de pub...

    « En montagne, comme en mer, la frontière est violente pour les migrants »

    L’association Guides sans frontières appelle à une manifestation, le 17 décembre, dans la vallée de la Clarée pour attirer l’attention sur le sort des migrants qui tentent de franchir les Alpes. Deux chercheurs décryptent les stratégies des Etats et de ceux qui veulent leur porter secours.

    #mer #montagne #Guides_sans_frontières #frontières #violent_borders #frontières_violentes #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Briançon #Alpes #Méditerranée