#xenophobie

Europe spends billions stopping migration. Good luck figuring out where the money actually goes

How much money exactly does Europe spend trying to curb migration from Nigeria? And what’s it used for? We tried to find out, but Europe certainly doesn’t make it easy. These flashy graphics show you just how complicated the funding is.
In a shiny new factory in the Benin forest, a woman named Blessing slices pineapples into rings. Hundreds of miles away, at a remote border post in the Sahara, Abubakar scans travellers’ fingerprints. And in village squares across Nigeria, Usman performs his theatre show about the dangers of travelling to Europe.

What do all these people have in common?

All their lives are touched by the billions of euros European governments spend in an effort to curb migration from Africa.

Since the summer of 2015,
Read more about the influx of refugees to Europe in 2015 on the UNHCR website.
when countless boats full of migrants began arriving on the shores of Greece and Italy, Europe has increased migration spending by billions.
Read my guide to EU migration policy here.
And much of this money is being spent in Africa.

Within Europe, the political left and right have very different ways of framing the potential benefits of that funding. Those on the left say migration spending not only provides Africans with better opportunities in their home countries but also reduces migrant deaths in the Mediterranean. Those on the right say migration spending discourages Africans from making the perilous journey to Europe.

However they spin it, the end result is the same: both left and right have embraced funding designed to reduce migration from Africa. In fact, the European Union (EU) plans to double migration spending under the new 2021-2027 budget, while quadrupling spending on border control.

https://i.imgur.com/ZAXFmxr.png https://i.imgur.com/Cz2dO81.png

The three of us – journalists from Nigeria, Italy and the Netherlands – began asking ourselves: just how much money are we talking here?

At first glance, it seems like a perfectly straightforward question. Just add up the migration budgets of the EU and the individual member states and you’ve got your answer, right? But after months of research, it turns out that things are nowhere near that simple.

In fact, we discovered that European migration spending resembles nothing so much as a gigantic plate of spaghetti.

If you try to tease out a single strand, at least three more will cling to it. Try to find where one strand begins, and you’ll find yourself tangled up in dozens of others.

This is deeply concerning. Though Europe maintains a pretence of transparency, in practice it’s virtually impossible to hold the EU and its member states accountable for their migration expenditures, let alone assess how effective they are. If a team of journalists who have devoted months to the issue can’t manage it, then how could EU parliament members juggling multiple portfolios ever hope to?

This lack of oversight is particularly problematic in the case of migration, an issue that ranks high on European political agendas. The subject of migration fuels a great deal of political grandstanding, populist opportunism, and social unrest. And the debate surrounding the issue is rife with misinformation.

For an issue of this magnitude, it’s crucial to have a clear view of existing policies and to examine whether these policies make sense. But to be able to do that, we need to understand the funding streams: how much money is being spent and what is it being spent on?

While working on this article, we spoke to researchers and officials who characterised EU migration spending as “opaque”, “unclear” and “chaotic”. We combed through countless websites, official documents, annual reports and budgets, and we submitted freedom of information requests
in a number of European countries, in Nigeria, and to the European commission. And we discovered that the subject of migration, while not exactly cloak-and-dagger stuff, is apparently sensitive enough that most people preferred to speak off the record.

Above all, we were troubled by the fact that no one seems to have a clear overview of European migration budgets – and by how painfully characteristic this is of European migration policy as a whole.
Nigeria – ‘a tough cookie’

It wasn’t long before we realised that mapping out all European cash flows to all African countries would take us years. Instead, we decided to focus on Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and the continent’s strongest economy, as well as the country of origin of the largest group of African asylum seekers in the EU. “A tough cookie” in the words of one senior EU official, but also “our most important migration partner in the coming years”.

But Nigeria wasn’t exactly eager to embrace the role of “most important migration partner”. After all, migration has been a lifeline for Nigeria’s economy: last year, Nigerian migrants living abroad sent home $25bn – roughly 6% of the country’s GNP.

It took a major European charm offensive to get Nigeria on board – a “long saga” with “more than one tense meeting”, according to a high-ranking EU diplomat we spoke to.

The European parliament invited Muhammadu Buhari, the Nigerian president, to Strasbourg in 2016. Over the next several years, one European dignitary after another visited Nigeria: from Angela Merkel,
the German chancellor, to Matteo Renzi,
the Italian prime minister, to Emmanuel Macron,
the French president, to Mark Rutte,

the Dutch prime minister.

Three guesses as to what they all wanted to talk about.
‘No data available’

But let’s get back to those funding streams.

The EU would have you believe that everything fits neatly into a flowchart. When asked to respond to this article, the European commission told us: “We take transparency very seriously.” One spokesperson after another, all from various EU agencies, informed us that the information was “freely available online”.

But as Wilma Haan, director of the Open State Foundation, notes: “Just throwing a bunch of stuff online doesn’t make you transparent. People have to be able to find the information and verify it.”

Yet that’s exactly what the EU did. The EU foundations and agencies we contacted referred us to dozens of different websites. In some cases, the information was relatively easy to find,
but in others the data was fragmented or missing entirely. All too often, our searches turned up results such as “data soon available”
or “no data available”.

The website of the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF) – worth around €3.1bn – is typical of the problems we faced. While we were able to find a list of projects funded by AMIF online,

the list only contains the names of the projects – not the countries in which they’re carried out. As a result, there’s only one way to find out what’s going on where: by Googling each of the project names individually.

This lack of a clear overview has major consequences for the democratic process, says Tineke Strik, member of the European parliament (Green party). Under the guise of “flexibility”, the European parliament has “no oversight over the funds whatsoever”. Strik says: “In the best-case scenario, we’ll discover them listed on the European commission’s website.”

At the EU’s Nigerian headquarters, one official explained that she does try to keep track of European countries’ migration-related projects to identify “gaps and overlaps”. When asked why this information wasn’t published online, she responded: “It’s something I do alongside my daily work.”
Getting a feel for Europe’s migration spaghetti

“There’s no way you’re going to get anywhere with this.”

This was the response from a Correspondent member who researches government funding when we announced this project several months ago. Not exactly the most encouraging words to start our journey. Still, over the past few months, we’ve done our best to make as much progress as we could.

Let’s start in the Netherlands, Maite’s home country. When we tried to find out how much Dutch tax money is spent in Nigeria on migration-related issues, we soon found ourselves down yet another rabbit hole.

The Dutch ministry of foreign affairs, which controls all funding for Dutch foreign policy, seemed like a good starting point. The ministry divides its budget into centralised and decentralised funds. The centralised funds are managed in the Netherlands administrative capital, The Hague, while the decentralised funds are distributed by Dutch embassies abroad.

Exactly how much money goes to the Dutch embassy in the Nigerian capital Abuja is unclear – no information is available online. When we contacted the embassy, they weren’t able to provide us with any figures, either. According to their press officer, these budgets are “fragmented”, and the total can only be determined at the end of the year.

The ministry of foreign affairs distributes centralised funds through its departments. But migration is a topic that spans a number of different departments: the department for stabilisation and humanitarian aid (DSH), the security policy department (DVB), the sub-Saharan Africa department (DAF), and the migration policy bureau (BMB), to name just a few. There’s no way of knowing whether each department spends money on migration, let alone how much of it goes to Nigeria.

Not to mention the fact that other ministries, such as the ministry of economic affairs and the ministry of justice and security, also deal with migration-related issues.

Next, we decided to check out the Dutch development aid budget
in the hope it would clear things up a bit. Unfortunately, the budget isn’t organised by country, but by theme. And since migration isn’t one of the main themes, it’s scattered over several different sections. Luckily, the document does contain an annex (▻https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/documenten/begrotingen/2019/09/17/hgis---nota-homogene-groep-internationale-samenwerking-rijksbegroting-) that goes into more detail about migration.

In this annex, we found that the Netherlands spends a substantial chunk of money on “migration cooperation”, “reception in the region” and humanitarian aid for refugees.

And then there’s the ministry of foreign affairs’ Stability Fund,
the ministry of justice and security’s budget for the processing and repatriation of asylum seekers, and the ministry of education, culture and science’s budget for providing asylum seekers with an education.

But again, it’s impossible to determine just how much of this funding finds its way to Nigeria. This is partly due to the fact that many migration projects operate in multiple countries simultaneously (in Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon, for example). Regional projects such as this generally don’t share details of how funding is divided up among the participating countries.

Using data from the Dutch embassy and an NGO that monitors Dutch projects in Nigeria, we found that €6m in aid goes specifically to Nigeria, with another €19m for the region as a whole. Dutch law enforcement also provides in-kind support to help strengthen Nigeria’s border control.

But hold on, there’s more. We need to factor in the money that the Netherlands spends on migration through its contributions to the EU.

The Netherlands pays hundreds of millions into the European Development Fund (EDF), which is partly used to finance migration projects. Part of that money also gets transferred to another EU migration fund: the EUTF for Africa.
The Netherlands also contributes directly to this fund.

But that’s not all. The Netherlands also gives (either directly or through the EU) to a variety of other EU funds and agencies that finance migration projects in Nigeria. And just as in the Netherlands, these EU funds and agencies are scattered over many different offices. There’s no single “EU ministry of migration”.

To give you a taste of just how convoluted things can get: the AMIF falls under the EU’s home affairs “ministry”

(DG HOME), the Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) falls under the “ministry” for international cooperation and development (DG DEVCO), and the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP) falls under the European External Action Service (EEAS). The EU border agency, Frontex, is its own separate entity, and there’s also a “ministry” for humanitarian aid (DG ECHO).

Still with me?

Because this was just the Netherlands.

Now let’s take a look at Giacomo’s country of origin, Italy, which is also home to one of Europe’s largest Nigerian communities (surpassed only by the UK).

Italy’s ministry of foreign affairs funds the Italian Agency for Development Cooperation (AICS), which provides humanitarian aid in north-eastern Nigeria, where tens of thousands of people have been displaced by the Boko Haram insurgency. AICS also finances a wide range of projects aimed at raising awareness of the risks of illegal migration. It’s impossible to say how much of this money ends up in Nigeria, though, since the awareness campaigns target multiple countries at once.

This data is all available online – though you’ll have to do some digging to find it. But when it comes to the funds managed by Italy’s ministry of the interior, things start to get a bit murkier. Despite the ministry having signed numerous agreements on migration with African countries in recent years, there’s little trace of the money online. Reference to a €92,000 donation for new computers for Nigeria’s law enforcement and immigration services was all we could find.

Things get even more complicated when we look at Italy’s “Africa Fund”, which was launched in 2017 to foster cooperation with “priority countries along major migration routes”. The fund is jointly managed by the ministry of foreign affairs and the ministry of the interior.

Part of the money goes to the EUTF for Africa, but the fund also contributes to United Nations (UN) organisations, such as the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), as well as to the Italian ministry of defence and the ministry of economy and finance.

Like most European governments, Italy also contributes to EU funds and agencies concerned with migration, such as Frontex, Europol, and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO).

And then there are the contributions to UN agencies that deal with migration: UNHCR, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), IOM, the UN Development Programme (UNDP), and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), to name just a few.

Now multiply all of this by the number of European countries currently active in Nigeria. Oh, and let’s not forget the World Bank,

which has only recently waded into the waters of the migration industry.

And then there are the European development banks. And the EU’s External Investment Plan, which was launched in 2016 with the ambitious goal of generating €44bn in private investments in developing countries, with a particular focus on migrants’ countries of origin. Not to mention the regional “migration dialogues”
organised in west Africa under the Rabat Process and the Cotonou Agreement.

https://i.imgur.com/uu99r6b.png

This is the European migration spaghetti.
How we managed to compile a list nonetheless

By now, one thing should be clear: there are a staggering number of ministries, funds and departments involved in European migration spending. It’s no wonder that no one in Europe seems to have a clear overview of the situation. But we thought that maybe, just maybe, there was one party that might have the overview we seek: Nigeria. After all, the Nigerian government has to be involved in all the projects that take place there, right?

We decided to ask around in Nigeria’s corridors of power. Was anyone keeping track of European migration funding? The Ministry of Finance? Or maybe the Ministry of the Interior, or the Ministry of Labour and Employment?

Nope.

We then tried asking Nigeria’s anti-trafficking agency (NAPTIP), the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, and the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI).

No luck there, either. When it comes to migration, things are just as fragmented under the Nigerian government as they are in Europe.

In the meantime, we contacted each of the European embassies in Nigeria.
This proved to be the most fruitful approach and yielded the most complete lists of projects. The database of the International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI)
was particularly useful in fleshing out our overview.

So does that mean our list is now complete? Probably not.

More to the point: the whole undertaking is highly subjective, since there’s no official definition of what qualifies as a migration project and what doesn’t.

For example, consider initiatives to create jobs for young people in Nigeria. Would those be development projects or trade projects? Or are they actually migration projects (the idea being that young people wouldn’t migrate if they could find work)?

What about efforts to improve border control in northern Nigeria? Would they fall under counterterrorism? Security? Institutional development? Or is this actually a migration-related issue?

Each country has its own way of categorising projects.

There’s no single, unified standard within the EU.

When choosing what to include in our own overview, we limited ourselves to projects that European countries themselves designated as being migration related.

While it’s certainly not perfect, this overview allows us to draw at least some meaningful conclusions about three key issues: where the money is going, where it isn’t going, and what this means for Nigeria.
1) Where is the money going?

In Nigeria, we found

If you’d like to work with the data yourself, feel free to download the full overview here.
50 migration projects being funded by 11 different European countries, as well as 32 migration projects that rely on EU funding. Together, they amount to more than €770m in funding.

Most of the money from Brussels is spent on improving Nigerian border control:
more than €378m. For example, the European Investment Bank has launched a €250m initiative

to provide all Nigerians with biometric identity cards.

The funding provided by individual countries largely goes to projects aimed at creating employment opportunities

in Nigeria: at least €92m.

Significantly, only €300,000 is spent on creating more legal opportunities to migrate – less than 0.09% of all funding.

https://i.imgur.com/F7ng9WA.png

We also found 47 “regional” projects that are not limited to Nigeria, but also include other countries.
Together, they amount to more than €775m in funding.
Regional migration spending is mainly focused on migrants who have become stranded in transit and is used to return them home and help them to reintegrate when they get there. Campaigns designed to raise awareness of the dangers of travelling to Europe also receive a relatively large proportion of funding in the region.

https://i.imgur.com/kM4CltW.png

2) Where isn’t the money going?

When we look at the list of institutions – or “implementing agencies”, as they’re known in policy speak – that receive money from Europe, one thing immediately stands out: virtually none of them are Nigerian organisations.

“The EU funds projects in Nigeria, but that money doesn’t go directly to Nigerian organisations,” says Charles Nwanelo, head of migration at the NCFRMI.

See their website here.
“Instead, it goes to international organisations, such as the IOM, which use the money to carry out projects here. This means we actually have no idea how much money the EU is spending in Nigeria.”

We hear the same story again and again from Nigerian government officials: they never see a cent of European funding, as it’s controlled by EU and UN organisations. This is partially a response to corruption within Nigerian institutions – Europe feels it can keep closer tabs on its money by channelling it through international organisations. As a result, these organisations are growing rapidly in Nigeria. To get an idea of just how rapidly: the number of people working for the IOM in Nigeria has more than quadrupled over the past two years.

https://i.imgur.com/aIeGcoM.png

Of course, this doesn’t mean that Nigerian organisations are going unfunded. Implementing agencies are free to pass funding along to Nigerian groups. For example, the IOM hires Nigerian NGOs to provide training for returning migrants and sponsors a project that provides training and new software to the Nigerian immigration service.

Nevertheless, the system has inevitably led to the emergence of a parallel aid universe in which the Nigerian government plays only a supporting role. “The Nigerian parliament should demand to see an overview of all current and upcoming projects being carried out in their country every three months,” says Bob van Dillen, migration expert at development organisation Cordaid.

But that would be “difficult”, according to one German official we spoke to, because “this isn’t a priority for the Nigerian government. This is at the top of Europe’s agenda, not Nigeria’s.”

Most Nigerian migrants to Europe come from Edo state, where the governor has been doing his absolute best to compile an overview of all migration projects. He set up a task force that aims to coordinate migration activities in his state. The task force has been largely unsuccessful because the EU doesn’t provide it with any direct funding and doesn’t require member states to cooperate with it.

3) What are the real-world consequences for Nigeria?

We’ve established that the Nigerian government isn’t involved in allocating migration spending and that local officials are struggling to keep tabs on things. So who is coordinating all those billions in funding?

Each month, the European donors and implementing agencies mentioned above meet at the EU delegation to discuss their migration projects. However, diplomats from multiple European countries have told us that no real coordination takes place at these meetings. No one checks to see whether projects conflict or overlap. Instead, the meetings are “more on the basis of letting each other know”, as one diplomat put it.

One German official noted: “What we should do is look together at what works, what doesn’t, and which lessons we can learn from each other. Not to mention how to prevent people from shopping around from project to project.”

Other diplomats consider this too utopian and feel that there are far too many players to make that level of coordination feasible. In practice, then, it seems that chaotic funding streams inevitably lead to one thing: more chaos.
And we’ve only looked at one country ...

That giant plate of spaghetti we just sifted through only represents a single serving – other countries have their own versions of Nigeria’s migration spaghetti. Alongside Nigeria, the EU has also designated Mali, Senegal, Ethiopia and Niger as “priority countries”. The EU’s largest migration fund, the EUTF, finances projects in 26 different African countries. And the sums of money involved are only going to increase.

When we first started this project, our aim was to chart a path through the new European zeal for funding. We wanted to track the flow of migration money to find answers to some crucial questions: will this funding help Nigerians make better lives for themselves in their own country? Will it help reduce the trafficking of women? Will it provide more safe, legal ways for Nigerians to travel to Europe?

Or will it primarily go towards maintaining the international aid industry? Does it encourage corruption? Does it make migrants even more vulnerable to exploitation along the way?

But we’re still far from answering these questions. Recently, a new study by the UNDP

called into question “the notion that migration can be prevented or significantly reduced through programmatic and policy responses”.

Nevertheless, European programming and policy responses will only increase in scope in the coming years.

But the more Europe spends on migration, the more tangled the spaghetti becomes and the harder it gets to check whether funds are being spent wisely. With the erosion of transparency comes the erosion of democratic oversight.

So to anyone who can figure out how to untangle the spaghetti, we say: be our guest.

▻https://thecorrespondent.com/154/europe-spends-billions-stopping-migration-good-luck-figuring-out-where-the-money-actually-goes/171168048128-fac42704
#externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Nigeria #EU #EU #Union_européenne #externalisation #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #Frontex #Trust_fund #Pays-Bas #argent #transparence (manque de - ) #budget #remittances #AMIF #développement #aide_au_développement #European_Development_Fund (#EDF) #EUTF_for_Africa #European_Neighbourhood_Instrument (#ENI) #Development_Cooperation_Instrument (#DCI) #Italie #Banque_mondiale #External_Investment_Plan #processus_de_rabat #accords_de_Cotonou #biométrie #carte_d'identité_biométrique #travail #développement #aide_au_développement #coopération_au_développement #emploi #réintégration #campagnes #IOM #OIM

Ajouté à la métaliste sur l’externalisation des frontières :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/731749
Et ajouté à la métaliste développement/migrations :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/733358

ping @isskein @isskein @pascaline @_kg_

Everyday racism : exhibition heading to Glasgow

https://www.thenational.scot/resources/images/10738317.jpg?display=1&htype=0&type=responsive-gallery#.jpg

A NEW photography exhibition aims to shine a light on the every day experiences of racism faced by people of colour in Glasgow and foster conversations on how best to tackle discrimination.

The exhibition, which opens at the Glasgow Museum of Modern Art (GOMA) this week, features 10 photographs by Karen Gordon, taken in collaboration with her subjects. It examines the common place racism experienced by the project’s participants that often went unnoticed by the white population around them.

Participants, who all live in Glasgow, told Gordon about experiences of being stopped and searched at airports and taken aside for questioning by plain clothes police officers.
Others had gone through their twenties being turned away from pubs and nightclubs by bouncers, although this did not happen to their white friends. One actor with Scottish Asian heritage said that being told he “did not have the right look” at castings was such a common experience that it was a “running joke” amongst BAME actors.

One black man spoke about the “dirty looks” and “handbags clutched” if he was wearing a hoodie, while several others spoke of sensing racist judgments being made based on the colour of their skin. One black women recalled when a music tutor she had just met reached out unprompted to touch her hair.

Gordon, who has worked as a photographer with Maryhill Integration Network – which supports refugee and migrant communities – for many years said she was inspired to start the project after realising that even though she had been involved in anti-racism work she was still not aware of the daily nature of racism directed at people of colour.

She said: “As someone who has been trying to tackle racism all my life I realised there was still so much that I was unaware of. What are the insidious things that people don’t talk about? Glasgow can seem quite diverse and welcoming due to that, but when you start to go under the surface its more complicated.

“The most important thing for me was that the participant was happy with the portrayal, so that was a huge part of the project and I worked very closely with people.

“A lot of white people say they don’t see colour and that is only because they have never had to see it. It’s such a huge issue. I see the photographs as a way of starting a bigger conversation about this.”

Nida Akif, a 21-year-old student, who both took part in and worked on the project, said that it had helped her to deepen her own understanding of the structural racism that she had sometimes struggled to name when she was younger.

“For me what is often frustrating is that you experience something that is not outward racism but it’s more that it is an underlying thing,” she said.

The photograph featuring Akif depicts an experience she had in an art gallery.

She and a friend – both of Pakistani heritage and wearing headscarves – were told to stop taking photographs. The white people doing the same around them continued to do so unchecked.

“It’s something that you can’t report because it’s treated as just being a suspicion,” she said. “When I started to speak to others about this I realised that as someone who is brown, who is Asian and wears a hijab I think about [how I am viewed] every day ... when I’m on the train and someone doesn’t sit next to me, when I go for job interviews.”

THE increasing racist attitudes in Britain have also affected Akif and her friends, she claimed, with many of them deciding to remove their hijabs and headscarves because they felt it made them too visible.

She said of the exhibition: “I hope that it will showcase the experiences people are having and will help tackle ignorance.”

Concerns have been growing about the way that racist attitudes are being normalised by the racist and Islamophobic comments made by our most high-profile politicians.

Last August Boris Johnston was widely condemned for saying Muslim women wearing burkas “look like letter boxes”, yet went on to become Prime Minister regardless. Meanwhile the “hostile environment” policies that led to the Windrush scandal have remained a cornerstone of Conservative government strategy.

▻https://www.thenational.scot/news/18071789.everyday-racism-exhibition-heading-goma
#racisme_ordinaire #racisme #xénophobie #Glasgow #photographie #peau #couleur_de_peau #Karen_Gordon

Le site de la photographe :
▻https://karengordonphotography.blog

Et la présentation de son travail #Everyday_racism :
▻https://karengordonphotography.blog/everyday-racism

... notamment avec cette photo qui clairement mentionne la question des #cheveux

https://karengordonphotography.files.wordpress.com/2019/10/simoine.jpg?w=1091#.jpg

... ou celle-ci qui aborde la question de la #classe_sociale et du #travail :

https://karengordonphotography.files.wordpress.com/2019/10/olivia.jpg?w=1091#.jpg

ping @albertocampiphoto @philippe_de_jonckheere

Le grand remplacement, un virus français (1/5) : à l’origine du mythe
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/mecaniques-du-complotisme-saison-2-les-instructions-secretes-et-le-faux-complot-des-jesuites/le-grand-remplacement-un-virus-francais-episode-1-a-lorigine-du-mythe

https://cdn.radiofrance.fr/s3/cruiser-production/2019/11/ba651288-bb6d-4678-bb00-6a8191cf9171/720x405_invasionjaune.jpg

Le mythe d’une invasion migratoire n’est pas un thème nouveau. A intervalles réguliers, il traverse la France depuis près d’un siècle. Belle époque, années folles, grande dépression, décolonisation : chaque décennie a connu ses prophètes de la submersion étrangère qui lancent leurs carrières littéraires et politiques sur le dos de
l’immigration. Dès les années 1910, le mythe prend forme.

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Le grand remplacement, un virus français (2/5) : le Front National
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/mecaniques-du-complotisme-saison-2-les-instructions-secretes-et-le-faux-complot-des-jesuites/le-grand-remplacement-un-virus-francais-25-le-front-national

https://cdn.radiofrance.fr/s3/cruiser-production/2019/11/89f959bd-74c4-4656-86e5-ef75fb30bb10/720x405_lepen_gerardjulien.jpg

Après 1945, il faut reconstruire le pays. Un million de travailleurs venus des colonies arrivent en métropole. Mais la guerre d’Algérie et la fin des Trente glorieuses font surgir des tensions économiques et communautaires. Bientôt, des forces politiques extrêmes prospèreront sur ces fractures. Reprenant le flambeau de la peur migratoire, le Front National s’installe dans le paysage politique français.

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Le grand remplacement, un virus français (3/5) : Renaud Camus
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/mecaniques-du-complotisme-saison-2-les-instructions-secretes-et-le-faux-complot-des-jesuites/le-grand-remplacement-un-virus-francais-35-renaud-camus

https://cdn.radiofrance.fr/s3/cruiser-production/2019/11/59434c01-469c-41fd-9fce-c50eb64fd420/720x405_renaudcamus.jpg

Au début des années 2000, un écrivain français jusque-là principalement connu pour sa contribution à la littérature gay des années 70 s’invite dans les débats sur l’immigration, dont il est convaincu qu’elle amènera la disparition des Français. Il résume sa pensée en deux mots : le “grand remplacement”. D’une formule, Renaud Camus parvient à cristalliser les angoisses de l’époque.

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Le grand remplacement, un virus français (4/5) : la décennie Zemmour
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/mecaniques-du-complotisme-saison-2-les-instructions-secretes-et-le-faux-complot-des-jesuites/le-grand-remplacement-un-virus-francais-45-la-decennie-zemmour

https://cdn.radiofrance.fr/s3/cruiser-production/2019/11/d5c57e9b-6d20-4364-8d0c-b055ff5d0f80/720x405_zemmour.jpg

Pour populariser son concept du grand remplacement, Renaud Camus peut s’appuyer sur un homme, Éric Zemmour, et sur un contexte. En 10 ans, le polémiste médiatique devient une référence intellectuelle dans une France qui se crispe sous le coup de la crise économique, des attentats islamistes et de la vague des réfugiés syriens. En moins de 10 ans, le grand replacement est sur toutes les lèvres.

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Le grand remplacement, un virus français (5/5) : Trump, Camus, les mots tuent
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/mecaniques-du-complotisme-saison-2-les-instructions-secretes-et-le-faux-complot-des-jesuites/le-grand-remplacement-un-virus-francais-55-trump-camus-les-mots-tuent

https://cdn.radiofrance.fr/s3/cruiser-production/2019/11/60d3c602-03a2-4742-b480-9556bbbf447a/720x405_fachos_charlottesvile.jpg

La France n’est pas le seul pays travaillé par l’angoisse migratoire. Par internet et Amazon, les mots de Renaud Camus traversent les frontières. Dans une extrême droite américaine traumatisée par la présidence Obama et désinhibée par les discours de Trump, le grand remplacement résonne. Inspirés par les appels à résister au “génocide par substitution”, certains vont prendre les armes. Les mots tuent.

#extrême_droite #fascisme #xénophobie #racisme #exclusion #discrimination #proto-fascisme #néonazis #grand_remplacement

zemmour révolutionne l’histoire ( en dix leçons à suivre sur . . . . . cnews ) #Gérard_Noiriel - 20 Octobre 2019
▻https://noiriel.wordpress.com/author/grrdnrl

« Foucault révolutionne l’histoire ». Ce livre de Paul Veyne a été l’un des textes phare de l’épistémologie historique des années 1970. A cette époque Michel Foucault, philosophe et historien, était unanimement considéré comme l’un des plus grands intellectuels français. Certes, le Figaro lui préférait Raymond Aron, un autre professeur du Collège de France. Mais qu’on soit de droite ou de gauche, tout le monde partageait alors l’idée qu’un intellectuel digne de ce nom devait sa réputation à l’oeuvre qu’il avait produite dans le domaine spécialisé qui était le sien (l’histoire, la philosophie, la littérature, etc.). Aujourd’hui, le grand intellectuel du Figaro s’appelle … Éric Zemmour. Le journaliste #Alexandre_Devecchio présente son dernier livre comme une « méditation puissante et profonde sur l’Histoire » et il ajoute : « avec Destin français, Zemmour montre à tous ceux qui voulaient le réduire au rôle de polémiste champion du buzz qu’il est bien plus que cela : un intellectuel et un écrivain » (Alexandre Devecchio, « L’Algérie, Drancy… Éric Zemmour se livre sur son passé », FigaroVox, 07/09/2018).

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Le grand penseur du Figaro veut lui aussi « révolutionner l’histoire » puisque son but est explicitement de mettre un terme à la domination qu’exerce « la mafia » des historiens « déconstructeurs » qui « tiennent les manettes de l’Etat », cumulant « titres et postes », et qui ont « un droit de vie et de mort sur la nation elle-même » parce qu’ils ont repris à leur compte la stratégie décrite par Georges Orwell dans 1984 : « qui contrôle le passé contrôle l’avenir. Qui contrôle le présent contrôle le passé (Destin français, p. 37).

Pour mieux comprendre en quoi consiste cette nouvelle « révolution », je vais vous la présenter en dix leçons à partir des trois livres qu’Eric Zemmour a publiés sur l’histoire de France : Mélancolie française (Mel, 2010), Le Suicide français (Sui, 2016) et Destin français (Destin, 2018).

Leçon 1 : #Maurras et #Bainville, deux grands historiens injustement dénigrés.
Vous aviez cru Marc Bloch quand il s’attaquait aux idéologues d’extrême droite comme Charles Maurras et Jacques Bainville, en dénonçant les « faux brillants d’une histoire prétendue, dont l’absence de sérieux, le pittoresque de pacotille, les partis pris politiques pensent se racheter par une immodeste assurance ». (Apologie pour l’histoire , 1949, p. 124). Et bien, vous aviez tort ! Grâce à la « méditation puissante et profonde » d’Eric Zemmour, nous savons maintenant que ces idéologues étaient en réalité de grands historiens. Charles Maurras fut l’un de nos « analystes les plus brillants (Mel, p. 105) et seul Jacques Bainville « comprit que le traité de Versailles n’effacerait pas celui de Vienne en 1815 » (Mel, p. 150).

Leçon 2 : le traître François 1er complice de l’Islam ( A ficher « S » de toute urgence)
Comme on célèbre cette année le 500e anniversaire de la mort de Léonard de Vinci – qui passa les trois dernières années de sa vie à Amboise où François 1er l’avait accueilli – vous aviez sans doute lu ici ou là que le vainqueur de Marignan était un prince éclairé, l’ami des artistes. Eh bien sachez qu’on vous a menti. En réalité, François 1er fut « l’homme des occasions perdues, des coups manqués ». Vaincu à la bataille de Pavie, il prononça ces paroles funestes « tout est perdu fors l’honneur ». C’est lui qui « a inoculé à la France le venin de la geste vaine mais honorable, des humiliations qu’on enrobe d’atouts chevaleresques » (Destin, p. 146). Faiblesse coupable qui le poussa à s’allier avec Soliman, l’horrible sultan turc. Merci Monsieur Zemmour. La nation toute entière vous sera reconnaissante pour votre histoire VIGILANTE car nous savons enfin que François 1er ne fut qu’un « traître » qui permit « l’entrée du loup islamique dans la bergerie chrétienne » (Destin, p. 146-147).

Leçon 3 : Le massacre de la Saint Barthélemy ? Une chance pour la France.
Vos professeurs d’histoire vous ont sûrement raconté le drame des protestants sous l’Ancien Régime. Le massacre de la #Saint_Barthélemy en 1572, puis le siège de La Rochelle, ordonné par #Richelieu, qui causa la mort de 23 000 habitants sur 28 000 en 1627-28. Victime inconsciente de la mafia orwellienne, vous avez plaint ces pauvres #protestants, alors qu’ils étaient « intolérants, persécuteurs de #catholiques ; fortifiant les places fortes qui leur avaient été réservées, ils rêvaient de s’ériger en République autonome à la hollandaise, levaient leurs impôts et leurs milices » (Mel, p. 25-26 ). Le cardinal de Richelieu a donc eu raison d’exterminer ces #communautaristes qui voulaient détruire notre nation. Et comme l’histoire repasse toujours les mêmes plats, aujourd’hui encore « il faudrait un implacable Richelieu combattant sans relâche “l’État dans l’État” et “les partis de l’étranger” pour abattre les La Rochelle islamiques qui s’édifient sur tout le territoire » (Sui, p. 526).

Leçon 4 : Le racisme, c’est la faute à Voltaire.
Vous aviez cru que la France était le pays des Lumières et que Voltaire avait mené un combat acharné contre la monarchie absolue, pour défendre la justice et la liberté d’expression. Une fois de plus, vous aviez tout faux. Grâce à la puissante méditation d’Eric Zemmour, nous savons à présent que #Voltaire, ce fut le « Louis de Funès » du XVIIIe siècle, le comique qui ouvrit la voie à des générations successives de « déconstructeurs nihilistes, amoureux insatiables de la table rase » ; mais aussi le premier raciste de France, car c’est lui qui a inventé la division de l’humanité en races « en détruisant l’unité chrétienne de l’espèce humaine ». (Destin, p. 234sq).

Leçon 5 : Hugo m’a tué.
Peut-être que, dans votre enfance, vous avez lu avec passion les Misérables de Victor Hugo, en versant une larme sur le sort de Cosette et de Jean Valjean. Vous avez été séduit par le côté humaniste du grand romancier qui a combattu toute sa vie contre la peine de mort. Il est temps de vous ressaisir ! Puisque nous vivons désormais dans une société de VIGILANCE, les livres de Hugo devraient être fichés « S ». Sa « fascination pour les assassins est un des fils rouges de son oeuvre » nous explique le grand historien de Valeurs Actuelles … Hugo, en effet, a instillé dans nos cerveaux corrompus la « culture de l’excuse » qui encourage la délinquance et la criminalité. C’est Hugo, le grand responsable du « climat compassionnel et victimaire » dans lequel baigne aujourd’hui la France (Destin, p. 373). Voilà pourquoi, lorsque les terroristes islamistes nous mitraillent en vociférant « Allaou Akbar », nous leur répondons « Vous n’aurez pas ma haine » (Destin, p. 567).

Leçon 6 : juifs et antisémites, même combat.
Vous n’avez certainement pas lu les œuvres complètes d’ #Edouard_Drumont. Pourtant, vous savez que l’un des arguments ressassés par les antisémites de tous poils consiste à nier l’ampleur des persécutions qu’a subi le peuple juif tout au long de son histoire. Zemmour, là encore, révolutionne l’histoire. Grâce à lui, vous apprendrez que Drumont avait raison. « Juifs et antisémites communient paradoxalement dans une histoire forgée de toutes pièces qui les arrange tous, d’une longue et ininterrompue suite de persécutions ». Ce « récit victimaire », ajoute Zemmour, vise à « dissimuler que le repli communautaire a été inspiré par les juifs eux-mêmes et ce dès le XVe siècle » (Destin, p. 388).

Leçon 7 : Les Français ? De gentils colons mélangeurs.
Le virus hugolien a infecté votre cerveau à un tel point que vous avez pris en compassion les peuples colonisés car on vous a parlé des crimes commis en #Algérie, en #Indochine, en #Nouvelle_Calédonie, dans l’ #Afrique sub-saharienne. Un stage de rééducation s’impose de toute urgence car nous savons maintenant, grâce à Eric Zemmour, que « contrairement aux Anglais, les Français n’exterminent pas les « sauvages » ; ils se mélangent » (Mél, p. 44).

Leçon 8 : Si les poilus avaient perdu, Hitler n’aurait pas gagné.
En 2014, vous aviez peut-être participé à l’une des multiples commémorations du centenaire de la bataille de la Marne. Vous avez alors appris que, grâce à l’héroïsme de nos poilus, l’offensive allemande fut arrêtée net. Lisez Zemmour et vous comprendrez que cette victoire fut, en réalité, « notre plus grave « erreur » ». Si l’armée française avait perdu, « pas de révolution russe, pas de nazisme, pas d’holocauste des juifs » (Mel, p. 108). Autrement dit, les premiers responsables des « totalitarismes »du XXe siècle, ce sont les poilus de 14.

Leçon 9 : Merci Pétain.
Sans vous en rendre compte, vous avez été victime de la #propagande du « parti de l’étranger ». Son chef de file, c’est un historien américain, donc malfaisant : Robert Paxton. Ce prêcheur multiculturaliste a osé prétendre que le maréchal #Pétain et le gouvernement de Vichy avaient collaboré à la déportation des Juifs ! Alors qu’en réalité grâce au Maréchal , les trois quarts d’entre eux ont été sauvés (Destin, p. 501sq).

Leçon 10 : Simone Veil, « l’idiote utile » du Grand Remplacement.
Vous avez applaudi quand le président Macron a décidé que les cendres de #Simone_Veil seraient transférées au Panthéon. Il vous paraissait normal que la nation française marque sa reconnaissance pour une femme qui, après avoir été internée à Auschwitz, a mené un combat politique courageux contre les discriminations à l’égard des femmes ; en faisant adopter notamment la loi du 17 janvier 1975 légalisant l’avortement. « Histoire revisitée, réécrite, contrefaite » nous explique l’historien du Figaro (Sui, p. 136). Ce qu’on vous a soigneusement caché, c’est que cette loi – complétée par les mesures favorisant le « regroupement familial » – a été l’une des causes principales du « grand remplacement ». A partir de la #loi_Veil, en effet, la famille française va péricliter au profit de la « famille maghrébine la plus traditionnelle – la plus archaïque, la plus patriarcale » (Sui, p. 143). Voilà pourquoi aujourd’hui nos banlieues sont totalement islamisées.

Ceux qui voudront en savoir plus sur la manière dont Zemmour « révolutionne » l’histoire pour servir de caution aux #idéologies les plus rétrogrades, liront avec profit mon dernier livre (Le venin dans la plume, La Découverte, 2019). Vous comprendrez mieux pourquoi ce polémiste inculte bénéficie, malgré ses condamnations par la justice, de puissants soutiens dans les médias dominants.

#zemmour #eric_zemmour #racisme #france #histoire #islamophobie #médias #extrême-droite #extrême_droite #le_figaro #cnews #merdias #xénophobie #livre

Après les #milices qui surveillent les #frontières en #Hongrie, #Bulgarie, #République_Tchèque :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/719995

... voici le même type de groupes en #Slovénie...
Vigilantes in Slovenia patrol borders to keep out migrants

Blaz Zidar has a mission: patrol along a razor-wire fence on Slovenia’s border with Croatia, catch migrants trying to climb over, hand them to police and make sure they are swiftly sent out of the country.

The 47-year-old former Slovenian army soldier, dressed in camouflage trousers with a long knife hanging from his belt, is one of the vigilantes who call themselves “home guards” — a mushrooming anti-migrant movement that was until recently unthinkable in the traditionally liberal Alpine state. The name of the self-styled group evokes memories of the militia that sided with fascists during World War II.

“I would prefer to enjoy my retirement peacefully, but security reasons are preventing this,” Zidar said as he embarked on yet another of his daily foot patrols together with his wife near their home village of Radovica nestled idyllically among vineyards and lush green forested hills.

Zidar complained that he had to act because Slovenian police aren’t doing their job of guarding the borders from the migrant flow which peaked in 2015 when hundreds of thousands of refugees from the Middle East, Africa and Asia, fleeing wars and poverty, crossed from Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Macedonia via Hungary or Croatia and Slovenia toward more prosperous Western European states.

Zidar said that his six children often join them in the border monitoring mission “because they have to learn how to protect their nation from intruders.”

Slovenia’s volunteer guards illustrate strong anti-migrant sentiments not only in the small European Union nation of 2 million people, but also across central and eastern Europe which is a doorway into Western Europe for migrants and where countries such as Hungary have faced criticism for open anti-migrant policies. Similar right-wing guards that frequently attacked migrants crossing the borders previously openly operated in Hungary and Bulgaria.

Police in Croatia — an EU member state that is still not part of the borderless EU travel zone — routinely face accusations of pushbacks and violence against migrants trying to come in from Bosnia. In Slovenia, the authorities are putting up additional fences on the border with Croatia after Italy’s former hard-line interior minister, Matteo Salvini, threatened “physical barriers” would be built between Slovenia and Italy if the migrant flow wasn’t completely stopped.

The fiery anti-migrant rhetoric by Salvini and Hungarian President Victor Orban, who was the first to order fences on Hungary’s border with Serbia at the start of the migrant crisis, have resonated among some in Slovenia, an exceptionally calm, nature-loving country.

Miha Kovac, a Slovenian political analyst who is a professor at the University of Ljubljana, described the anti-migrant guards as “guys with big beer bellies who don’t have much of an education, who didn’t have much of a career, who don’t know what to do with themselves in the contemporary world.

“They find their meaning in this kind of movement and this kind of hatred toward migrants.”

Kovac said that in the short run, the right-wing groups represent no real danger to the tiny EU nation. But if the European migrant crisis continues “this kind of movement might become more aggressive.”

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zte9nDFcACY

“Slovenia is a country of 2 million and if you would become a kind of immigrant pocket with the population of ... 20, 30, 40, 50,000 immigrants, this could cause quite significant problems,” Kovac said.

Slovenian authorities don’t seem to mind the self-styled guards patrolling the country’s borders, as long as they don’t do anything against the law.

“The self-organization of individuals does not in any way imply mistrust of police work,” said France Bozicnik, the head of criminal police at a police station near the border. “It’s just the opposite.”

“People call us on the phone every day and give us information about suspicious vehicles and suspicious persons, and we sincerely thank them for this information,” he said. “They are welcome to continue with this reporting.”

Nevertheless, the images of masked men in military uniforms that appeared about a year ago have shocked many in Slovenia, the birthplace of U.S. first lady Melania Trump. The largest volunteer group called the Stajerska Garda was filmed taking an oath to secure public order in the country.

The group commander, Andrej Sisko, said his goal is “to train people to defend their country and help the military and police at a time of massive migrations from the African and Asian states, mostly Muslims.”

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Sisko, who spent six months in prison for his paramilitary activities, insisted that his guards don’t carry real weapons or do anything illegal.

“People are mostly supporting us, they are stopping and congratulating us on the streets,” Sisko said in an interview with The Associated Press as four of his men in camouflage uniforms, wearing genuine-looking mock guns, stood watch at his house in the suburb of the northern Slovenian town of #Maribor.

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With the continuing migrant flow in the region, human rights groups have accused authorities in Slovenia, Serbia, Greece, Hungary and particularly Croatia of illegal and forced pushbacks from their borders.

Witnesses cited by the Border Violence Monitoring Network described Croatian police officers at the border with Bosnia burning clothes, sleeping bags, backpacks and tents in addition to targeting other possessions such as cellphones, cash and personal documents. Croatian officials have repeatedly denied the claims.

“The police first attacked by shooting up in the air, and then they ordered us to lay down,” said Shabbir Ahmed Mian from Pakistan, adding that after police body searches they “pushed” the group of 15 that included women, children and the elderly into a small van that dumped them back to Bosnia.

“We couldn’t breathe, there was no oxygen,” he said.

►https://www.apnews.com/57424e6bf60046e594b4c052bac86b6c

#Stajerska_Garda #Andrey_Sisko
#asile #migrations #réfugiés #xénophobie #racisme #patrouilles #chasse_aux_migrants #anti-réfugiés #milices #milices_privées #extrême_droite #néo-nazis

ping @reka @isskein @marty

Using Fear of the “Other,” Orbán Reshapes Migration Policy in a Hungary Built on Cultural Diversity

In summer 2015, more than 390,000 asylum seekers, mostly Muslim, crossed the Serbian-Hungarian border and descended on the Keleti railway station in Budapest. For Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party, the arrival of these asylum seekers was not a humanitarian issue but a Muslim invasion threatening the national security, social cohesion, and Christian identity of the Hungarian nation. In the four years since this episode, the fear of the “other” has resulted in a string of anti-immigrant actions and policies.

For example, barbed wire fences were constructed to deter asylum seekers from entering Hungarian territory. Transit zones on the same Serbian-Hungarian border followed, and since the end of March 2017, anyone applying for asylum in Hungary can only do so from a transit zone and is detained there for the duration of the asylum procedure. Conditions there have been grim. The Hungarian Helsinki Committee (HHC) contends rejected asylum seekers inside the transit zones are denied food, to the point of starvation.

Furthermore, the Orbán government is fighting anti-immigrant battles not just at the border, but also in Brussels. Under the EU burden-sharing scheme, Hungary was supposed to accept 1,294 refugees. However, the prime minister said that while Hungarians have “no problems” with the local Muslim community, any EU plan to relocate asylum seekers, including many Muslims, would destroy Hungary’s Christian identity and culture. In his attempt to quash admissions, Orbán signaled that his party may split with Europe’s main conservative group and join an anti-immigrant, nationalist bloc in the EU Parliament led by Italy’s Matteo Salvini. Finally, Hungary’s latest anti-immigrant law criminalizes assistance to unauthorized migrants by civil-society organizations and good Samaritans.

These anti-immigrant sentiments are relatively new. Given Hungary’s geopolitical location, immigration and emigration have been a reality since the birth of the country. At times, Hungary has been quite a multicultural society: for example, during the Habsburg Empire, Hungarians coexisted with Germans, Slavs, Italians, Romanians, and Jews originating in Germany, Poland, and Russia. Later, in the aftermath of World War II, significant population movements greatly modified the ethnic map of Eastern and Central Europe, and many ethnic Hungarians ended up in neighboring countries, some of whom would return later.

Yet, it is strange to write about multicultural Hungary in 2019. Despite population movements in the postwar and communist eras and significant refugee arrivals during the Yugoslav wars in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, the country has only recently been grappling with the arrival of migrants and asylum seekers from beyond Europe. Now several years out from the 2015-16 European migrant and refugee crisis, the Orbán administration continues to pursue policies to limit humanitarian and other arrivals from beyond Europe, while welcoming those of Hungarian ancestry. Hungarian civil society has attempted to provide reception services for newcomers, even as the number of asylum seekers and refugees has dwindled: just 671 asylum seekers and 68 refugees were present in Hungary in 2018, down from 177,135 and 146, respectively, in 2015.

This article examines historical and contemporary migration in Hungary, from its multicultural past to recent attempts to criminalize migration and activities of those who aim to help migrants and asylum seekers.

Immigrants and Their Reception in Historic Hungary

In the 11th century, the Carpathian Basin saw both organized settlement of certain peoples and a roaming population, which was in reaction to certain institutional changes in the medieval Hungarian kingdom. Historians note that newcomers came to historic Hungary searching for a better life: first across the entire Carpathian Basin and later in the Danube Valley. In the 12th century, Hungarian King Géza II invited Saxons to settle in Transylvania and later, when the Teutonic Knights were expelled from Burzenland (in modern-day Romania), they were welcomed in Brasov. The aftermath of the Tartar invasion in 1241 was followed by settlement of immigrants from Slovakia, Poland, and Russia. Ethnic minority groups fleeing Bulgaria settled between the Duna and Tisza rivers, while Romanians found new homes in Transylvania. King Bela IV erected new cities populated predominantly by German, Italian, and Jewish immigrants hailing from Central Europe and Germany.

The 15th century saw a large settlement of Southern Slavs. The desertification of Transdanubia (the part of Hungary west of the Danube River) was remedied with a settlement of Croats and large groups of Serbians. When the medieval Kingdom of Hungary fell to the Ottoman Empire in 1526, some of the Southern Slavs moved to the parts under the Ottoman occupation voluntarily, while those who participated in the conquest were dispatched by the Ottoman rulers. At the same time, large number of ethnic Hungarians fled north and settled in the area of contemporary Slovakia.

The next large group, of Germans, arrived in the 18th century during the Habsburg dynasty. The German settlement was part of the Habsburg population policy aimed at filling the void left by the Hungarians who perished during Ottoman rule, especially in the southern territories, around Baranya County and the Banat region. Germans also settled in Pest, Vecees, Buda, Esztergom, and the Pilis Mountains. By 1790, an estimated 70,000 ethnic Germans lived in Southern Hungary.

While German immigrants were largely welcomed in 18th century Hungary, the same cannot be said about Romanians. During the reign of Empress Maria Theresa, Hungarian nobility voiced serious concerns about the rapid increase of the Romanian population. The nobles thought Romanians would ruin Transylvania.

The Habsburg administration did not want to repeat the mistakes of the Ottomans and decided to control population movement along the Serbian border. A census conducted in the 13 villages of the Tisza region and 24 villages along the Maros river identified 8,000 border guards on duty. Despite these precautions, large-scale emigration from Serbia continued during the Habsburg era, with approximately 4,000 people crossing over to Hungary.

Jews were the largest immigrant group in Hungary in the 19th century. Some came from the western territories of the Habsburg Empire—Germany, Bohemia, and Moravia—while others fled persecution in Russia. The arrival of Jews to the Hungarian territory was viewed favorably by Emperor Franz Josef I and Hungarian liberal politicians. Well-heeled Jewish families acquired noble status and rose in the aristocratic ranks, and many became patrons of the arts. At the beginning of World War I, an estimated 1 million Jews lived within the boundaries of what is present-day Hungary. However, the early appreciation of the contributions of the Jewish people did not last. Anti-Semitic sentiments flared up, culminating in the notorious Tiszaeszlár affair, in which Jews were accused of kidnapping and murdering Christian children in order to use their blood as part of religious rituals. Later, the violent repression known as the White Terror (1919-21) victimized many Jews, who were blamed by the right-wing camp for the severe sanctions placed on Hungary under the Treaty of Trianon in the aftermath of World War I.

Refugees During and After World War II

During World War II, Hungary was well disposed towards refugees, especially from Poland. Prime Minister Pál Teleki gave refugee status to some 70,000 Polish soldiers and nearly 40,000 civilians when Hitler invaded Poland. Ninety-one refugee camps for military personnel and 88 camps for civilians were established. A joint effort by Hungarian and international aid organizations and the Red Cross resulted in the establishment of the Committee for Hungarian-Polish Refugee Affairs. As the war escalated, most Polish officers and soldiers departed Hungary to join the Polish Home Army fighting Germany alongside Britain and France. In late 1940, a group of French refugees arrived in Hungary. By 1942, there were 600 French refugees in the country.

The immediate post-WWII period—with its ensuing peace treaties, evictions, and forced settlements—resulted in considerable population movements, significantly modifying the ethnic map in Eastern and Central Europe. Some 200,000 ethnic Germans were evicted from Hungary, and 73,000 Slovaks left as part of what was described as a “population exchange.” Judit Juhász estimated that in the three years following the end of the war more than 100,000 people left Hungary. At the same time, 113,000 ethnic Hungarians were resettled in Hungary from Czechoslovakia, 125,000 from Transylvania, 45,500 from Yugoslavia, and 25,000 from the Soviet Union. Technically, ethnic Hungarians coming to Hungary were not considered migrants, but rather returning citizens.

When the communist regime took over in 1947, the borders were closed and the government prohibited migration. Illegal departure from the country and failure to return from abroad became a crime. The borders opened briefly in 1956 when nearly 200,000 people fled Hungary during the uprising against the communist government. Most went to nearby Austria, but 38,000—mainly students and scientists—were airlifted to the United States, in a mobilization sponsored by the U.S. government and National Academy of Sciences. Their integration into American society was relatively easy due to their young age and high educational attainment. The Hungarian government tried to encourage the refugees to return by offering them amnesty, but only about 147 decided to return to Hungary from the United States.

Migration in the Post-Socialist Period

Although Hungary allowed some refugees to settle in its territory—Greeks after World War II, Chileans after the fall of the Allende government, and Kurds during the Iran-Iraq war—the country did not witness a large number of asylum seekers until the late 1980s, just months before the fall of communism in Hungary in 1989. Starting in mid-1987, ethnic Hungarians, discriminated by the Ceausescu regime, fled Romania to seek refuge in Hungary. By the beginning of 1988, some 40,000 Romanian citizens, primarily of Hungarian ancestry, arrived. By the fall of the same year, the number doubled, an exodus the author witnessed firsthand.

For the most part, the central government left the responsibility for assisting refugees to private and municipal authorities. The Hungarian Red Cross opened a special information bureau in Budapest and mounted a national relief appeal called Help to Help. Twelve million forints (the equivalent of approximately US $250,000 at the time) were raised, including 1 million from foreign donations. Assistance programs were established in Budapest and in Debrecen, a town on the border with Romania, where most of the refugees came first. Local Red Cross chapters, municipal and county agencies, and local churches—especially the Hungarian Reformed Church—were also involved in the relief program. The assistance included cash grants, job placements, and Hungarian language training for ethnic Romanians. Clothing, blankets, dishes, and utensils were also provided. When the author visited Debrecen in 1988, most refugees were kept in school dormitories as housing in socialist Hungary was scarce.

At the time, there was no formal procedure to separate refugees from other migrants. Many of the service providers interviewed by the author indicated that ethnic Hungarians and Baptist Romanians were persecuted and therefore were bona fide refugees, while all others were fleeing because of deteriorating economic conditions. The majority fleeing Romania were skilled workers and professionals. Very few ethnic Hungarian peasants from Transylvania migrated to Hungary, and neither did the cultural leaders of the Hungarian community in Romania. Additionally, the sudden arrival of asylum seekers and migrants from Romania was followed by a considerable return of ethnic Hungarians and ethnic Romanians to Romania.

Refugees from the Yugoslav Wars

In the summer of 1991, war broke out on Hungary’s southern border between Croatia and Serbia. Hungarian border guards faced large groups of civilians fleeing the fighting. Most were from the Baranyi triangle, an area of Croatia near Vukovar. More than 400,000 refugees fled to countries outside the former Yugoslavia’s borders. Germany admitted the largest number, 200,000, followed by Hungary, with 60,000. However, by late 1994 the refugee population registered in Hungary had dwindled to fewer than 8,000 people. The situation changed in 1995. New ethnic cleansing and renewed combat in Bosnia sent more refugees to Hungary in the spring and summer of 1995, and the Hungarian government reopened a refugee camp that had been long closed.

The total number of refugees registered in Hungary between 1988 and 1995 reached more than 130,000 people and transformed the country from a refugee-producing country to a refugee-receiving country. However, up until the 2015-16 European refugee and migrant crisis, 75 percent of immigrants and refugees who entered the country post-1988 were ethnic Hungarians. This phenomenon has significantly influenced the development of Hungarian refugee law and policy.

Refugee and Asylum Law since 1989

The 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees constitutes the foundation of Hungarian refugee law. Hungary became a party to the Refugee Convention in early 1989—the first East bloc country to do so—and it also ratified the 1967 Protocol. Although its accession to the Refugee Convention signaled that Hungary was willing to accept the international definition of refugee, Hungary conditioned its ratification on a narrow definition of those who qualify as refugees, recognizing only those who fear persecution in Europe. According to Maryellen Fullerton, “known as the geographic reservation, this provision allows Hungary to limit its obligations under the Convention to a small (and totally European) subset of all the refugees in the world.”

Refugees who came to Hungary in the late 1980s and in the 1990s entered a country “with an undeveloped refugee policy and a patchwork of legislation and government decrees concerning refugees and migrants,” according to Fullerton. Legal scholars indicate that the government’s attempt to establish a modern refugee system was affected by a powerful preference for protecting refugees of Hungarian ancestry. This preference has permeated both existing law and the administration of the refugee system, resulting in a de facto law of return. While there is nothing intrinsically wrong with wanting to protect fellow co-ethnics—many countries, including Israel, Germany, France, and Poland, among others, have similar laws—what seems objectionable is the desire to accomplish this goal by misusing the refugee process. Ethnic Hungarians who entered Hungary seeking refuge were not only channeled into the refugee system but were also eligible for Hungarian citizenship within one year, and all the rights that citizenship accords, while others who needed refuge were mainly provided temporary protection status. They received food, shelter, and other necessities, although in recent years these too are becoming scarce, but they lacked any substantial legal protection.

Since joining the European Union in 2004, Hungary has broadly transposed the relevant EU asylum-related directives into national legislation. In June 2007, the Law on Asylum was adopted and the Office of Immigration and Nationality became responsible for asylum and statelessness determination procedures, the provision of reception services, and (very) limited integration services to asylum seekers and refugees, respectively. Three years later, in December 2010, amendments to the legislation relevant to asylum seekers and refugees were enacted. The maximum length of administrative detention from six to 12 months and the detention of up to 30 days of families with children were introduced. While the minimum standards of refugee protection were implemented—at least on paper in the early 2000s—xenophobic attitudes towards refugees, especially Muslims, are on the rise and the protection for asylum seekers and refugees is virtually nonexistent. At the same time, support for ethnic Hungarian refugees such as those from Venezuela, is flourishing.

https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/source_images/HungaryCP-Fig2.png

Weaponizing Xenophobia: No to Muslim Refugees

During the 2015-16 European migrant and refugee crisis, the European Union asked Hungary to find homes for 1,294 refugees. Rather than accepting the EU decision, the Hungarian government spent approximately 28 million euros on a xenophobic anti-immigrant campaign. The government called on voters to defend Christian values and Hungarian national identity in order to stop Hungary from becoming a breeding ground for terrorism. The fear that Muslim women will bear many children and the local population will be outnumbered, somehow diluted or “discolored” by Muslims and multiculturalism was palpable in pro-government media. By the end of 2015, a total of 391,384 refugees and asylum seekers entered Hungary through its southern border, most intent on transiting the country to get elsewhere in Europe. This means that the government spent around 70 euros per refugee on a campaign of intolerance, in a country where the monthly welfare check is around the same amount. Undoubtedly this amount could have been used more effectively either to provide transitional assistance to refugees or to facilitate integration of asylum seekers who wanted to settle in Hungary. Attracting migrants to stay would been in line with Fidesz’s strategic goal to stop the long-declining Hungarian birth rate and the aging of the Hungarian society.

Instead, Hungary decided to go a step further and in September 2015 amended its Criminal Code to make unauthorized crossing of the border closure (fence), damaging the border closure, and obstruction of the construction works related to the border closure punishable by three to ten years imprisonment. The Act on Criminal Proceedings was also amended with a new fast-track provision to bring the defendant to trial within 15 days after interrogation, or within eight days if caught in flagrante. With these new provisions, the Hungarian government declared a “state of crisis due to mass migration,” during which these criminal proceedings are conducted prior to all other cases. Between September 2015 and March 2016, 2,353 people were convicted of unauthorized border crossing. These people generally remained in immigration detention pending removal to Serbia, which Hungary deemed a safe country to which asylum seekers could return. HHC argued that Serbia could not be regarded as safe third country as it recognized virtually no asylum seekers. Applications for a stay of proceedings referring to the nonpenalization principle of the 1951 Convention were systematically dismissed on the grounds that “eligibility for international protection was not a relevant issue to criminal liability.” In order to gain the public’s support for criminalizing migration and rejecting the European Union’s request to admit a few hundred refugees, the Hungarian government organized a national referendum.

The Referendum

On October 2, 2016, the citizens of Hungary were asked a simple question: “Do you want the European Union to prescribe the mandatory settlement of non-Hungarian citizens in Hungary without the consent of the National Assembly?”

Voter turnout was only 39 percent, far short of the 50 percent participation required to make the referendum valid under Hungarian law. Never one to let facts get in the way of politics, Orbán, whose eurosceptic Fidesz party has more support than all opposition parties combined, said in a televised speech:

“The European Union’s proposal is to let the migrants in and distribute them in mandatory fashion among the Member States and for Brussels to decide about this distribution. Hungarians today considered this proposal and they rejected it. Hungarians decided that only we Hungarians can decide with whom we want to live. The question was ‘Brussels or Budapest’ and we decided this issue is exclusively the competence of Budapest.”

Orbán decided that the 3.3 million Hungarians who voted “no” in the referendum spoke for all 10 million Hungarians. After his speech, there were fireworks over the Danube river in the colors of the Hungarian flag.

In order to prevent the European Union from sending refugees to Hungary, Orbán proposed a constitutional amendment to reflect “the will of the people.” It was presented to the Parliament on October 10, 2016, but the bill was rejected by a narrow margin. The far-right Jobbik party, which contends that some of the new arrivals pose a national security threat, sealed the bill’s rejection by boycotting the vote. However, it held out a lifeline to Orbán by indicating that it would support the ban if Orbán scrapped a separate investor visa scheme under which foreigners could effectively buy the right to live in Hungary (and move freely within the Schengen area) in exchange for buying at least 300,000 euros in government bonds with a five-year maturity. Some 10,000 Chinese utilized this scheme, at this writing, to move to Hungary, as did smaller numbers of affluent investors from Russia and the Middle East.

The Orbán government feared that the referendum alone would not deter potential asylum seekers from trying to enter Hungary. In order to ensure that the situation from the summer of 2015 would not be repeated, the government begun to further strengthen the borders and to close existing refugee camps.

Border Hunters

In 2016, the Hungarian police started recruiting 3,000 “border hunters” to join some 10,000 police and soldiers patrolling a 100-mile-long, four-meter-high, razor-wire-topped fence erected on Hungary’s southern borders with Serbia and Croatia to keep refugees out. The recruitment posts were scattered all over Budapest, including the Keleti railway station that became a de facto refugee camp for tens of thousands of people fleeing violence in the Middle East in 2015. Today, the thousands of police and border hunters deal with fewer than 200 refugees who reach Hungary’s southern border with Serbia every day.

The border hunters must have a high school diploma and receive six months of training. They earn approximately HUF 200,000 (US $709) a month, and receive other perks: housing and clothing allowances, and discount on travel and cell phones. During a recruiting fair in early October 2016, a pack of teenagers ogled a display of machine guns, batons, and riot gear. A glossy flier included a picture of patrols in 4x4s, advanced equipment to detect body heat, night-vision goggles, and migrant-sniffing dogs.

At a swearing-in ceremony in Budapest for border hunters in spring 2017, Orbán said Hungary had to act to defend itself. The storm has not died, it has only subsided temporarily, he said. There are still millions waiting to set out on their journey in the hope of a better life (in Europe).

Refugee Camp Closures

Erecting fences and recruiting border hunters to keep refugees out is one strategy; closing existing refugee camps is another. Beginning in December 2016, Orbán moved to close most refugee camps. The camp in Bicske operated as a refugee facility for more than two decades. In the little museum established by refugees on the premises of the reception center one could see artifacts, coins, and paintings from many parts of the world: several countries in Africa, the Middle East, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan, to name a few. However, in December 2016, the camp was shut down as part of the wave of closures. When the author visited the camp a few days before it closed, 75 individuals, hailing from Cuba, Nigeria, Cameroon, Iraq, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, lived there.

At the time of the author’s visit, Bicske, which can house as many as 460 refugees, was operating well below capacity. The number of asylum applicants also decreased dramatically. According to HHC data, in October 2016, 1,198 refugees registered for asylum in Hungary compared with 5,812 in April 2016. As of October 2016, there were 529 asylum seekers staying in Hungarian refugee reception facilities: 318 at open reception centers such as Bicske and 211 in detention centers.

The refugees who the author spoke with, including a couple from Nigeria and a young family from Cuba among others, were no terrorists. Jose and his family fled persecution in Cuba in hopes of reuniting with his elderly mother, who had received permission to stay in Budapest a couple of years earlier. Jose is a computer programmer and said he was confident that he would have no problem finding a job. In addition to his native Spanish, he speaks English, and was also learning Hungarian. The Nigerian couple fled northern Nigeria when Boko Haram killed several members of their family. They told the author mean no harm to anybody; all they want is to live in peace.

When the camp in Bicske closed, the refugees were relocated to Kiskunhalas, a remote camp in southern Hungary, some 2 ½ hours by train from Budapest. The Bicske camp’s location offered its residents opportunities to access a variety of educational and recreational activities that helped them adjust to life in Hungary. Some refugees commuted to Budapest to attend classes at the Central European University (CEU) as well as language courses provided by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Bicske residents often attended events and met with Hungarian mentors from groups such as Artemisszió, a multicultural foundation, and MigSzol, a migrant advocacy group. Christian refugees were bused to an American church each Sunday morning. Moving the residents to Kiskunhalas has deprived them of these opportunities. The Hungarian government offers very few resources to refugees, both to those in reception facilities awaiting decisions on their cases and those who have received asylum, so it is clear that access to the civil-society organizations helping refugees prepare for their new lives is important.

Magyar abszurd: Assistance to Venezuelan Refugees of Hungarian Ancestry

While third-country nationals—asylum seekers or labor migrants—receive virtually no assistance from the government, ethnic Hungarians from faraway places such as Venezuela continue to enjoy a warm welcome as well as financial assistance and access to programs aimed at integrating them speedily.

Recently, Hungary accepted 300 refugees from Venezuela. The Hungarian Charity Service of the Order of Malta led the resettlement effort. The refugees must prove some level of Hungarian ancestry in order to qualify for the resettlement scheme. About 5,000 Hungarians emigrated to Venezuela in the 20th century, mostly after World War II and in 1956.

By Hungarian law, everyone who can prove Hungarian ancestry is entitled to citizenship. As Edit Frenyó, a Hungarian legal scholar, said, “Of course process is key, meaning political and administrative will are needed for successful naturalization.” According to media reports, the Venezuelan refugees are receiving free airfare, residency and work permits, temporary housing, job placement, and English and Hungarian language courses.

Apparently, the refugees have been directed not to talk about their reception, perhaps in an effort to bolster the official narrative: an ethnonational story of homecoming, in which they are presented as Hungarians, not refugees or migrants. As Gergely Gulyás, Chancellor of the Republic of Hungary, declared, “We are talking about Hungarians; Hungarians are not considered migrants.” Frenyó posits that the Hungarian government must present the refugees as Hungarians seeking to come home to avert political backlash and to make sure the controversial immigration tax law is not levied on the Malta Order.

Anti-Refugee Policy and the Role of Civil Society: Views on the Ground

In contradiction to the government’s anti-refugee policies of recent years, civil-society organizations and civilians offered assistance to refugees who descended on the Keleti railway station in summer 2015. As Migration Aid volunteers recount, volunteers brought toys and sweets for the refugee children and turned the station into a playground during the afternoons. However, when Migration Aid volunteers started to use chalk to draw colorful pictures on the asphalt as a creative means to help children deal with their trauma, the Hungarian police reminded the volunteers that the children could be made liable for the “violation of public order.”

In contrast to civil society’s engagement with children, the Hungarian government tried to undermine and limit public sympathy towards refugees. Hungarian state television employees were told not to broadcast images of refugee children. Ultimately, the task of visually capturing the everyday life of refugee families and their children, as the only means to bridge the distance between the refugees and the receiving societies, was left to volunteers and Facebook activists, such as the photo blog Budapest Seen. Budapest Seen captured activities at the train station, at the Slovenian and Serbian border, and elsewhere in the country, where both NGO workers and regular citizens were providing much needed water, food, sanitary napkins for women, diapers for babies, and medical assistance.

Volunteers came in droves also in Debrecen, among them Aida el-Seaghi, half Yemeni and half Hungarian medical doctor, and Christina, a trained psychotherapist, and several dozen others who communicated and organized assistance to needy refugees through a private Facebook page, MigAid 2015.

There were many other volunteer and civil-society groups, both in Budapest and Debrecen, who came to aid refugees in 2015. Among them, MigSzol, a group of students at the Central European University (CEU), Menedék (Hungarian Association for Migrants), established in January 1995 at the height of the Balkan wars, HHC, Adventist Development and Relief Agency, and several others.

At the time of writing, many of these organizations are no longer operational as a result of the “Stop Soros” bill, passed in June 2018, which criminalizes assistance to irregular migrants, among other things. However, organizations such as the HHC continue to provide legal aid to migrants and refugees. Many volunteers who worked with refugees in 2015 continue their volunteer activities, but in the absence of refugees in Hungary focused their efforts on the Roma or the homeless. In interviews the author conducted in spring 2019, they expressed that they stand ready should another group of asylum seekers arrive in Hungary.

Acknowledgments

This article was prepared using funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Program under grant agreement No. 770330.

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▻https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/orban-reshapes-migration-policy-hungary

#réfugiés #asile #migrations #Hongrie #xénophobie #anti-réfugiés #islamophobie #société_civile #solidarité #zones_de_transit #nourriture #camps_de_réfugiés #peur #histoire #milices #frontières #fermeture_des_frontières

ping @isskein

‘Everybody hates us’: on Sofia’s streets, Roma face racism every day

After racism marred the football, Romany people tell of the abuse they suffer and of anti-Gypsy campaigns at the highest levels

A wry smile crept across Steffan Stefanov’s face as he scanned the internet, digesting news of England’s now notorious football match against Bulgaria. It wasn’t that he was belittling the racist abuse that was directed against the black English players, but rather the use of two words littering media reports about it.

“Bulgaria and racism,” he proclaimed. “The two go hand-in-hand. It’s our reality, we live it every day. I’m sorry for the England players who were targeted but, in truth, this was pretty minor for us.”

Twenty four hours after the England team and their fans departed Sofia, it felt disturbing to stroll around the Bulgarian capital in bright autumnal sunshine speaking with Stefanov and other members of the Roma community. There was unanimous agreement among them that the racial abuse on display in the stadium last Monday night was just a snapshot of the vilification they face every day, which blights their lives. Such is their fear that none of them wanted to be photographed.

A taxi driver by profession, Stefanov, 43, pinches his cheek to indicate his dark complexion as he explains what it is like navigating the streets of the city in which he was born in his bright yellow cab looking for customers.

“They don’t like this,” he said, pinching my cheek, this time to indicate our shared skin colour. “People stop me, look inside and then shout tsiganin [a pejorative term for Gypsy which is also a synonym for lazy or criminal] or blackie. Go away, we don’t want to get inside your stinking cab. I’ve been attacked, spat at and abused,” he said. “This behaviour against the Roma has become part of our society.”

Stefanov’s friend, Miroslav Angelo, lived in Plumstead, south-east London, for five years, where he worked in construction. “Being in London was like heaven for me,” he said. “So many people of different races and nobody was bothered about me being Roma.

“I felt as if a weight had been lifted off me but Bulgaria feels like prison. We’re blamed for everything because everybody hates us.”

Angelo, 37, revealed that he returned to Bulgaria to look after his elderly parents but dreams of returning to London where he wants to raise his seven-year-old son. Uncertainty over whether he will be able to do this post-Brexit means that his plans are in the balance.

“There is no future for the Roma in Bulgaria and things are only going to get worse,” he said. “The England players are lucky because they were able to leave. I want to join them because I don’t want my son to be treated like a third-class citizen.”

The perpetrators of the abuse directed against England players have been identified as members of a group calling itself the Lauta Army, a neo-Nazi hooligan gang that follows Lokomotiv Plovdiv, a team from the country’s second-biggest city. It plays in Bulgaria’s top division in a stadium called Lauta Park. Dressed in black hoodies, the gang gave Nazi salutes and made monkey noises, which prompted Monday’s game to be halted twice, with England players threatening to walk off the pitch at the Vasil Levski Stadium.

The hooligan gang is well organised and has its own website and runs boxing classes and a gymnasium. It also enjoys connections with other neo-Nazis within European football. Two years ago, it celebrated its 25th anniversary by taking over a Black Sea resort for three days with far-right groups from Italian club Napoli, Spartak Moscow and Bulgarian club Levski Sofia.

The Lauta Army is just one of many neo-Nazi groups within Bulgarian football who have emerged as the ugly, public face of what the Roma community maintains is visceral intolerance and racism in a country underpinned by elected extreme rightwing politicians.

While racist abuse of players inside stadiums attracts attention outside Bulgaria, within the country it is the Roma who are the principal targets of thugs in black and men in suits. The Roma community makes up just under 5% of the country’s population of almost 7 million and is its biggest minority group.

The government of prime minister Boyko Borissov is propped up by a grouping of three small rightwing populist parties known collectively as the “United Patriots”. They are made up of the National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria (NFSB), the Bulgarian National Movement and the Attack party.

Krasimir Karakachanov, head of the Bulgarian National Movement, holds three portfolios – deputy prime minister, minister for defence and minister for public order and security. His “Roma integration strategy,” or “concept for the integration of the unsocialised Gypsy (Roma) ethnicity” to give it its formal name, is due to be presented to the Bulgarian parliament and could soon become law.

It defines Roma as “asocial Gypsies,” a term used by the Nazis, and calls for limits on the number of children some Roma women can have; the introduction of compulsory “labour education schools” for Roma children and forced work programmes for sections of the community. It also depicts the Roma as “non-native Europeans” left over from the Ottoman empire.

His party’s manifesto also calls for the creation of “reservations” for Roma based on the model used for Native Americans or Indigenous Australians, claiming that they could become “tourist attractions”.

Earlier this year, following violence between Bulgarian Roma and non-Roma, Karakachanov declared: “The truth is that we need to undertake a complete programme for a solution to the Gypsy problem.”

His predecessor as deputy prime minister Valeri Simeonov described the Roma as “arrogant, presumptuous and ferocious humanoids”. He was also chair of Bulgaria’s National Council for Cooperation on Ethnic and Integration Issues at the time.

Following elections in 2017, which saw the trio of far-right parties emerge as key players in Bulgaria’s government, campaigners claim that hate crimes and rhetoric against the Roma have intensified.

Incidents include anti-Roma riots; demolition of Roma homes deemed “illegal”; police raids and deaths in custody; and members of the community in rural areas killed while out collecting firewood.

Zvezdomir Andronov, leader of the Bulgarian National Union, an ultra-right party which is not represented in parliament, was recently a guest on one of the country’s most popular political talk shows, where he said: “Gypsies, Turks, Armenians and Jews are guests in Bulgaria and if they are good guests, they can live peacefully here.”

Jonathan Lee, spokesman for the European Roma Rights Centre, said: “Unfortunately, racist chanting and offensive gestures from the terraces is not even close to as bad as it gets in Bulgaria. Last Monday night, Europe was confronted with what for most Roma in the country is the everyday. Rising anti-Gypsyism, decline of the rule of law, and increasingly fascist political rhetoric is nothing new – it just rarely gets such a public stage.”

Lee added: “This is an EU member state where violent race mobs are the norm, police violence is sudden and unpredictable, punitive demolitions of people’s homes are the appropriate government response, random murders of Romany citizens only a fleeting headline, and the rights and dignity of Romany citizens are routinely denied on a daily basis.”

The events of Monday night have also exposed the deep fault lines within Bulgarian society, with some of its white citizens viewing things very differently from their Roma counterparts. One local journalist shouted “exaggerated, exaggerated,” as the chairman of England’s Football Association revealed details of the racist abuse during a post-match press conference.

Another blamed England manager Gareth Southgate for initially raising fears about racism, which he insisted, incited some Bulgarians to respond.

Sitting in a cafe in Sofia, football fan Robert Cvetanov added: “You cannot say the whole of Bulgaria is racist just because of what a small group of people did in the stadium. There is good and bad in every country.” When asked about the situation of the Roma he replied: “That’s not a race problem, it’s a law and order one.”

The repercussions of Bulgaria’s encounter with England continue to be felt. Police have so far identified 16 suspects and made 12 arrests for their part in the racial abuse that took place. Uefa, European football’s governing body, has initiated an inquiry and charged Bulgaria with racist behaviour by its fans.

But for the Roma community there is a far bigger game at play that requires more than just the attention of footballing and legal authorities if they are to take their rightful place within Bulgarian society. “The eyes of the world have been opened,” said Stefanov. “It’s just that most of Bulgaria does not see it and until that happens, nothing will change for the Roma.”

▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/20/bulgaria-sofia-racism-roma-everybody-hates-us-anti-gypsy-abuse
#Bulgarie #football #racisme #xénophobie #Roms #Sofia #néo-nazis #extrême_droite

Chef cuisinier soixante-six heures par semaine, payées 1 700 euros. / Cuisiniers, intérimaires, femmes de ménage... Une centaine de travailleurs sans papiers en grève en Ile-de-France, Julia Pascual
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2019/10/01/une-centaine-de-travailleurs-sans-papiers-en-greve_6013793_3224.html

https://img.lemde.fr/2019/10/01/621/0/5323/2655/1440/720/60/0/69a969f_s33Hh-Sn2UgYnKK-413LIWlw.jpg

Ils travaillent pour KFC, Léon de Bruxelles ou dans le bâtiment. Plus d’une centaine de #travailleurs_sans_papiers de Paris et sa banlieue ont entamé une #grève mardi pour réclamer leur régularisation.

Ils sont stewards chez KFC, plongeurs ou cuisiniers chez Léon de Bruxelles ou dans une brasserie chic du 16e arrondissement de Paris, femmes et hommes de ménage dans un hôtel Campanile, un cinéma UGC ou un foyer pour migrants, intérimaires dans le bâtiment…
Ils sont plus d’une centaine et, mardi 1er octobre, ils ont entamé une grève dans douze entreprises. Leur point commun : tous sont des travailleurs sans papiers à Paris et dans sa banlieue et réclament leur #régularisation.

Au moment où la préparation du débat parlementaire sur l’immigration – qui se tiendra lundi 7 octobre à l’Assemblée nationale – cible les risques d’abus du système de protection sociale ou de détournement de la demande d’asile, ces hommes et ces femmes, Maliens, Sénégalais et Mauritaniens, mais aussi Togolais ou Ghanéens, rappellent qu’ils « cotis[ent] et contribu[ent] au système de solidarité nationale et de Sécurité sociale ».

« Contrairement à ce que dit la stigmatisation qui a cours, ils sont créateurs de richesse et de développement, martèle Marilyne Poulain, membre de la direction confédérale CGT et pilote du collectif immigration CGT, qui soutient le mouvement. Il faut redonner une visibilité à cette réalité-là. ». Contrats à durée déterminée (CDD) à répétition, heures supplémentaires non payées, temps de travail inférieur au minimum légal… Beaucoup de ces travailleurs en grève ont aussi des « conditions [de travail] dégradées, voire indignes du fait de leur situation administrative et de leur vulnérabilité », fait remarquer Mme Poulain.

Payés de la main à la main
« Ce sont les intérimaires qui déchargent les camions, constate Jean-Albert Guidou, de la CGT départementale, à propos des salariés de Haudecœur, une entreprise d’importation de produits alimentaires de La Courneuve (Seine-Saint-Denis), où une dizaine de personnes se sont mises en grève. A la fin de la journée, ils doivent avoir porté autour d’une tonne. C’est l’exemple classique d’une entreprise où on met les intérimaires, a fortiori sans-papiers, sur les postes difficiles avec des risques pour la #santé. »

Au restaurant japonais New Sukiyaki, en plein quartier touristique et festif de la Bastille, à Paris, Abdourahmane Guiro, 27 ans, embauche six jours sur sept, à raison d’une cinquantaine d’heures par semaine. « Je suis payé 1 500 euros, explique ce Sénégalais. Mais sur le bulletin, c’est affiché 1 100 euros. » Le reste, il le touche de la main à la main. Son collègue Yacouba Dia, 27 ans lui aussi, et chef de cuisine, travaille soixante-six heures par semaine, payées 1 700 euros.

Dans les restaurants #KFC de la place d’Italie ou de Tolbiac (13e arrondissement), de Boulogne-Billancourt (Hauts-de-Seine), de Vitry-sur-Seine ou du Kremlin-Bicêtre (Val-de-Marne), les « employés polyvalents » et sans-papiers aimeraient bien, eux, faire davantage d’heures.
La durée minimale de travail du salarié à temps partiel est fixée à 24 heures par semaine mais Mahamadou Diakite ne travaille que vingt heures et Mamadou Niakate travaille, lui, quinze heures, tout comme son collègue Boubou Doukoure. « Parfois, on travaille plus, assure ce Malien de 34 ans. Mais on n’est pas payé. Le patron nous dit qu’on a mal compté nos heures. »

« Les employeurs font écrire une décharge aux salariés pour qu’ils disent que c’est eux qui ne veulent pas travailler au minimum légal », ajoute Kande Traoré qui, lui, culmine à vingt-huit heures par semaine. « Les gens sont dociles alors ils en profitent, s’indigne Boubacar Doucoure, délégué CGT pour l’enseigne KFC. Il y a dix ans de cela, j’étais comme vous, dit-il en s’adressant à ses collègues. J’étais dans la peur. »

Boubacar Doucoure est aujourd’hui manager et en situation régulière en France, après avoir fait grève en 2008. « Entre 2000 et 2008, j’ai travaillé sans papiers. J’ai cotisé, j’ai payé des impôts. Et pourtant, je n’aurai jamais de retraite », fait-il remarquer. Quand il entend le discours ambiant qui tend à assimiler les migrants à de potentiels resquilleurs, ça le « révolte ».

« On a peur d’être virés »
La plupart des salariés en grève ont été embauchés sous alias, c’est-à-dire en présentant des documents d’identité d’une personne en situation régulière. « Un frère m’a fait une photocopie de sa carte de séjour, de sa carte Vitale et d’une attestation d’hébergement et j’ai amené ça au patron qui m’a fait un contrat à durée indéterminée (CDI), explique Mamadou Niakate. Au travail, on m’appelle Diaby. » Son collègue Mahamadou Diakite arbore, lui, un badge au nom de Mantia.
Quand un travailleur sans papiers veut entamer des démarches de régularisation auprès d’une préfecture, il a besoin – pour remplir les critères d’admission exceptionnelle au séjour – que son employeur établisse un #certificat_de_concordance_d’identités et, dans tous les cas, qu’il remplisse un formulaire Cerfa de demande d’autorisation d’embauche d’un salarié étranger non-européen. « On n’ose pas demander parce qu’on a peur d’être viré », confie Moussa Diakite, un Malien de 44 ans qui travaille dans la démolition via la société d’intérim Cervus, basée à Levallois-Perret (Hauts-de-Seine).

C’est peu ou prou ce qui est arrivé à Boubou Doukoure. Pendant sept mois, il a travaillé en CDD dans un abattoir de Lorient (Morbihan). Il accrochait des poulets sur une ligne d’abattage. Lorsque son employeur a voulu lui faire un CDI et qu’il s’est rendu compte de sa situation, il l’a congédié sur le champ.

Moussa Diakite dit avoir « plusieurs fois essayé de demander une régularisation » en déposant un dossier en préfecture. Sans succès.
« Ces travailleurs sont soumis à un double arbitraire, patronal et préfectoral », souligne Maryline Poulain. Moussa Diakite s’est mis en grève pour la première fois de sa vie. Il craint un « durcissement des conditions » de vie des immigrés, lui qui se sent déjà « limité dans [ses] #libertés » et « réduit dans [ses] déplacements ». En seize ans de présence en France, il n’est retourné qu’une seule fois au Mali, où il a une femme et deux enfants.

Sollicitées mardi 1er octobre, plusieurs entreprises concernées par le mouvement de grève n’avaient pas souhaité faire de déclaration au Monde. Certaines se sont rapidement engagées à accompagner leurs salariés dans leur démarche de régularisation, conduisant à la levée, mardi soir, de trois des douze piquets de grève.

https://img.lemde.fr/2019/10/01/0/0/5225/3919/688/0/60/0/4d2163a_pTLXlipNafx7KZsuUUMm0LYb.jpg

Au KFC de place d’Italie, à Paris, le 1er octobre. KAMIL ZIHNIOGLU POUR « LE MONDE »

#intérim #travail #économie #luttes_sociales #salaire #conditions_de_travail #xénophobie_d'État #liberté_de_circulation #liberté_d'installation

Ce tweet, m’a donné envie de mettre ici les affiches dans lesquels le parti #UDC en #Suisse (mais pas que eux) utilise des images d’#animaux pour ses campagnes électorales...

https://i.imgur.com/SuMIqBv.jpg

Il fut un temps il y a eu :
des #requins...

https://i.imgur.com/EzpOJcM.jpg

des #corbeaux :

https://i.imgur.com/YqC6cwF.jpg

... et évidemment des #moutons (noirs) :

https://i.imgur.com/Yy49DkX.jpg

Et au #Tessin, un groupe probablement financé soit par l’UDC ou alors par la #Lega_dei_Ticinesi, avait utilisé des #rats...

https://i.imgur.com/18p5zBO.jpg

#affiche #campagne #animal #invasion #migrations #xénophobie #immigration_de_masse

Pour celleux qui veulent en savoir un peu plus sur ce type de campagnes qui tapissent la Suisse, un article que j’avais écrit pour @visionscarto :
En Suisse, pieds nus contre rangers

https://visionscarto.net/local/cache-vignettes/L755xH359/20545809914_37d8-dd72a.jpg?1508931404#.jpg

Rollstuhlfahrer aus Libyen angegriffen

In Chemnitz ist ein libyscher Rollstuhlfahrer attackiert und leicht verletzt worden. Der Tatverdächtige ist der Polizei wegen rechtsmotivierter Straftaten bekannt. Das Dezernat Staatsschutz ermittelt in dem Fall.

▻https://www.spiegel.de/panorama/justiz/chemnitz-rollstuhlfahrer-aus-libyen-angegriffen-a-1287159.html
#Allemagne #racisme #xénophobie #extrême_droite #attaques_racistes #réfugiés #anti-réfugiés #migrations #asile #Chemnitz
ping @_kg_

Ouhhh, le coup de « ne pas être “un parti bourgeois” » sur « le sujet de l’immigration », y’en a vraiment qui osent tout, là. Y’a du pubard qu’a phosphoré…
▻https://www.francetvinfo.fr/politique/emmanuel-macron/emmanuel-macron-veut-regarder-le-sujet-de-l-immigration-en-face-et-ne-p

Emmanuel Macron veut regarder le sujet de l’immigration « en face » et demande à la majorité de ne pas être « un parti bourgeois »

South Africa shuts embassy in Nigeria after reprisal attacks

Pretoria closes diplomatic missions as Nigeria encourages its citizens to return home amid anti-foreigner violence.

https://www.aljazeera.com/mritems/imagecache/mbdxxlarge/mritems/Images/2019/9/5/847eaecb310e4041a23d87c8b5b30281_18.jpg

France : Des enfants migrants privés de protection
Human Rights Watch

Le rapport de 80 pages, intitulé « ‘Ça dépend de leur humeur’ : Traitement des enfants migrants non accompagnés dans les Hautes-#Alpes », montre que les évaluateurs, dont le travail consiste à certifier la minorité d’un enfant, c’est-à-dire qu’il a moins de 18 ans, ne se conforment pas aux normes internationales. Human Rights Watch a constaté que les évaluateurs utilisent diverses justifications pour refuser d’octroyer une protection aux enfants, telles que des erreurs minimes de dates, une réticence à aborder dans le détail des expériences particulièrement traumatisantes, des objectifs de vie jugées irréalistes, ou encore le fait d’avoir travaillé dans le pays d’origine ou au cours du parcours migratoire.

https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/styles/cover/public/multimedia_images_2019/201909crd_france_reportcover_fr.jpg

ping @cdb_77 @cede @isskein

Report of mission to Italy on racial discrimination, with a focus on incitement to racial hatred and discrimination

▻https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/IT/ItalyMissionReport.pdf

#Italie #rapport #racisme #xénophobie #hate_speech #discriminations #discrimination_raciale #incitation_à_la_haine

Violences xénophobes en Afrique du Sud : 7 (+ ?) personnes ont été tuées, des dizaines de magasins détruits et des camions brûlés. Les étrangers et leurs biens y sont (régulièrement) pris pour cible ces dernières années ; des représailles ont eu lieu au Nigéria. Des images horribles inondent les réseaux sociaux (dont certaines remontent à plusieurs années, attention aux manipulations) et il y aura sans doute un bilan plus dramatique... C’est absolument terrible.
Plusieurs pays (Rwanda, RDC, Malawi) annulent leur participation au Forum économique mondial à Cape Town. Des stars internationales ont annulé leurs concerts en signe de boycott. Des appels tournent à manifester devant les ambassades d’Afrique du Sud un peu partout.

Communiqué de la Ligue de Défense Noire Africaine trouvé sur twitter ▻https://twitter.com/LDNAOFFICIEL/status/1168971327220453378 ⏬

La LDNA CONDAMNE vigoureusement les émeutes xénophobes inter-ethniques en Afrique du Sud,et dans les pays africains. Nous appelons la jeunesse africaine à des manifestations devant les ambassades d’Afrique du Sud en Afrique et dans la diaspora pour dire non à la XÉNOPHOBIE
Ce n’est pas l’Afrique pour laquelle la LDNA lutte. Comme toute bonne chose, le fait tribal ne doit pas rendre xénophobe ; la xénophobie étant le côté mal aspecté du phénomène tribal. Et, il n’y a pas que les Bretons né à la Trinité-sur-Mer (comme JM Lepen) qui peuvent devenir xénophobes, ou ethnohiérarchistes, même des Zoulous peuvent le devenir. N’oublions pas que la XÉNOPHOBIE ne représente l’idéologie africaine donc se taire revient à cautionner. Cette fois donc en Afrique du Sud, ce n’est pas de racisme mais la xénophobie dont il s’agit, mais le problème n’est-il pas ailleurs ?Le problème n’est-il pas la pauvreté atavique des pauvres et la richesse endémique des riches ?
Le problème n’est-il pas le résultat de 20 ans de gouvernance mutilée par le courage et la frilosité, ou mieux encore la cupidité des puissants ? Si nous ne soutenons pas le slogan des assassins d’Afrikaners : « Tuons le Boer, tuons le fermier Blanc », toutefois on ne peut appeler au pardon du crime et à la paix sociale sans qu’il y ait Justice.
Nous la LDNA disons : « Sans équité pas de justice et donc pas de pardon » et si Mandela a été un artisan de la paix, nous considérons que son esprit travaillé par 27 ans d’enfermement a eu des conséquences sur son esprit. Certes certains diront que c’est un homme de transition qui a permis aux afrikaners de rester au pays et de préserver le pays de la guerre civile.
Certes le PIB de l’Afrique du Sud est de $300 Milliards l’an passé.
Certes Mandela n’a pas fait de son pays celui de Mugabe, le Zimbabwe autrefois pays le plus prospère d’Afrique, est aujourd’hui malheureusement, un des pays les plus pauvres du monde.
Mais est-il normal que la transition soit si lente ? Est-il juste que seul quelques affairistes assoiffés de richesses comme l’actuel président-milliardaire Ramaphosa,s’accaparent les richesses du pays ?
Peut-on se satisfaire de ces 20 ans de gouvernance capitaliste façon Mandela ?
C’est pour marquer encore une fois notre désaccord et notre indignation que nous appelons toute la communauté à manifester : nous ne nous laisserons pas berner par l’iniquité et l’injustice au profit de quelques heureux riches qui manipulent.

#Fatou_Diome : « La rengaine sur la #colonisation et l’#esclavage est devenue un fonds de commerce »

L’écrivaine franco-sénégalaise s’exprime sans filtre sur son enfance, l’immigration, le féminisme, ou la pensée « décoloniale » qui a le don de l’irriter…

https://img.lemde.fr/2019/08/20/0/0/6016/4016/688/0/60/0/6e8b535_8cRyjIvSiH6EviOpcAq7NZDN.jpg

Fatou Diome écrit comme elle parle, avec fougue et sensibilité. Que ce soit dans ses romans ou dans ses prises de paroles publiques, l’auteure franco-sénégalaise use avec habileté de cette langue piquante qui frôle parfois la satire. Dans son premier roman à succès, Le Ventre de l’Atlantique (éd. Anne Carrière, 2003), elle donnait la parole à cette jeunesse sénégalaise piégée dans le désir d’Europe et ses mirages tragiques. Les œuvres de Fatou Diome offrent aussi une voix aux femmes, héroïnes du quotidien quand les maris migrent (Celles qui attendent, éd. Flammarion, 2010) ou disparaissent tragiquement, comme dans son nouveau roman, Les Veilleurs de Sangomar (éd. Albin Michel), en librairie le 22 août.

Installée à Strasbourg depuis vingt-cinq ans, Fatou Diome observe et critique sa société d’origine et son pays d’accueil. En vingt ans de carrière, elle a publié une dizaine de romans, de nouvelles et un essai remarqué en 2017, Marianne porte plainte ! (éd. Flammarion), véritable pamphlet contre les discours identitaires, racistes, sexistes et islamophobes. Dans cet entretien, Fatou Diome s’exprime sans filtre sur son enfance aux marges, l’immigration, le féminisme, ou la pensée « décoloniale » qui a le don de l’irriter…
D’où vient votre nom, Diome ?

Fatou Diome Au Saloum, région située sur la côte sud du Sénégal, les Diome sont des Sérères-Niominkas, des Guelwaar. Il est dit que ce peuple était viscéralement attaché à sa liberté.
Pourtant, écrivez-vous dans Le Ventre de l’Atlantique, votre nom suscitait la gêne à Niodior, votre village natal…

Oui, car je suis née hors mariage d’un amour d’adolescents. A cette époque, j’étais la seule de l’île à porter ce nom car mon père est d’un autre village. Enfant, je ne comprenais pas pourquoi la simple prononciation de mon nom suscitait le mépris. J’ai compris plus tard que ce sentiment de gêne diffuse que je ressentais autour de moi venait du fait que j’étais supposée être « l’enfant du péché ».

Cette ostracisation était d’autant plus injuste que l’idée « d’enfant illégitime » n’existait pas chez les Sérères animistes jusqu’au milieu du XIXe siècle et la domination des religions monothéistes. Jusque-là, au contraire, avoir un enfant des fiancés avant le mariage était le meilleur moyen de s’assurer que le prétendant était fertile. C’était même une tradition dans l’aristocratie sérère notamment, où la lignée était matrilinéaire. « Domou Djitlé », qui signifie « enfant illégitime », est une expression wolof, qui n’existe pas en sérère.
Comment enfant affrontiez-vous cette marginalisation ?

En renonçant à ceux qui me calomniaient. Cette indépendance m’est venue des conseils de mon grand-père maternel, un marin qui, dans l’Atlantique, devait sans cesse trouver des solutions. Je l’accompagnais souvent en mer. Quand le vent soufflait trop fort et que je pleurais, il me lançait : « Tu crois que tes pleurs vont nous ramener plus vite au village ? Allez, rame ! » C’est une leçon que j’ai retenue : les jérémiades ne sauvent de rien.
A quel moment vous êtes-vous réappropriée votre nom ?

A l’école. L’instituteur, qui était lui-même marginalisé car étranger, m’a expliqué le sens du diome : la dignité. C’était énorme ! La « bâtarde du village » était donc la seule à s’appeler dignité ! (Rires)

Et puis un jour, j’ai rencontré mon père. C’était un homme adorable, un sculptural champion de lutte ! Ma mère avait eu de la chance d’aimer cet athlète magnifique ! Porter son nom est une fierté. Je suis le fruit d’un amour absolu, un amour souverain qui n’a demandé nulle permission aux faux dévots.
Etre une enfant illégitime, c’était aussi risquer de ne pas survivre à la naissance…

Oui et je dois la vie sauve à ma grand-mère maternelle, qui m’a accueillie au monde, dans tous les sens du terme. C’est elle qui a fait la sage-femme. Elle aurait pu m’étouffer à la naissance comme le voulait la tradition, mais elle a décidé de me laisser vivre et de m’élever. Elle me disait souvent que je n’étais pas illégitime mais légitimement vivante, comme tout enfant.
Cette jeune grand-mère vous a allaitée. Quelle fut votre relation avec elle ?

Très forte. Elle était et restera ma mamie-maman. Jusqu’à sa mort, je l’appelais Maman. Enfant, je dormais avec elle. Plus tard, j’insistais pour faire la sieste avec elle lors de mes visites. Comme un bébé, je gardais une main sur sa poitrine. Ma grand-mère, j’en suis convaincue, était la meilleure mère possible pour moi. Pardon pour l’autre dame…
Votre mère…

Oui. Avec elle, j’avais étrangement une relation de grande sœur. Et plus tard, je l’ai prise sous mon aile car j’étais plus combative et plus indépendante qu’elle. J’ai choisi ma vie, elle non. Et c’est pour cette raison que j’ai dit dans Le Ventre de l’Atlantique que « j’écris, pour dire et faire tout ce que ma mère n’a pas osé dire et faire ». Elle a par exemple subi la polygamie, une maladie que je n’attraperai jamais.
Qu’aviez-vous à dire quand vous avez commencé à écrire à 13 ans ?

Ecrire était une nécessité. Il me fallait comprendre pourquoi, par exemple, telle tante me câline devant mes grands-parents puis me traite de « bâtarde » en leur absence. L’écriture s’est imposée à l’âge de 13 ans, lorsque j’ai quitté le village pour poursuivre mes études en ville. Pour combler ma solitude, je noircissais des cahiers. Une fois, j’ai même réécrit Une si longue lettre de Mariama Bâ. Dans ma version vitaminée, les femmes n’étaient plus victimes de leur sort, mais bien plus combatives. J’aime celles qui dansent avec leur destin, sans renoncer à lui imposer leur tempo.

Vous épousez ensuite un Alsacien et vous vous installez à Strasbourg. En France, vous découvrez une autre forme de violence, le racisme. Comment y avez-vous survécu ?

En m’appropriant ce que je suis. J’ai appris à aimer ma peau telle qu’elle est : la couleur de l’épiderme n’est ni une tare ni une compétence. Je sais qui je suis. Donc les attaques des idiots racistes ne me blessent plus.
Etre une auteure reconnue, cela protège-t-il du racisme ?

Reconnue ? Non, car la réussite aussi peut déchaîner la haine. On tente parfois de m’humilier. C’est par exemple ce policier des frontières suspicieux qui me fait rater mon vol car il trouve douteux les nombreux tampons sur mon passeport, pourtant parfaitement en règle. Ou ce journaliste parisien qui me demande si j’écris seule mes livres vus leur structure qu’il trouve trop complexe pour une personne qui n’a pas le français comme langue maternelle. Ou encore cette femme qui, dans un hôtel, me demande de lui apporter une plus grande serviette et un Perrier… Le délit de faciès reste la croix des personnes non caucasiennes.
La France que vous découvrez à votre arrivée est alors bien éloignée de celle de vos auteurs préférés, Yourcenar, Montesquieu, Voltaire…

Cette France brillante, je l’ai bien trouvée mais on n’arrête pas de la trahir ! Il faut toujours s’y référer, la rappeler aux mémoires courtes. Cette France, elle est bien là. Seulement, les sectaires font plus de bruit. Il est temps que les beaux esprits reprennent la main !
Qui la trahit, cette France ?

Ceux qui lui font raconter le contraire de ce qu’elle a voulu défendre. Pour bien aimer la France, il faut se rappeler qu’elle a fait l’esclavage et la colonisation, mais qu’elle a aussi été capable de faire la révolution française, de mettre les droits de l’homme à l’honneur et de les disperser à travers le monde. Aimer la France, c’est lui rappeler son idéal humaniste. Quand elle n’agit pas pour les migrants et les exploite éhontément, je le dis. Quand des Africains se dédouanent sur elle et que des dirigeants pillent leur propre peuple, je le dis aussi. Mon cœur restera toujours attaché à la France, et ce même si cela m’est reproché par certains Africains revanchards.

Vous vivez en France depuis 1994. Les statistiques officielles démontrent la persistance de discriminations en matière de logement ou de travail contre notamment des Français d’origine africaine dans les quartiers populaires. Que dites-vous à ces jeunes Noirs ?

Qu’ils prennent leur place ! Vous savez, au Sénégal, un jeune né en province aura moins de chance de réussir que celui issu d’une famille aisée de la capitale. La différence, c’est qu’en France, cette inégalité se trouve aggravée par la couleur. Ici, être noir est une épreuve et cela vous condamne à l’excellence. Alors, courage et persévérance, même en réclamant plus de justice.
Cette course à l’excellence peut être épuisante quand il faut en faire toujours plus…

Si c’est la seule solution pour s’en sortir, il faut le faire. Partout, la dignité a son prix. On se reposera plus tard, des millénaires de sommeil nous attendent.

Vous avez suivi une formation en lettres et philosophie à l’université de Strasbourg avec un intérêt particulier pour le XVIIIe siècle. Que pensez-vous des critiques portées par le courant de pensée « décoloniale » à l’égard de certains philosophes des Lumières ?

Peut-on éradiquer l’apport des philosophes des Lumières dans l’histoire humaine ? Qui veut renoncer aujourd’hui à L’Esprit des lois de Montesquieu ? Personne. Les Lumières ont puisé dans la Renaissance, qui s’est elle-même nourrie des textes d’Averroès, un Arabe, un Africain. C’est donc un faux débat ! Au XVIIIe siècle, la norme était plutôt raciste. Or Kant, Montesquieu ou Voltaire étaient ouverts sur le monde. Ils poussaient déjà l’utopie des droits de l’homme. On me cite souvent Le Nègre du Surinam pour démontrer un supposé racisme de Voltaire. Quel contresens ! Ce texte est une ironie caustique. Voltaire dit à ses concitoyens : « C’est au prix de l’exploitation du nègre que vous mangez du sucre ! »

Par ailleurs, chez tous les grands penseurs, il y a souvent des choses à jeter. Prenez l’exemple de Senghor. Sa plus grande erreur d’emphase et de poésie fut cette phrase : « L’émotion est nègre, la raison hellène. » Cheikh Anta Diop, bien qu’Africain, était un grand scientifique quand Einstein était doté d’une grande sensibilité. Cette citation est donc bête à mourir, mais devons-nous jeter Senghor aux orties ?

On constate tout de même une domination des penseurs occidentaux dans le champ de la philosophie par exemple…

Certaines choses sont universelles. Avec Le Vieil Homme et la mer, Hemingway m’a fait découvrir la condition humaine de mon grand-père pêcheur. Nous Africains, ne perdons pas de temps à définir quel savoir vient de chez nous ou non. Pendant ce temps, les autres n’hésitent pas à prendre chez nous ce qui les intéresse pour le transformer. Regardez les toiles de Picasso, vous y remarquerez l’influence des masques africains…
Vous estimez donc que le mouvement de la décolonisation de la pensée et des savoirs, porté par un certain nombre d’intellectuels africains et de la diaspora, n’est pas une urgence ?

C’est une urgence pour ceux qui ne savent pas encore qu’ils sont libres. Je ne me considère pas colonisée, donc ce baratin ne m’intéresse pas. La rengaine sur la colonisation et l’esclavage est devenue un fonds de commerce. Par ailleurs, la décolonisation de la pensée a déjà été faite par des penseurs tels que Cheikh Anta Diop, Aimé Césaire, Léopold Sédar Senghor ou encore Frantz Fanon. Avançons, en traitant les urgences problématiques de notre époque.
A l’échelle de la longue histoire entre l’Afrique et l’Occident, ce travail de décolonisation de la pensée, débuté il y a quelques décennies, n’est peut-être pas achevé ?

Je pense, comme Senghor, que nous sommes à l’ère de la troisième voie. Nous, Africains, ne marchons pas seulement vers les Européens ; eux ne marchent pas que vers nous. Nous convergeons vers la même voie, la possible conciliation de nos mondes. La peur de vaciller au contact des autres ne peut vous atteindre quand vous êtes sûr de votre identité. Me concernant, ce troisième millénaire favorise la rencontre. Je sais qui je suis, je ne peux pas me perdre en Europe car, non seulement je récite mon arbre généalogique, mais je séjourne régulièrement dans mon village.

Après tous les efforts de Senghor, Césaire, Fanon, en sommes-nous encore à nous demander comment nous libérer de l’esclavage et de la colonisation ? Pendant ce temps, où nous stagnons, les Européens envoient Philae dans l’espace… L’esclavage et la colonisation sont indéniablement des crimes contre l’humanité. Aujourd’hui, il faut pacifier les mémoires, faire la paix avec nous-mêmes et les autres, en finir avec la littérature de la réactivité comme le dit si bien l’historienne Sophie Bessis.
Cette histoire dramatique, loin d’être un chapitre clos, continue pourtant de marquer le présent des Africains et les relations avec d’anciennes puissances coloniales…

Pour moi, il y a plus urgent. La priorité, c’est l’économie. Faisons en sorte que la libre circulation s’applique dans les deux sens. Aujourd’hui, depuis l’Europe, on peut aller dîner à Dakar, sans visa. Le contraire est impossible ou alors le visa vous coûtera le salaire local d’un ouvrier. Pourquoi attendre une forme de réparation de l’Europe, comme un câlin de sa mère ? Pourquoi se positionner toujours en fonction de l’Occident ? Il nous faut valoriser, consommer et, surtout, transformer nos produits sur place. C’est cela l’anticolonisation qui changera la vie des Africains et non pas la complainte rance autour de propos tenus par un de Gaulle ou un Sarkozy.
On sent que ce mouvement vous irrite…

Je trouve qu’il y a une forme d’arrogance dans cette injonction et cette façon de s’autoproclamer décolonisateur de la pensée des autres. C’est se proclamer gourou du « nègre » qui ne saurait pas où il va. Je choisis mes combats, l’époque de la thématique unique de la négritude est bien révolue.
Votre roman Le Ventre de l’Atlantique (2003) a été l’un des premiers à aborder le thème de la migration vers l’Europe. Que dites-vous à cette jeunesse qui continue de risquer sa vie pour rejoindre d’autres continents ?

Je leur dirai de rester et d’étudier car, en Europe aussi, des jeunes de leur âge vivotent avec des petits boulots. Quand je suis arrivée en France, j’ai fait des ménages pour m’en sortir, après mon divorce. J’ai persévéré malgré les humiliations quotidiennes et les moqueries au pays.

Si je suis écrivain, c’est parce que j’ai usé mes yeux et mes fesses à la bibliothèque. J’ai toujours écrit avec la même rigueur que je nettoyais les vitres. Aux jeunes, je dirai que l’école a changé ma vie, elle m’a rendue libre.
La tentation est grande de partir vu le manque d’infrastructures dans de nombreux pays africains. Comment rester quand le système éducatif est si défaillant ?

La responsabilité revient aux dirigeants. Ils doivent miser sur l’éducation et la formation pour garder les jeunes, leur donner un avenir. Il faudrait que les chefs d’Etat respectent plus leur peuple. Il n’y a qu’à voir le silence de l’Union africaine face au drame des migrants. Quand les dirigeants baissent la tête, le peuple rampe.
Quel regard portez-vous sur le durcissement de la politique migratoire européenne ? Dernier acte en date, le décret antimigrants adopté par l’Italie qui criminalise les sauvetages en mer…

L’Europe renforce sa forteresse. Mais qui ne surveillerait pas sa maison ? Les pays africains doivent sortir de leur inaction. Pourquoi n’y a-t-il pas, par exemple, de ministères de l’immigration dans nos pays ? C’est pourtant un problème majeur qui touche à l’économie, la diplomatie, la santé, la culture. Si l’Afrique ne gère pas la situation, d’autres la géreront contre elle. Elle ne peut plus se contenter de déplorer ce que l’Europe fait à ses enfants migrants.

Vous avez écrit sur la condition féminine, le rapport au corps de la femme au Sénégal et la fétichisation dont vous avez été victime en France en tant que femme noire. Vous sentez-vous concernée par le mouvement #metoo ?

Je comprends ce combat, mais je considère qu’Internet n’est pas un tribunal. Les femmes doivent habiter leur corps et leur vie de manière plus souveraine dans l’espace social et public. Il faut apprendre aux jeunes filles à s’armer psychologiquement face aux violences, par exemple le harcèlement de rue. Il faut cesser de se penser fragiles et porter plainte immédiatement en cas d’agression.
La lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes revient aussi aux hommes…

En apprenant aux femmes à habiter leur corps, à mettre des limites, on leur apprend aussi à éduquer des fils et des hommes au respect. Le féminisme, c’est aussi apprendre aux garçons qu’ils peuvent être fragiles, l’agressivité n’étant pas une preuve de virilité, bien au contraire. Me concernant, malgré la marginalisation à laquelle j’ai été confrontée, je ne me suis jamais vécue comme une femme fragile, ni otage de mon sexe, mes grands-parents m’ayant toujours traitée à égalité avec les garçons.
Vous sentez-vous plus proche du féminisme dit universaliste ou intersectionnel ?

Je me bats pour un humanisme intégral dont fait partie le féminisme. Mon féminisme défend les femmes où qu’elles soient. Ce qui me révolte, c’est le relativisme culturel. Il est dangereux d’accepter l’intolérable quand cela se passe ailleurs. Le cas d’une Japonaise victime de violences conjugales n’est pas différent de celui d’une habitante de Niodior ou des beaux quartiers parisiens brutalisée. Lutter pour les droits humains est plus sensé que d’essayer de trouver la nuance qui dissocie. Mais gare à la tentation d’imposer sa propre vision à toutes les femmes. L’essentiel, c’est de défendre la liberté de chacune.

▻https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2019/08/25/fatou-diome-la-rengaine-sur-la-colonisation-et-l-esclavage-est-devenue-un-fo

#interview #féminisme #racisme #approche_décoloniale #post-colonialisme #décolonialisme #pensée_décoloniale #xénophobie #migrations #émigration #discrimination #décolonisation_de_la_pensée #Afrique #Senghor #Césaire #Fanon #libre_circulation #anticolonisation #féminisme #humanisme_#intégral #relativisme_culturel #droits_humains #liberté

Grèce : le gouvernement conservateur relance la #chasse_aux_réfugiés

À peine arrivé aux affaires, le nouveau Premier ministre conservateur Kyriakos #Mitsotakis veut renforcer les contrôles aux frontières et accélérer la déportation des réfugiés présents dans les îles grecques vers la Turquie. À #Athènes, les #contrôles_au_faciès musclés se multiplient. Les ONG sont très inquiètes.

Les mots ont leur importance, surtout dans un pays où plus d’un million d’hommes et de femmes ont débarqué sur les îles de la mer Egée. Avant l’arrivée au pouvoir d’Aléxis Tsípras, en 2015, les politiques grecs ne parlaient jamais de « réfugiés » mais systématiquement de « clandestins ». Le gouvernement Syriza a été le premier à instaurer un ministère de l’Immigration pour répondre à la problématique des quelques 60 000 réfugiés vivant en Grèce, souvent dans des conditions très difficiles.

Dès son arrivée au pouvoir, après les élections du 7 juillet, le nouveau Premier ministre conservateur Kyriákos Mitsotákis a remis en cause cette politique d’accueil, en supprimant ce ministère et en attribuant le dossier de l’immigration au ministère de la Protection du citoyen, qui gère également l’ordre public, les questions sécuritaires et les forces de l’ordre... Dans les rangs de l’opposition de gauche mais aussi des associations de défense des droits de la personne, la décision choque. « Inclure l’immigration et la gestion des institutions pénitentiaires dans le même ministère de la Protection des citoyens m’inquiète. Cela signifie que le gouvernement considère tous ces sujets par le seul prisme de la répression », a notamment dénoncé sur Twitter l’ancien maire socialiste d’Athènes Giorgos Kaminis.

Onze ONG et collectifs de défense des droits de la personne ont aussi tiré la sonnette d’alarme le 19 juillet dans un communiqué commun. « L’asile et les migrations ne sont pas une question d’ordre public et de sécurité mais une question relative à la protection internationale, à l’intégration social et au droit. Les réfugiés et migrants font partie de la société grecque et ne doivent pas être considérés comme une menace à l’ordre public. Les définir ainsi revient à les stigmatiser et à les exposer à des comportements violents et racistes. »

Durant la campagne électorale, Kyriakos Mitsotakis avait promis de « renforcer les contrôles aux frontières », et de « distinguer les demandeurs d’asile qui peuvent prétendre au statut de réfugiés et rester en Grèce des autres, qui doivent être renvoyés en Turquie ». Dans le programme du nouveau Premier ministre, on ne trouve aucune mention d’une politique d’intégration. Le ministre du Travail a d’ailleurs annulé dès sa nomination un décret permettant aux réfugiés et aux immigrés d’obtenir facilement un numéro de sécurité sociale, indispensable pour avoir accès aux hôpitaux et aux écoles.

« C’est une mesure raciste », s’est offusqué le mouvement antiraciste KEERFA. « On va limiter l’accès des personnes pauvres, des femmes, des enfants réfugiés, des handicapés aux hôpitaux, aux écoles et à tous les services publics », dénonce KEERFA, qui appelle le gouvernement à revenir sur cette décision. L’exécutif avait promis de publier un nouveau décret sur la question mais un mois plus tard, cela ne semble toujours pas d’actualité. Une autre mesure fait polémique : l’attribution d’une allocation familiale de 2000 euros pour tout enfant né en Grèce mais avec la condition que l’un des deux parents soit grec !

Le retour des mauvais jours

Dans le centre d’Athènes, où résident de nombreux réfugiés et immigrés, les contrôles policiers se sont renforcés depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir de Kyriakos Mitsotakis. 130 policiers d’une #brigade_spéciale appelée les #Black_Panthers mènent des #contrôles_d’identité dans le métro et dans les rues. L’ONG Human Right Watch (HRW) s’inquiète « d’un retour aux mauvais jours ». En effet, en 2012, des milliers d’immigrés étaient contrôlés, arrêtés et détenus de façon injustifiée et souvent victimes de violences dans les commissariats d’Athènes. HRW réclame un encadrement légal de ces contrôles qui ne peuvent pas être menés sur des critères discriminants. L’ONG demande aussi une formation spéciale pour les policiers de cette brigade.

Le Haut Commissariat aux Réfugiés des Nations Unies (UNHCR) a enregistré l’entrée en Grèce de quelque 18 400 réfugiés et migrants au premier trimestre 2019, de plus en plus de personnes passant par la frontière terrestre de l’Evros avec la Turquie : 72% des arrivées ont été enregistrées à cette frontière. Les ONG s’inquiètent d’un durcissement de la politique migratoire et des consignes données aux forces de l’ordre. Début juillet, 59 réfugiés ont été victimes de pushbacks vers la Turquie : ils ont été renvoyés de force sur l’autre rive de l’Evros, note Refugee support Aegean.

Le contexte actuel en Turquie demande pourtant de prendre des précautions particulièrement importantes avant de renvoyer des migrants dans ce pays, comme le prévoit l’accord signé en mars 2016 entre l’Union européenne et la Turquie. Le Conseil grec pour les réfugiés et 26 autres ONG rappellent que « plus de 6000 réfugiés et migrants ont été récemment arrêtés à Istanbul », pour être renvoyés à la frontière voire en Syrie même, notamment dans des zones de guerre proches d’Idlib.

« Nous appelons l’UE et les États membres à reconnaître que la Turquie n’est pas apte à fournir la protection nécessaire aux réfugiés selon la Convention de 1951 sur le statut des réfugiés, à cesser en conséquence tout renvoi vers la Turquie et à suspendre l’accord de mars 2016 », écrivent ces organisations dans un communiqué publié début août. Les mois prochains, les ONG suivront de près et avec inquiétude la politique migratoire du gouvernement, notamment la situation tragique sur les îles de la mer Egée où des milliers de réfugiés continuent de s’entasser dans des conditions atroces.

▻https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-d&q=Gr%C3%A8ce+%3A+le+gouvernement+conservateur+rela
#chasse_aux_migrants #migrations #asile #réfugiés #violences_policières #racisme #xénophobie #police #contrôles_policiers

#2019_comme_2012 —> pour rappel, article que j’avais écrit en 2012 pour @lacite et @visionscarto :
À Athènes, (sur)vivre dans la terreur

https://visionscarto.net/local/cache-vignettes/L1024xH585/20581799290_8be3-73f33.jpg?1504814344#.jpg

23 Ways You Could Be Killed If You Are Black in America

Beyoncé, Alicia Keys, Rihanna, Jennifer Hudson, Pink, Bono, and others explain why it’s time to take action to heal the long history of systemic racism in America.

►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U_VaNhI4CLo

vidéo qui date de 2016

Attacks by White Extremists Are Growing. So Are Their Connections.

https://i.imgur.com/wK3bfvd.png

In a manifesto posted online before his attack, the gunman who killed 50 last month in a rampage at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, said he drew inspiration from white extremist terrorism attacks in Norway, the United States, Italy, Sweden and the United Kingdom.

His references to those attacks placed him in an informal global network of white extremists whose violent attacks are occurring with greater frequency in the West.

An analysis by The New York Times of recent terrorism attacks found that at least a third of white extremist killers since 2011 were inspired by others who perpetrated similar attacks, professed a reverence for them or showed an interest in their tactics.

The connections between the killers span continents and highlight how the internet and social media have facilitated the spread of white extremist ideology and violence.

In one instance, a school shooter in New Mexico corresponded with a gunman who attacked a mall in Munich. Altogether, they killed 11 people.

https://i.imgur.com/y607Vlg.png

One object of fascination for the Christchurch killer and at least four other white extremists was Anders Behring Breivik, the far-right extremist who killed 77 in a bombing and mass shooting in Norway in 2011.

Mr. Breivik’s lengthy manifesto offered a litany of grievances about immigration and Islam — and the attacks became a model for future ones.

“I think that Breivik was a turning point, because he was sort of a proof of concept as to how much an individual actor could accomplish,” said J.M. Berger, author of the book “Extremism” and a research fellow with VOX-Pol, a European academic initiative to study online extremism.

“He killed so many people at one time operating by himself, it really set a new bar for what one person can do.”

Shortly after the Norway massacre, a prominent American white supremacist named Frazier Glenn Miller wrote on a white supremacist forum that Mr. Breivik had “inspired young Aryan men to action.” Mr. Miller opened fire on a Jewish retirement home and community center in Kansas a few years later, killing three.

Mr. Breivik was not the only mass killer to inspire copycats. The Christchurch shooter also paid tribute to a Canadian man who opened fire inside a Quebec City mosque in 2017, writing his name on one of the guns used in his attack.

That Canadian gunman read extensively about Dylann Roof, the American who killed nine worshipers at a black church in South Carolina in 2015.

At least four white extremist killers made statements online praising Elliot Rodger, a racist and misogynist who targeted women in a 2014 spree, before carrying out their own attacks.

All these attacks occurred amid a surge of white supremacist and xenophobic terrorism in the West that has frequently targeted Muslims, immigrants and other minority groups, the Times analysis found.

https://i.imgur.com/JTyTHXd.png

The analysis was based on data from the Global Terrorism Database and identified nearly 350 white extremist terrorism attacks in Europe, North America and Australia from 2011 through 2017, the latest year of available data. We also examined preliminary data on attacks in the United States in 2018.

The database is a project of the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism at the University of Maryland. It relies on news reports and other records to capture episodes that meet its definition of terrorism: the use of violence by a non-state actor to attain a political or social goal.

Over this period, white extremism — an umbrella term encompassing white nationalist, white supremacist, neo-Nazi, xenophobic, anti-Muslim and anti-Semitic ideologies — accounted for about 8 percent of all attacks in these regions and about a third of those in the United States.

Erin Miller, who manages the database, said the increase in white extremist terrorism parallels a rise in hate crimes and bias episodes in the West and that deadly attacks are occurring more often.

“There’s a common framing of far-right terrorism or domestic terrorism as being ‘terrorism lite’ and not as serious,” she said. “It’s an interesting question given that far-right attacks can be quite devastating.”

Xenophobia Drives Violence in Europe

In recent years, Europe has seen a surge in far-right and xenophobic violence amid an influx of migrants and refugees from conflicts in the Middle East and Africa.

The Global Reach of White Extremism

There were five white extremist attacks in Australia from 2011 through 2017, all of which were attacks on mosques and Islamic centers. There were no such attacks in New Zealand during that same period.

Then the massacre of worshippers at two mosques in Christchurch on March 15 — the deadliest shooting in modern New Zealand history — helped put the global nature of white extremism into relief. The shooter was an Australian man who said he was radicalized during his travels in Europe and designed his attack to draw an American audience.

Experts say the same broad motives are at play whether the target is a mosque in Perth or an asylum seekers’ shelter in Dresden or a synagogue in Pittsburgh. Attackers who identify as white, Christian and culturally European see an attack on their privileged position in the West by immigrants, Muslims and other religious and racial minorities.

The difference now is that it is easier than ever for extremists to connect both domestically and across continents, according to Mr. Berger, the “Extremism” author. The entry point for radicalization is less narrow than it was during earlier waves of white supremacist action, when finding ideological fellow travelers typically required meeting in person.

“This is a particularly strong wave,” Mr. Berger said, “and I think it’s being fueled by a lot of political developments and also by the sort of connective tissue that you get from the Internet that wasn’t there before that’s really making it easier for groups to be influenced and to coordinate, or not necessarily coordinate but synchronize over large geographical distances.”

Heidi Beirich, director of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligence Project, said that given these international connections, it’s important to reconsider the nature of the threat. “We conceive of this problem as being a domestic one,” she said. “But that’s not the case.”

The challenge for law enforcement will be to buck a sometimes myopic focus on Islamic extremism as the only driver of international terrorism.

It may also require rethinking the legal framework for what constitutes terrorism: from violence that arises from a command and control structure to a looser definition that can account for a wider range of violent actors who share a common ideology.

“They don’t see themselves as Americans or Canadians, very much like the Christchurch killer didn’t see himself as an Australian; he saw himself as part of a white collective,” Dr. Beirich said.

“It has never been the case that these people didn’t think in a global way. They may have acted in ways that looked domestic but the thinking was always about building an international white movement.”

▻https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/04/03/world/white-extremist-terrorism-christchurch.html?smid=tw-nytimes&smtyp=cur
#cartographie #visualisation #connections #réseau #suprématistes_blancs #extrême_droite #attaques #terrorisme #xénophobie #racisme #extrémisme_blanc
intéressant la #terminologie #mots #vocabulaire

ping @visionscarto @fil

The Racist Origins of Computer Technology
▻https://yasha.substack.com/p/the-racist-origins-of-computer-technology

https://res.cloudinary.com/hhsslviub/image/fetch/h_600/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F1c4e2bc4-e3c1-4471-b99f-36e9f68de746_2000x2800.png

Medium’s One Zero magazine just published my big historical-investigative article about the US census and the racist origins of modern computer technology.

It’s a forgotten history that starts in the 1880s, when the first commercial computer was invented by an American engineer named Herman Hollerith (that’s him up there on business trip in St. Petersburg). It takes you on journey through the racial politics of early 20th century America and ends up in Nazi Germany and the Holocaust, while making a brief stop at Steven Bannon and Donald Trump’s nativist palace.

la big investigation historique en question (pas lu)
►https://onezero.medium.com/the-racist-and-high-tech-origins-of-americas-modern-census-44ba984c2

Wilson, défiguré par la police en rentrant du travail - Bondy Blog
▻https://www.bondyblog.fr/reportages/au-poste/wilson-defigure-par-la-police-en-rentrant-du-travail

https://www.bondyblog.fr/app/uploads/2019/07/67775067_351147568915294_6118570393671303168_n-e1564130592179.jpg

Par Ilyes Ramdani
Le 26/07/2019

Le 9 mai dernier, Wilson a été violemment interpellé par un équipage de police dans son quartier, à la limite d’Aubervilliers et de Saint-Denis. Bilan : un nez cassé, un œil gonflé et ensanglanté et le souvenir d’une violence inouïe. Ce responsable associatif reconnu à la Plaine a décidé de porter plainte à l’IGPN et de raconter ce qui lui est arrivé. Pour que cela serve à d’autres. Témoignage.

Comme tous les jours, Wilson sort du travail, un peu après 18 heures. En bon banquier qui se respecte, il est en costard. Mais, avant d’aller retrouver sa femme et ses deux enfants, Wilson ne peut pas s’empêcher de faire un petit détour au quartier. C’est qu’il a un sacré match à débriefer avec ses potes : la veille, Tottenham a éliminé l’Ajax Amsterdam en demi-finale de la Ligue des champions grâce à un but inscrit dans les toutes dernières secondes. Sur les coups de 18h30, lorsqu’il prend la direction de la Plaine Saint-Denis, là où il a grandi, Wilson ne se doute pas qu’une heure ou deux plus tard, il serait placé en garde à vue, en train de pisser le sang, dans une cellule de dégrisement du commissariat voisin.

#violence-Policière #brutalité_policière #brutalité_macronienne et #racisme

Liban : sit-in dans les camps de réfugiés palestiniens pour l’emploi
Paul Khalifeh, RFI, le 18 juillet 2019
▻http://www.rfi.fr/moyen-orient/20190718-liban-sit-in-camps-refugies-palestiniens-emploi

La baisse du degré de violence fait suite aux contacts intensifs entrepris à plus d’un niveau pour contenir la colère des réfugiés palestiniens, dans un pays aux lois protectionnistes, où 72 métiers leur sont interdits.

#Palestine #Liban #Réfugiés #Camps #Discriminations #Xénophobie #métiers_interdits

Google change son algorithme pour ne plus associer d’office les femmes non-blanches au porno
▻https://www.numerama.com/politique/534655-google-change-son-algorithme-pour-ne-plus-associer-doffice-les-femm

Les recherches Google sur des jeunes femmes noires ou asiatiques renvoyaient vers des sites pornographiques. Ce n’est désormais plus le cas. Google a enfin fait le ménage dans ses résultats de recherche. Après avoir banni les résultats pornographiques qui s’affichaient en premier lorsque l’on tapait le mot « lesbienne », le moteur de recherche a fait de même avec d’autres termes comme « jeune femme noire » et « jeune femme asiatique », a remarqué sur Twitter la développeuse Jill Royer ce vendredi 19 (...)

#Google #GoogleSearch #algorithme #pornographie #xénophobie #discrimination

//c0.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2019/07/google-recherche-jeune-femme-noire.jpg

Twitter won’t hide Donald Trump’s racist tweets
▻https://www.theverge.com/2019/7/15/20695188/twitter-trump-racist-tweets-moderation-public-figure-hateful-conduct

Twitter won’t be treating President Donald Trump’s recent tweets telling congresswomen to “go back” to their supposed home countries as a violation of its hateful conduct policy, the company confirmed to The Verge. That means the tweets won’t trigger a flagging system Twitter announced last month, intended to limit the reach of banned content by public officials. On Sunday, Trump attacked a group of congresswomen — implicitly the Reps. Ilhan Omar (D-MN), Rashida Tlaib (D-MI), Ayanna Pressley (...)

#Twitter #xénophobie #censure #terms #discrimination

https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/BnG9WCJSDvN5drVI3i6JTS-R1vM=/0x146:2040x1214/fit-in/1200x630/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/10125279/acastro_180130_1777_0008.jpg

Pourquoi Twitter ne censure pas les tweets racistes de Trump
▻https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2019/07/17/pourquoi-twitter-ne-censure-pas-les-tweets-racistes-de-trump_1740327

Le réseau social ne considère pas les récents tweets polémiques du président américain, appelant les femmes parlementaires démocrates à « retourner » d’où elles venaient, comme racistes ou xénophobes. Sur Twitter, le président américain peut tout dire. Depuis dimanche, ses salves xénophobes contre les quatre élues du Congrès, les appelant à « rentrer chez elles » n’ont fait l’objet d’aucune sanction sur le réseau social, malgré la teneur « raciste et xénophobe » de ses propos dénoncée, entre autres, par des (...)

#Twitter #censure #discrimination #xénophobie

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