• #Zoe_Leonard
    Al río / To the River

    Over three decades Zoe Leonard (b. 1961, Liberty, New York) has gained critical acclaim for her work. Rooted in photography, Leonard’s practice extends to spatial installation and sculpture. Her art is above all the result of a finely honed observation, in which the documentary approach of photography combines with the physical and bodily act of looking. Migration and displacement, gender and sexuality, mourning and loss, cultural history and the tensions between the natural world and human-built environments are recurring themes in her work.

    This exhibition premieres Al río / To the River, a large-scale photographic work begun in 2016 which takes the Rio Grande, as it is named in the United States, or Río Bravo, as it is named in Mexico, as its subject. Leonard photographed along the 2,000 kilometres where the river is used to demarcate the boundary between the United Mexican States and the United States of America, following the river from the border cities of Ciudad Juárez, Mexico and El Paso, Texas, to the Gulf of Mexico.

    Epic in scale, Al río / To the River results from close observation of both the natural and built environments shaped by and surrounding the river; from desert and mountains to cities, towns and small villages where daily life unfolds in tandem with agriculture, commerce, industry, policing, and surveillance. Leonard’s photographs focus on the accumulation of infrastructure and other constructions built into and alongside the river to control the flow of water, the passage of goods, and the movement of people: dams, levees, roads, irrigation canals, bridges, pipelines, fences and checkpoints. ‘The shifting nature of a river – which floods periodically, changes course and carves new channels – is at odds with the political task it is asked to perform,’ says Leonard.

    Al río / To the River is structured in three parts, including a Prologue and a Coda. Each part engages with photographic language, moving fluidly from abstraction to documentary to digital surveillance imagery.

    Working with a hand-held analogue camera, Leonard takes an embodied position in relation to the river. While always subjective, her view onto the river is not fixed. Crossing frequently back and forth from one side of the river to another (and thus, from one country to another), Leonard refuses a one-sided point of view and instead engages a series of shifting, changing vantage points.

    The work takes shape in passages, sequences of photographs that impart a sense of movement and emphasise actions as they unfold through time. Rather than pointing to one ‘decisive moment’ or one fixed meaning, these arrangements allow the viewer to create meaning through their own close looking.

    The materiality of photographic process is foregrounded in Leonard’s prints. Each photograph is presented as a constructed image, taken from a certain point of view, and made material through processes of selection and printing.

    In Al río / To the River, Leonard pushes back against reductive depictions of the border in mass media, and instead considers a multiplicity of powers and influences. These include commercial and industrial interests, cultural histories and familial connections that span the river, as well as the animals and plants of the region, increasingly under pressure from drought and climate change or the often contradictory human, constructions of the river itself, designated as a ‘wild and scenic’ waterway, a resource for water, and a political borderline.



    #art #exposition #rivière #photographie #infrastructure #pouvoir #frontières #USA #Etats-Unis #USA
    via @isskein

    • Symposium | Riverine Borders: On rivers and other border materialities

      Waterways are essential components of the living and non-living world. They shape landscapes and serve as demarcation lines – as ‘natural borders’ – between states in many parts of the world. In addition to being lines that separate, rivers and streams are also lines that connect, and borderland territories are often particularly rich places of life, interaction, passage, porosity, cross-pollination and exchange.

      Organised in the context of Zoe Leonard’s exhibition Al río / To the River, a series of lectures and the study day Riverine Borders: On rivers and other border materialities will focus on the materiality of these river borders from a territorial, geographical, and political point of view, and also from a metaphorical perspective, as arbitrary places where interests and ideologies overlap and clash.

      A number of scholars and researchers in the fields of visual arts, cultural studies, history and geography will consider the riverine border in the North American and European contexts. Their interventions are both part and a continuation of contemporary debates on the status and the (symbolic) meanings of borders. These questions of borders have gained particular momentum in recent decades. The significance of borders as a response to the rise of burgeoning nationalisms or the ongoing migration management crisis in particular, has led to a forced digitalisation of border regimes, an increase in physical and digital surveillance and the multiplication of border installations worldwide.

      This programme has been developed in conjunction with Zoe Leonard’s exhibition Al río / To the River (26.02–06.06.2022, Mudam Luxembourg – Musée d’Art Moderne Grand-Duc Jean) in collaboration with partners of the UniGR-Center for Border Studies: University of Luxembourg (Geography and Spatial Planning), Universität des Saarlandes (North American Literary and Cultural Studies) and Universität Trier (Trier Center for American Studies).

      Schedule of the study day (20.05.2022):

      09h00: Possibility to visit the exhibition, to discover the student project Borderland stories at Mudam Studio, and small breakfast at Mudam Café
      09h45: Welcoming and small introduction
      10h00: First section on the materiality of the river: #Rebekka_Kanesu, Dr. #Ifor_Duncan, Dr. C. J. Alvarez (30 minutes each + discussion)
      12h30: Lunch break, possibility to visit the exhibition, and to discover the student project Borderland stories at Mudam Studio
      14h00–16h30: Second section on the river as a metaphor: #Elisabeth_Lebovici & #Catherine_Facerias, Dr. #Daniela_Johannes, Prof. Dr. #Astrid_Fellner (30 minutes each + discussion)
      17h00: Closing and final discussion

      Rebekka Kanesu
      Liquid lines – an exploration of hydrosocial borders
      In this talk, I question when and how a river is made into a ‘marker of division’, ‘an engine of connectivity’ or no border at all. Rivers as borders challenge common understandings of seemingly static (political) borders. Rather than building simple cartographic lines for territorial separation, rivers are constantly in motion and shift their shape according to seasonal changes and their hydromorphology. In addition to their role as visible demarcation, they simultaneously serve multiple functions, such as infrastructure for navigation and energy production, as source of fresh water, recreational space, wastewater discharge or aquatic ecosystem. Rivers are hydrological and social entities, which complicates their use as border. By analysing the hydrosociality of the Mosel River, the border river that crosses and builds the borders between France, Luxembourg, and Germany, I argue for a more dynamic and complex perspective on borders. The discussion of different examples of material-discursive practices that shape(d) the Mosel as border will show the tensions, connections, attempts of control and forms of resistance that are negotiated between different human and non-human actors in the process of border making. By looking at the Mosel as a three-dimensional liquid space and by considering its directionality and materiality, I will explore the contingent forms of hydrosocial border making that may open up new understandings of border spaces.

      Rebekka Kanesu is a PhD candidate in human geography at the Department of Spatial and Environmental Sciences at Trier University. She has a background in social and cultural anthropology and is interested in topics that encompass human-environment relations, political ecology, and more-than-human geographies in connection to border studies. In her PhD project ‘Liquid Lines – on rivers and borders in the Anthropocene’ she studies the relation between people, fish and the transboundary Mosel river as infrastructure from a political ecology perspective.

      Dr. Ifor Duncan
      Weaponising a River
      This talk investigates the production of the Evros, Meriç, Martisa river – ‘land’ border between Greece, Turkey and Bulgaria – as a border technology. From its main course to its delta, this fluvial frontier is weighted with the crossings of asylum seekers and systematic pushbacks. I conceive of this technology as incorporating the entire hydrology of the river ecosystem, from the deadly velocities of the central course, through its muds, fogs, and flood defense walls that mark the military buffer zone that surrounds it (Zoni Asfaleias Prokalypsis (ZAP)). State impunity is in part produced by the ZAP’s enfolding of the excess of floodwaters into the excesses of sovereign territorial power. After a century of fluvio-geomorphological change since demarcation in 1926 the borderised river simultaneously riverises the border. In this way the river border is a dynamic archive of the military calculations and geopolitical decisions that make its properties treacherous in the production of increasingly perilous migration routes. Here beatings are customary, mobile phones and official documentation are thrown into the river, and, after seasonal floods, bodies wash up in the delta. In its waters and in its sediments the river border is both a weapon and an archive of the reproduction of deadly exclusionary policies enacted at the watery edges of the EU. This talk includes hydrophone recordings, interviews with asylum seekers, legal scholars, environmental scientists, and uses other time-based media.

      Ifor Duncan is a writer, artist and inter-disciplinary researcher who focuses on the overlaps between political violence and water ecosystems. He is postdoctoral fellow in Environmental Humanities at Ca’ Foscari University, Venice. Ifor holds a PhD from the Centre for Research Architecture, Goldsmiths, entitled Hydrology of the Powerless and is developing a book project Necro-Hydrology, a concept which exists where the knowledge and corresponding management of water – in its multiple forms – is produced as adversarial to life and positions human and environmental justice as intrinsically connected. Ifor is also a visiting lecturer at the Royal College of Art.

      Dr. C. J. Alvarez
      Three Ways to Think about River History with Examples from the Rio Grande
      The #Rio_Grande is a very long river without much water in it. Yet even though sections of it often run dry, it nonetheless plays an important role in multiple kinds of historical narratives because of the great distance it travels from the high, snow-covered Rocky Mountains, through the arid desert, and down to the subtropical Gulf of Mexico. Over more than 3,000 km it moves through radically different environments and cultures and this complexity is compounded by the fact that part of the river has been converted into a political border. During my years of research about the United States-Mexico divide and the Chihuahuan Desert I have spent a lot of time on the banks of the Rio Grande all along its length. From those experiences I developed three largely distinct ways of looking at the river. Each point of view has led to different research questions about it. Here are the three questions: What is the river’s nature? How have people interacted with it? How have politics been superimposed upon it? Sometimes there is overlap between the answers to these questions, but in general they produce different kinds of narratives and help us develop different ways of seeing the nonhuman world. This talk is designed to familiarise you with a particularly fascinating North American river, but it is also intended to pass along a set of intellectual frameworks that can be applied to any other waterway on the planet.

      C. J. Alvarez grew up in Las Cruces, New Mexico. He studied art history at Stanford and Harvard and received his doctorate in history from the University of Chicago. He is currently an associate professor in the department of Mexican American and Latina/o Studies at the University of Texas at Austin where he writes and teaches about the history of the U.S.-Mexico border and environmental history. He is the author of the book Border Land, Border Water: A History of Construction on the U.S.-Mexico Divide, the first broad-sweeping history of building projects on the border. He is currently writing a book about the history of the Chihuahuan Desert, the largest and least known desert in North America.

      Catherine Facerias & Elisabeth Lebovici
      Crossing over with Borderlands/La Frontera
      ‘What if I take this space that I’ve been pushed to as a lesbian, as a Mexican, as a woman, as a short person, whatever, and make this my territory... What if I start pushing to enlarge that crack so that other people can also be in it?’ (Gloria Anzaldúa, in BackTalk, Women Writers Speak Out, 1993). Thirty-five years after the publication of Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza, Gloria Anzaldúa’s legacy is still vibrantly meaningful. Borderlands has become a landmark in various disciplinary fields, from literature to border studies, from Chicanx and Latinx anthropology to ecocriticism theory. A native of the Rio Grande Valley, Anzaldúa formulated the land of the border as a formative space in terms of language and identity, as well as the site of/for political and cultural resistance. Our talk will focus on the frontier as a living, shifting, ‘bridging’ and ultimately productive space for minorities cultures and subjectivities.

      Catherine Facerias is an independent researcher and writer, trained as an urban anthropologist at École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS) in Paris. Her work focuses on the modes of production of public space in a built-up environment, on the terms of access to the public space and to the city in general, and on the conditions of existence in the interstices of the urban space.

      Elisabeth Lebovici is an art historian and critic living in Paris. She has been a culture editor for the daily newspaper Libération (1991–2006) and produces for her blog le-beau-vice. Formerly a HIV/AIDS activist, she is, with Catherine Facerias, a founding member of the LIG/ ‘Lesbians of General Interest’ fund. Since the 1990s, she has been involved in writing on feminism, activism, queer politics and contemporary arts. She is the author, with Catherine Gonnard, of a history of women artists in France between 1880 and the 2000’s Femmes artistes/Artistes femmes: Paris de 1880 à nos jours (Paris: Hazan, 2007). Her latest book Ce que le sida m’a fait. Art et Activisme à la fin du 20e siècle. (Zurich: JRP Ringier, ‘lectures Maison Rouge’, 2017 and 2021) (What AIDS Has Done To Me. Art and Activism at the End of the 20th century.) has received the Prix Pierre Daix 2017 in art history. Elisabeth co-curates (with Patricia Falguières and Nataša Petrešin-Bachelez) an ongoing seminar at the École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS) in Paris titled ‘Something You Should Know: Artists and Producers’.

      Dr. Daniela Johannes
      Cry me a River: Water Affects and Womanhood in Borderlands Chicanx Literature
      The central archetype of the cautionary tale of La Llorona – the weeping mother-ghost of the Mexico-US border folklore – is the woman who failed at role-modeling motherhood and is thereafter condemned to cry for her lost children at the riverbanks. The image of the flowing river, once a symbolism of the never-ending flow of life, is here a symbolism of death, drowning and depth, in a confluent relation with the woman’s tears that flow in an out-of-control manner. This way, the archetype serves not only to instill the urge of motherhood, but to talk women out of the unwanted womanhood, associated with the stereotypes of being overtly emotional, irritable and irrational. In contemporary borderlands literature, archetypes of womanhood such as La Llorona are re-envisioned, as Simerka asserts, ‘to re-define and expand the role of women beyond the traditional focus of motherhood and marriage’. Moreover, this presentation deals with how this literature re-defines the emotional responses of women in relation with the affective agencies of water, which symbolically and materially retro-permeates womankind. The affective interchanges between territorial landscape and women’s bodies reignite what Cherrie Moraga called a ‘theory in the flesh’, now inscribing borderlands geo-imaginations in women’s bodies as well as in bodies of water. While rivers serve as a tool of bordering to establish political boundaries nationhood and gender, bordering as an affective act in literature has the potential to dismantle them within the intimate territory of the body.

      Dr. Daniela Johannes is an Associate Professor of Latinx Studies at West Chester University of Pennsylvania. Her research focuses on the significance of the Sonoran Desert environment as a crucial aspect of US southern border securitisation, which propels a politics of nature as means to control life and death within the space of the nation. At West Chester, Dr. Johannes is currently the director of the Latin American and Latinx Studies Program and the Chair of Multicultural Faculty Commission within the Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Office. At the regional level, she recently assumed the direction of the Greater Philadelphia Latin American Studies Consortium.

      Prof. Dr. #Astrid_Fellner
      Bridging Rivers/Undoing Borders: Queer Border Practices on the US-Mexican Border
      How can borders be undone? How can the watery surface of riverine borders shift solid demarcations and contribute to an undoing of borders? In which ways can cultural practices that bridge rivers constitute powerful counter-formations to the view of borders and #border_regimes as infrastructural events or technological operation, that is assemblages of various human actors, technology, and surveillance apparatuses? Taking into account the importance of border processes in the 21st century, this talk highlights new border epistemologies that draw on the creative potential of riverine borders to undo fixed lines. Focusing on the subversive potential of artistic border practices which queer and destabilise borders, this contribution zooms in on instances of overlapping, crisscrossing, merging, layering, and clashing of riverine borders.

      Astrid M. Fellner is Chair of North American Literary and Cultural Studies at Saarland University, Germany. She is Co-Speaker at the German Research foundation and Canadian Social Science Foundation-funded interdisciplinary International Graduate Research Training Program ‘Diversity: Mediating Difference in Transcultural Space’ that Saarland University and University of Trier are conducting with the Université de Montréal. She is also Project Leader at Saarland University of the EU-funded INTERREG Großregion VA-Project ‘University of the Greater Region Centre for Border Studies’ and is Action Coordinator of a trilingual Border Glossary, a handbook of 40 key terms in Border Studies. She has been involved in a DAAD-Eastpartnership project with Petro Mohyla Black Sea National University in Mykolaiv on the topic of ‘Bridging Borders’ since 2014. Since April 2021 she has also been a member of the interdisciplinary BMBF-project ‘Linking Borderlands,’ in which she studies border films and industrial culture of the Greater Region in comparison with the German/Polish border. Her publications include Articulating Selves: Contemporary Chicana Self-Representation (2002), Bodily Sensations: The Female Body in Late-Eighteenth-Century American Culture (forthcoming) and several edited volumes and articles in the fields of Border Studies, US Latino/a literature, Post-Revolutionary American Literature, Canadian literature, Indigenous Studies, Gender/Queer Studies, and Cultural Studies.

      Schedule of the online series of lectures:

      13.05.2022 | 18h30–20h00: Carlos Morton (University of California at Santa Barbara), The tao of Mestizaje: multiple borders, multiple bridges
      (More information and subscription: Universität des Saarlandes)
      22.03.2022: Fabio Santos (Aarhus University) | Bridging Fluid Borders: Entanglements in the French-Brazilian Borderland
      12.04.2022: Ana Gomez Laris (Universität Duisburg-Essen), on the symbolic meaning of borders and their effects on identity, considering phenomena of passing by (undocumented) migrants to the United States.


      Le #symposium a été enregistré:

      (8h d’enregistrement)

      #Evros #Grèce #conférence

  • Greece - Macedonia

    from Zoe Mavroudi sur FB - Une réflexion intéressante à propos du différend sur le nom « Macédoine »

    If you don’t follow Greek politics you may have come across reports and photos from a protest in Athens on the “Macedonian” issue. The political dispute between Greece and Macedonia (the country) on this issue goes back more than a century, and is too complicated to parse in one post but, in brief, it centers on the right of Greece’s neighbouring State to use the word “Macedonia” in its official name. The Greek State has historically claimed that this right would be an infringement on its history because the Greek region of Macedonia (which covers the largest part of its northern territory) used to be the home of Alexander the Great, the place where his golden hair glowed under the sun and that only Greeks as his true descendants can claim this name and bask in his glory forever etc etc.

    Last week’s protest was held against a new pact scheduled for a vote tomorrow in Greece’s parliament, which will settle the issue once and for all between the two countries, binding Greece to accept the name “North Macedonia” in return for real concessions that Macedonians will never again attempt to steal Alexander’s glory from us...or something. The pact is advantageous for Greece and will be the end of a political hot potato.

    You might have seen pictures from last week’s protest of men wearing ancient garb, armour and helmets, looking like Pride gays with some kind of Greco-Roman fetish.

    Needless to say not everyone who is Greek, including myself, agrees with their bullshit.

    Among the reasons why their bullshit is such pure bullshit should be obvious: their argument imagines that “Greekness” involves racial and linguistic purity and that other ethnicities which lived in the region, a melting pot of different cultures for centuries, are impure and therefore unwelcome. Scratch the surface of Greek patriotic dissent and you get some good-old fascism. Fascist MPs have manipulated popular sentiment around this issue for years and were front line at the protest, where journos were attacked and beaten by fascist groups.

    The nationalism that has been unleashed about all this has existed on both sides of the border of course but ultimately, it is Greece, a member of the EU and NATO that has infringed on the right of its neighbour to self-determination by repeatedly vetoing its attempts to enter international organizations and doing this based on historical inaccuracies and fantasies of a supposedly uninterrupted continuum of its national identity. The Greek argument was also predicated on the erasure of the history of Slavo-Macedonians (I use the term “slavo” for the purposes of explaining the issue but don’t fully accept its accuracy) via systematic exclusion, confiscation of property through racist laws and linguistic oppression.

    As someone born and raised in Greece, I was only vaguely aware of these facts until relatively recently given that it was all omitted from our school manuals and suppressed in public discourse. I have received abuse on twitter for simply expressing support for the pact.

    The dangers of rejecting this new deal for Greece and Macedonia are multi-fold and involve the increased influence in the Balkans of Turkey’s Erdogan and the real danger that the region becomes inflamed by conflict. Though the pact is NATO and EU-approved, NATO being one of the main culprits of the war in Yugoslavia, there is imo no excuse for left-wing opposition against the deal, given the lack of alternatives. This is a case where Greece’s geopolitical interests happen to be aligned with those of NATO-EU and where workers in N. Macedonia, who have been suffering for too long under what is, essentially, an embargo aimed at their society, must have our support. On a personal note, I wouldn’t give one piece of my pure Greek hair for any argument that supports one imperialist influence in the Balkans over another (in this case, Putin-Erdogan over NATO-EU). I stand with citizens of another country, especially one weaker and poorer than mine and support their democratic right to self-determination.

    #grèce #macédoin #noms #terminologie #mots

  • #Zoë_Goodall : « Prises entre deux feux et non par accident » : au Canada, la loi abolitionniste n’a été qu’un début.

    En 2014, le gouvernement canadien a adopté le projet de loi C-36, la Loi sur la protection des communautés et des personnes exploitées (LPCPE), qui criminalisait les profits de la part de tierces parties (proxénétisme) et l’achat de services sexuels, et décriminalisait en grande partie la vente de sexe. Ce fut le résultat final d’une bataille politique et juridique entamée en 2007 lorsque des porte-paroles de l’industrie du sexe, Terri-Jean Bedford, Amy Lebovitch et Valerie Scott, se sont d’abord présentées devant des tribunaux pour contester comme discriminatoires certains aspects du Code criminel canadien.

    LA LPCPE était pour le moins controversée. Tout en décriminalisant la vente de sexe, comme le réclamaient Bedford et ses partisans, ses dispositions contre l’achat et le proxénétisme étaient conçues dans le but ultime d’abolir complètement la prostitution. Le gouvernement conservateur aimait son approche basée sur la loi et de l’ordre, mais les principales partisanes du projet de loi se trouvaient dans le mouvement des femmes – y compris divers centres de crise destinés aux victimes de viol, la Coalition des femmes asiatiques mettant fin à la prostitution et l’Association des femmes autochtones du Canada – qui y voyait un bond en avant du Canada vers l’adoption du Modèle nordique.

    Traduction : #Tradfem
    Version originale : https://nordicmodelnow.org/2018/05/14/caught-in-the-crossfire-and-not-by-accident-in-canada-the-legislation-was-just-the-beginning/comment-page-1/#comment-1405
    #Modèle_nordique #système_prostitutionnel #abolition #loi_C-36 #Canada

  • #Zoe_Williams : « De la haine à l’état brut » : ce pour quoi le mouvement des « InCel » cible et terrorise les femmes

    Lorsqu’une fourgonnette a été lancée le lundi 23 avril sur un trottoir de Toronto, tuant 10 personnes et en blessant 15 autres, le chef de police Mark Saunders a déclaré que même si l’incident semblait être prémédité, il n’y avait aucune preuve de terrorisme. Le ministre canadien de la Sécurité, Ralph Goodale, a soutenu cette opinion, en annonçant immédiatement que l’événement « ne faisait pas partie d’un complot terroriste organisé ». Le Canada a des règles à cet égard : pour être considéré comme du terrorisme, l’agresseur doit avoir une motivation politique, religieuse ou sociale, au-delà de « vouloir semer la terreur ».

    Traduction : #Tradfem
    Version originale : http://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/apr/25/raw-hatred-why-incel-movement-targets-terrorises-women

    #Terrorisme #misogynie #antiféminisme #Toronto #InCel

  • Le passager moldave. Un tiers d’un village moldave a fait ses bagages pour la France

    Vingt ans après le départ du premier habitant de #Corjeuti pour la France, un tiers de ce village moldave travaille aujourd’hui en région parisienne. Entre deux chantiers, ou deux ménages, chacun tente de garder le contact avec la terre natale, où sont souvent restés les enfants.

    #Moldavie #migrations #France #migrants_moldaves #dépeuplement #émigration

  • L’ordre divin

    Nora est une jeune mère au foyer. En 1971, elle vit avec son mari et ses deux fils dans un paisible village suisse où l’on a peu senti les bouleversements du mouvement de 68. Pourtant, la paix dans les chaumières et dans son foyer commence à vaciller quand Nora se lance dans le combat pour le suffrage féminin...

    « L’ordre divin » est le premier long-métrage de fiction sur le #droit_de_vote des femmes en Suisse et son introduction tardive en 1971. La scénariste et réalisatrice #Petra_Volpe (scénario de « Heidi ») invite le public à plonger dans l’atmosphère et les émotions de la Suisse rurale des années 70, une période riche en changements. « #L'ordre_divin » est un hommage à toutes les personnes qui se sont battues à l’époque pour l’égalité des droits politiques et toutes celles et ceux qui s’engagent aujourd’hui pour l’égalité des sexes et l’autodétermination.

    #film #suisse #féminisme #histoire #politique #égalité

  • [#audio] « Je veux une gouine comme présidente »
    Zoe Leonard

    Texte-poème-manifeste écrit en 1992 par Zoe Leonard, artiste new-yorkaise touche-à-tout, particulièrement dans le domaine de la photo et la sculpture. Elle est aussi une activiste queer et engagée dans la lutte contre le SIDA.

    Depuis il tourne, partout dans le monde, et a même généré un mouvement de lectures collectives. Les dates se trouvent (et se proposent) sur le site I want a president... où figurent de nombreuses traductions.
    Le titre du site m’interroge pas mal quand, en enlevant un seul mot du titre initial, il fait basculer l’intention dans une affirmation alors qu’il me semble que le propos était de questionner, douloureusement et puissamment, une impossibilité. La notion de pouvoir contenue dans les formes présidentielles actuelles rendent ce poste incompatible avec toutes les nuances d’humanité et de résilience qu’elle affirme, avec combien de justesse, comme nécessaire pour pouvoir représenter et servir une communauté.

    Ce texte a été lu pour la première fois en Suède au moment des législatives de 2010 – sur fond de montée du parti d’extrême droite DS, qui a d’ailleurs fait son entrée pour la première fois au parlement suédois lors de ces élections.

    Il a été librement traduit en français en avril 2012 par par Agnès Giard pour Next de Liberation.

    En octobre 2016, Mikky Blanco a redonné un coup de projecteur sur ce texte en tournant une vidéo sobre, face caméra.

    A chaque élection, ce texte démontre qu’il n’a toujours pas pris une ride... hélas.

    « Je veux une gouine comme Présidente. »

     » Je veux qu’elle ait le sida, je veux que le Premier ministre soit une tapette qui n’a pas la sécu, qu’il ait grandi quelque part où le sol est
    tellement plein de déchets toxiques qu’il n’a aucune chance d’échapper à la leucémie. Je veux une présidente de la République qui a avorté à 16 ans, une candidate qui ne soit pas la moindre des deux maux ; je veux une présidente de la République dont la dernière amante est morte du sida, dont l’image la hante à chaque fois qu’elle ferme les yeux, qui a pris son amante dans ses bras tout en sachant que les médecins la condamnent.

     » Je veux une présidente de la République qui vit sans clim, qui a fait la queue à l’hôpital, à la CAF et au Pôle Emploi, qui a été chômeuse, licenciée économique, harcelée sexuellement, tabassée à cause de son homosexualité, et expulsée. Je veux quelqu’une qui a passé la nuit au trou, chez qui on a fait brûler une croix et qui a survécu à un viol. Je veux qu’elle ait été amoureuse et blessée, qu’elle ait du respect pour le sexe, qu’elle ait fait des erreurs et en ait tiré des leçons.

     » Je veux que le président de la République soit une femme noire. Je veux qu’elle ait des dents pourries et un sacré caractère, qu’elle ait déjà goûté à à cette infâme bouffe d’hôpital, qu’elle soit trans, qu’elle se soit droguée et désintoxiquée. Je veux qu’elle ait pratiqué la désobéissance civile. Et je veux savoir pourquoi ce que je demande n’est pas possible ; pourquoi on nous a fait gober qu’un président est toujours une marionnette : toujours un micheton et jamais une pute. Toujours un patron et jamais un travailleur. Toujours menteur, toujours voleur, et jamais puni. »

    #elections, #election2017, #president #Zoe_Leonard

  • Ça date de quelques années, mais je me rends compte que ce film n’est pas sur seenthis :


    Α documentary about a shocking case of HIV criminalization in Greece. The story of the persecution of HIV-positive women who were detained by the Hellenic Police, forcibly tested, charged with a felony, imprisoned and publicly exposed, when their mug shots and personal data were published in the media in the run-up to the country’s 2012 national elections.

    Directed by #Zoe_Mavroudi

  • The uncompromising #Zoë_Wicomb

    Zoe Wicomb is unquestionably among the most significant and widely-read literary interpreters of #South_Africa. Reading her work from a genderscript is fascinating. My colleague, Meg Samuelson, from the English department, wrote the following on Wicomb’s outstanding contribution: She’s one of the most consummate literary craftspersons in the world of South African fiction, and among…

    #CULTURE #culture #Literature

  • Le Carnet de Syntone n°7 va bientôt débarquer !

    Au sommaire :

    – Sur le terrain, nous partons à Marseille pour un reportage à #Radio_Baumettes, l’atelier #radio du centre pénitentiaire des Baumettes : texte et photos de Clément Baudet.
    – Nous nous glissons « dans les oreilles de Zoé Jadoul » : carte blanche à #Zoé_Jadoul, réalisatrice et formatrice radio atypique auprès d’enfants, d’handicapé·es, de détenues.
    – Dans la rubrique « œuvre ouverte », nous faisons la dissection d’un classique maudit : Pour en finir avec le jugement de dieu , d’#Antonin_Artaud, par Pascal Mouneyres, avec des peintures d’André Robèr.
    – Juliette Volcler poursuit sa Petite #histoire des faux-semblants radiophoniques (ces fictions qui se font passer pour le réel), resitue le genre des reconstitutions historiques à la radio et analyse L’Attentat en direct de #Claude_Ollier (1969) qui préfigure l’émergence du #docu-fiction.
    – Pour finir, nous faisons la rencontre de #Marc_Namblard, guide naturaliste et preneur de « son nature », à la recherche d’une écoute écologique. Propos recueillis par Étienne Noiseau, dessins de Lénon.
    – Et puis les échos de vos écoutes, le petit lexique récréatif de la #création_sonore_&_radiophonique, une image de #Rosalie_Peeters, et une couverture toujours unique car réalisée en atelier de sérigraphie au pied des Pyrénées.

  • Decolonizing nature, the academy, and Europe: An interview with Zoe Todd | ENTITLE blog

    Currently several connected issues are coming to a head in anthropology, political ecology, and environmental policy. You have political ecologists insisting that there is no nature separate from humans, and that environmental conservation schemes all-too-often fail. Ecomodernists have run with this idea, claiming that, instead of conservation, we need a new techno-future of nuclear power plants and GMOs to kick us past our environmental crisis. Many anthropologists and political ecologists disagree, arguing that we need to turn to other peoples who do not see nature and culture as separate, and learn how they care for their environment in their cultural institutions.

    One thing these varying perspectives have in common is that they are embedded within European colonialist world-views. Zoe Todd, a Métis Indigenous scholar, wrote a blog post that went viral in academic circles last year, calling on Bruno Latour to cite indigenous scholars who have long contributed to the debate on the nature-culture divide. She argues that anthropology (and political ecology, by extension) will remain a colonizing force until it credits Indigenous worldviews for its insights and supports the work of Indigenous scholars.

    I was grateful to be able to interview Todd to further explore these issues. I asked her how a decolonizing perspective would respond to the ecomodernists (unfavorably). We talked about the role that Indigenous law could have for addressing colonialist histories. As she had lived in Scotland and has written previously on the Scottish Independence movement from an Indigenous perspective, I asked her how she thought decolonization could occur within Europe, which remains so far removed from colonialist struggles today.

    We also discussed gentrification and how it can be seen as a form of colonization—and how Indigenous people continue to be marginalized from cities in North America. Todd is a prolific and gifted writer, so she talked about how she saw writing as a way to stay alive, a way of creating home within an unstable academic life. Finally, and perhaps most fruitfully for the readers of this blog, we talked about the role that indigenous perspectives could have in decolonizing academia itself, and what some strategies may be for conducting research that does justice to colonized Indigenous people.

    #Ecologie_politique #Zoe_Todd

  • Dieux chthoniens

    Pour les rédacteurs de la revue politique (de gauche) “Unfollow” (numéro du mois d’août), ce mémorandum II est tout comme... un faire-part du décès de la Grèce, de sa démocratie, de sa souveraineté comme d’ailleurs de son économie. Sur internet grec, on ironise autant comme on peut sur le caractère totalitaire et concentrationnaire que ce mémorandum impose-t-il aux institutions démocratiques, au “Parlement” d’abord, en dépit hélas des (ultimes ?) efforts de résistance consentis par Zoé Konstantopoúlou. Efforts... alors payants, étant donné que la Présidente de l’Assemblée sera écartée des listes des candidats SYRIZA à la députation lors des législatives prochaines, d’après des sources de Maxímou (le Matignon) grec, citées par la presse cette semaine. Source : greek (...)

  • Grèce : La nuit des dupes, une nuit qui dure depuis cinq ans et demi

    « Le projet de loi est anticonstitutionnel pour les raisons déjà soulevées le 7 novembre 2012, le 14 janvier 2013, le 30 mars 2014, et dans les discours du Premier ministre actuel le 14 décembre 2010, le 23 février 2012, et lors de plusieurs autres occasions… Nous sommes non pas ce que nous disons, mais ce que nous faisons… »

    « Nous serons originaux, avait dit le Premier ministre, en respectant après les élections ce que nous disions avant »

    « Il ne suffit pas de dire que Syriza a des principes quand ceux-ci sont violés… Je veux être ce que je sais faire le mieux, défenseur des gens qui sont persécutés ou dont les droits sont violés, défendre la vérité, défendre les camarades quand ils sont cannibalisés… défendre le peuple, le patrimoine public que les vautours du totalitarisme européen tiennent dorénavant en main…. Défendre l’intérêt public… Mais je ne défendrai plus le Premier ministre parce qu’il m’a persuadée lui-même que je ne dois plus le faire en déclarant publiquement que cela relève du surréalisme, c’est-à-dire, d’une espèce de fantasme, d’une folie, de dire que je le soutiens alors que je refuse de voter pour tout ce qu’il a signé sous le chantage. En même temps, il a dit qu’il n’est pas un môme et qu’il a d’autres moyens pour se défendre…Bien sûr, il n’a pas apprécié le fait qu’en sa personne je ne défendais pas uniquement le camarade mais aussi le premier et le plus jeune premier ministre de gauche du pays ainsi que le capital politique qu’il représentait et qu’il n’avait pas le droit de faire partir en fumée, parce que ce capital représente les attentes et l’espoir de tout un peuple. Son choix de s’ajouter aux premiers ministres des mémorandums m’attriste et me blesse. Tout comme le fait qu’il ait choisi d’être « défendu » par les représentants du régime le plus ancien et le plus corrompu… Messieurs du gouvernement, vous n’avez pas le droit, et c’est le moment ultime d’assumer cette responsabilité, de faire porter au pays le poids d’un nouvel emprunt en acceptant de rembourser une dette illégale…Au lendemain du chantage, le Premier ministre a demandé qu’on lui propose des alternatives. Un mois est passé depuis. Un mois est passé alors que je lui avais dit que je suis convaincue qu’il existe des alternatives. Le Parlement, avec la commission pour la vérité sur la dette publique, avait créé des alternatives. Une commission qui procède à l’audit de la dette, audit qui fait partie des obligations des pays sous mémorandum selon le règlement 492. Et je n’ai pas de réponse, pourquoi les conclusions de cette commission sur la dette illégale, odieuse et insoutenable ne sont pas devenues le fer de lance des revendications du gouvernement ! Je ne sais toujours pas pourquoi, alors que les conclusions de la commission sont saluées par les organes compétents des Nations unies, le gouvernement fait comme si ces conclusions n’existaient pas ! Je ne sais toujours pas pourquoi, alors que sur demande de 55 membres de Syriza, depuis le 25 juin, ce rapport devait être débattu au parlement, ce qui ouvrirait un nouveau débat international -nous avons beaucoup d’alliés- ce serait en soi un évènement mobilisateur pour soutenir le gouvernement, je ne sais toujours pas pourquoi on n’a pas de date de discussion de ces conclusions. Je ne sais toujours pas pourquoi, alors que la commission de Comptabilité de l’État a publié un rapport sur les prétentions de la Grèce concernant les réparations de guerre et le prêt forcé, qui s’élèvent à 340 milliards d’euros, pourquoi cette prétention n’est pas inscrite au budget. Je ne sais toujours pas pourquoi ma demande concernant la violation du fonctionnement de la démocratie (après le coup d’État à Bruxelles) a été rejetée, anticonstitutionnellement, par le Président de la République qui m’a dit qu’il s’agissait-là de mon avis personnel….Tout cela, ainsi que le recours aux forums internationaux compétents, comme le Conseil de l’Europe, étaient des alternatives… »

    #Grèce #Tsipras #Mémorandum3 #Zoe_Kostantopoulou

  • la démocratie aux ordures | ou la vie sauvage

    Dans un paysage économique ruiné par six années de récession, le gouvernement grec s’apprête à légiférer sur une hausse de la TVA (de 13% à 23%) qui affectera les préparations alimentaires pour enfants, le pain, les pâtes alimentaires, l’eau en bouteille, le courant électrique et le gaz naturel, le sucre, le cacao, la farine, les féculents, le lait, les fleurs, le café, le thé, les épices, les œufs, le vinaigre, les aliments pour animaux, les produits d’élevage, le sel et l’eau de mer, toutes les huiles, hors l’huile d’olive, les préparations à base de céréales, le bois de chauffage, les engrais, les insecticides, les préservatifs, les tampons hygiéniques, les produits pharmaceutiques, les cathéters, les seringues, les appareils orthopédiques, certains accessoires destinés aux personnes handicapées, les tickets de métro et de bus.

    Il ne s’agit pas de « mesures ».

    Comme le remarque la réalisatrice et auteur de théâtre Zoe Mavroudi, qui a justement épinglé le caractère surréaliste de cette liste : « Lorsque les êtres humains n’ont plus la possibilité de subvenir économiquement à leurs besoins, ils meurent. Ce mercredi, ce ne sont pas des “mesures“ qui seront signées mais des condamnations à mort. »

    #Tsipras #Varoufakis #Syriza #austérité #Europe #UE #Eurogroupe #Grèce #Konstantopoulou #Zoe #Mavroudi #récession #dette #démocratie #mémorandum

  • Why Greece’s Syriza party is not sticking to the script on an IMF deal | Paul Mason | Paul Mason

    Privately, those within the ruling far-left party Syriza who were once confident of reaching a compromise with lenders, are now alarmed. Euro exit plans drawn up by the far left of the party are being studied seriously by those previously dismissive of them; articles contemplating a debt default have begun to appear in the party’s daily paper Avgi.

  • Three-minute election: Have the deaths in the Mediterranean changed the immigration debate? – video

    Columnists #Jonathan_Freedland and #Zoe_Williams discuss the assumption that the election campaign would be dominated by the debate around immigration. With the deaths of hundreds of migrants in the Mediterranean, have voters’ views changed? And if the immigration issue now has a tragic, human face, will the parties will ignore it – or make a commitment? And is the threat to scrap the Human Rights Act the dog that hasn’t barked?

    #asile #réfugiés #migration #mourir_en_mer #naufrage #Forteresse_Europe #Méditerranée #politique_migratoire #UE #Union_européenne

  • Normalement, avec #Zoé_Konstantopoulou élue haut la main à la présidence du parlement grec, ce genre de choses ne devrait pas se reproduire

    ▶ Virvidakis - Konstantopoulou - Greek Parliament Voting - Βιρβιδάκης Κωνσταντοπούλου - YouTube

    Voting at the Justice Committee of the Greek Parliament, on 12.9.2013, without the required number of participating MPs, where the chairman Mr. Virvidakis simply ignores all the objections by MP Zoe Konstantopoulou and reports that every article was “voted by the majority” without anyone having voted! Mr Virvidakis also made sure that every sentence from Zoe were all deleted from the minutes, but he obviously did not take into account that everything was being recorded and was going to leak out to the internet.

  • Grèce : le nouveau gouvernement de Syriza laisse une large place aux activistes et aux chercheurs

    Le nouveau gouvernement grec vient de prendre ses fonctions. Qui sont et d’où viennent les ministres sur qui pèse la lourde responsabilité de sortir la Grèce de la crise et de montrer qu’une alternative de gauche à l’austérité est possible ? L’alliance de Syriza avec le petit parti souverainiste de droite les Grecs indépendants est-elle contre-nature ? Les femmes sont-elles présentes au gouvernement et dans quelle proportion ? Quelle sera la place de l’écologie alors que tous les regards sont braqués (...)


    / Élections , #Luttes_sociales, #Alternatives_concrètes, #Europe, L’Europe sous la coupe de (...)

    #Élections_ #L'Europe_sous_la_coupe_de_l'austérité