• Palantir Says Faulty AI and Privacy Regulation Are a Risk to the Company

    Palantir has never made a profit, and according to its S-1 filing, may never make a profit. But it has no plans to stop now. Palantir, a Denver-based surveillance firm that contracts with commercial firms and government agencies such as U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, published its public filing documents on Tuesday ahead of plans to go public by the end of September. The filing, particularly the section that covers potential risks that the company sees for itself, provides a (...)

    #Palantir #NSA #ICE #algorithme #XKeyscore #migration #données #bénéfices #biais #BigData #PRISM #surveillance (...)


  • prism-break.org - Zintv

    Met­tons fin à notre dépen­dance à l’é­gard des ser­vices pro­prié­taires. LE SITE PRISM-BREAK.org LUTTE CONTRE LA SURVEILLANCE Échap­per aux pro­grammes de sur­veillance néces­site de chan­ger la manière dont on uti­li­ser Inter­net. Néan­moins, trou­ver et uti­li­ser les bons outils numé­riques alter­na­tifs n’est pas for­cé­ment à la por­tée de tout le monde. Dans ce sens, le site prism-break.org pro­pose toute une série de logi­ciels qui n’ont pas été déve­lop­pés par les géants du web qui col­la­borent avec la NSA. (...)

    #Altaba/Yahoo ! #Apple #GCHQ #Google #Microsoft #Facebook #PalTalk #Skype #YouTube #TOR #cryptage #Android #Linux #smartphone #Tempora #Windows #XKeyscore #DuckDuckGo #VPN #iOS #historique #FiveEyes #PRISM (...)

    ##Altaba/Yahoo_ ! ##surveillance

  • Jackson Lears · What We Don’t Talk about When We Talk about Russian Hacking : #Russiagate · LRB 4 January 2018
    La pensée unique aux États Unis de plus en plus sectaire et pesante

    Jackson Lears

    American politics have rarely presented a more disheartening spectacle. The repellent and dangerous antics of Donald Trump are troubling enough, but so is the Democratic Party leadership’s failure to take in the significance of the 2016 election campaign. Bernie Sanders’s challenge to Hillary Clinton, combined with Trump’s triumph, revealed the breadth of popular anger at politics as usual – the blend of neoliberal domestic policy and interventionist foreign policy that constitutes consensus in Washington. Neoliberals celebrate market utility as the sole criterion of worth; interventionists exalt military adventure abroad as a means of fighting evil in order to secure global progress. Both agendas have proved calamitous for most Americans. Many registered their disaffection in 2016. Sanders is a social democrat and Trump a demagogic mountebank, but their campaigns underscored a widespread repudiation of the Washington consensus. For about a week after the election, pundits discussed the possibility of a more capacious Democratic strategy. It appeared that the party might learn something from Clinton’s defeat. Then everything changed.

    A story that had circulated during the campaign without much effect resurfaced: it involved the charge that Russian operatives had hacked into the servers of the Democratic National Committee, revealing embarrassing emails that damaged Clinton’s chances. With stunning speed, a new centrist-liberal orthodoxy came into being, enveloping the major media and the bipartisan Washington establishment. This secular religion has attracted hordes of converts in the first year of the Trump presidency. In its capacity to exclude dissent, it is like no other formation of mass opinion in my adult life, though it recalls a few dim childhood memories of anti-communist hysteria during the early 1950s.

    The centrepiece of the faith, based on the hacking charge, is the belief that Vladimir Putin orchestrated an attack on American democracy by ordering his minions to interfere in the election on behalf of Trump. The story became gospel with breathtaking suddenness and completeness. Doubters are perceived as heretics and as apologists for Trump and Putin, the evil twins and co-conspirators behind this attack on American democracy. Responsibility for the absence of debate lies in large part with the major media outlets. Their uncritical embrace and endless repetition of the Russian hack story have made it seem a fait accompli in the public mind. It is hard to estimate popular belief in this new orthodoxy, but it does not seem to be merely a creed of Washington insiders. If you question the received narrative in casual conversations, you run the risk of provoking blank stares or overt hostility – even from old friends. This has all been baffling and troubling to me; there have been moments when pop-culture fantasies (body snatchers, Kool-Aid) have come to mind.

    Like any orthodoxy worth its salt, the religion of the Russian hack depends not on evidence but on ex cathedra pronouncements on the part of authoritative institutions and their overlords. Its scriptural foundation is a confused and largely fact-free ‘assessment’ produced last January by a small number of ‘hand-picked’ analysts – as James Clapper, the director of National Intelligence, described them – from the CIA, the FBI and the NSA. The claims of the last were made with only ‘moderate’ confidence. The label Intelligence Community Assessment creates a misleading impression of unanimity, given that only three of the 16 US intelligence agencies contributed to the report. And indeed the assessment itself contained this crucial admission: ‘Judgments are not intended to imply that we have proof that shows something to be a fact. Assessments are based on collected information, which is often incomplete or fragmentary, as well as logic, argumentation and precedents.’ Yet the assessment has passed into the media imagination as if it were unassailable fact, allowing journalists to assume what has yet to be proved. In doing so they serve as mouthpieces for the intelligence agencies, or at least for those ‘hand-picked’ analysts.

    It is not the first time the intelligence agencies have played this role. When I hear the Intelligence Community Assessment cited as a reliable source, I always recall the part played by the New York Times in legitimating CIA reports of the threat posed by Saddam Hussein’s putative weapons of mass destruction, not to mention the long history of disinformation (a.k.a. ‘fake news’) as a tactic for advancing one administration or another’s political agenda. Once again, the established press is legitimating pronouncements made by the Church Fathers of the national security state. Clapper is among the most vigorous of these. He perjured himself before Congress in 2013, when he denied that the NSA had ‘wittingly’ spied on Americans – a lie for which he has never been held to account. In May 2017, he told NBC’s Chuck Todd that the Russians were highly likely to have colluded with Trump’s campaign because they are ‘almost genetically driven to co-opt, penetrate, gain favour, whatever, which is a typical Russian technique’. The current orthodoxy exempts the Church Fathers from standards imposed on ordinary people, and condemns Russians – above all Putin – as uniquely, ‘almost genetically’ diabolical.

    It’s hard for me to understand how the Democratic Party, which once felt scepticism towards the intelligence agencies, can now embrace the CIA and the FBI as sources of incontrovertible truth. One possible explanation is that Trump’s election has created a permanent emergency in the liberal imagination, based on the belief that the threat he poses is unique and unprecedented. It’s true that Trump’s menace is viscerally real. But the menace posed by George W. Bush and Dick Cheney was equally real. The damage done by Bush and Cheney – who ravaged the Middle East, legitimated torture and expanded unconstitutional executive power – was truly unprecedented, and probably permanent. Trump does pose an unprecedented threat to undocumented immigrants and Muslim travellers, whose protection is urgent and necessary. But on most issues he is a standard issue Republican. He is perfectly at home with Paul Ryan’s austerity agenda, which involves enormous transfers of wealth to the most privileged Americans. He is as committed as any other Republican to repealing Obama’s Affordable Care Act. During the campaign he posed as an apostate on free trade and an opponent of overseas military intervention, but now that he is in office his free trade views are shifting unpredictably and his foreign policy team is composed of generals with impeccable interventionist credentials.

    Trump is committed to continuing his predecessors’ lavish funding of the already bloated Defence Department, and his Fortress America is a blustering, undisciplined version of Madeleine Albright’s ‘indispensable nation’. Both Trump and Albright assume that the United States should be able to do as it pleases in the international arena: Trump because it’s the greatest country in the world, Albright because it’s an exceptional force for global good. Nor is there anything unprecedented about Trump’s desire for détente with Russia, which until at least 2012 was the official position of the Democratic Party. What is unprecedented about Trump is his offensive style: contemptuous, bullying, inarticulate, and yet perfectly pitched to appeal to the anger and anxiety of his target audience. His excess has licensed overt racism and proud misogyny among some of his supporters. This is cause for denunciation, but I am less persuaded that it justifies the anti-Russian mania.

    Besides Trump’s supposed uniqueness, there are two other assumptions behind the furore in Washington: the first is that the Russian hack unquestionably occurred, and the second is that the Russians are our implacable enemies. The second provides the emotional charge for the first. Both seem to me problematic. With respect to the first, the hacking charges are unproved and may well remain so. Edward Snowden and others familiar with the NSA say that if long-distance hacking had taken place the agency would have monitored it and could detail its existence without compromising their secret sources and methods. In September, Snowden told Der Spiegel that the NSA ‘probably knows quite well who the invaders were’. And yet ‘it has not presented any evidence, although I suspect it exists. The question is: why not? … I suspect it discovered other attackers in the systems, maybe there were six or seven groups at work.’ He also said in July 2016 that ‘even if the attackers try to obfuscate origin, ‪#XKEYSCORE makes following exfiltrated data easy. I did this personally against Chinese ops.’ The NSA’s capacity to follow hacking to its source is a matter of public record. When the agency investigated pervasive and successful Chinese hacking into US military and defence industry installations, it was able to trace the hacks to the building where they originated, a People’s Liberation Army facility in Shanghai. That information was published in the New York Times, but, this time, the NSA’s failure to provide evidence has gone curiously unremarked. When The Intercept published a story about the NSA’s alleged discovery that Russian military intelligence had attempted to hack into US state and local election systems, the agency’s undocumented assertions about the Russian origins of the hack were allowed to stand as unchallenged fact and quickly became treated as such in the mainstream media.

    Meanwhile, there has been a blizzard of ancillary accusations, including much broader and vaguer charges of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Kremlin. It remains possible that Robert Mueller, a former FBI director who has been appointed to investigate these allegations, may turn up some compelling evidence of contacts between Trump’s people and various Russians. It would be surprising if an experienced prosecutor empowered to cast a dragnet came up empty-handed, and the arrests have already begun. But what is striking about them is that the charges have nothing to do with Russian interference in the election. There has been much talk about the possibility that the accused may provide damaging evidence against Trump in exchange for lighter sentences, but this is merely speculation. Paul Manafort, at one point Trump’s campaign manager, has pleaded not guilty to charges of failing to register his public relations firm as a foreign agent for the Ukrainian government and concealing his millions of dollars in fees. But all this occurred before the 2016 campaign. George Papadopolous, a foreign policy adviser, has pleaded guilty to the charge of lying to the FBI about his bungling efforts to arrange a meeting between Trump’s people and the Russian government – an opportunity the Trump campaign declined. Mueller’s most recent arrestee, Michael Flynn, the unhinged Islamophobe who was briefly Trump’s national security adviser, has pleaded guilty to charges of lying to the FBI about meeting the Russian ambassador in December – weeks after the election. This is the sort of backchannel diplomacy that routinely occurs during the interim between one administration and the next. It is not a sign of collusion.

    So far, after months of ‘bombshells’ that turn out to be duds, there is still no actual evidence for the claim that the Kremlin ordered interference in the American election. Meanwhile serious doubts have surfaced about the technical basis for the hacking claims. Independent observers have argued it is more likely that the emails were leaked from inside, not hacked from outside. On this front, the most persuasive case was made by a group called Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity, former employees of the US intelligence agencies who distinguished themselves in 2003 by debunking Colin Powell’s claim that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction, hours after Powell had presented his pseudo-evidence at the UN. (There are members of VIPS who dissent from the VIPS report’s conclusions, but their arguments are in turn contested by the authors of the report.) The VIPS findings received no attention in major media outlets, except Fox News – which from the centre-left perspective is worse than no attention at all. Mainstream media have dismissed the VIPS report as a conspiracy theory (apparently the Russian hacking story does not count as one). The crucial issue here and elsewhere is the exclusion from public discussion of any critical perspectives on the orthodox narrative, even the perspectives of people with professional credentials and a solid track record.

    Both the DNC hacking story and the one involving the emails of John Podesta, a Clinton campaign operative, involve a shadowy bunch of putatively Russian hackers called Fancy Bear – also known among the technically inclined as APT28. The name Fancy Bear was introduced by Dimitri Alperovitch, the chief technology officer of Crowdstrike, a cybersecurity firm hired by the DNC to investigate the theft of their emails. Alperovitch is also a fellow at the Atlantic Council, an anti-Russian Washington think tank. In its report Crowdstrike puts forward close to zero evidence for its claim that those responsible were Russian, let alone for its assertion that they were affiliated with Russian military intelligence. And yet, from this point on, the assumption that this was a Russian cyber operation was unquestioned. When the FBI arrived on the scene, the Bureau either did not request or was refused access to the DNC servers; instead it depended entirely on the Crowdstrike analysis. Crowdstrike, meanwhile, was being forced to retract another claim, that the Russians had successfully hacked the guidance systems of the Ukrainian artillery. The Ukrainian military and the British International Institute for Strategic Studies both contradicted this claim, and Crowdstrike backed down. But its DNC analysis was allowed to stand and even become the basis for the January Intelligence Community Assessment.

    The chatter surrounding the hack would never have acquired such urgency were it not for the accompanying assumption: Russia is a uniquely dangerous adversary, with which we should avoid all contact. Without that belief, Attorney General Jeff Sessions’s meetings with Russians in September 2016 would become routine discussions between a senator and foreign officials. Flynn’s post-election conversations with the Russian ambassador would appear unremarkable. Trump’s cronies’ attempts to do business in Russia would become merely sleazy. Donald Trump Jr’s meeting at Trump Tower with the Russian lawyer Natalia Veselnitskaya would be transformed from a melodrama of shady intrigue to a comedy of errors – with the candidate’s son expecting to receive information to use against Clinton but discovering Veselnitskaya only wanted to talk about repealing sanctions and restarting the flow of Russian orphans to the United States. And Putin himself would become just another autocrat, with whom democracies could engage without endorsing.

    Sceptical voices, such as those of the VIPS, have been drowned out by a din of disinformation. Flagrantly false stories, like the Washington Post report that the Russians had hacked into the Vermont electrical grid, are published, then retracted 24 hours later. Sometimes – like the stories about Russian interference in the French and German elections – they are not retracted even after they have been discredited. These stories have been thoroughly debunked by French and German intelligence services but continue to hover, poisoning the atmosphere, confusing debate. The claim that the Russians hacked local and state voting systems in the US was refuted by California and Wisconsin election officials, but their comments generated a mere whisper compared with the uproar created by the original story. The rush to publish without sufficient attention to accuracy has become the new normal in journalism. Retraction or correction is almost beside the point: the false accusation has done its work.

    The consequence is a spreading confusion that envelops everything. Epistemological nihilism looms, but some people and institutions have more power than others to define what constitutes an agreed-on reality. To say this is to risk dismissal as the ultimate wing-nut in the lexicon of contemporary Washington: the conspiracy theorist. Still, the fact remains: sometimes powerful people arrange to promote ideas that benefit their common interests. Whether we call this hegemony, conspiracy or merely special privilege hardly matters. What does matter is the power to create what Gramsci called the ‘common sense’ of an entire society. Even if much of that society is indifferent to or suspicious of the official common sense, it still becomes embedded among the tacit assumptions that set the boundaries of ‘responsible opinion’. So the Democratic establishment (along with a few Republicans) and the major media outlets have made ‘Russian meddling’ the common sense of the current moment. What kind of cultural work does this common sense do? What are the consequences of the spectacle the media call (with characteristic originality) ‘Russiagate’?

    The most immediate consequence is that, by finding foreign demons who can be blamed for Trump’s ascendancy, the Democratic leadership have shifted the blame for their defeat away from their own policies without questioning any of their core assumptions. Amid the general recoil from Trump, they can even style themselves dissenters – ‘#the resistance’ was the label Clintonites appropriated within a few days of the election. Mainstream Democrats have begun to use the word ‘progressive’ to apply to a platform that amounts to little more than preserving Obamacare, gesturing towards greater income equality and protecting minorities. This agenda is timid. It has nothing to say about challenging the influence of concentrated capital on policy, reducing the inflated defence budget or withdrawing from overextended foreign commitments; yet without those initiatives, even the mildest egalitarian policies face insuperable obstacles. More genuine insurgencies are in the making, which confront corporate power and connect domestic with foreign policy, but they face an uphill battle against the entrenched money and power of the Democratic leadership – the likes of Chuck Schumer, Nancy Pelosi, the Clintons and the DNC. Russiagate offers Democratic elites a way to promote party unity against Trump-Putin, while the DNC purges Sanders’s supporters.

    For the DNC, the great value of the Russian hack story is that it focuses attention away from what was actually in their emails. The documents revealed a deeply corrupt organisation, whose pose of impartiality was a sham. Even the reliably pro-Clinton Washington Post has admitted that ‘many of the most damaging emails suggest the committee was actively trying to undermine Bernie Sanders’s presidential campaign.’ Further evidence of collusion between the Clinton machine and the DNC surfaced recently in a memoir by Donna Brazile, who became interim chair of the DNC after Debbie Wasserman Schultz resigned in the wake of the email revelations. Brazile describes discovering an agreement dated 26 August 2015, which specified (she writes)

    that in exchange for raising money and investing in the DNC, Hillary would control the party’s finances, strategy, and all the money raised. Her campaign had the right of refusal of who would be the party communications director, and it would make final decisions on all the other staff. The DNC also was required to consult with the campaign about all other staffing, budgeting, data, analytics and mailings.

    Before the primaries had even begun, the supposedly neutral DNC – which had been close to insolvency – had been bought by the Clinton campaign.

    Another recent revelation of DNC tactics concerns the origins of the inquiry into Trump’s supposed links to Putin. The story began in April 2016, when the DNC hired a Washington research firm called Fusion GPS to unearth any connections between Trump and Russia. The assignment involved the payment of ‘cash for trash’, as the Clinton campaign liked to say. Fusion GPS eventually produced the trash, a lurid account written by the former British MI6 intelligence agent Christopher Steele, based on hearsay purchased from anonymous Russian sources. Amid prostitutes and golden showers, a story emerged: the Russian government had been blackmailing and bribing Donald Trump for years, on the assumption that he would become president some day and serve the Kremlin’s interests. In this fantastic tale, Putin becomes a preternaturally prescient schemer. Like other accusations of collusion, this one has become vaguer over time, adding to the murky atmosphere without ever providing any evidence. The Clinton campaign tried to persuade established media outlets to publicise the Steele dossier, but with uncharacteristic circumspection, they declined to promote what was plainly political trash rather than reliable reporting. Yet the FBI apparently took the Steele dossier seriously enough to include a summary of it in a secret appendix to the Intelligence Community Assessment. Two weeks before the inauguration, James Comey, the director of the FBI, described the dossier to Trump. After Comey’s briefing was leaked to the press, the website Buzzfeed published the dossier in full, producing hilarity and hysteria in the Washington establishment.

    The Steele dossier inhabits a shadowy realm where ideology and intelligence, disinformation and revelation overlap. It is the antechamber to the wider system of epistemological nihilism created by various rival factions in the intelligence community: the ‘tree of smoke’ that, for the novelist Denis Johnson, symbolised CIA operations in Vietnam. I inhaled that smoke myself in 1969-70, when I was a cryptographer with a Top Secret clearance on a US navy ship that carried missiles armed with nuclear warheads – the existence of which the navy denied. I was stripped of my clearance and later honourably discharged when I refused to join the Sealed Authenticator System, which would have authorised the launch of those allegedly non-existent nuclear weapons. The tree of smoke has only grown more complex and elusive since then. Yet the Democratic Party has now embarked on a full-scale rehabilitation of the intelligence community – or at least the part of it that supports the notion of Russian hacking. (We can be sure there is disagreement behind the scenes.) And it is not only the Democratic establishment that is embracing the deep state. Some of the party’s base, believing Trump and Putin to be joined at the hip, has taken to ranting about ‘treason’ like a reconstituted John Birch Society.

    I thought of these ironies when I visited the Tate Modern exhibition Soul of a Nation: Art in the Age of Black Power, which featured the work of black American artists from the 1960s and 1970s, when intelligence agencies (and agents provocateurs) were spearheading a government crackdown on black militants, draft resisters, deserters and antiwar activists. Amid the paintings, collages and assemblages there was a single Confederate flag, accompanied by grim reminders of the Jim Crow past – a Klansman in full regalia, a black body dangling from a tree. There were also at least half a dozen US flags, juxtaposed in whole or in part with images of contemporary racial oppression that could have occurred anywhere in America: dead black men carted off on stretchers by skeletons in police uniform; a black prisoner tied to a chair, awaiting torture. The point was to contrast the pretensions of ‘the land of the free’ with the practices of the national security state and local police forces. The black artists of that era knew their enemy: black people were not being killed and imprisoned by some nebulous foreign adversary, but by the FBI, the CIA and the police.

    The Democratic Party has now developed a new outlook on the world, a more ambitious partnership between liberal humanitarian interventionists and neoconservative militarists than existed under the cautious Obama. This may be the most disastrous consequence for the Democratic Party of the new anti-Russian orthodoxy: the loss of the opportunity to formulate a more humane and coherent foreign policy. The obsession with Putin has erased any possibility of complexity from the Democratic world picture, creating a void quickly filled by the monochrome fantasies of Hillary Clinton and her exceptionalist allies. For people like Max Boot and Robert Kagan, war is a desirable state of affairs, especially when viewed from the comfort of their keyboards, and the rest of the world – apart from a few bad guys – is filled with populations who want to build societies just like ours: pluralistic, democratic and open for business. This view is difficult to challenge when it cloaks itself in humanitarian sentiment. There is horrific suffering in the world; the US has abundant resources to help relieve it; the moral imperative is clear. There are endless forms of international engagement that do not involve military intervention. But it is the path taken by US policy often enough that one may suspect humanitarian rhetoric is nothing more than window-dressing for a more mundane geopolitics – one that defines the national interest as global and virtually limitless.

    Having come of age during the Vietnam War, a calamitous consequence of that inflated definition of national interest, I have always been attracted to the realist critique of globalism. Realism is a label forever besmirched by association with Henry Kissinger, who used it as a rationale for intervening covertly and overtly in other nations’ affairs. Yet there is a more humane realist tradition, the tradition of George Kennan and William Fulbright, which emphasises the limits of military might, counselling that great power requires great restraint. This tradition challenges the doctrine of regime change under the guise of democracy promotion, which – despite its abysmal failures in Iraq and Libya – retains a baffling legitimacy in official Washington. Russiagate has extended its shelf life.

    We can gauge the corrosive impact of the Democrats’ fixation on Russia by asking what they aren’t talking about when they talk about Russian hacking. For a start, they aren’t talking about interference of other sorts in the election, such as the Republican Party’s many means of disenfranchising minority voters. Nor are they talking about the trillion dollar defence budget that pre-empts the possibility of single-payer healthcare and other urgently needed social programmes; nor about the modernisation of the American nuclear arsenal which Obama began and Trump plans to accelerate, and which raises the risk of the ultimate environmental calamity, nuclear war – a threat made more serious than it has been in decades by America’s combative stance towards Russia. The prospect of impeaching Trump and removing him from office by convicting him of collusion with Russia has created an atmosphere of almost giddy anticipation among leading Democrats, allowing them to forget that the rest of the Republican Party is composed of many politicians far more skilful in Washington’s ways than their president will ever be.

    It is not the Democratic Party that is leading the search for alternatives to the wreckage created by Republican policies: a tax plan that will soak the poor and middle class to benefit the rich; a heedless pursuit of fossil fuels that is already resulting in the contamination of the water supply of the Dakota people; and continued support for police policies of militarisation and mass incarceration. It is local populations that are threatened by oil spills and police beatings, and that is where humane populism survives. A multitude of insurgent groups have begun to use the outrage against Trump as a lever to move the party in egalitarian directions: Justice Democrats, Black Lives Matter, Democratic Socialists of America, as well as a host of local and regional organisations. They recognise that there are far more urgent – and genuine – reasons to oppose Trump than vague allegations of collusion with Russia. They are posing an overdue challenge to the long con of neoliberalism, and the technocratic arrogance that led to Clinton’s defeat in Rust Belt states. Recognising that the current leadership will not bring about significant change, they are seeking funding from outside the DNC. This is the real resistance, as opposed to ‘#theresistance’.

    On certain important issues – such as broadening support for single-payer healthcare, promoting a higher minimum wage or protecting undocumented immigrants from the most flagrant forms of exploitation – these insurgents are winning wide support. Candidates like Paula Jean Swearengin, a coal miner’s daughter from West Virginia who is running in the Democratic primary for nomination to the US Senate, are challenging establishment Democrats who stand cheek by jowl with Republicans in their service to concentrated capital. Swearengin’s opponent is Joe Manchin, whom the Los Angeles Times has compared to Doug Jones, another ‘very conservative’ Democrat who recently won election to the US Senate in Alabama, narrowly defeating a Republican disgraced by accusations of sexual misconduct with 14-year-old girls. I can feel relieved at that result without joining in the collective Democratic ecstasy, which reveals the party’s persistent commitment to politics as usual. Democrat leaders have persuaded themselves (and much of their base) that all the republic needs is a restoration of the status quo ante Trump. They remain oblivious to popular impatience with familiar formulas. Jess King – a Mennonite woman, Bard College MBA and founder of a local non-profit who is running for Congress as a Justice Democrat in Lancaster, Pennsylvania – put it this way: ‘We see a changing political landscape right now that isn’t measured by traditional left to right politics anymore, but bottom to top. In Pennsylvania and many other places around the country we see a grassroots economic populism on the rise, pushing against the political establishment and status quo that have failed so many in our country.’

    Democratic insurgents are also developing a populist critique of the imperial hubris that has sponsored multiple failed crusades, extorted disproportionate sacrifice from the working class and provoked support for Trump, who presented himself (however misleadingly) as an opponent of open-ended interventionism. On foreign policy, the insurgents face an even more entrenched opposition than on domestic policy: a bipartisan consensus aflame with outrage at the threat to democracy supposedly posed by Russian hacking. Still, they may have found a tactical way forward, by focusing on the unequal burden borne by the poor and working class in the promotion and maintenance of American empire.

    This approach animates Autopsy: The Democratic Party in Crisis, a 33-page document whose authors include Norman Solomon, founder of the web-based insurgent lobby RootsAction.org. ‘The Democratic Party’s claims of fighting for “working families” have been undermined by its refusal to directly challenge corporate power, enabling Trump to masquerade as a champion of the people,’ Autopsy announces. But what sets this apart from most progressive critiques is the cogent connection it makes between domestic class politics and foreign policy. For those in the Rust Belt, military service has often seemed the only escape from the shambles created by neoliberal policies; yet the price of escape has been high. As Autopsy notes, ‘the wisdom of continual war’ – what Clinton calls ‘global leadership’ –

    was far clearer to the party’s standard bearer [in 2016] than it was to people in the US communities bearing the brunt of combat deaths, injuries and psychological traumas. After a decade and a half of non-stop warfare, research data from voting patterns suggest that the Clinton campaign’s hawkish stance was a political detriment in working-class communities hard-hit by American casualties from deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan.

    Francis Shen of the University of Minnesota and Douglas Kriner of Boston University analysed election results in three key states – Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan – and found that ‘even controlling in a statistical model for many other alternative explanations, we find that there is a significant and meaningful relationship between a community’s rate of military sacrifice and its support for Trump.’ Clinton’s record of uncritical commitment to military intervention allowed Trump to have it both ways, playing to jingoist resentment while posing as an opponent of protracted and pointless war. Kriner and Shen conclude that Democrats may want to ‘re-examine their foreign policy posture if they hope to erase Trump’s electoral gains among constituencies exhausted and alienated by 15 years of war’. If the insurgent movements within the Democratic Party begin to formulate an intelligent foreign policy critique, a re-examination may finally occur. And the world may come into sharper focus as a place where American power, like American virtue, is limited. For this Democrat, that is an outcome devoutly to be wished. It’s a long shot, but there is something happening out there.

    #USA #cuture #politique

  • L’imbécilité de la surveillance massive électronique : la preuve par Breivik

    A quoi peuvent bien servir les grandes oreilles de la #NSA si elles sont celles d’un malentendant ? Tout comme la vidéo-surveillance peine à démontrer son efficacité, le vaste système d’écoute massive de la planète […]

    #Monde #Société #Technos #Anders_Behring_Breivik #Oslo #Suède #Utoya #XKeyscore

  • Japan Made Secret Deals With the NSA That Expanded Global Surveillance

    It began as routinely as any other passenger flight. At gate 15 of New York City’s JFK Airport, more than 200 men, women, and children stood in line as they waited to board a Boeing 747. They were on their way to Seoul, South Korea’s capital city. But none would ever make it to their destination. About 14 hours after its departure, the plane was cruising at around 35,000 feet not far from the north of Japan when it was shot out of the sky. The downing of Korean Airlines Flight 007 occurred (...)

    #NSA #XKeyscore #écoutes #web #surveillance

  • Palantir, l’entreprise privée qui aide les services de renseignement

    De nouveaux documents révélés par The Intercept montrent comment la société Palantir, liée au monde du renseignement, a permis à certaines agences de faire proliférer leurs programmes de surveillance. Elle leur a notamment fourni un outil capable de s’accommoder des montagnes de données récupérées. Palantir Technologies est une société née en 2004, sous l’impulsion de Peter Thiel, Alex Karp et Joe Lonsdale, et dont le nom fait référence aux Pierres de Vision de Tolkien. Elle a en partie été financée par la (...)

    #NSA #Palantir #XKeyscore #surveillance #surveillance #web #surveillance #GCHQ

    • les analystes du GCHQ ont été « très impressionnés » par les capacités de Palantir. Ce dernier peut être comparé à un gigantesque moteur d’indexation et d’analyse, capable d’avaler de titanesques lots de données de sources diverses pour les réunir en une base unique. Palantir peut alors créer des relations entre les éléments.


      Deux outils en particulier ressortent dans les documents. Le premier se nomme Kite et est utilisé par le GCHQ pour importer des données très variées, comme des dates, des images, des positions géographiques et autres. Kite est notamment utilisé comme point d’entrée pour différentes bases de données, y compris celles provenant de l’extérieur et auxquelles le GCHQ réussit à accéder.

      L’autre se nomme XKEYSCORE Helper et fait directement référence à l’un des outils les plus connus de la NSA. Révélé durant l’été 2013 et confirmé par l’agence, XKEYSCORE (XKS) se présente comme l’ultime moteur de recherche du renseignement américain, capable de trouver rapidement des informations sur un individu. Le Helper est là pour huiler cette mécanique, facilitant l’importation des données et leur visualisation.


      #Kite #XKEYSCORE_Helper

  • Le Renseignement allemand pris en flagrant délit de collectes massives illégales

    Après avoir réalisé un contrôle sur place des services de renseignement, la Cnil allemande a dressé un bilan extrêmement critique des activités du Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND) en matière de collecte d’informations sur Internet. Le site Netzpolitik a dévoilé le contenu d’un rapport jusque là confidentiel produit en juillet 2015 par Andrea Voßhoff, le commissaire à la protection des données en Allemagne, qui accable les services de renseignement allemands. Le rapport a été réalisé après la visite de (...)

    #BND #web #surveillance #NSA #XKeyscore

  • Secret Report : German Federal Intelligence Service BND Violates Laws And Constitution By The Dozen

    The German Intelligence Service BND illegally collected and stored mass surveillance data and has to delete those data immediately, including XKeyscore. This is one of the results of a classified report of the German Federal Data Protection Commissioner that we are hereby publishing. In her report, she criticizes serious legal violations and a massive restriction of her supervision authority. When Edward Snowden exposed the global system of mass surveillance by secret services three years (...)

    #BND #XKeyscore #web #surveillance #NSA

  • If You Do This, the NSA Will Spy on You - Defense One

    If you are located outside of the U.S., Canada, the U.K. or one of the so-called Five Eyes countries partnering with the #NSA in its surveillance efforts, then visiting the #TOR website triggers an automatic fingerprinting. In other words, simply investigating privacy-enhancing methods from outside of the United States is an act worthy of scrutiny and surveillance according to rules that make #XKeyscore run. Another infraction: hating Windows.

    Repéré avec des chiffres et informations dans ce rapport au Congrès sur le so-called “#Dark_Web

    #surveillance #internet

    • If you visit the forum page for the popular Linux Journal, dedicated to the open-source operating system Linux, you could be fingerprinted regardless of where you live because the XKeystore source code designates the Linux Journal as an “extremist forum.” Searching for the Tails, operating system, another Windows alternative popular among human rights watchers, will also land you on the deep-packet inspectee list.


  • #Surveillance. #XKeyscore : le “Google” de la #NSA qui espionne la Terre entière

    Le site d’investigation The Intercept vient de publier 48 documents classés top secrets qui détaillent le fonctionnement du moteur de recherche de XKeyscore, l’un des outils les plus puissants du renseignement américain.


  • La #NSA et le #GCHQ auraient piraté le plus important fabricant de #cartes_SIM au monde

    Des espions américains et britanniques se seraient introduit dans le réseau informatique interne du plus grand fabricant de cartes #SIM au monde, dérobant les clés utilisées pour chiffrer un nombre important de communications cellulaires à travers le monde.


    • L’opération s’est ainsi déroulée sans que Gemalto n’ait le moindre soupçon.


      #Christopher_Soghoian, spécialiste de la vie privée de l’American Civil Liberties Union, est plutôt pessimiste à l’égard de la situation de Gemalto. « Une fois que vous détenez les clés, décrypter le trafic est une bagatelle », a-t-il affirmé. « La nouvelle concernant le vol de ces clés enverra une onde de choc dans toute la communauté de sécurité informatique. »


      Un peu plus en détail :

      Des employés de Gemalto ont été personnellement espionnés, jusque dans leurs comptes Facebook ou Gmail, pour remonter jusqu’à ceux susceptibles de détenir les clés envoyées aux opérateurs, et en faire des cibles privilégiées. Le GCHQ a ainsi utilisé l’outil #XKEYSCORE mis au point par la NSA, pour tracer toutes leurs communications.


      En revanche, The Intercept nous apprend que les comptes des employés des bureaux de Gemalto en France et en Pologne étaient particulièrement visés par une opération baptisée HIGHLAND FLING. "Un document top-secret de l’opération indiquait que l’un des objectifs était de « pénétrer le QG français » de Gemalto pour « avoir accès aux bases de données de référence » (core data repositories). La France, hôte de l’un des sièges internationaux de Gemalto, est le centre nerveux des opérations mondiales de la société", écrit le site.

  • #XKeyscore : aidons la #NSA !

    img style="float : right ; margin : 0px 5px 0px 5px ;" src='https://seenthis.net/

    " alt="XKeyscore : aidons la NSA !" width="200" height="162" />Je ne comprends pas toujours l’intérêt que peuvent avoir certains sites à relayer de telles âneries. Dsfc

    #Sécurité #Boum.org #Guignol #Guignolerie #Guignoleries #MUS_Services #Tails #Tor #Tor_Project #Torproject.org

  • Y a-t-il un deuxième Edward #Snowden ?

    La #NSA considère-t-elle les militants de la #vie_privée comme des #terroristes en puissance ? C’est ce qu’avancent Lena Kampf, Jacob Appelbaum et John Goetz, trois activistes du projet #Tor, un réseau décentralisé qui permet de naviguer anonymement sur #Internet. Il y a quelques mois, le Guardian avait déjà révélé les tentatives des services de renseignement américains pour moucharder ce dernier. Mais la portée de la #surveillance aurait été minimisée.

    Dans un long article publié sur le site allemand Tagesschau.de (version en anglais disponible ici http://daserste.ndr.de/panorama/aktuell/nsa230_page-2.html), le trio décortique le code du programme #XKeyscore : il permettrait d’identifier tous les internautes se connectant à un serveur Tor. Pire, une simple visite sur le site du projet pourrait suffire à vous envoyer sur la liste des « #extrémistes » au côté des lecteurs de #BoingBoing ou des membres du forum #Linux.

    Détail intéressant : selon plusieurs experts, ces nouvelles informations pourraient avoir été fournies par une autre source qu’Edward Snowden. Sur son blog, le cryptologue Bruce Schneier – qui a déjà épaulé le journaliste Glenn Greenwald dans l’analyse des documents de la NSA - estime « qu’il y a un deuxième #whistleblower », un avis partagé par le journaliste Cory Doctorow, qui cite une source non identifiée mais présentée comme primaire : « Un autre expert estime que cette fuite pourrait provenir d’une seconde source, dans la mesure où il n’a pas vu ces documents parmi ceux de Snowden [...] [il] pourrait avoir inspiré certains de ses collègues. »


  • The NSA Uses Powerful Toolbox in Effort to Spy on Global Networks - SPIEGEL ONLINE

    The NSA’s TAO hacking unit is considered to be the intelligence agency’s top secret weapon. It maintains its own covert network, infiltrates computers around the world and even intercepts shipping deliveries to plant back doors in electronics ordered by those it is targeting.



  • La #surveillance ne connaît pas de frontières.

    Indian help | Frontline

    Network security agreements that Reliance Communications and VSNL signed with U.S. government departments oblige them to share data carried on their infrastructure and assist the U.S. in its surveillance programme.

    EVEN as the storm set off by the whistle-blower Edward Snowden’s revelations about the United States’ elaborate electronic surveillance programme is raging, a set of documents accessed by Frontline highlight the involvement of two major Indian telecom companies in assisting the U.S. in carrying out the programmes.

    A series of Network Security Agreements (NSAs) entered into by various U.S. government departments with foreign communications infrastructure providers from 1999 to 2011 allowed the U.S. access to a considerable amount of data flowing through the cables of these companies.

    Reliance Communications Limited and the erstwhile Videsh Sanchar Nigam Limited (VSNL), which is now called Tata Communications Ltd, signed network security agreements with the U.S. in November 2007 and April 2005 respectively.


    Comprendre la collaboration planétaire, au-delà de la seule #silicon_army, de la seule #NSA, des seules affaires #Prism #Snowden #XKeyscore etc.

    –> Suivre les #câbles :


    –> Suivre l’histoire (#Echelon) :


    –> Recenser les collaborateurs privilégiés :

    Royaume-Uni (#GCHQ #Tempora)
    Allemagne http://seenthis.net/messages/163891 ;
    Au moins 7 pays européens ? http://reflets.info/prism-and-guests-au-moins-7-pays-europeens-auraient-des-accords-avec-la-ns
    L’#UE dans son ensemble ? http://seenthis.net/messages/151738

  • Scandale d’espionnage : les renseignements allemands ont collaboré avec la NSA

    Le magazine Spiegel a dévoilé, ce lundi, que les services allemands du renseignement extérieur (BND) avaient signé des accords des partenariats avec leurs homologues américains dans le cadre du programme d’#espionnage #XKeyscore, qui permet une récolte massive des données de connexion informatique et télécoms dans le monde entier.

    Concrètement, les données seraient récoltées depuis une ancienne base militaire américaine à Bad Aibling, sympathique bourgade bavaroise. Cette base dispose d’une importante infrastructure de surveillance radar (radômes) et héberge, par ailleurs, une équipe de « liaison » de la #NSA.



    • Les trois plus gros fournisseurs allemands de messagerie électronique, dont l’ex-monopole Deutsche Telekom, ont annoncé vendredi un partenariat pour sécuriser le trafic de courriels entre eux, sur fond d’inquiétudes des usagers liées à l’espionnage américain.

      Deutsche Telekom, GMX et Web.de, toutes les deux filiales de l’allemand United Internet, vont à partir de maintenant crypter automatiquement tous les messages circulant entre elles.
      Cela vaudra pour le contenu des courriels aussi bien que pour l’identité de l’expéditeur et du destinataire et les pièces jointes.
      Les domaines t-online.de (Deutsche Telekom), web.de et gmx.de représentent à eux trois deux-tiers des comptes privés de messagerie électronique utilisés en Allemagne, soit plus de 50 millions de comptes, selon les deux groupes.

  • Presenting #XKeyscore: What the N.S.A. Is Still Hiding : The New Yorker

    As the Washington Post pointed out, the documents the government released Wednesday talk about the precautions analysts takes, but then “also apparently shows that #NSA technicians, contrary to government officials’ statements, may review the data even when there is no connection to foreign terrorism.” Where is the line between performing technical tasks and domestic spying?


  • #NSA Hype Machine - By Shane Harris | Foreign Policy

    The #XKeyscore presentation does offer some insights into how the NSA goes about finding suspected #terrorists by their #digital_footprints. In a sort of “how to” guide, it advises analysts to “look for #anomalous_events” among the transactions and records that XKeyscore is scanning. “E.g. someone whose #language is out of place for the region they are in,” "Someone who is using #encryption," and “Someone searching the Web for suspicious stuff.”