• Les #outils_numériques de l’#humanitaire sont-ils compatibles avec le respect de la #vie_privée des #réfugiés ?

    Pour gérer les opérations humanitaires dans le camp de réfugiés syriens de #Zaatari en #Jordanie, les ONG ont mis en place des outils numériques, mais l’#innovation a un impact sur le personnel humanitaire comme sur les réfugiés. Travailler sur ce camp ouvert en 2012, où vivent 76 000 Syriens et travaillent 42 ONG, permet de s’interroger sur la célébration par le monde humanitaire de l’utilisation de #nouvelles_technologies pour venir en aide à des réfugiés.

    Après plusieurs années d’observation participative en tant que chargée d’évaluation pour une organisations non gouvernementales (ONG), je suis allée plusieurs fois à Amman et dans le camp de Zaatari, en Jordanie, entre 2017 et 2018, pour rencontrer des travailleurs humanitaires de 13 organisations différentes et agences de l’Onu et 10 familles vivant dans le camp, avec l’aide d’un interprète.

    Le camp de Zaatari a été ouvert dès 2012 par le Haut Commissariat aux Réfugiés pour répondre à la fuite des Syriens vers la Jordanie. Prévu comme une « #installation_temporaire », il peut accueillir jusqu’à 120 000 réfugiés. Les ONG et les agences des Nations Unies y distribuent de la nourriture et de l’eau potable, y procurent des soins et proposent un logement dans des caravanes.

    Pour faciliter la #gestion de cet espace de 5,2 km2 qui accueille 76 000 personnes, de très nombreux rapports, cartes et bases de données sont réalisés par les ONG. Les #données_géographiques, particulièrement, sont collectées avec des #smartphones et partagées via des cartes et des #tableaux_de_bord sur des #plateformes_en_ligne, soit internes au camp comme celle du Haut Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR), soit ouvertes à tous comme #Open_Street_Map. Ainsi, grâce à des images par satellite, on peut suivre les déplacements des abris des réfugiés dans le camp qui ont souvent lieu la nuit. Ces #mouvements modifient la #géographie_du_camp et la densité de population par zones, obligeant les humanitaires à modifier les services, tel l’apport en eau potable.

    Les réfugiés payent avec leur iris

    Ces outils font partie de ce que j’appelle « l’#humanitaire_numérique_innovant ». Le scan de l’#iris tient une place à part parmi ces outils car il s’intéresse à une partie du #corps du réfugié. Cette donnée biométrique est associée à la technologie de paiement en ligne appelée #blockchain et permet de régler ses achats au #supermarché installé dans le camp par une société jordanienne privée. Avant l’utilisation des #scanners à iris, les réfugiés recevaient une #carte_de_crédit qu’ils pouvaient utiliser dans divers magasins autour du camp, y compris dans des #échoppes appartenant à des réfugiés.

    Ils ne comprennent pas l’utilité pour eux d’avoir changé de système. Nour*, une réfugiée de 30 ans, trouvait que « la #carte_Visa était si facile » et craint de « devenir aveugle si [elle] continue à utiliser [son] iris. Cela prend tellement de temps : “ouvre les yeux”, “regarde à gauche”, etc. ». Payer avec son corps n’a rien d’anecdotique quand on est réfugié dans un camp et donc dépendant d’une assistance mensuelle dont on ne maîtrise pas les modalités. Nisrine, une autre réfugiée, préférait quand « n’importe qui pouvait aller au supermarché [pour quelqu’un d’autre]. Maintenant une [seule] personne doit y aller et c’est plus difficile ». Sans transport en commun dans le camp, se rendre au supermarché est une contrainte physique pour ces femmes.

    Le principal argument des ONG en faveur du développement du scan de l’iris est de réduire le risque de #fraude. Le #Programme_Alimentaire_Mondial (#Pam) contrôle pourtant le genre de denrées qui peuvent être achetées en autorisant ou non leur paiement avec la somme placée sur le compte des réfugiés. C’est le cas par exemple pour des aliments comme les chips, ou encore pour les protections hygiéniques. Pour ces biens-là, les réfugiés doivent compléter en liquide.

    Des interactions qui changent entre le personnel humanitaire et les réfugiés

    Les effets de ces #nouvelles_technologies se font aussi sentir dans les interactions entre le personnel du camp et les réfugiés. Chargés de collecter les #données, certains humanitaires doivent régulièrement interroger des jeunes hommes venant de zones rurales limitrophes (qui forment la majorité des réfugiés) sur leur hygiène ou leurs moyens de subsistance. Cela leur permet de créer des #indicateurs pour classer les réfugiés par catégories de #vulnérabilité et donc de #besoins. Ces interactions sont considérées par les réfugiés comme une intrusion dans leur espace de vie, à cause de la nature des questions posées, et sont pourtant devenues un des rares moments d’échanges entre ceux qui travaillent et vivent dans le camp.

    Le #classement des ménages et des individus doit se faire de manière objective pour savoir qui recevra quoi, mais les données collectées sont composites. Difficile pour les responsables de projets, directement interpellés par des réfugiés dans le camp, d’assumer les choix faits par des logiciels. C’est un exercice mathématique qui décide finalement de l’#allocation de l’aide et la majorité des responsables de programmes que j’ai interrogés ne connaissent pas son fonctionnement. Le processus de décision est retiré des mains du personnel humanitaire.

    Aucune évaluation de la #protection_des_données n’a été réalisée

    La vie privée de cette population qui a fui la guerre et trouvé refuge dans un camp est-elle bien protégée alors que toutes ces #données_personnelles sont récoltées ? Le journal en ligne The New Humanitarian rapportait en 2017 une importante fuite de données de bénéficiaires du Pam en Afrique de l’Ouest, détectée par une entreprise de protection de la donnée (https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/investigations/2017/11/27/security-lapses-aid-agency-leave-beneficiary-data-risk). En Jordanie, les #données_biométriques de l’iris des réfugiés circulent entre une banque privée et l’entreprise jordanienne qui exploite le supermarché, mais aucune évaluation de la protection des données n’a été réalisée, ni avant ni depuis la mise en œuvre de cette #innovation_technologique. Si la protection des données à caractère personnel est en train de devenir un objet de légalisation dans l’Union européenne (en particulier avec le Règlement Général sur la Protection des Données), elle n’a pas encore été incluse dans le #droit_humanitaire.

    De la collecte de données sur les pratiques d’hygiène à l’utilisation de données biométriques pour la distribution de l’#aide_humanitaire, les outils numériques suivent en continu l’histoire des réfugiés. Non pas à travers des récits personnels, mais sur la base de données chiffrées qui, pense-t-on, ne sauraient mentir. Pour sensibiliser le public à la crise humanitaire, les équipes de communication des agences des Nations Unies et des ONG utilisent pourtant des histoires humaines et non des chiffres.

    Les réfugiés eux-mêmes reçoivent peu d’information, voire aucune, sur ce que deviennent leurs données personnelles, ni sur leurs droits en matière de protection de données privées. La connexion Internet leur est d’ailleurs refusée, de peur qu’ils communiquent avec des membres du groupe État Islamique… La gestion d’un camp aussi vaste que celui de Zaatari bénéficie peut-être de ces technologies, mais peut-on collecter les #traces_numériques des activités quotidiennes des réfugiés sans leur demander ce qu’ils en pensent et sans garantir la protection de leurs données personnelles ?

    http://icmigrations.fr/2020/01/16/defacto-015-01

    #camps_de_réfugiés #numérique #asile #migrations #camps #surveillance #contrôle #biométrie #privatisation

    ping @etraces @reka @karine4 @isskein

  • Zaatari’s children: poverty, conflict and displacement in refugee camp

    According to UNHCR around 80,000 people live in Zaatari and more than half of them are children.

    Aysar Waseem Ryabi spent most of his nearly 6 years on this side of the border.

    “I wake up in the morning, have breakfast, go to the playground then go back home. I sit for a bit then go out again and play football. And then I take my brother and play more football," he said.

    Syria’s children are either growing up amid conflict, or living in poverty and displacement.

    Inside Zaatari, UNICEF partnered with NGOs and Syrians to create “safe spaces” for children to be children.

    Volunteers focus on extracurricular activities – like painting or playing – to help children with the tools they need to build up resilience.

    “This is so they can reach a level where they can get their needs and adapt to any condition,” Hussein Al-Qassem, UNICEF Volunteer told Euronews’ Anelise Borges.

    “No matter what might happen in the long run, they will have the solutions. It can be difficult, but I hope that the things they are witnessing will help them become more lenient.”

    https://www.euronews.com/2019/01/28/zaatari-s-children-poverty-conflict-and-displacement-in-refugee-camp
    #camps_de_réfugiés #Zaatari #Jordanie #pauvreté #réfugiés #asile #migrations

  • The #compact experiment. Push for refugee jobs confronts reality of Jordan and Lebanon

    In September 2015, as Europe veered between fear and compassion in response to the refugee crisis, the outline of a radical reform to refugee policy appeared in the journal Foreign Affairs. Its authors – Paul Collier, an influential development economist, and Alexander Betts, a social scientist and then-head of the Refugee Studies Centre at Oxford – proposed a pathway for Syrian refugees into Jordan’s labor market.


    http://issues.newsdeeply.com/the-compact-experiment
    #Liban #travail #réfugiés #réfugiés_syriens #Jordanie #Zaatari #marché_du_travail

  • Kathryn Clark - Home
    http://www.kathrynclark.com

    Inspired by the historical storyboard of the Bayeux Tapestry, Refugee Stories is a series of embroidery panels that follow the journey of the Syrian refugees into Europe. The monumental scale of the crisis, the second largest mass migration in history, is documented in various points along the refugees’ journey out of Syria and into Western Europe. Each point along their journey was affected by geography: whether by sea or land, pastoral farmland or war torn desert. Using international news stories, Google Earth, and numerical data from the United Nations, each panel pieces together the journey in one schematic map.

    http://www.kathrynclark.com/refugee-stories.html


    #art #cartographie #narration #Syrie #conflit #réfugié·es

    • Not Without Dignity: Views of Syrian Refugees in Lebanon on Displacement, Conditions of Return, and Coexistence

      Discussions about a future return of refugees and coexistence among groups currently at war in Syria must begin now, even in the face of ongoing violence and displacement. This report, based on interviews with refugees, makes it clear that the restoration of dignity will be important to creating the necessary conditions for return and peaceful coexistence — and building a stable post-war Syria one day.


      https://www.ictj.org/publication/syria-refugees-lebanon-displacement-return-coexistence
      #rapport

    • New ICTJ Study: Syrian Refugees in Lebanon See Security, Restoration of Dignity as Key Conditions for Return

      A new report from the International Center for Transitional Justice argues that discussions about a future return of refugees and coexistence among groups currently at war in Syria must begin now, even in the face of ongoing violence and displacement. The report makes it clear that the restoration of refugees’ sense of dignity will be important to creating the necessary conditions for return and peaceful coexistence — and building a stable post-war Syria one day.

      https://www.ictj.org/news/study-syrian-refugees-lebanon-conditions-return

    • We Must Start the Conversation About Return of Syrian Refugees Now

      If millions of displaced Syrians are to go home one day, we need to understand refugees’ conditions for returning, attitudes to justice and the possibility of coexistence, say the authors of an International Center for Transitional Justice study of refugees in Lebanon.

      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/06/21/we-must-start-the-conversation-about-return-of-syrian-refugees-now

    • Nowhere Left to Run: Refugee Evictions in Lebanon in Shadow of Return

      Lebanon wants to evict 12,000 refugees who live near an air base where foreign military assistance is delivered. The evictions, which began in spring and recently resumed after a short respite, have left refugees more vulnerable amid rising demands they return to Syria.


      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2017/09/28/nowhere-left-to-run-refugee-evictions-in-lebanon-in-shadow-of-return
      #Liban

    • Syrian Refugees Return From Lebanon Only to Flee War Yet Again

      Refugees who returned to Syria from Lebanon under cease-fire deals this summer have been displaced again by fighting. Those who stayed behind are pressing for international guarantees of safety on return, as Lebanese officials explore ways to get more refugees to leave.


      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2017/10/11/syrian-refugees-return-from-lebanon-only-to-flee-war-yet-again

    • Dangerous Exit: Who Controls How Syrians in Lebanon Go Home

      AS HALIMA clambered into a truck leaving Lebanon in late June, she resolved that if the men driving the vehicle were arrested at the Syrian border, she would get out and walk back to her village on her own. The 66-year-old grandmother had not seen the son and daughter she left behind in Syria for five years. Wearing an embroidered black dress and a traditional headdress, her crinkled eyes shone with determination. “I’m coming back to my land,” she said.

      Having begged her not to leave, Halima’s two daughters staying in Lebanon wept on her shoulders. “We’re afraid she won’t come back,” 42-year-old Sherifa said, as her voice cracked. Sherifa cannot follow her mother to Syria; her eldest son, who has single-handedly kept the family afloat with odd jobs because of his father’s disability, would be sent to war.

      Huddled in groups at the checkpoint in northeast Lebanon, other families also said their goodbyes. A teenage girl knelt on the dirt road, refusing to let go of her 19-year-old brother’s legs. Their mother, Nawal, held her as he left for a truck to the border. “I don’t know how he will live on his own in Syria. Only God knows what will happen to him,” Nawal said. “I didn’t think he would actually leave. It all happened very fast.”

      A few months earlier, 3,000 Syrians in the Lebanese border town of Arsal had registered their names with Syrian and Lebanese intelligence agencies to return to their villages just over the mountains in Syria’s Qalamoun region. When the first group of several hundred people was approved to leave on June 28, many families were separated, as some members either decided not to register or were not approved by Syrian authorities.

      “We need a political solution for these people to go back, but the politics doesn’t start here in Lebanon,” a Lebanese intelligence agent said, as a scuffle broke out that scorching June morning. A Syrian man lunged at Khaled Abdel Aziz, a real estate businessman who had been put in charge of signing up fellow refugees to return. Abdel Aziz sweated in his suit as he dashed between television interviews, repeating that Syrians had a country of their own to go back to. “You’re protecting the army, not protecting yourself,” the man yelled, before being pulled away.

      The TV cameras rolled as dozens of trucks and tractors piled high with timber, water tanks and chicken coops were checked off a list by Lebanese intelligence agents and headed with an army escort to the Syrian border. A line of TV reporters announced to their Lebanese viewers that these refugees were going home.

      The next day, on the other side of Arsal, a small group of refugees held a sit-in, to much less fanfare. “We’re asking for return with dignity,” one banner read, “with guarantees from the international community and the U.N.”

      “We’re not against the return, but we want conditions, guarantees,” said Khaled Raad, one of the organizers. His refugee committee has been petitioning the U.N. and sympathetic Lebanese politicians for international protection for returning Syrians for a year. “I mean, this is not like taking a cup of tea or coffee to say, after seven years, go ahead and return to your houses. It’s not an easy thing.”

      “WE NEED A POLITICAL SOLUTION FOR THESE PEOPLE TO GO BACK, BUT THE POLITICS DOESN’T START HERE IN LEBANON.”

      By then, Halima had arrived back in Syria. Apart from some tractors breaking down en route, they had no problem crossing the border. Halima went to stay with her son while she waited to hear about the situation in her hometown, the mountaintop village of Fleeta. Her granddaughters had grown up quickly while she was in Lebanon, and she loved spending time with them in the neighboring town.

      But as more of their friends and relatives returned to Fleeta, with subsequent groups departing Arsal in July, word came to the family of empty homes and little power, water or work in the Syrian village. Sherifa received messages from relatives who had returned to Fleeta but now wanted to escape again. With no easy way to come back to Lebanon legally, they planned to smuggle themselves back across the border.

      Without her mother, and with bad news from Fleeta making it less likely she would ever return to Syria, Sherifa became increasingly desperate. Her husband, who is unable to work for health reasons, sunk into depression. “By God, dying is better than living,” Sherifa said. “I seek refuge in God from this return.”

      LONGING FOR HOME, AFRAID TO RETURN
      RETURNING TO SYRIA during this eighth year of conflict is both an excruciating personal decision and a political calculation: by refugees, the government in Syria, and other nations with a stake in the war. As the government recaptures more territory from opposition groups, and fighting quells in certain areas, some refugees are considering returning, while others are terrified of the increasing pressure to go back. After Lebanon began organizing small group returns this year, including from Arsal, these dilemmas became more urgent.

      To return is to take a political gamble: Refugees must weigh the risks of staying against the risks of going. They try to figure out who can be trusted to tell them the truth. They gather snippets of information from their cities, towns and villages about what happens to people who return. They struggle to decipher the intentions of the mercurial and multi-layered Syrian authorities and their foreign allies.

      Some of the broader dangers are well-known: an estimated half a million people killed in Syria’s war, including thousands dead this year; some one million people forced to leave their homes this year alone; a third of all houses and half of all schools and hospitals damaged or destroyed; in government-controlled areas, mandatory conscription into battle for men under 43, fear of arrest and torture, and the difficulties of reintegrating into a society and economy fractured by war.

      Until now, few refugees have considered this a risk worth taking. In 2017, the U.N. said 77,300 refugees went back independently to Syria, out of 5.6 million who had fled the country. The vast majority of Syrian refugees have consistently told U.N. and independent surveys they hoped to return home one day, but do not yet feel safe to do so.

      There are also risks to staying. More than 80 percent of Syrian refugees remain in three neighboring countries: Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan. There, they face soaring poverty, years out of work or school, lack of official documents, risk of arrest and, above all, an increasing public clamoring for Syrians to be sent back.

      In Lebanon, where at least 1.5 million Syrians have sought refuge – increasing the country’s population by a quarter – the pressure to leave is the most intense. Few Syrians have legal status, even fewer can work. Many towns have imposed curfews or carried out mass evictions. At the U.N. General Assembly last year, Lebanon’s president Michel Aoun insisted Syrians must return, voluntarily or not. “The claim that they will not be safe should they return to their country is an unacceptable pretext,” he told world leaders.

      https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2018/08/08/dangerous-exit-who-controls-how-syrians-in-lebanon-go-home
      #Liban

    • Turkish minister: 255,300 Syrian refugees have returned home

      Turkish Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu said on Sunday that 255,300 Syrian refugees have returned home over the past two years, the state-run Anadolu news agency reported.

      “Some 160,000 of them returned to the Euphrates Shield region after Turkey brought peace there,” added Soylu, speaking to reporters in the southern province of Hatay bordering Syria.

      Turkey carried out Operation Euphrates Shield between August 2016 and March 2017 to eliminate the terrorist threat along the border in the northern Syrian regions of Jarabulus, Al-Rai, Al-Bab and Azaz with the help of the Free Syrian Army.

      Expressing concern about a possible operation in the Idlib region of Syria by regime forces, the minister underlined that Turkey would not be responsible for a wave of migration in the event of an offensive.

      Soylu also noted that an average of 6,800 irregular migrants a day used to enter Greece from western Turkey in 2015 and that now it has been reduced to 79.

      https://www.turkishminute.com/2018/09/09/turkish-minister-255300-syrian-refugees-have-returned-home

    • The fate of Syrian refugees in Lebanon. Between forced displacement and forced return

      Recent news reports have surfaced on a possible United States-Russia deal to arrange for the return of refugees to Syria—reports that coincided both with the announcement that thousands of Syrians have died in regime prisons, and with one of the worst massacres in the conflict, perpetrated by ISIS in the city of Swaida. The US-Russia deal has been welcomed by Lebanese politicians, particularly those who have been scheming to repatriate Syrians for years now. But, unsurprisingly, the absence of a clear and coherent strategy for repatriation by the Lebanese government puts Syrian refugees at grave risk.

      In June, UNHCR interviewed Syrian refugees in Arsal who had expressed their willingness to go back to Syria in order to verify that they had the documentation needed for return and to ensure they were fully aware of the conditions in their home country. In response, caretaker Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil accused the agency of impeding refugees’ free return and ordered a freeze on the renewal of agency staff residency permits.

      This tug of war raises two main questions: What are the conditions in Lebanon that are pushing refugees toward returning to Syria while the conflict is ongoing and dangers persist? And what are the obstacles preventing some Syrians from returning freely to their homes?

      Conditions for Syrians in Lebanon

      Syrians began fleeing to Lebanon as early as 2011, but the Lebanese government failed to produce a single policy response until 2014, leading to ad-hoc practices by donors and host communities.

      By the end of 2014, the government began introducing policies to “reduce the number of displaced Syrians,” including closing the borders and requiring Syrians to either register with UNHCR and pledge not to work, or to secure a Lebanese sponsor to remain legally in the country and pay a $200 residency permit fee every six months. In May 2015, the government directed UNHCR to stop registering refugees. These conditions put many Syrians in a precarious position: without documentation, vulnerable to arrest and detention, and with limited mobility. Municipalities have been impeding freedom of movement as well, by imposing curfews on Syrians and even expelling them from their towns.

      In addition to the difficulties imposed by the state, Syrians face discrimination and violence on a day-to-day basis. Refugee settlements have been set on fire, Syrians have been beaten in the streets, and camps are regularly raided by the Lebanese army. All the while, Lebanese politicians foster and fuel the hatred of Syrians, blaming them for the country’s miseries and painting them as existential and security threats.

      Despite the polarization among Lebanese politicians regarding the situation in Syria, there is a consensus that the Syrian refugees are a burden that Lebanon cannot bear. Politicians across the board have been advocating for the immediate repatriation of refugees, and state officials are beginning to take action. President Michel Aoun made a statement in May declaring that Lebanon would seek a solution regarding the refugee crisis without taking into account the preferences of the UN or the European Union. This was followed by Bassil’s move, to freeze the residency permits of UNHCR staff, the leading agency (despite its many shortcomings) providing services for, and protecting the interests of, Syrian refugees. While UNHCR maintains that there are no safe zones in Syria as of yet, Lebanon’s General Security has begun facilitating the return of hundreds of refugees from Arsal and nearby towns. This process has been monitored by UNHCR to ensure that the returns are voluntary. Hezbollah has also established centers to organize the return of Syrians to their homes in collaboration with the Syrian regime.

      Syrian regime obstructing refugees’ free return

      As the situation for Syrian refugees in Lebanon becomes more and more unbearable, conditions for them back home remain troubling. Since 2012, the Syrian regime has been taking deliberate measures that would effectively make the situation for returning Syrians extremely difficult and dangerous.

      Conscription

      Syrian males aged 18 to 42 must serve in the Syrian Armed Forces. While exemptions were allowed in the past, a decree issued in 2017 bans exemptions from military service. Refusing to serve in the Syrian army results in imprisonment or an $8,000 fine, which most Syrians are unable to pay, thus risking having their assets seized by the regime.

      Property as a weapon of war

      Law No. 66 (2012) allowed for the creation of development zones in specified areas across the country. Under the pretense of redeveloping areas currently hosting informal settlements or unauthorized housing, the law is actually being used to expropriate land from residents in areas identified in the decree, which are mostly former opposition strongholds such as Daraya and Ghouta.

      Law No. 10 (2018), passed in April, speeds up the above process. This law stipulates the designation of development or reconstruction zones, requiring local authorities to request a list of property owners from public real estate authorities. Those whose have property within these zones but are not registered on the list are notified by local authorities and must present proof of property within 30 days. If they are successful in providing proof, they get shares of the redevelopment project; otherwise, ownership reverts to the local authority in the province, town, or city where the property is located. Human Rights Watch has published a detailed Q&A that explains the law and its implications.

      These laws, coupled with systematic destruction of land registries by local authorities, fully equip the regime to dispossess hundreds of thousands of Syrian families. Reports indicate that the regime has already begun reconstruction in areas south of Damascus.

      Statements by Syrian officials

      Syrian officials have made several public statements that reveal their hostility toward refugees. On August 20, 2017, at the opening ceremony of a conference held by Syria’s foreign ministry, President Bashar al-Assad gave a speech in which he said: “It’s true that we lost the best of our young men as well as our infrastructure, but in return we gained a healthier, more homogeneous society.” On another occasion, Assad stated his belief that some refugees are terrorists.

      In September 2017, a video of Issam Zahreddine, a commander in the Syrian Armed Forces, went viral. In the video, Zahreddine threatens refugees against returning, saying: “To everyone who fled Syria to other countries, please do not return. If the government forgives you, we will not. I advise you not to come back.” Zahreddine later clarified that his remarks were meant for rebels and ISIS followers, but that clarification should be taken with a grain of salt given his bloody track record in the war up until his death in October 2017. Along similar lines, leaked information from a meeting of top-ranking army officers just last month reported the following statement by the head of the Syrian Air Force Intelligence administration, General Jamil Al-Hassan: “A Syria with 10 million trustworthy people obedient to the leadership is better than a Syria with 30 million vandals.”

      Unknown fate

      Considering the unwelcoming policies in Lebanon and the treacherous conditions in Syria, what is the fate of Syrian refugees, specifically those who oppose the Assad regime? Until now, the return championed by Lebanese politicians implies return to a fascist regime that has caused the largest refugee crisis since the Second World War and unapologetically committed countless war crimes. While Lebanese politicians continue to focus on repatriation, they are failing to acknowledge the major barriers preventing Syrians from returning home: the Assad regime and ongoing mass violence.

      We cannot speak of safe, dignified, and sustainable returns without demanding justice and accountability. Regime change and trials for those who committed war crimes over the span of the last seven years are a long way off, and all evidence currently points toward the Assad regime retaining power. Any strategy must therefore prioritize the safety of Syrians who are likely to be detained, tortured, and killed for their political views upon return, or simply denied entry to Syria altogether. Lebanese policy makers must take into account that Syrians residing in Lebanon are not a homogenous entity, and some may never be able to return to their homes. Those Syrians should not be forced to choose between a brutal regime that will persecute them and a country that strips away their rights and dignity. It is time for Lebanon to adopt clear policies on asylum, resettlement, and return that ensure the right of all Syrians to lead a safe and dignified life.

      http://www.executive-magazine.com/economics-policy/the-fate-of-syrian-refugees-in-lebanon

    • Le retour des réfugiés en Syrie commence à préoccuper la communauté internationale

      Lors d’une conférence sur la Syrie à Bruxelles, le retour des réfugiés syriens dans leur pays a été évoqué. Démarrée en 2011, la guerre en Syrie touche à sa fin

      La situation en Syrie est loin d’être stabilisée. Les besoins de financement, de nourriture de matériel sont même en constante augmentation. Selon un haut fonctionnaire de l’ONU, un éventuel assaut contre la dernière enclave rebelle pourrait entraîner une « catastrophe humanitaire ». Pourtant, alors que 12 millions de Syriens, soit près de la moitié de la population syrienne avant la guerre, a fui le pays ou a été déplacée à l’intérieur, la question du retour, étape indispensable à la reconstruction, commence à se poser.

      C’est le principal message ressorti de la conférence « Supporting the Future of Syria and the Region » , qui vient de se tenir à Bruxelles. Les diplomates européens ont mis l’accent sur les difficultés de l’Europe à isoler le Président Bashar al-Assad, vainqueur de la guerre, soutenu par la Russie et l’Iran, pendant que les États-Unis retirent leurs troupes.

      L’UE a rappelé qu’un soutien à la reconstruction à long terme dépendrait du processus de paix de l’ONU pour mettre fin à une guerre responsable de la mort de centaines de milliers de personnes.

      Les Européens sont toutefois divisés sur la question de la reconstruction du pays, dans la mesure où le processus de paix de l’ONU est bloqué, que l’intervention militaire russe de 2015 s’avère décisive et que les pays arabes voisins envisagent de rétablir des liens diplomatiques.

      « Les États-Unis se retirent et les Russes n’ont pas l’argent. Voilà le contexte », a expliqué un haut fonctionnaire de l’UE, cité par Reuters. L’Allemagne, la France et les Pays-Bas défendent ouvertement l’idée de libérer les fonds de reconstruction uniquement quand le pays aura démarré sa transition politique et que Bashar-al-Assad ne sera plus au pouvoir. Aucun représentant officiel de la Syrie n’a été invité à la conférence. L’Italie, l’Autriche et la Hongrie, grands détracteurs de la politique migratoire européenne, plaident en revanche pour une négociation avec les autorités syriennes pour que les millions de réfugiés puissent rentrer chez eux.

      Mogherini craint le « ni guerre ni paix »

      La cheffe de la diplomatie européenne, Federica Mogherini, a déclaré qu’il y avait un risque que le pays se retrouve coincé dans une situation de « ni guerre ni paix ». Le Haut Commissaire des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés, Filippo Grandi, a déclaré qu’il était prévisible que 2019 soit la première année depuis le début de la guerre « où il y aura plus de Syriens (réfugiés et déplacés internes) qui rentreront chez eux que de nouveaux déplacés. S’étant rendu en Syrie la semaine dernière, le Haut Commissaire a déclaré avoir été « marqué et touché » par la résilience du peuple syrien.

      « C’est dans un contexte de grandes destructions, avec des zones encore dangereuses et un manque de produits de première nécessité (nourriture, médicaments, eau) et d’emplois que de nombreux Syriens rentrent chez eux. Les agences humanitaires font ce qu’elles peuvent, mais un très grand nombre de déplacés internes et quelques réfugiés prennent la décision difficile de rentrer chez eux, et les besoins en produits de première nécessité ne font qu’augmenter », a-t-il expliqué, ajoutant que la plupart des réfugiés voyaient leur avenir dans leur pays natal et que « nous savons que 56 000 Syriens sont rentrés chez eux via des mouvements organisés l’année dernière, mais ce chiffre est certainement plus élevé ».

      Engagements financiers

      « Je suis heureux de vous annoncer que nous collaborons notamment avec le gouvernement syrien. Et j’aimerais particulièrement remercier la Fédération de Russie pour sa coopération face aux problèmes que le retour des réfugiés syriens implique pour eux », a ajouté Filippo Grandi. Dans le cadre de l’appel de l’ONU, 3,3 milliards de dollars seraient nécessaires pour venir en aide aux déplacés internes et 5,5 milliards de dollars pour les réfugiés et les communautés d’accueil dans les pays voisins.

      Le Secrétaire général adjoint aux affaires humanitaires, Marc Lowcock, a déclaré à la presse que les engagements financiers s’élevaient « au moins à 6,5 milliards de dollars » et peut-être même à près de 7 milliards de dollars. « C’est un très bon résultat, et si nous y parvenons vraiment en fin de compte, nous serons très heureux », a-t-il déclaré. Federica Mogherini a déclaré que l’UE contribuerait à hauteur de 560 millions d’euros pour venir en aide au peuple syrien durant l’année 2019 et que le même montant serait libéré les années suivantes.

      Filippo Grandi a également exprimé son inquiétude quant à la situation en déclin de la ville d’Idlib, près de la frontière turque. Près de 90 personnes y ont été tuées par des obus et des frappes aériennes, et la moitié d’entre elles étaient des enfants.

      « La pire des catastrophes humanitaires »

      « Permettez-moi de répéter ce que nous avons déjà dit à maintes reprises. Une attaque militaire d’envergure sur la ville d’Idlib occasionnerait la pire catastrophe humanitaire du 21ème siècle. Ce serait tout simplement inacceptable », a déclaré Filippo Grandi.

      Avec l’aide d’avions russes, l’armée syrienne a attaqué des villes au mains des forces rebelles dans la région d’Idlib, dernier bastion rebelle du pays. Ce bombardement a été le plus important depuis des mois. Les forces rebelles qui se sont battues depuis 8 ans pour faire tomber le Président al-Assad sont désormais confinées dans une enclave du nord est du pays, près de la frontière turque. Près de 4 millions de Syriens y vivent aujourd’hui, dont des centaines de milliers d’opposants au régime qui ont fui d’autres régions du pays.

      La Turquie, qui a commencé à patrouiller dans la zone tampon vendredi, a condamné ce qu’elle a qualifié de provocations croissantes pour mettre fin à la trêve et a averti qu’une offensive des forces russes et syriennes causerait une crise humanitaire majeure. De nombreux résidents sont exaspérés de l’incapacité des forces turques à répondre aux bombardements. L’armée syrienne a appelé au retrait des forces turques.

      L’enclave est protégée par une zone de « désescalade », un accord négocié l’an dernier par les pays qui soutiennent Bashar al-Assad, la Russie, l’Iran ainsi que la Turquie, qui avait auparavant soutenu les forces rebelles et envoyé des troupes pour surveiller la trêve. Le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, a déclaré que 320 000 Syriens avaient pu rentrer chez eux grâce aux « opérations anti-terrorisme » menées par la Turquie et la Syrie.

      https://www.euractiv.fr/section/migrations/news/return-of-refugees-to-syria-timidly-comes-on-the-agenda

    • Assad asks Syrian refugees to come home — then locks them up and interrogates them

      Guarantees offered by the government as part of a ’reconciliation’ process are often hollow, with returnees harassed or extorted.

      Hundreds of Syrian refugees have been arrested after returning home as the war they fled winds down — then interrogated, forced to inform on close family members and in some cases tortured, say returnees and human rights monitors.

      Many more who weathered the conflict in rebel-held territory now retaken by government forces are meeting a similar fate as President Bashar al-Assad’s regime deepens its longtime dependence on informers and surveillance.

      For Syrian refugees, going home usually requires permission from the government and a willingness to provide a full accounting of any involvement they had with the political opposition. But in many cases the guarantees offered by the government as part of this “reconciliation” process turn out to be hollow, with returnees subjected to harassment or extortion by security agencies or detention and torture to extract information about the refugees’ activities while they were away, according to the returnees and monitoring groups.

      Almost 2,000 people have been detained after returning to Syria during the past two years, according to the Syrian Network for Human Rights, while hundreds more in areas once controlled by the rebels have also been arrested.

      “If I knew then what I know now, I would never have gone back,” said a young man who returned to a government-controlled area outside Damascus. He said he has been harassed for months by members of security forces who repeatedly turn up at his home and stop him at checkpoints to search his phone.

      “People are still being taken by the secret police, and communities are living between suspicion and fear,” he said. “When they come to your door, you cannot say no. You just have to go with them.”

      Returnees interviewed for this report spoke on the condition of anonymity or on the understanding that their family names would be withheld, because of security threats.

      Since the war erupted in 2011, more than 5 million people have fled Syria and 6 million others have been displaced to another part of the country, according to the United Nations – together representing slightly more than half the Syrian population.

      In the past two years, as Assad’s forces have largely routed the rebels and recaptured much of the country, refugees have begun to trickle back. The United Nations says that at least 164,000 refugees have returned to the country since 2016. But citing a lack of access, the United Nations has not been able to document whether they have come back to government- or opposition-held areas.

      Assad has called for more homecomings, encouraging returnees in a televised address in February to “carry out their national duties.” He said forgiveness would be afforded to returnees “when they are honest.”

      According to our data, you are the exception if nothing happens to you

      A recent survey of Syrians who returned to government-held areas found that about 75 percent had been harassed at checkpoints, in government registry offices or in the street, conscripted into the military despite promises they would be exempted, or arrested.

      “According to our data, you are the exception if nothing happens to you,” said Nader Othman, a trustee with the Syrian Association for Citizens’ Dignity, which said it had interviewed 350 returnees across Syria. “One of our most important takeaways is that most of those people who came back had thought that they were cleared by the regime. They thought their lack of opposition would protect them.”

      The Syrian government did not respond to multiple requests for comment about the treatment of returnees and other Syrians now back under government control.

      Outside Syria, many refugees say they were already apprehensive about going home, with fears over a lack of personal security only growing with reports that the government is reneging on its guarantees. Aid groups say there are few signs that a large-scale return will begin anytime soon.

      And in conversations with UN representatives, senior Syrian officials have made it clear that not all returnees are equally welcome. According to two European officials who recounted the conversations, individuals with links to opposition groups, media activism or humanitarian work will be least well received.

      But pressure on the refugees to return is rising across the Middle East, with Syria’s neighbours tightening restrictions on them in part to get them to leave.

      Homs

      Hassan, 30, left his home in the western province of Homs in 2013. Before returning at the end of last year, he secured what he believed were guarantees for his safety after paying a large bribe to a high-ranking security official.

      But officers from the state security directorate met him at the airport and took him for interrogation. “They knew everything – what I’d done abroad, which cafes I’d sat in, even the time I had sat with opposition supporters during football matches,” he recalled.

      A week later, he was arrested during a visit to a government registry office and taken to a nearby police station. In a dingy room, officers took turns beating and questioning him, he said, accusing him of ferrying ammunition for an armed opposition group inside Syria in 2014.

      “I kept telling them that they knew I wasn’t in the country then,” he said. “All they did was ask me for money and tell me that it was the way to my freedom.”

      At one point, he said, the guards dragged in a young woman he had never met. “They beat her with a water pipe until she screamed, (then) told me they would do the same if I didn’t cooperate,” Hassan said.

      He said he was released at the end of January after relatives paid another bribe, this time $7,000.

      Syrians returning from abroad, like Hassan, often have to gain security approval just to re-enter the country, in some cases signing loyalty pledges and providing extensive accounts of any political activities, according to documents listing questions to be asked and statements to be signed.

      https://nationalpost.com/news/world/assad-asks-syrian-refugees-to-come-home-then-locks-them-up-and-interro

    • Weighed down by economic woes, Syrian refugees head home from Jordan

      Rahaf* and Qassem lay out their plans to return to Syria as their five-year-old daughter plays with her toys in their small apartment in the Jordanian capital, Amman.

      It is early October, six years after they fled their home in Damascus, and the couple have decided it’s time to give up trying to make a life for themselves in Jordan.

      Last year, 51-year-old Qassem lost his job at a cleaning supplies factory when the facility shut down, and Rahaf’s home business as a beautician is slow.

      For months, the couple have resorted to borrowing money from friends to cover their 200 Jordanian dinar ($282) monthly rent. They are three months overdue. “There’s nobody else for us to borrow money from,” explains Rahaf.

      Weeks later, Qassem crossed the border and headed back to their old neighbourhood, joining an increasing tide of Syrian refugees who are going home, despite the dangers and a multitude of unknowns.

      According to the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, 34,000 registered Syrian refugees have returned from Jordan since October 2018, when a key border crossing was reopened after years of closure. It’s a fraction of the 650,000 registered Syrian refugees remaining in Jordan, but a dramatic jump from previous years, when annual returns hovered at around 7,000.

      Syrian refugees from the other main host countries – Turkey and Lebanon – are making the trip too. UNHCR has monitored more than 209,000 voluntary refugee returns to Syria since 2016, but the actual figure is likely to be significantly higher.

      Some Syrian refugees face political pressure to return and anti-refugee rhetoric, but that hasn’t taken hold in Jordan.

      Here, many refugees say they are simply fed up with years spent in a dead-end job market with a bleak economic future. The uptick appears to be driven more by the fact that Syrians who wish to go home can now – for the first time in three years – board a bus or a shared taxi from the border, which is about an hour and a half’s drive north of Amman.

      People like Rahaf and Qassem are pinning their hopes on picking up what is left of the lives they led before the war. Their Damascus house, which was damaged in the conflict, is near Qassem’s old shop, where he used to sell basic groceries and cleaning supplies.

      Qassem is staying with relatives for now. But the family had a plan: if and when he gave the green light, Rahaf and their children would join him back in Damascus.

      While she waited for his signal, Rahaf sold off what little furniture and other possessions they acquired in Jordan. “Honestly, we’ve gotten tired of this life, and we’ve lost hope,” she said.
      Money problems

      Before he lost his job, Qassem endured years of verbal abuse in the workplace, and few clients made the trip to Rahaf’s home.

      When she tried to set up a salon elsewhere, their refugee status created bureaucratic hurdles the couple couldn’t overcome. “I did go ask about paying rent for one shop, and they immediately told me no,” Qassem said. “[The owners] wanted a Jordanian renter.”

      Their story echoes those of many other refugees who say they have found peace but little opportunity in Jordan.

      Syrian refugees need a permit to work in Jordan – over 153,000 have been issued so far – but they are limited to working in a few industries in designated economic zones. Many others end up in low-paying jobs, and have long faced harsh economic conditions in Jordan.

      Thousands of urban refugees earn a meagre living either on farms or construction sites, or find informal work as day labourers.

      Abu Omran, who returned to Syria three months ago, fled Damascus with his family in 2013, and for a while was able to find occasional car mechanic jobs in Amman. Work eventually dried up, and he struggled to find ways to make money that did not require hard manual labour.

      “He spent the past three years just sitting at home, with no job,” recalled Abu Omran’s wife, Umm Omran.

      Speaking to The New Humanitarian in her Amman living room several months after her husband’s departure, she was soon joined for coffee and cigarettes by her youngest son, 19-year-old Badr. Newly married, he wore a ring on one finger.

      Times were so hard for the family that Abu Omran left Jordan before he had a chance to attend the wedding, and Badr has also been contemplating a return to Syria – the country he left as a young teenager.

      Badr works in a factory near Amman that produces cleaning products, but the pay is low. And although his older brother brings in a small salary from a pastry shop, it’s getting harder and harder for the family to pull together their rent each month.

      “I’m not returning because I think the situation in Syria is good. But you don’t enter into a difficult situation unless the one you’re currently in is even worse.”

      Entering a void

      While return may seem the best option for some, there are still more unknowns than knowns across the border in Syria.

      President Bashar al-Assad’s government forces control most of the country, but there are still airstrikes in the rebel-held northwest, and the recent Turkish invasion of the northeast has raised new questions about the country’s future.

      “I’m not returning because I think the situation in Syria is good,” said Farah, a mother of three who spoke to TNH in September – about a month before she packed up her things to leave. “But you don’t enter into a difficult situation unless the one you’re currently in is even worse.”

      In 2012, Farah and her husband left their home in the Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp on the outskirts of Damascus for Jordan, where she gave birth to her three children.

      Her husband suffers from kidney stones, and the manual labour he has managed to pick up is just enough for them to pay for the rent of a shared house – crammed in with two other refugee families.

      The vast majority of Syrian refugees in Jordan – including Farah and Abu Omran’s families – live in urban areas like Amman, rather than in the country’s three refugee camps. They are still eligible for aid, but Farah had decided by October that she was “no longer able to bear” the poverty in Amman, even though UN food vouchers had covered some of her expenses.

      She took her three young children and crossed the border into Syria to stay with her mother, who lives in a southeastern suburb of Damascus. TNH has not been able to contact her since.

      Farah’s husband stayed behind in Jordan, fearing arrest or forced military conscription by Syrian government authorities.

      This has happened to other people who have gone back to Syria from Jordan, Turkey, Lebanon, or other host countries. Despite promises to the contrary from the government, hundreds – and possibly thousands – of returnees have reportedly been detained.

      “There are issues with what information is made available to refugees… about what is going to happen to them on the other side, in Syria.”

      Lebanese authorities have also forcibly deported thousands of Syrian refugees, and Human Rights Watch says at least three of them were detained by Syrian authorities when they got back. It isn’t clear if any Syrians have faced the same fate returning from Jordan.

      Sara Kayyali, a researcher for Human Rights Watch based in Jordan, told TNH she has yet to verify reports of disappearance, conscription, and detainment of returnees from Jordan.

      “There are issues with what information is made available to refugees… about what is going to happen to them on the other side, in Syria,” said Kayyali. “Partially because people inside are too scared to talk about the conditions in government-held areas, and partially because the restrictions applied and the behaviour of the Syrian security forces is so arbitrary that it’s difficult to predict.”

      Kayyali pointed to the 30 Jordanian citizens detained in Syria since the border opened a year ago – Amman said they entered for tourism and were arrested without reason – as a sign of what could be to come for Syrians.

      “[If those threats] apply to Jordanians, then they’re most certainly going to be applied to Syrians, potentially on an even larger scale,” said Kayyali.

      There are other obstacles to return, or challenges for people who manage to get back, including destroyed homes and lost jobs. Healthcare and water provision is scattershot in certain parts of the country, while violence and war is ongoing in others.

      Francesco Bert, a UNHCR spokesperson in Jordan, said the agency “does not facilitate returns, but offers support to refugees if they voluntarily decide to go home”.

      Asked whether it is safe for refugees to go back to Syria, Bert said the agency “considers refugees’ decisions as the main guideposts”, but gives refugees considering or planning to return “information that might inform their decision-making”, to help ensure it is truly voluntary.
      The waiting game

      Despite the obstacles, more and more people are making the trip. But families often can’t travel back together.

      For Rahaf, that meant packing her things and waiting, before finally joining her husband last weekend.

      For Umm Omran, however, that means wondering if and when she will ever see her husband again.

      The family had hoped that Abu Omran could find a job repairing cars again in Damascus, and if that didn’t work out at least he could live rent-free with his sister’s family.

      But plans for his wife and sons to join him someday, once he had found his footing, now look increasingly unlikely.

      “He hasn’t said yet if he regrets going back home,” said Umm Omran, who communicates regularly via WhatsApp with her husband and other family members who never left Syria. They live in government-controlled Damascus and don’t give away much in their chats for fear of retaliation by security forces, who they worry could be monitoring their communications.

      What Umm Omran has managed to piece together isn’t promising.

      Her husband has yet to find a job in Damascus, and is beginning to feel like a burden at his sister’s home. Their own house, where he and Umm Omran raised their sons, is bombed-out and needs extensive repairs before anyone can move back in.

      For the time-being, Umm Omran has ruled out her own potential return to Syria, fearing her two sons would insist on joining her and end up being conscripted into the armed forces. So, for now, the family remains split in two.

      “When I ask him how things are going, he just says, ‘Thank God’. He says little else,” said Umm Omran, scrolling through chats on her mobile phone. “I think he’s upset about leaving us.”

      https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2019/11/19/Syrian-refugees-return-Jordan
      #Amman #Jordanie

  • A Marketplace Solely for Women to Provide Space for Taboo Breakers

    In the third of our interviews with Ideation Competition finalists, we spoke to architect students Maria Årthun and Nicole Lilly Gros about their design for a marketplace in Jordan’s Zataari camp that aims to break taboos and integrate women into the workforce.


    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/04/27/a-marketplace-solely-for-women-to-provide-space-for-taboo-breakers
    #femmes #genre #camp_de_réfugiés #architecture #Zaatari #espace_privé #espace_public

  • As Resources Run Dry, Syrian Refugees Cling to Survival in Jordan’s Urban Hubs

    Four hours at the Za’atari refugee camp — a stifling, dusty maze of tents and makeshift shelters 30 miles from the Syrian border — was enough to convince Abd Mawla Juma’a that his family had to move on.

    “There was no way we could stay in the camp,” said Juma’a, 37, who fled his home in Syria four years ago with his family.


    http://globaldaily.com/as-resources-run-dry-syrian-refugees-cling-to-survival-in-jordans-urban
    #camps_de_réfugiés #urban_refugees #réfugiés_urbains #Jordanie #réfugiés_syriens #asile #migrations #réfugiés #villes #Zaatari

    • Profughi siriani: in Giordania uscire da un campo costa caro

      Condizioni di vita durissime per i profughi siriani scappati dalla guerra che vivono nei campi in Giordania. Ma va ancora peggio, spesso, a chi abbandona i centri d’accoglienza, che si ritrova senza documenti e senza diritti. Una situazione che coinvolge donne, bambini e uomini, vittime di sfruttamento e a rischio di trasferimento forzato in Siria

      Invisibili, senza tutele e senza documenti. Perdono la loro identità e vivono in condizioni di vita durissime. Sono i rifugiati siriani in Giordania che escono dall’accoglienza dei campi per vivere negli insediamenti informali. A causa della loro vulnerabilità sono spesso vittime di sfruttamento lavorativo, anche minorile, di abusi e corrono il rischio di essere trasferiti a forza nei campi o rimandati in Siria.

      Circa 655 mila persone, tra il 2011 e il 2017, secondo i dati dell’Unhcr, hanno trovato rifugio in Giordania fuggendo dalla Siria.
      Dove vanno i profughi siriani in Giordania

      79 mila sono stati ospitati nel campo di Zaatari nel nord del Paese, 53 mila sono stati registrati nel campo di Azaraq, a 100 chilometri da Amman, e più di 7 mila nell’Emirates Jordan Camp di Zarqa.

      Tutti gli altri vivono fuori dai campi profughi formali, principalmente nei governatorati centrali e settentrionali di Amman, Mafraq, Irbid e Zarqa, dove si trovano privati dell’accesso ai servizi, alle opportunità lavorative e dell’assistenza umanitaria.

      In migliaia negli ultimi anni hanno lasciato i campi di Zaatari e Azraq per mancanza di opportunità di sostentamento, per le condizioni di vita estreme dei campi, nonché per i numerosi ostacoli per ottenere il regolare permesso di trasferirsi in altre aree del paese. Chi esce dai campi ha permessi di 2 o 3 giorni, se non rientra perde i documenti e si ritrova senza identità esposto al rischio di essere deportato in Siria.

      La mancanza di documentazione in cui si trovano centinaia di uomini, donne e bambini mette a serio rischio la loro vita. Tra le conseguenze più gravi ed evidenti: l’emarginazione, l’abbandono scolastico, le problematiche di genere, l’accesso limitato agli aiuti umanitari e ai servizi pubblici, violenze, abusi, sfruttamento lavorativo, separazione familiare e, non ultimo, la carenza di cure sanitarie.
      Sanità sempre più cara per i rifugiati siriani

      In Giordania un recente provvedimento aumenta i costi delle cure mediche per i rifugiati: dallo scorso febbraio sono stati cancellati i servizi sanitari sovvenzionati per i siriani che vivono in Giordania e che oggi devono pagare l’80% della “tariffa straniera”. Questo potrebbe avere un impatto sul loro accesso all’assistenza sanitaria e aumentare la loro vulnerabilità, denuncia Medici Senza Frontiere (Msf).

      L’accesso all’assistenza sanitaria di base era stato già messo a rischio da un precedente provvedimento del novembre 2014 che aveva eliminato i servizi sanitari gratuiti per i siriani che vivono fuori dai campi profughi.
      Immigrazione siriana: in arrivo l’amnistia per i profughi

      A metà del 2017 si parlava ufficiosamente di un’amnistia che potesse regolarizzazione lo stato della documentazione dei rifugiati. Sebbene non siano stati ancora chiariti i requisiti specifici, l’amnistia si applicherà a coloro che hanno lasciato i campi prima di luglio 2017 e dovrebbe essere presto implementata formalmente.

      «I più vulnerabili rischiano spesso di essere invisibili. Per questo in Giordania abbiamo scelto di lavorare negli insediamenti informali, non riconosciuti dalle autorità, per aiutare centinaia di famiglie di rifugiati siriani che affrontano la sfida di regolarizzare lo stato della propria documentazione legale e civile in Giordania», scrive Monica Matarazzo, senior protection advisor di Intersos, nel rapporto “Sul Campo” diffuso in aprile.
      Immigrati siriani senza documentazione legale

      Fino a luglio 2014 i rifugiati potevano lasciare i campi regolarmente, con tutta la documentazione. A gennaio 2015 è stata sospesa la procedura di rilascio e chi è uscito dai campi dopo luglio 2014 non ha diritto a ottenere la documentazione legale, ovvero la carta dei servizi del ministero dell’Interno (Carta Moi) e il Certificato per richiedenti asilo dell’Unhcr (Asc dell’Unhcr).

      «Senza i due principali documenti legali, i rifugiati in Giordania non sono in grado di ottenere la documentazione civile (certificati di nascita, matrimonio o morte) e permessi di lavoro. Allo stesso tempo, i rifugiati privi di documenti non hanno, o hanno accesso ridotto, ai servizi pubblici e all’assistenza umanitaria e spesso devono ricorrere a meccanismi di risposta negativi come il lavoro minorile, i matrimoni precoci, l’indebitamento e l’accettazione di vivere in condizioni abitative degradanti. Inoltre, si trovano di fronte a un concreto rischio di reinsediamento forzato nei campi o di deportazione in Siria», si legge nell’Annual report 2017 di Intersos.

      I rifugiati siriani che escono dal sistema dell’accoglienza dei campi profughi di Zaatari e Azraq, si insediano su terreni privati chiamati Informal Tented Settlements. Migliaia di persone pagano i proprietari terrieri con il lavoro quotidiano nei campi, svolto prevalentemente da donne e spesso anche da bambini. Queste persone hanno un accesso limitato ad alimenti, acqua, servizi igienici, sanità, istruzione e altri servizi essenziali.
      Espulsi 400 profughi siriani al mese tra bambini e adulti

      La paura più grande dei rifugiati siriani senza documenti, o con documenti non regolari, è quella di essere riportati in Siria. «Chi viene deportato fuori dalla Giordania è considerato morto. Non c’è nessuna sicurezza a Daara o in qualsiasi altro posto in Siria», dice un rifugiato che vive nell’area di Irbid. «Evito di andare in giro e di avere problemi. Vado al lavoro o sto a casa, niente di più. Evito i problemi limitando la mia libertà di movimento».

      Secondo l’organizzazione Human Right Watch la Giordania ha espulso centinaia di rifugiati siriani – anche con espulsioni collettive di intere famiglie – senza fornire alcuna alternativa all’espulsione e senza considerare in nessun modo il loro bisogno di protezione internazionale.

      Nei primi cinque mesi del 2017 le autorità giordane, sempre secondo Hrw, hanno espulso circa 400 rifugiati siriani al mese. Ogni mese 300 rifugiati siriani tornano in Siria in circostanze che sembrano volontarie, mentre altri 550 circa ritornano in circostanze non chiare.

      Le principali motivazioni delle misure di espulsione verso la Siria – riporta l’Annual report 2017 di Intersos – risultano essere le minacce alla sicurezza nazionale e la mancanza di documentazione civile e legale, in particolare i permessi di lavoro.
      Perché i profughi siriani scappano: la storia di Nora

      «Quando il mio paese è stato distrutto non avevo nessun posto dove vivere. Ogni notte ero costretta a bussare la porta di parenti e amici per farmi ospitare. Ho trascorso un mese facendo questa vita “miserabile”. Poi ho sentito di persone che si trasferivano in Giordania. Così ho incontrato l’uomo che con la macchina poteva portarci in Giordania. Io ho 10 bambini e al tempo erano tutti piccoli».

      Nora è siriana, di Busra Alharir in Daraa. Lei e i suoi 10 bambini sono fuggiti dalla Siria. Ha vissuto nel campo di Zaatari poi, insieme ai figli e al marito, se ne è andata per vivere negli insediamenti nella zona di Mafraq. Uno dei suoi figli, a causa del mancato rinnovo del documento di identità, è stato fermato dalla polizia e poi espulso in Siria. E questa è solo una delle tante storie raccolte dal progetto multimediale Relocated Identities realizzato da Alessio Cupelli e Katia Marinelli per Intersos.

      Molte persone vivono anche nel timore di essere fermate dalla polizia e trasferite forzatamente in un campo ufficiale. Si stima che da aprile 2014 a novembre 2016 circa 20.000 rifugiati siriani sono stati trasferiti nei campi profughi giordani, la stragrande maggioranza delle strutture remote del campo di Azraq, poiché il campo di Zaatari aveva da tempo raggiunto la capienza massima.
      I numeri della separazione dei nuclei familiari

      La principale conseguenza del trasferimento forzato è la separazione familiare: nel 55,1% dei casi valutati da Intersos il trasferimento riguardava quattro o meno membri della famiglia, molto spesso incluso il capofamiglia, con meno del 20% dei casi riguardanti l’intera famiglia.

      I capifamiglia sono i più esposti ai controlli di polizia nei loro spostamenti o quando si recano al lavoro. Di conseguenza, chi rimane sono generalmente donne e bambini. Lavoro minorile, matrimoni precoci e abbandono scolastico sono solo alcuni degli effetti negativi a questa condizione.

      Altre ripercussioni, oltre alla difficoltà economica, riguardano aspetti legati alla sfera psicologica degli individui: traumi, paure, abusi, sfruttamenti e violenze sessuali o di genere.

      https://www.osservatoriodiritti.it/2018/05/29/profughi-siriani-in-giordania

  • La vita si ferma nel campo profughi di #Zaatari

    Il campo profughi di Zaatari si trova nel nord della Giordania, non lontano dal confine con la Siria. Da quando è stato fondato, nel luglio del 2012, ha accolto mezzo milione di profughi scappati dalla guerra in Siria, scoppiata nel 2011. È diventato il terzo agglomerato più grande della Giordania, con una popolazione che ha raggiunto le 125mila persone: l’alto numero dei residenti ha permesso l’apertura di diverse attività che offrono di tutto, dai beni di prima necessità ai telefoni cellulari e ai vestiti da sposa.


    http://www.internazionale.it/foto/2016/12/05/campo-profughi-zaatari-foto
    #photographie #réfugiés #asile #migrations #camps_de_réfugiés
    cc @albertocampiphoto

  • pAINTING IN REFUGEE CAMPS | JORDAN

    In April 2016 Hannah returned to Jordan to organise an art project with Syrian refugees living in Azraq and Za’atari refugee camps, with the support of Relief International.

    The first canvas painted in Za’atari camp was an expression of the children’s experience of war. After various groups of boys and girls had painted, the canvas was an abstract chaos of splashes of red paint, dark colours and drawings of tanks, soldiers, dead bodies and destroyed homes. Only a small glimpse of the traumas they have faced.

    Many of the children confessed to Hannah that they did not want to think about or paint the war any more. Therefore the second canvas painted with the children was a vibrant expression of their memories of Syria, inspired by Islamic art and arabesque design.

    After a couple of days at Za’atari, home to 80,000 Syrian refugees, the art project moved to Azraq refugee camp close to the Iraqi border. The two canvases painted in Azraq are a reflection of the children’s daily life in the refugee camp. Hannah also painted a mural on one of the new school caravans.


    #art #réfugiés #asile #migrations #peinture #Hannah_Rose_Thomas #camps_de_réfugiés #Jordanie #Zaatari
    cc @reka

  • Kingdom of Refugees. Investigating the Syrian Narrative in Jordan

    Over 3.8 million Syrians have been uprooted and forced to flee to the safety of neighboring states causing strands of the Syrian spirit to be gradually woven into a much broader regional tapestry. Refugees bring pieces of their homeland with them: memories of the past, pains of the present and dreams for the future. While official UN camps have received the bulk of the international media’s attention, over 80% of Syrians are living in the shadows of Jordan’s cities, towns and villages. Journalists Emma Pearson and Katie Welsford, along with photographer Tom Bradley, journey through the desert to Amman to explore the Syrian narrative in Jordan.


    http://compasscultura.com/syria-jordan-kingdom-of-refugees
    #Jordanie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_syriens #camps_de_réfugiés #Zaatari

  • Kingdom of Refugees

    Over 3.8 million Syrians have been uprooted and forced to flee to the safety of neighboring states causing strands of the Syrian spirit to be gradually woven into a much broader regional tapestry. Refugees bring pieces of their homeland with them: memories of the past, pains of the present and dreams for the future. While official UN camps have received the bulk of the international media’s attention, over 80% of Syrians are living in the shadows of Jordan’s cities, towns and villages. Journalists Emma Pearson and Katie Welsford, along with photographer Tom Bradley, journey through the desert to Amman to explore the Syrian narrative in Jordan.


    http://compasscultura.com/syria-jordan-kingdom-of-refugees
    #réfugiés #asile #réfugiés_syriens #migrations #Jordanie #urban_refugees #Zaatari #camp_de_réfugiés

  • A #Baby_Boom In A Refugee Camp Is A Mixed Blessing

    After their first child was born in 2014, Mohammed Salameh, 22, and his wife Khoulod Ahmad Suleiman, 21, planned to throw a small party for family and friends with walnuts and cups of hot cinnamon, as is customary in their hometown of Dara’a in southwestern Syria.


    http://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2016/04/16/474213390/a-baby-boom-in-a-refugee-camp-is-a-mixed-blessing?ft=nprml&f=1001
    #camp_de_réfugiés #la_vie_continue #asile #migrations #réfugiés #naissances #Zaatari

  • Jordan’s Za’atari refugee camp turns three, challenges for the future of thousands living there

    GENEVA, July 28 (UNHCR) – As Jordan’s Za’atari camp – the largest refugee camp in the Middle East – prepared to mark its third anniversary, the UN refugee agency revealed on Tuesday (July 28) an increase in the number of refugees seeking shelter in camps across the rest of the country.

    http://www.unhcr.org/55b7737b6.html
    #Zaatari #camp_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #Jordanie #asile #migration

  • “We are human beings”: #Khaled_Hosseini on the story of Syria’s refugees

    Some things are simply too big to be taken in all at once. Raise your eyes one night to the sky, to the blackness sprayed with millions of stars, and try seeing all of it, the whole sky. It can’t be done. It overwhelms. The best you can do is to fix on a star or two and imagine the sheer vastness of the heavens through them. Sometimes, what you can’t grasp as a whole, you can picture through its parts.

    http://www.newstatesman.com/sites/default/files/styles/fullnode_image/public/blogs_2015/06/gettyimages-164064900.jpg?itok=3h45a3By
    http://www.newstatesman.com/2015/05/those-we-leave-behind
    #Syrie #camp_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migration #Jordanie #Zaatari

  • Le #camp_de_réfugiés de #Zaatari

    Depuis le début de la guerre civile en Syrie en 2011, ce sont plus de 3.5 millions de personnes qui ont été déplacées vers les pays voisins, comme la Turquie, le Liban, la Jordanie, l’Irak. Ces pays, débordés par le nombre de réfugiés, ont ouverts des camps temporaires, avec l’aide des Nations-Unies. Et comme souvent dans la situation, le temporaire est en train de devenir durable. Prenez par exemple le camp de Zaatari, à 10km à l’est de Mafraq en Jordanie. Sur plus de 3km², c’est devenu le deuxième plus grand camp de réfugiés derrière celui de Dadaab au Kenya. Depuis son ouverture en juillet 2012, ce sont plus de 430.000 réfugiés qui y sont passés, et 83.000 y vivent en permanence. Ceci en fait la quatrième ville de #Jordanie.


    https://lecomptoirdetitam.wordpress.com/2015/06/02/le-camp-de-refugies-de-zaatari

  • Pizza Delivery Now in Jordan’s Largest Refugee Camp
    Owned by Abu Mahmoud, 48, previously a Syrian electrician with no dough-making experience, Pizzeria of Peace opened its doors in the summer of 2013 but business was hurting. It wasn’t quite catching on, Naserddine Touaibia, a Public Information and Mass Communication Associate for UNHCR, told ABC News.


    http://abcnews.go.com/International/International/pizza-delivery-now-jordans-largest-refugee-camp/story?id=29080468

    #entrepreunariat #pizza #réfugiés #asile #migration #camp_de_réfugiés #business #Zaatari
    cc @albertocampiphoto