• A mine in the middle of paradise

    The Tebboune government is brutally suppressing any protest against a lead-and-zinc mine being built in a RAMSAR protected area.

    The region surrounding the #Soummam river has long been renowned for its #agriculture. It is home to centuries’ old olive trees and a diverse and rich flora and fauna with several protected species. It is the core of a major agro food center, which supplies the country and produces several brands of mineral water as well as a local beer, Albrau.

    But a government project launched in July is about to radically disturb its ecosystem and landscape. Algiers is speeding up the exploitation of a lead and #zinc mine which had been planned – and feared – for almost two decades. It will be developed by the joint venture company #Western_Mediterranean_Zinc (#WMZ), a partnership between state-owned mining firm, #Sonarem, which has majority shareholding, and the Australian mining firm, Terramin, in compliance with the 51/49 rule of the finance law, which requires the Algerian side to hold the majority of shares.

    The government insists that the project is national, and consistent with its ambitions to become a major actor in the mining industry. Meanwhile, there have been calls from scientists and activists to investigate Terramin, the Australian miner’s lack of international expertise and scarce information about the agreement with Algerian authorities being issues of concern.

    Many local residents worry the mine’s development could destroy their livelihoods and even push them out. Two villages, Amizour and Tala Hamza, with respectively 45 000 and 15000 inhabitants, will bear the brunt of this decision. If the mine project moves forward, dozens of families will be forced to leave their homes. The region’s historical and intangible heritage will be threatened as well, as martyrs of the Algerian revolution are buried there. So are the loved ones of many inhabitants.

    “This is a mine in the middle of paradise,” a native of the region laments. “The inhabitants are not only afraid of harmful effects on the environment and their health but they do not want to be relocated. They have a special attachment to their land. It is a beautiful region where they lead a quiet life and many of them live from mountain agriculture. Their parents, grandparents and great grandparents are buried there. If the area is destroyed, they will lose everything.”

    In July, Algerian authorities released an executive decree concerning the downgrading of a plot of agricultural land which will be used as a logistical base to access the mine Unsurprisingly, the debate over the exploitation and its environmental consequences has been stifled by local authorities and more importantly, decision-makers in Algiers. The project has been pushed forward as a presidential priority, which makes it more opaque and difficult to oppose, especially given the current repressive context. Regrettably, the local population hasn’t been officially consulted prior to the July announcement, even though their health and that of future generations is at stake.

    What civil society actors and experts are requesting is a transparent and open debate with government officials. According to activists, local residents, especially in #Ait_Bouzid and #Ibazghichen, two neighboring villages in the exploitation area, are largely opposed to the project and expressed their concerns through several petitions sent to the government. They remain unanswered and the government hasn’t reached out to local associations or political actors.

    On May 13, 2022, a group of associations from #Amizour and #Tala_Hamza organised a hike on the site of the mine to raise awareness about the dangers of the extraction of minerals and to call for the preservation of the region. It drew over 200 people although it took place during a wave of repression aimed at silencing the Hirak protest movement and other forms of dissent. According to several people who attended the event, the participants were held at a roadblock and had their personal details and that of their vehicles registered by security forces. A team from Radio M, which was known for its independent coverage and was shut down in December 2022 after the jailing of its editor, Ihsane El Kadi, was stopped for an hour and interrogated. In an interview, an activist claimed several people had been intimidated and even threatened by not only security forces but also local representatives of political parties close to the regime.

    Kamel Aissat, a scientist, university professor and activist of the Socialist Workers’ Party (PST), an opposition party banned in 2022, who lives in the area, has been vocal in his opposition to the project. In July, he was arrested as he was about to travel outside Algeria. He was later summoned and interrogated only to be placed under judicial supervision a few days later by court decision, which means his movements and encounters will be closely monitored and consequently hampered. He’s been charged with harming national unity and publication of information which could harm the national interest. His prosecution redoubles the pressure on local activists. Several people I contacted refused to speak on the record for fear of retribution or due to ongoing judicial procedures due to their involvement in the Hirak.

    “The pouvoir [powers-that-be] has sown a climate of terror,” a local inhabitant told me.

    “[The project] will impact the entire Soummam valley. Everyone and all the neighboring towns will be affected, [all the way to] the Mediterranean sea,” warns Samir Larbi, a PST activist from the neighbouring city of El Kseur.

    Other civil society actors share his concerns over the propagation of heavy metals in the groundwater and the air. “It will have a disastrous impact on agriculture, especially since the region is known for its fertile land. The water table will be contaminated, which in turn, will contaminate all the region of Bejaia,” stresses an activist.

    Critics say the environmental damage outweighs the economic and social benefits. There’s already a great mistrust in the ability of authorities to tackle environmental issues. A recent example is their poor response in 2021 and this summer to the deadly fires in the Bejaia region. Another has been concerns about poor waste management treatment which raises fears over the handling of the toxic waste from the mine.

    The plan, they argue, is in contradiction with the mining legislation passed in 2014, which states that mines in protected areas shouldn’t be developed. The Soummam valley has been classified as a wetland protected by the international Ramsar convention, which Algeria ratified in 1984. Moreover, they point out that there hasn’t been any in-depth public impact study. Furthermore, they mistrust the evaluation of the environmental feasibility of the extraction put forward by the government, which they say should have been performed by an independent organisation. Among the few political actors to speak up against the opacity surrounding the project, members of the opposition party Rally of Culture and Democracy (RCD) in Tala Hamza as well as the party’s regional bureau demanded a genuine and publicly accessible impact study.

    “The expanding of the extraction of underground resources to other natural resources than hydrocarbons does not hide the economic breakdown that is taking hold in the country and must never be done on the sly and by prohibiting debate and advice from experts in the field,” declared the RCD bureau.

    In an interview to the state agency Algeria Press Service in July, the Director General of Mines at the Ministry of Energy and Mines, Nadjiba Bourenane claimed that “all the studies necessary for the realization of this strategic project have been carried out, in particular the detailed feasibility study comprising several technical components, namely exploration, exploitation, treatment, mining planning, environmental impact, as well as the technical-economic study with economic modeling, in addition to the development of a market study to be able to prove the profitability of this investment.”

    According to the government, the mine is expected to last about 20 years and directly employ 700 people and 4000 overall. However, in a region where the state has generally been absent, opponents to the project believe it will not lead to sustainable development but is merely a short-term financial opportunity for Terramin and their Algerian counterparts. They stress that the jobs that will be created are non-specialist ones and that the extraction of the mine cannot improve the local economy. The recent history of the country supports their scepticism. Over the last decades, the Algerian population hasn’t generally reaped the benefits of its immense oil and gas resources. The economic policy of the state, which relied on their export, hasn’t led to the development of the regions concerned, only favouring the southern part of the country, perpetuating a rentier economy.

    As the PST activist Larabi argues, these are old government orientations that have accelerated under President Tebboune. “The current policy is based on extractivism and the unbridled use of resources,” he said.


    #extractivisme #matières_premières #mines #Algérie #plomb #Terramin #résistance

  • Report: Morocco uses green energy to embellish its occupation

    By 2030, half of Morocco’s wind energy production could be generated illegally in occupied Western Sahara. Yet, Morocco presents itself as best-in-class on the energy transition.

    In November 2021, the governments of the world will meet in Glasgow for the COP26 climate talks. At the same time, Morocco - the occupying power of Western Sahara - is erecting its largest energy project on occupied land to date: another step forward in its comprehensive plan to build controversial infrastructure on the land it illegally holds.

    #Western_Sahara_Resource_Watch (#WSRW) today publishes a report exposing all existing and planned renewable energy projects in occupied Western Sahara.

    The report estimates that the energy produced from wind in the territory could constitute 47.20% of Morocco’s total wind capacity by the year 2030, while its share of generated solar power may by then reach 32.64% of Morocco’s total solar capacity.

    As late as 30 September 2021, a new company, #General_Electric, announced an agreement to take part in the controversy.

    The energy produced on occupied land increases Morocco’s dependency on the territory that it occupies. As such, the projects fundamentally undermine the UN peace efforts in Western Sahara directed towards allowing the expression of the right to self-determination of the Saharawi people. The energy is used by industries that plunder the territory’s non-renewable resources, and provides job opportunities attracting more settlers from Morocco. It may also, in time, be exported abroad, including to the EU.

    Morocco brands itself internationally as best in class on renewable energy as part of its commitments under the Paris Agreement. States, however, are only meant to present efforts undertaken in their own territory, not outside of their borders. The UN body that registers and reviews state parties’ achievements, the UNFCCC, claims that it is not in a position to assess the content of the submissions. The scandal of the UNFCCC’s complacency is, of course, compounded by the fact that Morocco’s energy projects can only be carried out under the military occupation that the UN’s central bodies have declared illegal.

    None of the companies participating in the renewable energy industry inside Western Sahara, including those most heavily implicated - Italian company Enel and Spanish Siemens Gamesa - have clarified whether they have even tried to obtain the consent of the people of the territory.

    Instead, the companies refer to an alleged ‘consultation’ of local ‘stakeholders’ or ‘population’. This is the exact same flawed approach taken by the European Commission in its trade and fisheries agreements with Morocco. The European Court of Justice ruled on 29 September 2021 that the EU’s approach in Western Sahara is illegal. The Court explicitly stated that the liberation movement Polisario is the representative of the Saharawi people, that consent must be obtained from them, and that a ‘consultation’ of the ‘population’ cannot substitute the legal requirement of Saharawi consent.

    WSRW demands an immediate exit of all energy companies from the occupied territory, and asks the UNFCCC and its State Parties to challenge Morocco’s systematically erroneous climate reporting.


    #Maroc #Sahara_occidental #occupation #green_washing #rapport #énergie_éolienne #énergie #transition_énergétique #énergies_renouvelables

    ping @visionscarto

    • Il Sahara Occidentale di fronte all’estrattivismo “green”
      Report del workshop al Venice Climate Camp, di Héctor Santorum

      L’8 settembre 2022 si è tenuto al Venice Climate Camp il workshop “Sahrawi: Colonialismo, estrattivismo e repressione nel Sahara Occidentale” a cura della Sahrawi Youth Union. Proponiamo qui il report del workshop stilato da uno degli organizzatori. Ulteriori informazioni sull’operato delle multinazionali nel Sahara Occidentale sono reperibili sul sito Western Sahara Resource Watch. Traduzione di Fiorella Zenobio.

      Il Sahara Occidentale produce il 50% del PIL marocchino. Alla sommità dell’ordine sociale si trova il colonizzatore, che sia esso un militare, un funzionario o un commerciante; nella parte inferiore troviamo invece il colonizzato. Le azioni dei colonizzatori beneficiano loro stessi e la classe dirigente marocchina. È piuttosto facile individuare il funzionario e il militare. Ma chi è il commerciante? È ognuna delle aziende, statali o private, marocchine o straniere, che operano nel Sahara Occidentale, con la complicità di diversi paesi. Sono questi gli strumenti necessari per la colonizzazione.

      Nel 1884, si svolge la Conferenza di Berlino, nella quale le potenze europee si spartiscono l’Africa. Quello stesso anno avviene la colonizzazione ufficiale del Sahara Occidentale da parte della Spagna. Nel 1957, l’ONU elabora una lista di territori non autonomi, nella quale è incluso il Sahara Occidentale. Due anni dopo, la Spagna avvia le attività di estrazione di risorse e dichiara il Sahara la sua provincia numero 53, concedendo forme di rappresentanza ai sahrawi al fine di evitare la decolonizzazione.

      Nel 1960, l’Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite approva la risoluzione 1514 secondo la quale “qualsiasi territorio non autonomo deve poter esercitare il proprio diritto all’autodeterminazione attraverso un referendum” e il Marocco inizia a reclamare il Sahara come proprio. Nel 1975, il Marocco chiede alla Corte Internazionale di Giustizia un parere consultivo riguardo all’appartenenza del Sahara al Marocco e/o alla Mauritania. La risposta è che il Sahara non è mai appartenuto a nessuno dei due. La Spagna comunica allora che si terrà il referendum.

      La reazione a questi avvenimenti è la cosiddetta “Marcia Verde”, una colonna composta da migliaia di persone – civili e militari marocchini – che si dirige verso il territorio sahrawi il 6 novembre 1975. Il 14 novembre si tiene a Madrid il vertice tra Spagna, Marocco e Mauritania per firmare gli “Accordi di Madrid”, a partire dai quali la Spagna abbandona il territorio del Sahara Occidentale cedendone la titolarità a Marocco e Mauritania. Questa cessione non viene riconosciuta dalle Nazioni Unite, motivo per cui la Spagna continua a essere considerata responsabile della decolonizzazione del territorio.

      Parallelamente a questo accordo, le truppe spagnole abbandonano i sahrawi, che in quel momento erano considerati una delle tante province spagnole e possedevano documenti identificativi spagnoli. Il Fronte Polisario, successore del Movimento Nazionale di Liberazione Sahrawi, dà inizio alla guerra contro il Marocco e la Mauritania.

      Nel 1979, la Mauritania si ritira dalla guerra e riconosce la Repubblica Democratica Araba dei Sahrawi. Nel 1991, le Nazioni Unite intervengono affinché venga firmato il “Plan de Arreglo” [una sorta di Piano d’Intesa] tra il Sahara e il Marocco, vale a dire: il cessate il fuoco, lo svolgimento del referendum entro sei mesi e la creazione di MINURSO, organo incaricato di portare a termine il referendum.

      Un muro minato di oltre duemila chilometri divide le famiglie sahrawi da circa quarant’anni. Durante tutto questo tempo, il popolo sahrawi ha fatto affidamento sulle Nazioni Unite per trovare una soluzione pacifica attraverso il referendum, che però non è mai stato realizzato. La guerra è riscoppiata nel novembre 2020 in seguito alla rottura del cessate il fuoco da parte del Marocco all’altezza del villaggio di Guerguerat. Un gruppo di sahrawi aveva infatti manifestato pacificamente bloccando un’autostrada illegale costruita dal Marocco nel villaggio di Guerguerat, una rotta terrestre per il commercio di prodotti provenienti anche dal Sahara occupato.

      Nei territori occupati dal Marocco si trovano quasi 600.000 persone, delle quali circa 400.000 sono sahrawi. Questi ultimi sono soggetti a violazioni dei diritti umani ed emarginazione sociale (l’80% è disoccupato). È uno spazio chiuso, il Marocco vieta l’accesso agli organi internazionali rendendolo un carcere a cielo aperto. La situazione nei campi per rifugiati di Tindouf è precaria. I loro abitanti hanno accesso limitato a elettricità e acqua, vivono in condizioni climatiche estreme e dipendono dagli aiuti umanitari, in calo a causa delle diverse crisi internazionali.

      Il Marocco non ha gas o petrolio, per cui dipende dalle importazioni. L’azienda norvegese Wisby Tankers AB consegna ogni giorno mezzo milione di litri di petrolio al porto di El Laayoune. Il 30% di questo petrolio viene impiegato da veicoli militari. Il Marocco vuole incrementare la propria capacità produttiva di energia solare ed eolica, rispettivamente del 47% e del 32% entro il 2030. Ci sono diverse aziende coinvolte, tra le quali Siemens Gamesa ed Enel Green Energy, che sostengono di avere il consenso della popolazione, affermazione che risulta essere falsa. Infatti, il consenso dev’essere ottenuto innanzitutto dal Fronte Polisario, il rappresentante riconosciuto dalle Nazioni Unite.

      Per cosa vengono usati questi progetti rinnovabili? Nel Sahara occupato si trovano grandi quantità di fosfato. Il 95% dei bisogni energetici dell’azienda statale marocchina per il fosfato viene soddisfatto dal parco eolico di Foum El Oued. L’industria dei fosfati sahrawi genera annualmente 400 milioni di euro per il Marocco. Il nuovo progetto di Dakhla mira a supportare ed espandere l’industria agricola. Annualmente vengono prodotte 160.000 tonnellate di pomodori, meloni e cetrioli, per il 95% esportate sui mercati internazionali. Tali prodotti provenienti da Dakhla vengono rietichettati ad Agadir per nasconderne la vera provenienza e commercializzarli nei mercati europei.

      Questi progetti ripuliscono la propria immagine con l’energia rinnovabile, fenomeno che chiamiamo “greenwashing”, ma in realtà aiutano a perpetuare l’estrattivismo, ottimizzandolo e consolidandolo. La presenza di queste compagnie si traduce in un supporto implicito alla colonizzazione. Esse affermano che il loro lavoro beneficerà il Sahara (Enel Green Energy), che non si occupano di politica (Enel Green Energy) e che non ci sono sanzioni internazionali (Enel Green Energy, Wisby Tankers AB). Tali argomentazioni dimostrano l’inesistenza della loro etica aziendale.

      Per quanto riguarda l’Unione Europea, la sua posizione ufficiale è la difesa delle risoluzioni delle Nazioni Unite. Tuttavia, l’Europa riserva un trattamento differenziato al Sahara occupato e alla Crimea. La Siemens è stata investigata a causa dell’installazione delle sue turbine in Crimea in violazione delle sanzioni contro la Russia. Sembra però che le aziende europee e il governo marocchino abbiano il via libera per fare nei e dei territori occupati ciò che vogliono, senza timore di ripercussioni.

      Di recente, il 29 settembre 2021, la Corte di Giustizia dell’Unione Europea ha annullato alcune decisioni del Consiglio relative all’Accordo tra l’Unione Europea e il Marocco. Questi ultimi volevano estendere l’Accordo ai prodotti agricoli provenienti dal Sahara Occidentale e modificare l’Accordo di Pesca includendovi acque territoriali sahrawi. Le acque in questione sono molto proficue per la pesca, producono circa due milioni di tonnellate annuali, rendendo il Marocco il primo esportatore ittico dell’Africa. Il 70% di queste esportazioni arriva in Europa.

      In conclusione, la situazione attuale è difficile. Al livello globale, si stanno creando zone di sacrificio, dove non hanno importanza né i diritti umani, né l’ambiente, né alcunché. Il Sahara Occidentale è una di queste zone, dove importa solo il tornaconto economico delle attività che le aziende straniere svolgono nel territorio. Non conta se sono immorali o se supportano la colonizzazione, in quanto i mezzi di comunicazione non ne parlano. Nonostante siano trascorsi quasi cinquant’anni dall’inizio dell’occupazione, il popolo sahrawi continua a lottare.

      - Corte di Giustizia dell’Unione Europea, comunicato stampa n° 166/21, settembre 2021 (es – en – fr)
      - Western Sahara Resource Watch (WSRW) ed Emmaus Stockholm, Report “Combustible para la ocupación”, giugno 2014.
      – Western Sahara Resource Watch (WSRW), Report “Greenwashing Occupation”, ottobre 2021.
      - Western Sahara Resource Watch (WSRW) ed Emmaus Stockholm, Report “Conflict Tomatoes”, febbraio 2012.


  • Faille critique sur les NAS My Book Live (Duo) de WD, attention à la perte des données

    Inutile de vous ruer sur le site du fabricant pour vérifier que vous avez bien la dernière mise à jour pour le moment, car le dernier firmware en date remonte à… 2015. Cela fait donc six ans que WD n’a pas déployé le moindre correctif de sécurité, autant dire une éternité dans le monde de l’informatique. […] Dans tous les cas, il ne semble guère y avoir d’espoir de récupérer les données effacées. La question de la responsabilité de la marque devrait rapidement se poser.

    #sécurité_informatique #piratage #faille #wd #western_digital #nas #stockage_informatique #my_book_live #my_book_live_duo

  • Batailles en cours et à venir autour des données de paiement

    Le secteur des moyens de paiement connaît d’importantes recompositions au travers desquelles la maîtrise des données de paiement est centrale. Si les services apportent des fonctionnalités aux consommateurs, ils soulèvent des enjeux en termes de protection des données personnelles. Les recompositions dans le secteur du paiement électronique sont majeures. Le développement du e-commerce a contribué à renouveler les solutions de paiement sur Internet. De nouveaux acteurs sont apparus, tels que Paypal (...)

    #Apple #Google #Samsung #Facebook #Paypal #WeChat #algorithme #cryptage #cryptomonnaie #Alipay #ApplePay #bitcoin #Libra #payement #WeChatPay #sexisme #discrimination #finance #CNIL #MasterCard #Visa #WesternUnion #carte #SociétéGénérale (...)

    ##BNP-Paribas ##géolocalisation ##BigData ##[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données__RGPD_[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_

  • Capitaliser et valoriser les données de paiement : l’exemple de l’industrie des cartes de crédit

    Si les données sont aujourd’hui au cœur des recompositions de l’écosystème des moyens de paiement, leur transformation en actif valorisable est le fruit d’une histoire plus longue qui trouve son origine dès le début du XXe siècle aux Etats-Unis. A la fin des années 2000, une enseigne de distribution américaine a envoyé des bons de réduction pour des produits pour futures mamans à une adolescente de 17 ans. Son père, énervé, était alors venu trouver le directeur du supermarché local, avant de venir (...)

    #AmericanExpress #Google #MasterCard #Visa #Western_Union #carte #payement #métadonnées #prédiction #BigData (...)


  • The Rise of the Video Surveillance Industrial Complex

    There’s widespread concern that video cameras will use facial recognition software to track our every public move. Far less remarked upon — but every bit as alarming — is the exponential expansion of “smart” video surveillance networks. Private businesses and homes are starting to plug their cameras into police networks, and rapid advances in artificial intelligence are investing closed-circuit television, or CCTV, networks with the power for total public surveillance. In the not-so-distant (...)

    #Western_Digital #Axis #Accenture #Briefcam #Canon #Cisco #Comcast #Google #Microsoft #Milestone #Motorola_Mobility #Verizon #Amazon #algorithme #CCTV #smartphone #biométrie #criminalité #police #racisme #automobilistes #émotions #facial #législation (...)

    ##criminalité ##prédiction ##reconnaissance ##vidéo-surveillance ##bénéfices ##BigData ##MinorityReport ##comportement ##BlackLivesMatter ##data ##discrimination ##Islam ##profiling

  • Secret F.B.I. Subpoenas Scoop Up Personal Data From Scores of Companies

    The F.B.I. has used secret subpoenas to obtain personal data from far more companies than previously disclosed, newly released documents show. The requests, which the F.B.I. says are critical to its counterterrorism efforts, have raised privacy concerns for years but have been associated mainly with tech companies. Now, records show how far beyond Silicon Valley the practice extends — encompassing scores of banks, credit agencies, cellphone carriers and even universities. The demands can (...)

    #Google #FBI #Altaba/Yahoo ! #BankofAmerica #Equifax #Experian #Microsoft #T-Mobile #Verizon #Western_Union #Facebook #anti-terrorisme #data #FISA #surveillance #enseignement (...)

    ##Altaba/Yahoo_ ! ##EFF

  • Un député souhaite que les développeurs codent mieux au nom de l’environnement

    Le gouvernement est interpellé par un député qui souhaite que l’on oblige les éditeurs de logiciels à consacrer un budget pour une programmation plus compatible avec les enjeux environnementaux. Greenpeace a fait sa communication dessus : les plateformes de streaming vidéo ne sont pas toujours très écolo-compatibles. Dans un rapport daté de 2017, l’ONG avait épinglé plusieurs services très populaires, comme Netflix, HBO ou encore Amazon Video pour leurs faibles performances en matière environnementale. (...)

    #Cisco #Google #Huawei #Intel #Lenovo #Microsoft #Nokia_Siemens #Samsung #Seagate #Tencent #Western_Digital #Amazon #Netflix #IBM #HP #écologie #cloud #Greenpeace (...)


  • #Cinéma : «Marlina, la tueuse en quatre actes», un western féministe en Indonésie - Asialyst


    Réalisé par la cinéaste indonésienne Mouly Surya, Marlina, la tueuse en quatre actes a surpris les spectateurs de la Quinzaine des Réalisateurs 2017 à Cannes. Ce western ultra-violent, qui emprunte à Quentin Tarantino et à Sergio Leone, met en scène la vengeance d’une femme sur l’île de Sumba.
    Attention, cet article dévoile des moments-clefs de l’intrigue, notamment la fin du film.

    Une femme seule, à cheval sur une route déserte, portant une tête humaine attachée à la selle. On pense à l’Ouest américain de Sergio Leone, mais c’est en Indonésie que se déroule Marlina, la tueuse en quatre actes, le dernier bijou de Mouly Surya. Sur l’île de Sumba, plus précisément. « Dans cette île à majorité animiste marapu, raconte la réalisatrice dans les médias, les habitants se baladent avec des sabres à la ceinture et la place de la femme est à la cuisine. »

    #cinéma_féministe #indonésie

  • Was der Kaupert nicht weiß - Wohlrabedamm

    Der Kaupertsche Eintrag zum Übelkrähenpfad , auch bekannt als Wohlrabedamm, ist verdammt dünn.

    Über die Lage der Hausnummern gibt es keine Auskunft. Mit dem Kaupert als Taxifahrers Liebling ist es vorbei.

    Allgemeines zu Wohlrabedamm
    Postleitzahl: 13629
    Ortsteil: Siemensstadt
    ÖPNV: Zone B Bus 123, 139 — U‑Bahn 7 Rohrdamm, Siemensdamm
    Straßenverlauf: im Siemens-Technopark, von Rohrdamm und Motardstraße bis Siemensdamm
    Falk‑Stadtplan: Planquadrat J 9-10

    Für den Kaupertverlag hat der Wohlrabedamm keine Geschichte. Schade eigentlich, denn die Berliner Familie Wohlrabe muß man nicht mögen, ganz unwichtig für das Berliner Gesellschafts- und Kulturleben war und ist sie jedoch nicht.

    Geschichte von Wohlrabedamm
    Ehemaliger Bezirk Spandau
    Name seit ???

    Immerhin kommt der Verlag seiner traditionellen Bestimmung nach und liefert alle Amtsstubeninfos zu Straße.

    Örtliche Zuständigkeiten für Wohlrabedamm
    Arbeitsagentur: Spandau
    Jobcenter: Spandau
    Amtsgericht: Spandau
    Grundbuchamt Spandau
    Familiengericht: Tempelhof-Kreuzberg
    Finanzamt: Spandau
    Polizeiabschnitt: A 21
    Verwaltungsbezirk: Spandau

    Wer mehr erfahren will, muß heute reichlich Zeit aufwenden. Der Kaupert als Standardquelle zum schnellen Nachschlagen ist aus dem Spiel und wir müssen demnächst uns unsere eigene Wikipedia-Schnittstelle basteln. Heute noch gehen wir zu Fuß und zitieren aus dem Eintrag zu Siemensstädter Straßen.

    Liste der Straßen und Plätze in Berlin-Siemensstadt – Wikipedia


    930 Jürgen Wohlrabe (1936–1995), Berliner CDU-Politiker und Filmproduzent 24. Apr. 2012 Der Wohlrabedamm verläuft L-förmig zwischen Rohr- und Siemensdamm mit den Grundstücken 4–34 (fortlaufend) in Hufeisennummerierung. Die Straße wurde zwischen 2010 und 2012 neu erbaut und erschließt den Thelen Technopark, der auf ehemaligem Siemens-Werksgelände liegt. Die Straße führt durch den Thelen Technopark und wurde 2012 für den Verkehr freigegeben, wodurch es möglich wurde, dass sich auf dem vorher verschlossenen Gelände der Siemens-Werke Unternehmen der Kommunikationstechnik niedergelassen haben. Am Siemens Stichkanal entlang führt ein Fußweg bis zur Spree und es gibt zwei Fußgängerdurchgänge zum Wernerwerkdamm.

    Jürgen Wohlrabe

    Von 1963 bis 1967 gehörte er der Bezirksverordnetenversammlung von Berlin-Charlottenburg an und wurde anschließend ins Abgeordnetenhaus von Berlin gewählt, bevor er ab 1969 für zehn Jahre die Berliner CDU im Deutschen Bundestag vertrat. In dieser Zeit galt Wohlrabe, der auch Vorsitzender der Jungen Union in Berlin war, als einer der profiliertesten Gegenspieler der Studentenbewegung um Rudi Dutschke. Einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit wurde er jedoch vor allem durch seine Auseinandersetzung mit Herbert Wehner bekannt, der ihn 1970 in einer Bundestagsdebatte als Übelkrähe und vier Jahre später sogar als Schwein titulierte.
    Neben seiner politischen Karriere war Jürgen Wohlrabe auch als Filmkaufmann und -produzent erfolgreich. 1978 übernahm er den von seinem Onkel Karl Friedrich Wohlrabe fortgeführten und von seinem Großvater Willy Wohlrabe gegründeten familiären Jugendfilm-Verleih und entwickelte diesen zu einem kommerziell erfolgreichen Unternehmen,

    Jugendfilm-Verleih GmbH - Lexikon der Filmbegriffe

    Der Jugendfilm-Verleih wurde 1934 als Verleihfirma für Märchen‑ und Kinderfilme in Berlin gegründet. Die Firma konnte die Nazizeit überstehen und erhielt 1952 einen Preis der Filmfestspiele Venedig für die beste nationale Auswahl an Filmen für Jugendliche. 1961 übernahm Karl Friedrich Wohlrabe die Firmenleitung; das Programm wurde auf internationale Produktionen ausgeweitet. 1969 begann die ökonomische Erfolgsphase der Firma, als sie die Rechte an der belgischen Comic-Reihe Les Schtroumpfs (Die Schlümpfe) des Zeichners Peyo (d.i. Pierre Culliford; verfilmt 1975: La flûte à six schtroumpfs) sowie der Lucky-Luke Figur (verfilmt ab 1971) und den ersten Asterix-Filmen erwarb. Allein die ersten drei Asterix-Filme (1967: Asterix der Gallier; 1968: Asterix und Kleopatra; 1976: Asterix erobert Rom) erreichten in der BRD mehr als 20 Millionen Zuschauer. Zur Überraschung wurde auch Luis Buñuels Cet obscur objet du désir im Jahr 1978 zum Erfolgsfilm. 1979 übernahm Jürgen Wohlrabe die Firmenleitung. Filme wie Dressed to Kill (1981), Once upon a Time in America (1984) oder True Lies (1994) machten Jugendfilm zu einer der wichtigsten Verleihfirmen der BRD. Nach dem Tod Jürgen Wohlrabes (1996) übernahm vorübergehend dessen Sohn Marc zusammen mit seiner Mutter die Geschäfte des Verleihs, der mit dem Verkauf der Gesellschafteranteile (sowie der Jugendfilm‑Tochter Extrafilm Produktion GmbH) an die Kinowelt Medien AG am 1.10.1999 die Firma mit den Rechten an über 600 Spielfilmen einschließlich diverser Zeichentrickfilme die Firmengeschichte ausklingen ließ. Die Marke „Jugendfilm“ wurde von Kinowelt seit Oktober 2000 als Verleihlabel sämtlicher Repertoirefilme der Kinowelt-Bibliothek weiter geführt.

    Literatur: Wohlrabe, Jürgen (Hrsg.): 60 Jahre Jugendfilm, 1934‑1994. Berlin: Nicolai 1994.

    Soweit so freundlich. In der Tat ist der Wohlrabens Wohlstand viel Schund und Anpassungsfähigkeit geschuldet. Der Name Jugendfilm klingt edel und gut, wie auch der Preis vom Mussolini-Filmfest im postfaschistischen Venedig nur Gutes suggeriert. Typisch für pädagogische Werk der Jugendfilmer ist dabei der billige Spaghetti-Western. Waren es alte Verbindungen oder schon das viele Wohlrabengeld für Italoquatsch, die 1952 Venedig zur Auszeichnung die beste nationale Auswahl an Filmen für Jugendliche bewegten? Vielleicht finden wir einen alten Verleihkatalog, der Auskunft dazu gibt, was damals die beste Wahl für Jugendliche war.


    Fasthand (Italian: Mi chiamavano “Requiescat”... ma avevano sbagliato, Spanish: Mano rápida, also known as Fasthand is Still My Name and Fast Gun Is Still My Name) is a 1973 Italian-Spanish Spaghetti Western film directed by Frank Bronston and starring Alan Steel, William Berger and Frank Braña.
    Distributed by France-Inter Cinéma (1975, France)
    Jugendfilm-Verleih (1974, West Germany)

    Viel Spaß beim Ansehen - heute gibt es ihn noch auf Youtube. EIne Zeitreise 45 Jahre in die Vergangenheit.


    Kommentar zum Film

    Gotta love those 30 shot 6 shooters.

    Blut muß fließen, und zwar knüppeldick. Italo-Western erzählen mehr von Faschismus, Widerstand, Gewalt und Sex in Italien, Deutschland und Spanien als vom Wilden Westen . Komisch, dass keiner der Produzenten aus den Kreigsverbrecher-Ländern davon etwas gemerkt hat. Und so floß das Geld aus Wohlrabes zuerst im gut Nazireich gefüllten Taschen ins Spanien des Massenmörders Franco, wo italienische Künstler mit Hilfe von billigen B-Promis und Komparsen von Mafia, Krieg und Freiheitskampf erzählten.

    Shortly after the end of United States civil war, Captain Jeff Madison, an Union Official, leads a group of soldiers in the search for a group of Confederate soldiers who have gone rogue and are conducting a guerrilla war in the South. The rebel group, lead by the infamous Machedo, splits in two, and while one faction ambushes Madison and his party the other one captures one of the Union’s forts and decimate the soldiers and commanding officer. Shortly after the rebels capture Madison, the only survivor of the previous ambush, when he gets to the fort. Machedo and his men torture and shoot Madison in his right hand, rendering it useless for holding a gun, and leave him to die. Madison survives by pure chance when a group of Indians appear by the location.

    During the next two years the group of rebels and former soldiers carry a series of raids undisturbed, while at the same time Madison has been preparing to exact justice on them. When Machedo and his men steal the freshly arrived gold of a town, Madison sees the perfect opportunity to manipulate the situation in his favour, bringing Machedo and his group to a trap. The former Captain risks everything carrying out his plan but, contrary to the expectations of Machedo, Madison still has a secret card on his sleeve, one that makes him a true “fasthand”.

    Die Zeit der Spaghettis ist lange vorbei, aber mit Immaterialgütern wird heute mehr Geschäft gemacht als je zuvor.

    Marc Wohlrabe

    Von 1992 bis 1995 absolvierte er beim Axel-Springer-Verlag eine Ausbildung zum Verlagskaufmann. 1994 gründete er mit drei Partnern in Berlin den Zeitbank Verlag, mit dem er bis 2003 das auf die Techno- und Clubszene ausgerichtete, monatliche Stadtmagazin FLYER herausgab.
    Parallel arbeitete er beim Familienunternehmen Jugendfilm-Filmverleih, das 1934 von dem Lehrer und Pädagogen Willy Wohlrabe gegründet worden war. Nach dem Tod seines Vaters Jürgen Wohlrabe übernahm er 1995 das Familienunternehmen in der vierten Generation. 1999 zog er sich aus dem Filmverleihgeschäft zurück.

    Im Jahr 1995 gründete er sein Beratungsunternehmen Steinland Consult.

    Marc Wohlrabe ist Mit-Initiator ... der Clubcommission, ... im erweiterten Vorstand mit den Schwerpunkten Politik und Stadtentwicklung.

    2016 war er Mitinitiator der Konferenz Stadt nach Acht.

    Berliner Söhne (IV): „Wir Wohlrabes sind wie eine Glühbirne“ - SPIEGEL ONLINE

    Berührungsängste mit den konservativen Parteifreunden seines Vaters hat Marc Wohlrabe nicht. Er gehörte zu dem Team, das die Idee hatte, Diepgen in dem Werbespot „Diepgen rennt“ wie Lola durch die Hauptstadt flitzen zu lassen.

    Probleme gab es mit dem Familienunternehmen „Jugendfilmverleih“. Zwar hatte sich die Verleihfirma Kassenknüller wie „Harry und Sally“ und „9 1/2 Wochen“ gesichert und besaß seit 1988 sogar die Weltrechte an den gallischen Comic-Helden Asterix und Obelix - dennoch war das Erbe schwierig. Nach dem Tod seines Vaters hat der Filius mit seiner Mutter Irmgard den Berliner Filmverleih zunächst weitergeführt, doch der Rückzug ließ nicht lange auf sich warten. „Die Filmbranche ist ein hart umkämpfter Markt. ’Jugendfilm’ war noch ein mittelständisches Familienunternehmen. Da hätten wir nur aus dritter Reihe mitschießen können. Ich war damals 23 Jahre alt - mit Bernd Eichinger konkurrieren zu wollen, wäre vermessen gewesen“, erzählt Marc Wohlrabe.

    #Berlin #Spandau #Siemensstadt #Wohlrabedamm #Kaupert #Film #Geschichte #Western #Faschismus #CDU #Spaghetti-Western

  • Régler ses comptes à OK Corot - CQFD, mensuel de critique et d’expérimentation sociales

    Un jeune sort de l’immeuble et salue Johan. La conversation s’engage, cordiale. « Lui, c’est l’ami d’un Albanais qui squatte un appartement, explique-t-il par la suite. Le propriétaire le laisse faire il entretient le lieu, ça évite que d’autres s’installent et démontent tout… » Un deal qui souligne la complexité de la situation. Ici, pas de méchants cow-boys contre de bons Indiens – ou inversement. Mais une réalité des plus crues où chacun, hors du cadre légal, pallie l’abandon par les pouvoirs publics des migrants et des cités populaires. Ne reste plus qu’à défendre ses intérêts à coups de pression, de force, et parfois d’arrangements.

    #logement #exclusion

  • Panique : Netanyahou, l’Iran et le Hezbollah

    Panique : Netanyahou, l’Iran et le Hezbollah

    A la lumière de la confirmation avec les effets psychologiques et politiques à mesure de la victoire syrienne de Deir ez-Zour, le long commentaire ci-dessous d’Alastair Crooke sur la “panique Netanyahou” prend une singulière importance. Les Syriens d’Assad ont, avec l’aide des Iraniens et surtout du Hezbollah, et le soutien aérien massif de la Russie, emporté une victoire stratégique qui marque évidemment un tournant dans le conflit syrien, et sans doute un tournant décisif. Le concours du Hezbollah dans cette bataille, comme dans la majeure partie du conflit, constitue un élément majeur de ce conflit, et l’une des préoccupations fondamentales de Netanyahou.

    Crooke analyse dans toute son ampleur la très difficile situation du Premier ministre israélien qui (...)

    • Une attaque aérienne israélienne la nuit dernière, contre une position syrienne proche de la frontière libanaise avec des missiles air-sol tirés d’avions israéliens ayant pénétré prudemment l’espace aérien libanais (et pas syrien), signale cette extrême nervosité israélienne, mais sans convaincre de l’efficacité de la chose. Les Israéliens ne sont pas en position de force. Selon plusieurs sources, les Russes tiennent complètement l’espace aérien de la région, notamment avec l’arrivée de cinq avions d’alerte et de contrôle de l’espace aérien à très grandes capacités Beriev A-50 désormais basés en Syrie. D’autre part, DEBKAFiles signale que le Hezbollah devrait être conduit à changer complètement ses tactiques et sa stratégie suite aux victoires remportées en Syrie, ce qui rend complètement caduc le scénario utilisé par les forces armées israéliennes dans des manœuvres en cours pour ttester ses capacités de l’emporter sur le Hezbollah : « In the remaining seven days of the exercise, the IDF still has a chance to update its scenario », écrit ironiquement DEBKAFiles.

    • L’article d’Alaistair Crooke pointé par dedefensa

      The Reasons for Netanyahu’s Panic – Consortiumnews

      The increasingly “not to be” constituency of the Middle East has a simpler word for Netanyahu’s “#ethnic_nationalism.” They call it simply #Western_colonialism. Round one of Chas Freeman’s making the Middle East “be with Israel” consisted of the shock-and-awe assault on Iraq. Iraq is now allied with Iran, and the Hashad militia (PMU) are becoming a widely mobilized fighting force. The second stage was 2006. Today, Hizbullah is a regional force, and not a just Lebanese one.

      The third strike was at Syria. Today, Syria is allied with Russia, Iran, Hizbullah and Iraq. What will comprise the next round in the “to be, or not to be” war?

    • @simplicissimus : Pour aller dans ton sens, le timing israélien est intéressant, juste après le désencerclement de Deir-Ezzor, commepour dire on est là. Et il vient appuyer, si l’on peut dire, le rapport de l’ONU accusant - same player shoots again - la Syrie d’attaque chimique.

    • “Just to be clear: if 2006 marked a key point of inflection, Syria’s “standing its ground” represents a historic turning of much greater magnitude. It should be understood that Saudi Arabia’s (and Britain’s and America’s) tool of fired-up, radical Sunnism has been routed. And with it, the Gulf States, but particularly Saudi Arabia are damaged. The latter has relied on the force of Wahabbism since the first foundation of the kingdom: but Wahabbism in Lebanon, Syria and Iraq has been roundly defeated and discredited (even for most Sunni Muslims). It may well be defeated in Yemen too. This defeat will change the face of Sunni Islam.
      Already, we see the Gulf Cooperation Council, which originally was founded in 1981 by six Gulf tribal leaders for the sole purpose of preserving their hereditary tribal rule in the Peninsula, now warring with each other, in what is likely to be a protracted and bitter internal fight. The “Arab system,” the prolongation of the old Ottoman structures by the complaisant post-World War I victors, Britain and France, seems to be out of its 2013 “remission” (bolstered by the coup in Egypt), and to have resumed its long-term decline.”

    • If Israel did strike Syrian arms facility, it may have shot itself in the foot


      While Thursday’s alleged attack may have seen Israel widen its definition of what it deems a threat, it may give Iran an excuse to increase its military presence and lead Russia to declare Syrian airspace a no-fly zone

      By Zvi Bar’el | Sep. 7, 2017 | 10:20 PM

      The Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Center is the code name for part of the Syrian unconventional weapons industry. The center, better known by its French acronym CERS, is commanded by a Syrian general. It is also responsible for Syria’s chemical weapons manufacturing plants, which are reportedly located in three separate sites: Two near Damascus and the third close to the city of Masyaf, northwest Syria, only about 70 kilometers (43 miles) from the Khmeimim Russian Air Force base near Latakia.

      According to official Syrian reports, Israeli planes attacked CERS from within Lebanese territory early Thursday morning. The reports do not provide details of the damage to the facility and what it made. But an official statement said the attack was meant to raise the morale of Islamic State fighters after they suffered serious casualties in the fighting around Deir ez-Zor. According to President Bashar Assad’s regime in Syria, Israel not only founded ISIS, it also aided in its recent operations.

      It is not completely clear whether this facility, where they manufacture long-range missiles and artillery shells, also continues to assemble chemical weapons shells. But if Israel knows about such production at the plant, then there is no doubt the United States and Russia know about it too.

      We can assume Israel informed Washington before the attack and received the necessary nod of approval. As far as Russia is concerned, meanwhile, it seems Israel decided to attack from within Lebanese territory to avoid the need to coordinate its operation with the Russians – as is required from the understandings between the two air forces whenever Israel sends fighter jets into Syrian territory – and to prevent the information from leaking out.

      This was not the first alleged Israeli aerial attack in Syrian territory, of course. But the timing is quite interesting. It comes after Russia threatened to veto any UN Security Council resolution that describes Hezbollah as a terrorist organization, and a short time after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Sochi – a meeting Netanyahu returned from without any Russian commitment to bring about an Iranian pullback from Syrian lands.

      As Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has said, Russia has made a commitment that Israel’s security interests will not be harmed as a result of the establishment of de-escalation zones in Syria.

      But the Russian interpretation of the meaning of harming Israel’s security interests is not necessarily the same as Israel’s definition. Given that the presence of Hezbollah forces in Syria is seen as a threat to Israel, how much more so is the presence of pro-Iranian forces deployed near Israel’s eastern border on the Golan Heights, as well as in the area near Daraa in southern Syria?

      At the same time, Russia – which itself does not define Hezbollah as a terrorist organization – would find it difficult to force the group’s forces out of Lebanon. That’s mainly because of Iran’s position that sees Hezbollah as an essential foundation for preserving its influence in Lebanon and as an important tactical force in the Syrian war. Unlike in Lebanon, where Iran needs Hezbollah to force the hand of the Lebanese government when necessary, Iran’s influence on the Assad regime is direct and in no need of intermediaries.

      Russia, which has acted to limit Iran’s freedom of operation in Syria, recognizes that it must coordinate its actions with Iran if it wishes to fulfill its aspirations to stabilize Assad’s rule.

      The Aleppo lesson

      Russia has already learned its lessons from Aleppo, when it thought it could implement the cease-fire agreement that was reached at the end of last year without coordinating with Iran – and then realized that the Shi’ite militias and Hezbollah were preventing rebel soldiers from boarding the buses that were meant to take them out of the city, on Iran’s orders.

      The Iranian explanation was that because Tehran was not a partner to the agreement, it was not obligated by it. Russia has avoided Syrian negotiations since then, whether local or international, without Iranian participation.

      The attack on the weapons facility, especially one suspected of producing chemical weapons, is seemingly an act that should not cause an aggressive Russian response. Four years ago, Russia convinced then-President Barack Obama at the last minute not to attack Syria for its use of chemical weapons in Aleppo, and in return co-signed a tripartite agreement in which Syria agreed to destroy or send to Russia its entire chemical weapons inventory. Now, Russia may attempt to prove that the facility did not produce such weapons, but it is doubtful it will strain itself too much in doing so.

      By the way, that 2013 agreement included chlorine gas too, which the Syrian army still continues to use.

      Russia also understands that Israel’s alleged attack on the suspected chemical weapons plant, similar to the U.S. cruise missile strikes on Syria after the chemical weapons attack in Khan Sheikhun in April, is considered to be a legitimate action by the international community.

      Even Russia made it clear back in 2013 that it would not object to an attack on chemical weapons stores if the UN decided on such a step, and if it is proved Syria did use such weapons.

      The new element in the latest attack – if Israel did indeed carry out such an attack – is that Israel now defines what it sees as a threat in a much broader sense.

      The question is whether Russia will accept this definition as part of Israel’s strategic worldview – which sees Syria as a threatening enemy state. Russian agreement to expanding that definition could grant Israel approval for other attacks – such as against Syrian Air Force bases, or even against Syrian ground forces, with the argument that they are considered a threat.

      And so, if until now there was a red line between the Russian and Israeli air forces, this time the attack could lead at the very least to Russia imposing stricter “aerial discipline” on Israel. If this happens, Russia could declare that any foreign planes entering Syrian airspace would be considered a legitimate target for the Russian Air Force, except for coalition planes fighting against the Islamic State.

      Saving the United States

      From Washington’s perspective, Israel has pulled its chestnuts out of the fire. Following numerous reports on the renewed use of chlorine gas by the Syrian army, the Americans would have been forced to act. And this could have caused its relations with Russia to deteriorate even further.

      But the “service” Israel has provided to Washington just sinks it even deeper into the Syrian arena. This time, not only as an interested observer knocking on the doors of the superpowers in order to promote its own security interests, but as an active partner whose military presence adds yet another component to the array of forces (which already includes Russia, Iran, Turkey and Syria).

      But the Israeli element could threaten to spoil Russia’s plans. For example, Iran, Turkey and Russia are about to establish a security zone in the Idlib province, where most of the militia forces of the Al-Shams Front (formerly Nusra Front), which is affiliated with Al-Qaida, are concentrated. This is a region where Iran and Turkey have opposing interests, even though both are interested in a cease-fire.

      Turkey wants to use this region as a strategic base for military operations against the Syrian Kurdish regions that border Turkey. Iran sees Idlib province as a strategic outpost to serve as a base for its control of Syria. All three countries are planning a combined attack against the rebel centers, if Russia is unable to enforce a cease-fire according to the model that was built in the southern provinces.

      It would seem Israel has no real interest in the Idlib province, except for the concern about Iran’s expansion and settling in there. But the takeover of Idlib – like the military campaign in Deir ez-Zor in southeastern Syria, where ISIS continues to rack up losses – is preparing the diplomatic channels for a permanent agreement.

      Russia is striving to demonstrate control of Idlib and Deir ez-Zor by the end of next week, when the representatives of the various parties in the Syrian civil war are set to meet in the Kazakh capital of Astana. The Russians want to present such a takeover as proof of a total victory by the Syrian regime, a victory that would destroy the opposition groups’ tools for applying pressure.

      Syrian-Russian control of these two provinces would strengthen the diplomatic working assumption that Assad will continue to be Syrian president, especially since opponents of his regime in Europe, the United States and Turkey – and even Saudi Arabia – have nearly completely withdrawn their demands to remove him as a precondition to any negotiations.

      Such a result would obligate Israel to be a partner, even if only indirectly, in the process of establishing a new Syrian government; in the debate over the status of Iran and Hezbollah in Syria; and the guarantees that Russia, and not the United States, can provide in response to the possible threats resulting from such an agreement.

      Double-edged sword

      Israel may very well conclude that the greater its military involvement in Syria, whether through sporadic attacks or by tightening its military ties to rebel groups, it more it will strengthen its position when the time comes to formulate a political settlement.

      But such a view can be a double-edged sword. It will grant Iran a wonderful excuse to increase its military presence in Syria; Russia may reduce or even eliminate its aerial coordination with Israel and declare Syrian airspace a no-fly zone; and Hezbollah could turn the Golan Heights into a legitimate front against Israel as part of its balance of deterrence with it.

      There is a big difference between the ability to attack specific targets and a permanent situation of two hostile fronts, one facing Syria and the second Lebanon – especially when Israel’s most important backer, the United States, is sunk deep inside itself and does not want to intervene at all.

  • Casualties of War - The New Yorker


    For as long as she lived, Eriksson did not know her name. He learned it, eventually, when the girl’s sister identified her at court-martial proceedings—proceedings that Eriksson himself instigated and in which he served as the government’s chief witness. The girl’s name—her actual name—was Phan Thi Mao. Eriksson never exchanged a word with her; neither spoke the other’s language. He knew Mao for slightly more than twenty-four hours. They were her last. The four soldiers with whom he was on patrol raped and killed her, abandoning her body in mountain brush.


    The Making of Casualties of War

    There Is Yet More to Casualties of War | Phoenix New Times

    There Is Yet More to Casualties of War
    A few rare films stun the senses. They send you reeling from the theatre. They set you brooding about them for days.

    Casualties of War: in the company of military men | Film | The Guardian

    Brian De Palma’s 1989 film of a true incident during the Vietnam war is mostly impressively accurate. Just don’t watch it over breakfast. Or lunch. Or dinner

    Casualties of War - Wikipedia

    Directed by Brian De Palma
    Produced by Art Linson
    Screenplay by David Rabe
    Story by Daniel Lang
    Michael J. Fox
    Sean Penn
    Thuy Thu Le
    Music by Ennio Morricone
    Cinematography Stephen H. Burum
    Edited by Bill Pankow
    Distributed by Columbia Pictures
    Release date August 18, 1989
    Running time
    113 minutes
    119 minutes (Extended)
    Country United States
    Language English
    Budget $22.5 million
    Box office $18,671,317

    Thuy Thu Le

    Thuy Thu Le was born in Saigon, South Vietnam. She was raised and educated in the United States, after her parents left Saigon during the Vietnam War. ... She is a graduate of the University of California, Berkeley. She is bilingual as she speaks fluent Vietnamese and English.

    Le is best known for her only-ever role in the 1989 Brian De Palma film Casualties of War, starring Michael J. Fox and Sean Penn.
    Despite her critically acclaimed performance in Casualties of War, Le chose to retire from acting. As of 2005, she was working as a schoolteacher in California.

    #USA #Vietnam #guerre #film

  • We are all Helen Zille. Or, why the West thinks that #colonialism was not all bad.

    In a series of tweets circulated earlier today, Helen Zille, who is Premier of the #Western_Cape (one of #South_Africa’s nine provinces) and the former leader of the country’s second largest political party, the Democratic Alliance (DA), asserted there are many positive aspects to colonialism. Zille, who is white, governs the Western Cape, which…

    #POLITICS #Democratic_Allaince #Hellen_Zille #Hitler #Twitter

    • The end of colonialism, apartheid and Jim Crow have marked the global rise of liberal racism – what sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva calls “racism without racists”. Even when we do not openly endorse colonialism like Zille does, our works are filled with strategic silences, omissions and erasures that continue to sustain ideas of Western superiority.

      Some scholars hint at the superiority of the political institutions of Western democracy. Others mention the “inevitable” rise of capitalism, seen always as a quintessentially Western achievement. Others still talk about the “advanced” cultural practices of “European modernity.” Even critical Western scholarship opposed to the neoliberal paradigm rarely acknowledges the persistence of whiteness and racial inequalities, often developing criticisms of the world of finance, the banks or the multinationals that underplay the role of race in these institutions. These coded forms of racism have contributed to consolidate white supremacy in the last few decades of neoliberal hegemony.

      That edifice is now crumbling. The Zilles of the world are tired of beating around the bush. They want to speak openly about white superiority and do not want to feel uncomfortable for their views.

      They believe that postcolonial countries have been given a chance but failed to assert their worth, denying the fact that neocolonial structures are just as sturdy as colonial ones. They are tired of “diversity talk,” it is all a sham in their opinion. They see a return to the “good old days” of fascism, colonialism, Jim Crow and apartheid as the way forward.

  • 12月29日のツイート

    The latest Papier! paper.li/ChikuwaQ/13277… Thanks to @parages @DANIELMDQARG @2or3thingsiknow #mustread #books posted at 09:13:30

    Top story: Mike Grynbaum on Twitter: "Trump "very interested in a man going to … twitter.com/grynbaum/statu…, see more tweetedtimes.com/ChikuwaQ?s=tnp posted at 09:09:32

    Top story: Ji Gong – The Crazy Monk of China | Tsem Rinpoche www.tsemrinpoche.com/tsem-tulku-rin…, see more tweetedtimes.com/ChikuwaQ?s=tnp posted at 05:15:59

    Top story: Eric Alper on Twitter: "Without revealing your actual age, what some… twitter.com/ThatEricAlper/…, see more tweetedtimes.com/ChikuwaQ?s=tnp posted at 01:04:49

    RT @RanesHook: #WesternWednesday - RIDE LONESOME - Bounty hunter Randolph Scott riding the trails to vengeance! goo.gl/HGIZvL pic.twitter.com/FdFVSEMsA3 posted at 00:01:45 (...)

  • Colonial Sahara

    Western Sahara serves as a powerful and timely reminder to the world that colonialism has not ended in Africa. It continues in the form of what the Sahrawi (the indigenous people of #Western_Sahara) activist Maty Mohamed-Fadel referred to as “the global shame” that is the Moroccan #Occupation of Western Sahara. The majority of Western […]

    #CULTURE #documentary #Film #Morocco

  • Pour qui chante le coq ?

    Western sonore sans animaux

    Par le groupité son de Jef Klak


    Alligator Wine, Far West, soleil au zénith.

    Ce matin-là, les cow-boys Birdy et Goody ont manqué l’aurore. Levés de mauvaise botte dans la moiteur du midday, les voilà sans nouvelle du bien-nommé Ritchie, chanteur à grande crête, horloge f lamboyante, annonciateur du point du jour. Mais où est-il passé ? Deux balles de fusil si c’est cette saleté de renard ! Face à une shérif dépassée par les évènements, Birdy et Goody, entourés de tou.te.s les habitant.e.s, doivent bientôt se rendre à l’évidence : les animaux sont partis !

    Que devient la dernière espèce dans le silence des grandes plaines de l’Ouest ?

    #antispécisme #création_sonore #western #élevage #animal #zoophilie

  • une amourette franchouillarde et libertaire, mais si c’est possible
    L’été en pente douce, Gérard Krawczyk,1987
    D’abord il y a la musique qui m’entraîne dans un western, et des couleurs. Des couleurs de son.
    Oh la la, c’est tout mignon, tout mignon mignon. Et Bacri il râle, comme d’habitude, mais là il est jeune alors ça fait bizarre. C’est plein d’été, c’est agréable,au début Bacri achète sa copine à un connard de pote débile et macho. Il l’achète contre un lapin mort. Et puis tous les deux ils tombent amoureux vraiment beaucoup. Et Bacri il a un frère, Villeret, un peu bas de plafond, et tous les trois ils vivent ensemble. C’est tout mignon, vraiment vraiment. Alors cette musique mélancolique de western, elle détonne. Ca donne une angoisse, quelque chose qui dit que tout ça va finir...
    Ah oui et puis, il y a Guy Marchand et c’est trop bien.


    #critique_a_2_balles #cinema #1987 #Gérard_Krawczyk #lapin #western #l'été_en_pente_douce #jacques_villeret #jean-pierre_bacri #Guy_marchand

  • L’aube du Western crépusculaire

    New Mexico, The Deadly Companions, Sam Peckinpah, 1961

    Bien sur, vous l’avez compris, je m’entraine à trouver des titres qui se la pètent... Peut-être bien qu’il y a existé des westerns crépusculaires avant 1961. Et d’ailleurs je ne sais même pas ce que veux dire « oh, je viens de voir un western crépusculaire d’excellente facture ».
    Je note, dans ce premier film de Samy, l’envie fondatrice d’aller dans le méga concret, de creuser jusqu’au bout. Qui dit western dit indien, et qui dit indien dit décollement du cuir chevelu. Et je me rends compte que c’est la première fois que je vois un western qui s’occupe de ça, ce qu’est vraiment être scalpé...
    et puis encore une question. Pourquoi les réalisateurs dont un des thèmes principaux est de décrire des femmes, des femmes différentes de la manière dont elles sont décrites brièvement dans le reste des films américains, pourquoi ces réalisateurs sont souvent dits féministes. On n’en sait rien. On peut juste dire que leurs films travaillent une représentation des femmes. Ou pire, de la femme.
    Visiblement en 1961 le cinéma indépendant américain a encore pas mal de mal. Le héro tue le fils de l’héroïne par mégarde. L’héroïne veut alors enterrer son fils elle-même en traversant les États-Unis. Le héro et deux autres connards l’accompagnent.


    #critique_a_2_balles #cinema #western #1961 #new_mexico #Sam_peckimpah #the_deadly_companions #crépusculaire #viol #scalp #indiens

  • Ca sort pas au cinéma ? C’est quoi ces conneries ?
    Bone Tomahawk, S. Craig Zahler, 2015

    Et un jour @jb_barreau me conseille ce film. Je sais bien qu’il guette tous les ans le palmarès. Je sais bien qu’il y a eu des ratés (cf. Donnie Darco) mais bon, quand JB conseille quelque chose c’est l’assurance de ne pas voir du rohmer. Je me comprends.

    Bref un putain de nom de dieu de western. Tous les codes, le shérif, l’adjoint au shérif, un mec qui a une jambe en vrac et qui ferait mieux de rester au lit quelques semaines. Et un brigand ou un truc comme ça qui est en prison et puis une femme aussi qui ne sert pas à rien.
    Sauf qu’un jour tout le monde disparaît, à la place il y a une flèche d’un indien. Alors l’éclopé, le shérif et l’adjoint qui sert à rien ils partent longtemps.
    Vous imaginez un type à la jambe sanguinolente qui doit faire 300 bornes à cheval pas longtemps ? Moi évidemment je n’imaginais pas. Mais cette fois c’est filmé pour qu’on comprenne. Et puis en plus les indiens... et oh c’est Gérardmer quand même...
    Et oui...
    C’est pas des indiens.
    #critique_a_2_balle #Bone_Tomahawk #kurt_russel #western #S._Craig_Zahler #2015 #gerardmer #sherif #pas_viol_du_moins_je_crois_pas #cannibalisme #orthopédie

  • trois enterrements, Tommy Lee Jones, 2005

    Une chose est certaine Tommy est meilleur ici que dans Men in black.
    J’aime la manière de commencer un film en nous plongeant dans quelque chose qu’on imagine comme un polar avec une intrigue ’achement dure à comprendre pour se stabiliser lentement et trouver son rythme de croisière dans un truc mi survival mi road movie à cheval, mi épopée d’Ulysse. L’histoire est simple il veut enterrer son pote dans son village natal. Mais il veut aussi obliger l’assassin de son pote à le suivre. Alors évidemment plein de formules faciles nous viennent en tête : il va finir par se trouver lui même en fin de compte... Et finalement cet assassin flic va se trouver des racines dans ce voyage. Il y aurait encore deux ou trois phrases nulles à chier que je ne trouverai pas à cause de la médiocrité de cette journée. Mais pour vous dire qu’en fait il y a tout ça et puis beaucoup d’autres machins un peu gores et un peu Frères Coen aussi il manque juste des extras terrestres avec des têtes géantes.

    #Trois_enterrements #Tommy_Lee_Jones #2005 #critique_a_2_balles #cinema #western #road_movie #on_pleure_a_la_fin

  • 800 balas, Alex de la Iglesia, 2002
    Tout le monde l’a vu ? Non ? Bon, bah faut le voir ! Non parce que si tout le monde l’a vu, c’est pas la peine que j’écrive !
    Parce qu’en voyant le film je sens qu’il y a plein de choses et que ça va être un peu fatiguant d’écrire une bonne critique à 2 balles.
    Il y a un lieu en Espagne (il doit sûrement être connu, mais moi j’y connais rien) où les américains ont tourné énormément de western. Ce lieu n’intéresse plus personne et du coup on a conservé quelques décors de ville pour faire des espèces de reconstitution pour les touristes. Et le personnage principal qui était cascadeur pour Clint Eastwood, parait-il, est nostalgique de cette époque. En fait, c’est pire que ça, il n’est pas nostalgique, c’est n’importe quoi d’avoir écrit ça. Il vit, il vit dans un western. Les spectacles un peu pourav’ qu’il joue tous les dimanches pour des touristes allemands et obèses sont sa vie. Et cette réalité là contamine tout le film. Ainsi il y a, évidemment, la réalité, l’époque néo-libérale et européenne, mais le film et la mise en scène sont tellement bien branlés que le monde sur lequel le spectateur et la spectatrice peuvent s’appuyer devient progressivement le monde du bon, de la brute et du truand. Et en fait ça devient très beau parce que cet univers de la tête du personnage est un peu branlant. La tequila vient à manquer et les cartouches tirent à blanc...
    J’ai dit que c’était le personnage principal, oui mais en fait ce n’est pas le héros. Le héros c’est un gosse, qu’on imagine en fait très bien être un avatar d’Alex qui est à la recherche de son grand-père dont je viens de parler. Du coup la métaphore est à peine secrète. C’est bien ce gosse qui est confronté à un monde (le rêve évidemment) bien plus enviable que le monde du FMI et de la Troïka...


    #800_balas #Alex_de_la_Iglesia #2002 #cinema #critique_a_2_balles #western