• #France kept classrooms open ’at all costs.’ At a school where 20 pupils lost loved ones, some say the price was too high - CNN
    https://www.cnn.com/2021/05/04/europe/france-school-deaths-covid-cmd-intl/index.html

    Nothing suggests these deaths were caused by infections at the school. But CNN has spoken with students at Eugene Delacroix who say they share a common burden: The fear of bringing #Covid-19 home and infecting a loved one.

    #écoles #enfants

  • Des hommes

    25 jours en immersion dans la prison des #Baumettes. 30 000 mètres carrés et 2 000 détenus dont la moitié n’a pas 30 ans.
    Une prison qui raconte les destins brisés, les #espoirs, la violence, la #justice et les #injustices de la vie. C’est une histoire avec ses cris et ses silences, un concentré d’humanité, leurs yeux dans les nôtres.

    http://www.film-documentaire.fr/4DACTION/w_fiche_film/56168_1
    #prisons #emprisonnement #enfermement #France #violence #décès #morts
    #film #film_documentaire #documentaire

  • Crosses in Arizona desert mark where ’American dream ended’ for migrants

    The brightly-colored crosses that #Alvaro_Enciso plants in the unforgiving hard sand of Arizona’s #Sonoran_desert mark what he calls ‘the end of an American dream’ - the places where a migrant died after crossing the U.S.-Mexico border.

    The bodies of nearly 3,000 migrants have been recovered in southern Arizona since 2000, according to the Pima County Office of the Medical Examiner. Aid group Humane Borders, which sets up water stations along migrant trails, said that may be only a fraction of the total death toll, with most bodies never recovered.

    Humane Borders, in partnership with the medical examiner’s office, publishes a searchable online map, which marks with a red dot the exact location where each migrant body was found.

    It was that map and its swarms of red dots that inspired Enciso, a 73-year-old artist and self-described ‘reluctant activist,’ to start his project.

    “I saw this map with thousands of red dots on it, just one on top of the other,” he told Reuters at his workshop in Tucson in September. “I want to go where those red dots (are). You know, the place where a tragedy took place. And be there and feel that place where the end of an American dream happened to someone,” he said.

    The red dots of the map are represented by a circle of red metal Enciso nails to each cross, which he makes in his workshop. He decorates the crosses with small pieces of objects left behind by migrants, which he collects on his trips to the desert.

    With temperatures topping 100 degrees Fahrenheit (37 degrees Celsius), Alvaro and his two assistants, Ron Kovatch and Frank Sagona, hauled two large wooden crosses, a shovel, jugs of water and a bucket of concrete powder through the scrubby desert south of Arizona’s Interstate 8, weaving through clumps of mesquite trees and saguaro cacti.

    They used a portable GPS device to navigate to a featureless patch of rocky ground - the place where the remains of 40 year-old Jose Apolinar Garcia Salvador were found on Sept. 14, 2006, his birthplace and cause of death never recorded.

    They planted another cross for a second person who was never identified, one of 1,100 recovered from Arizona’s deserts since 2000 whose names are unknown.

    Enciso, who left Colombia in the 1960s to attend college in the United States, considers the crosses part art project and part social commentary. He would like to see an end to migrant deaths in the desert and a change in U.S. immigration laws.

    “We cannot continue to be a land, a country that was created on the idea that we accept everybody here. We have broken the number one rule of what America is all about,” he said.

    https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-immigration-crosses-idUSKCN1ME1DG

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DNVLoWemnU8&feature=emb_logo

    #red_dots
    #migrations #frontières #désert #mourir_dans_le_désert #Mexique #USA #Etats-Unis #décès #morts #commémoration #croix #désert_de_Sonora #mémoire
    #art_et_politique

  • Why India’s worsening Covid crisis is a dire problem for the world | India | The Guardian
    http://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/apr/25/the-world-must-act-indias-covid-crisis-is-a-dire-problem-for-us-all
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/8ace91ed2164d338c754f5e742f5b2d17ec73a8e/0_182_5472_3283/master/5472.jpg?width=1200&height=630&quality=85&auto=format&fit=crop&overlay-ali

    Why India’s worsening Covid crisis is a dire problem for the world. Analysis: Urgent supplies are needed to stem the rampant spread of infections in country of 1.4bn. The catastrophe unfolding in India appears to be the worst-case scenario that many feared from the Covid-19 pandemic: unable to find sufficient hospital beds, access to tests, medicines or oxygen, the country of 1.4 billion is sinking beneath the weight of infections.The two opposed assumptions of the global response to coronavirus – wealthy countries in the west prioritising vaccines for their own need in one camp, and the argument led by the World Health Organization for global vaccine equality in the other – are also failing to hold as the scale of the crisis in India points to an urgent need to prioritise the response there.
    With the global supply of vaccines unlikely to pick up until the end of this year, what is required now is international leadership and a recognition that, despite the best intentions of the World Health Organization and the vaccine-sharing Covax initiative to fairly distribute jabs, the pandemic may require a period of more focused firefighting where difficult and sometimes unpopular decisions need to be made.That will require countries to look beyond their own health crises to see that the pandemic could still get much worse without intervention. Experts have repeatedly warned that allowing the virus to circulate unchecked increases the risk that dangerous new strains will emerge and prolong the pandemic.
    Models already exist for what could be done, including George W Bush’s initiative to fight Aids in Africa under the president’s Emergency plan for Aids relief and the 2014 global response to Ebola in West Africa, which was seen as an international priority.
    The reality is that the magical thinking displayed by the Indian prime minister Narendra Modi’s government – which claimed the pandemic was in its “endgame” in March as the country careened towards a second wave of infections – was not much different from the mistakes of other leaders, including the former US president Donald Trump, who thought the virus would simply disappear, or the mistaken boosterism of the UK prime minister, Boris Johnson. What is different in India – a country with a fragile health system and even weaker surveillance – is the huge possibility for harm locally and globally, perhaps on a scale not yet seen in the pandemic.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#inde#monde#sante#pandemie#mortalite#morbidite#circulation#virus#ebola#frontiere#variant

  • The Death of Asylum and the Search for Alternatives

    March 2021 saw the announcement of the UK’s new post-Brexit asylum policy. This plan centres ‘criminal smuggling gangs’ who facilitate the cross border movement of people seeking asylum, particularly in this case, across the English Channel. It therefore distinguishes between two groups of people seeking asylum: those who travel themselves to places of potential sanctuary, and those who wait in a refugee camp near the place that they fled for the lottery ticket of UNHCR resettlement. Those who arrive ‘spontaneously’ will never be granted permanent leave to remain in the UK. Those in the privileged group of resettled refugees will gain indefinite leave to remain.

    Resettlement represents a tiny proportion of refugee reception globally. Of the 80 million displaced people globally at the end of 2019, 22,800 were resettled in 2020 and only 3,560 were resettled to the UK. Under the new plans, forms of resettlement are set to increase, which can only be welcomed. But of course, the expansion of resettlement will make no difference to people who are here, and arriving, every year. People who find themselves in a situation of persecution or displacement very rarely have knowledge of any particular national asylum system. Most learn the arbitrary details of access to work, welfare, and asylum itself upon arrival.

    In making smugglers the focus of asylum policy, the UK is inaugurating what Alison Mountz calls the death of asylum. There is of course little difference between people fleeing persecution who make the journey themselves to the UK, or those who wait in a camp with a small chance of resettlement. The two are often, in fact, connected, as men are more likely to go ahead in advance, making perilous journeys, in the hope that safe and legal options will then be opened up for vulnerable family members. And what makes these perilous journeys so dangerous? The lack of safe and legal routes.

    Britain, and other countries across Europe, North America and Australasia, have gone to huge efforts and massive expense in recent decades to close down access to the right to asylum. Examples of this include paying foreign powers to quarantine refugees outside of Europe, criminalising those who help refugees, and carrier sanctions. Carrier sanctions are fines for airlines or ferry companies if someone boards an aeroplane without appropriate travel documents. So you get the airlines to stop people boarding a plane to your country to claim asylum. In this way you don’t break international law, but you are certainly violating the spirit of it. If you’ve ever wondered why people pay 10 times the cost of a plane ticket to cross the Mediterranean or the Channel in a tiny boat, carrier sanctions are the reason.

    So government policy closes down safe and legal routes, forcing people to take more perilous journeys. These are not illegal journeys because under international law one cannot travel illegally if one is seeking asylum. Their only option becomes to pay smugglers for help in crossing borders. At this point criminalising smuggling becomes the focus of asylum policy. In this way, government policy creates the crisis which it then claims to solve. And this extends to people who are seeking asylum themselves.

    Arcane maritime laws have been deployed by the UK in order to criminalise irregular Channel crossers who breach sea defences, and therefore deny them sanctuary. Specifically, if one of the people aboard a given boat touches the tiller, oars, or steering device, they become liable to be arrested under anti-smuggling laws. In 2020, eight people were jailed on such grounds, facing sentences of up to two and a half years, as well as the subsequent threat of deportation. For these people, there are no safe and legal routes left.

    We know from extensive research on the subject, that poverty in a country does not lead to an increase in asylum applications elsewhere from that country. Things like wars, genocide and human rights abuses need to be present in order for nationals of a country to start seeking asylum abroad in any meaningful number. Why then, one might ask, is the UK so obsessed with preventing people who are fleeing wars, genocide and human rights abuses from gaining asylum here? On their own terms there is one central reason: their belief that most people seeking asylum today are not actually refugees, but economic migrants seeking to cheat the asylum system.

    This idea that people who seek asylum are largely ‘bogus’ began in the early 2000s. It came in response to a shift in the nationalities of people seeking asylum. During the Cold War there was little concern with the mix of motivations in relation to fleeing persecution or seeking a ‘better life’. But when people started to seek asylum from formerly colonised countries in the ‘Third World’ they began to be construed as ‘new asylum seekers’ and were assumed to be illegitimate. From David Blunkett’s time in the Home Office onwards, these ‘new asylum seekers’, primarily black and brown people fleeing countries in which refugee producing situations are occurring, asylum has been increasingly closed down.

    The UK government has tended to justify its highly restrictive asylum policies on the basis that it is open to abuse from bogus, cheating, young men. It then makes the lives of people who are awaiting a decision on their asylum application as difficult as possible on the basis that this will deter others. Forcing people who are here to live below the poverty line, then, is imagined to sever ‘pull factors’ for others who have not yet arrived. There is no evidence to support the idea that deterrence strategies work, they simply costs lives.

    Over the past two decades, as we have witnessed the slow death of asylum, it has become increasingly difficult to imagine alternatives. Organisations advocating for people seeking asylum have, with diminishing funds since 2010, tended to focus on challenging specific aspects of the system on legal grounds, such as how asylum support rates are calculated or whether indefinite detention is lawful.

    Scholars of migration studies, myself included, have written countless papers and books debunking the spurious claims made by the government to justify their policies, and criticising the underlying logics of the system. What we have failed to do is offer convincing alternatives. But with his new book, A Modern Migration Theory, Professor of Migration Studies Peo Hansen offers us an example of an alternative strategy. This is not a utopian proposal of open borders, this is the real experience of Sweden, a natural experiment with proven success.

    During 2015, large numbers of people were displaced as the Syrian civil war escalated. Most stayed within the region, with millions of people being hosted in Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon. A smaller proportion decided to travel onwards from these places to Europe. Because of the fortress like policies adopted by European countries, there were no safe and legal routes aboard aeroplanes or ferries. Horrified by the spontaneous arrival of people seeking sanctuary, most European countries refused to take part in burden sharing and so it fell to Germany and Sweden, the only countries that opened their doors in any meaningful way, to host the new arrivals.

    Hansen documents what happened next in Sweden. First, the Swedish state ended austerity in an emergency response to the challenge of hosting so many refugees. As part of this, and as a country that produces its own currency, the Swedish state distributed funds across the local authorities of the country to help them in receiving the refugees. And third, this money was spent not just on refugees, but on the infrastructure needed to support an increased population in a given area – on schools, hospitals, and housing. This is in the context of Sweden also having a welfare system which is extremely generous compared to Britain’s stripped back welfare regime.

    As in Britain, the Swedish government had up to this point spent some years fetishizing the ‘budget deficit’ and there was an assumption that spending so much money would worsen the fiscal position – that it would lead both to inflation, and a massive national deficit which must later be repaid. That this spending on refugees would cause deficits and hence necessitate borrowing, tax hikes and budget cuts was presented by politicians and the media in Sweden as a foregone conclusion. This foregone conclusion was then used as part of a narrative about refugees’ negative impact on the economy and welfare, and as the basis for closing Sweden’s doors to people seeking asylum in the future.

    And yet, the budget deficit never materialised: ‘Just as the finance minister had buried any hope of surpluses in the near future and repeated the mantra of the need to borrow to “finance” the refugees, a veritable tidal wave of tax revenue had already started to engulf Sweden’ (p.152). The economy grew and tax revenue surged in 2016 and 2017, so much that successive surpluses were created. In 2016 public consumption increased 3.6%, a figure not seen since the 1970s. Growth rates were 4% in 2016 and 2017. Refugees were filling labour shortages in understaffed sectors such as social care, where Sweden’s ageing population is in need of demographic renewal.

    Refugees disproportionately ended up in smaller, poorer, depopulating, rural municipalities who also received a disproportionately large cash injections from the central government. The arrival of refugees thus addressed the triple challenges of depopulation and population ageing; a continuous loss of local tax revenues, which forced cuts in services; and severe staff shortages and recruitment problems (e.g. in the care sector). Rather than responding with hostility, then, municipalities rightly saw the refugee influx as potentially solving these spiralling challenges.

    For two decades now we have been witnessing the slow death of asylum in the UK. Basing policy on prejudice rather than evidence, suspicion rather than generosity, burden rather than opportunity. Every change in the asylum system heralds new and innovative ways of circumventing human rights, detaining, deporting, impoverishing, and excluding. And none of this is cheap – it is not done for the economic benefit of the British population. It costs £15,000 to forcibly deport someone, it costs £95 per day to detain them, with £90 million spent each year on immigration detention. Vast sums of money are given to private companies every year to help in the work of denying people who are seeking sanctuary access to their right to asylum.

    The Swedish case offers a window into what happens when a different approach is taken. The benefit is not simply to refugees, but to the population as a whole. With an economy to rebuild after Covid and huge holes in the health and social care workforce, could we imagine an alternative in which Sweden offered inspiration to do things differently?

    https://discoversociety.org/2021/04/07/the-death-of-asylum-and-the-search-for-alternatives

    #asile #alternatives #migrations #alternative #réfugiés #catégorisation #tri #réinstallation #death_of_asylum #mort_de_l'asile #voies_légales #droit_d'asile #externalisation #passeurs #criminalisation_des_passeurs #UK #Angleterre #colonialisme #colonisation #pull-factors #pull_factors #push-pull_factors #facteurs_pull #dissuasion #Suède #déficit #économie #welfare_state #investissement #travail #impôts #Etat_providence #modèle_suédois

    ping @isskein @karine4

    –-

    ajouté au fil de discussion sur le lien entre économie et réfugiés/migrations :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/705790

    • A Modern Migration Theory. An Alternative Economic Approach to Failed EU Policy

      The widely accepted narrative that refugees admitted to the European Union constitute a fiscal burden is based on a seemingly neutral accounting exercise, in which migrants contribute less in tax than they receive in welfare assistance. A “fact” that justifies increasingly restrictive asylum policies. In this book Peo Hansen shows that this consensual cost-perspective on migration is built on a flawed economic conception of the orthodox “sound finance” doctrine prevalent in migration research and policy. By shifting perspective to examine migration through the macroeconomic lens offered by modern monetary theory, Hansen is able to demonstrate sound finance’s detrimental impact on migration policy and research, including its role in stoking the toxic debate on migration in the EU. Most importantly, Hansen’s undertaking offers the tools with which both migration research and migration policy could be modernized and put on a realistic footing.

      In addition to a searing analysis of EU migration policy and politics, Hansen also investigates the case of Sweden, the country that has received the most refugees in the EU in proportion to population. Hansen demonstrates how Sweden’s increased refugee spending in 2015–17 proved to be fiscally risk-free and how the injection of funds to cash-strapped and depopulating municipalities, which received refugees, boosted economic growth and investment in welfare. Spending on refugees became a way of rediscovering the viability of welfare for all. Given that the Swedish approach to the 2015 refugee crisis has since been discarded and deemed fiscally unsustainable, Hansen’s aim is to reveal its positive effects and its applicability as a model for the EU as a whole.

      https://cup.columbia.edu/book/a-modern-migration-theory/9781788210553
      #livre #Peo_Hansen

  • La loi de l’inceste
    Les couilles sur la table

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=43PMwj5NQLA

    Nous avons toutes et tous grandi dans une culture de l’inceste qui impose qu’on y soit aveugle et qu’on n’en parle pas. Alors que les victimes - et donc leurs agresseurs - sont banalement répandu·es, l’inceste est considéré comme le plus grand interdit voire le plus grand tabou de notre société. Selon l’anthropologue Dorothée Dussy, cette idée reçue entraîne un déni de la réalité de ce phénomène. Plus encore, cette vision désincarnée de l’inceste manque de prendre en compte le point de vue des femmes et des enfants, et participe à la constitution de l’inceste comme « structurant de l’ordre social ».

    En quoi les sphères intellectuelles, législatives et judiciaires véhiculent une perspective patriarcale et masculiniste de l’inceste, et plus largement du viol ? Comment l’inceste est représenté dans les œuvres d’art ?

    Dans cette deuxième partie de leur entretien, Victoire Tuaillon et Dorothée Dussy analysent ce qu’est la culture de l’inceste. Selon la directrice de recherche du CNRS, l’inceste est à la base des rapports d’oppression, d’où titre de son ouvrage majeur sur la question : « Le Berceau des dominations » (éd. Pocket, 2020 ; initialement publié en 2013 aux éditions La Discussion).

    #inceste #viol #culture_du_viol #masculinité

  • La première vague du Covid-19 a frappé durement les personnes originaires d’Afrique et d’Asie
    https://www.lemonde.fr/les-decodeurs/article/2021/04/16/la-premiere-vague-du-covid-19-a-frappe-durement-les-personnes-originaires-d-

    Une étude de l’Insee montre que l’excès de mortalité, toutes causes confondues, est, pour mars et en avril 2020, deux fois plus élevé parmi les personnes nées à l’étranger. Avec la pandémie de Covid-19, le nombre de décès enregistrés en 2020 a fortement augmenté (669 000 morts en France, contre 613 000 en 2019, soit + 9 %). Mais cette hausse est encore plus marquée chez les personnes nées à l’étranger : elle s’élève à 17 %, contre 8 % pour celles qui sont nées en France – soit presque deux fois plus, comme le montre une étude de l’Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (Insee) parue le 16 avril. Ce décalage a été particulièrement net lors de la première vague de l’épidémie de Covid-19, au printemps 2020.Pour effectuer ces comparaisons, l’Insee a utilisé les données statistiques d’état civil de 2019 et de 2020, dans lesquelles les causes de décès sont inconnues (on ne peut donc par les attribuer directement au Covid-19). Elles contiennent cependant des informations socio-démographiques sur les personnes décédées, parmi lesquelles le pays de naissance.Sur l’ensemble de l’année 2020, l’excès de mortalité a touché en priorité des personnes nées en Afrique hors Maghreb (+ 36 %), en Asie (+ 29 %) et au Maghreb (+ 21 %), alors que l’augmentation des décès des personnes originaires d’Europe, d’Océanie et d’Amérique a été similaire à celle des personnes nées en France.
    C’est lors de la première vague épidémique que cet écart a été le plus important. Les plus touchées ont été les personnes nées en Afrique hors Maghreb (+ 117 %), en Asie (+ 92 %) et au Maghreb (+ 55 %), contre + 23 % pour celles nées en France. L’écart a eu tendance à se réduire lors de la seconde vague, même s’il est resté présent. Contrairement à la première vague, ce sont les personnes nées au Maghreb qui ont enregistré la plus forte hausse de décès à l’automne, avec + 36 %.
    Lors que l’on étudie le détail par région de résidence, les disparités sont fortes. L’Ile-de-France a été particulièrement touchée par l’excès de mortalité de la première vague, et ce phénomène a, une fois encore, davantage touché les personnes d’origine étrangère. « La région présente une forte concentration de personnes originaires du Maghreb, de l’Afrique subsaharienne et de l’Asie », explique au Monde Sylvie Le Minez, chef de l’unité des études démographiques et sociales de l’Insee. Elle abrite 32 % des personnes nées au Maghreb, 49 % de celles nées dans un autre pays d’Afrique, et 48 % des personnes originaires d’Asie.Entre 2019 et 2020, les décès enregistrés chez les moins de 65 ans ont très peu augmenté parmi les personnes nées en France (+ 4 %) ou en Europe (+ 1 %). En revanche, on constate un pic pour celles qui sont originaires du Maghreb (+ 31 %), d’Afrique subsaharienne (+ 101 %) et d’Asie (+ 79 %).
    L’Insee rappelle que ces chiffres, qui prennent appui sur l’état civil, ne donnent pas d’informations sur les conditions de vie ou l’état de santé des personnes décédées (obésité, diabète, etc.). Mais une étude réalisée en mai 2020 (Warszawski et al.) a montré que la séroprévalence, c’est-à-dire le nombre de personnes ayant développé des anticorps contre le virus SARS-CoV-2, était plus élevée parmi les immigrés non européens, en raison notamment de leurs conditions de vies moins favorables.« Les personnes d’origine étrangère ont occupé davantage de postes, de métiers dits “essentiels”, et ont dû continuer à aller travailler pendant le confinement, analyse Mme Le Minez. De plus, les personnes venant par exemple d’Afrique subsaharienne occupent les logements les plus exigus, ce qui peut favoriser la transmission, notamment entre classes d’âge différentes. »

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#france#sante#mortalite#immigre#inegalite#travailleuressentiel#travailleurmigrant#minorite#statistique

  • Numéro 387 : Disparu en #Méditerranée

    En 2015, près de mille migrants disparaissent dans un naufrage en Méditerranée. Depuis, une équipe de chercheurs tente de retrouver leur identité. Un documentaire pudique et fort aux confins de l’indicible.

    C’est la tragédie la plus meurtrière en Méditerranée depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Le 18 avril 2015, un bateau fantôme convoyant entre 800 et 1100 migrants coule au large des côtes libyennes. Très peu d’entre eux survivent. Qui étaient les disparus, d’où venaient-ils ? Comment leur redonner une identité et honorer leur mémoire ? Très vite, le gouvernement italien de Matteo Renzi prend la décision inédite de renflouer l’épave pour identifier les victimes. À Milan, l’anthropologue légiste Cristina Cattaneo travaille sur les 528 corps retrouvés et mène la plus vaste opération d’identification jamais entreprise en Méditerranée. En Afrique, José Pablo Baraybar, pour le CICR (Comité international de la Croix-Rouge), rencontre les familles des disparus pour obtenir le plus d’informations ante mortem possibles, et recueillir leur ADN qui permettra à Cristina Cattaneo de croiser les résultats. En Sicile, la chercheuse Georgia Mirto arpente les cimetières à la recherche des tombes des disparus...

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c9Qy5dIZJuI

    #mourir_en_mer #identification #morts #morts_aux_frontières #mourir_aux_frontières #migrations #asile #réfugiés #naufrage #identification #épave #Cristina_Cattaneo #restes #médecine_légale #justice #droits_humains #Giorgia_Mirto #cimetières #cimetière #Sicile #Italie #pacte_migratoire #pacte_de_Marrakech #cadavres #traçabilité #enterrement #coopération_internationale #celleux_qui_restent #celles_qui_restent #ceux_qui_restent #dignité #survivants #mer_Méditerranée #vidéo

    –-

    Ils utilisent hélas les statistiques des morts de l’OIM au lieu d’utiliser celles de United :

    « L’OIM rapporte que la route de l’immigration la plus meurtrière au monde est la route de la Méditerranée centrale (...) L’agence explique que malgré la baisse du nombre de morts, la proportion de décès, rapportée aux tentatives de traversée, a augmenté en 2019 par rapport aux années précédentes. Signe peut-être que les embarcations qui partent sont plus précaires et que les personnes et les passeurs prennent plus de risques. » Ils donnent ensuite le chiffre d’un 1/100, ratio morts/départs.
    –-> embarcations plus précaires et plus de prise de risque ne sont pas une fatalité mais une conséquence des politiques migratoires restrictives et meurtrières de l’UE et ses Etats membres.

  • Covid-19 : la barre des 100 000 morts en France est déjà franchie depuis des semaines
    https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2021/04/14/covid-19-en-france-la-barre-des-100-000-deces-est-deja-franchie-depuis-des-s


    Lors de la messe d’enterrement d’une victime du covid-19 à Malo-les-Bains, le 7 avril 2021.
    AIMÉE THIRION POUR « LE MONDE »

    Les données du centre d’épidémiologie sur les causes de décès de l’Inserm, plus fiables car établies à partir des certificats de décès, confirment que le bilan officiel de Santé publique France est largement sous-estimé.

    Le nombre est hautement symbolique mais sous-estimé : le cap des 100 000 décès liés au Covid-19 en France, issu du décompte quotidien de l’agence de sécurité sanitaire Santé publique France (SPF), est en réalité franchi depuis déjà des semaines.
    C’est ce qu’il ressort des dernières données du centre d’épidémiologie sur les causes médicales de décès de l’Inserm (CépiDc). Encore partielles, celles-ci ont été présentées par le démographe et épidémiologiste Jean-Marie Robine (directeur de recherches émérite à l’Inserm), vendredi 9 avril, lors d’un séminaire en ligne sur la mortalité du Covid-19.

    En matière de surveillance de la mortalité et de ses causes en France, les chiffres du CépiDc ne sont pas les plus rapides à être rendus publics, mais ils sont les plus fiables car réalisés à partir de l’ensemble des certificats de décès remplis par les médecins. Ils permettent des études par sexe, tranche d’âge, selon la zone géographique du décès et du lieu de celui-ci (hôpital, domicile…).
    « Pour la période allant du 1er mars au 31 décembre 2020, il y a déjà 75 732 certificats mentionnant le Covid-19 comme cause initiale ou associée de la mort, révèle M. Robine, également conseiller scientifique auprès de la direction de l’Institut national d’études démographiques (INED). Au 31 décembre 2020, le tableau de bord de l’épidémie de SPF faisait, lui, état de 64 632 décès, 44 852 dans les hôpitaux et 19 780 dans les Ehpad [établissement d’hébergement pour personnes âgées dépendantes] et autres établissements médico-sociaux. »

    « Une usine à gaz »
    En clair, pour les dix derniers mois de 2020 – qui correspondent aux deux premières vagues de l’épidémie sur le territoire –, l’écart est déjà de plus de 11 000 décès entre les données de SpF et celles du CépiDc. Il a sans doute continué à se creuser depuis début 2021. De son côté, l’INED avait récemment évalué à 68 000 le nombre de décès par Covid-19 en France en 2020, à partir des données de l’Insee, soit un delta de près de 8 000 avec les chiffres de l’Inserm.

    Au total, le CépiDc a réceptionné 538 972 certificats de décès exploitables (vingt ne l’étaient pas) pour la période du 1er mars au 31 décembre 2020, dont 75 732 avec la mention Covid-19. L’infection à SARS-CoV-2 est donc impliquée dans 14 % des décès. Les hommes ont payé un plus lourd tribut que les femmes (38 324 décès contre 37 408). Les tranches d’âge 75-84 ans et 85-94 sont les plus touchées.

    • Ces chiffres sont encore provisoires : les certificats reçus représentent 97 % de ceux attendus pour les mois de mars à novembre 2020, et 90,6 % pour décembre (les analyses ne sont effectuées que lorsque le CépiDc a obtenu plus de 90 % des certificats attendus pour un mois donné, ce qui n’est pas encore le cas pour janvier, février et mars 2021).
      Pourquoi de telles différences entre les institutions ? Comme l’avait déjà souligné Jean-Marie Robine dans nos colonnes https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2021/01/19/le-decompte-de-la-mortalite-liee-au-covid-19-est-une-usine-a-gaz_6066788_324, le comptage des morts du Covid-19 est « une usine à gaz » . La surveillance est assurée par plusieurs organismes, qui travaillent à partir de bases de données différentes.

      « Plusieurs angles morts »

      SPF comptabilise quotidiennement les décès à partir des remontées des hôpitaux, par le biais de Si-Vic (système d’information pour le suivi des victimes d’attentats et de situations sanitaires exceptionnelles). S’y ajoutent deux fois par semaine les données des Ehpad et autres établissements médico-sociaux.

      « Cette surveillance comporte plusieurs angles morts, explique M. Robine. D’abord, elle ne tient pas compte des #morts_à_domicile. Ensuite, Si-Vic ne comptabilise pas les décès dans les #unités_de_soins_de_longue_durée [USLD], soit 30 000 lits d’hôpitaux en France. Or, les patients des USLD sont particulièrement fragiles et sensibles aux maladies opportunistes. Les décès survenant aux #urgences, dans les services de #psychiatrie et de #soins_de_suite et de réadaptation ne sont pas bien dénombrés, ce qui sous-estime beaucoup de cas nosocomiaux. » Quant aux remontées concernant les décès en Ehpad, le démographe regrette qu’elles n’aient, jusqu’à récemment, pas précisé l’âge et le sexe de la victime.

      Les données : la France a connu en en 2020 la plus importante mortalité de son histoire récente https://www.lemonde.fr/les-decodeurs/article/2021/01/15/avec-667-400-deces-enregistres-la-france-a-connu-9-d-excedent-de-mortalite-e

      L’Insee, pour sa part, évalue le nombre de décès de façon réactive à partir des actes d’état civil, en principe transmis dans les vingt-quatre heures. Ces données présentent l’avantage d’être exhaustives, mais l’inconvénient de ne pas permettre une analyse fine de surmortalité faute d’information sur les causes du décès.

      Dans leur analyse publiée en mars https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2021/03/17/en-france-68-000-personnes-seraient-mortes-du-covid-19-en-2020_6073436_3244., où ils évaluaient le nombre de décès dus au Covid-19 à 68 000 pour 2020, Gilles Pison et France Meslé de l’INED notaient que ce chiffre était supérieur à l’augmentation du nombre de décès entre 2019 et 2020 : 55 000. « Cela vient du recul d’autres causes de décès comme la grippe et les accidents de la circulation », écrivaient les deux chercheurs.

      « Rendre obligatoire la certification électronique des décès »

      Quant au CépiDc de l’Inserm https://opendata.idf.inserm.fr/cepidc/covid-19, il suit une partie des décès en temps réel, grâce aux certificats électroniques de décès. Mais ceux-ci restent très minoritaires (20 % au début de la pandémie, de 25 % à 30 % actuellement) par rapport aux certificats papiers, envoyés avec des semaines voire des mois de décalage.
      Pour Jean-Marie Robine, qui plaide pour un système réactif de suivi de la mortalité depuis la canicule de 2003 – à la suite de laquelle avaient été mis en place les certificats de décès électroniques –, la situation actuelle est incompréhensible. « Dans cette épidémie, on devrait pouvoir communiquer avec fiabilité sur les décès de la veille. La solution serait simple : rendre obligatoire pour tout médecin la certification électronique des décès dans les quarante-huit heures », martèle le démographe.

      En juillet 2020 https://www.santepubliquefrance.fr/les-actualites/2020/mortalite-en-france-d-ou-viennent-les-chiffres, Anne Fouillet (SPF) jugeait de son côté « fondamental de déployer dans les meilleurs délais l’utilisation de la certification électronique sur tout le territoire (…) afin d’assurer une surveillance exhaustive et réactive de la mortalité par cause de décès en routine et en particulier en cas de menace sur la santé de la population ».

      100 000 morts du Covid-19 en France : notre sélection d’articles sur le sujet

      Le décryptage : La barre des 100 000 morts en France est déjà franchie depuis des semaines selon l’Inserm

      La synthèse : La mortalité de la pandémie est encore sous-estimée dans le monde

      L’entretien de Marie-Frédérique Bacqué : « Les morts du Covid-19 n’ont été ni identifiés ni pleurés collectivement »

      Le reportage : La troisième vague de Covid-19 vue de l’hôpital Bichat

      #Covid-19 #bilan #mortalité #CépiDc #certificats_de_décès #Covid-19_nocosomial

  • Covid-19 - « On ment aux Français, il y a un choix politique d’accepter chaque jour qu’un Boeing s’écrase », dénonce le Pr Pialoux
    https://www.lindependant.fr/2021/04/13/covid-19-on-ment-aux-francais-il-y-a-un-choix-politique-daccepter-chaqu

    On « ment un peu aux Français », déplore Gilles Pialoux. « Il y a un choix de société qui est un choix politique d’accepter qu’on ait chaque jour un Boeing qui s’écrase, c’est-à-dire plus de 300 décès », estime le chef de service des maladies infectieuses et tropicales à l’hôpital Tenon à Paris, ce mardi sur BFMTV, alors que le pays va bientôt dépasser le seuil symbolique des 100.000 décès.

    La preuve selon lui : « le mot (mort) a disparu du discours politique. Le président de la République n’a pas prononcé le mot mort, il dit ’endeuillé’. On ne parle plus des morts, on parle des familles qui vivent des choses tragiques », relève l’infectiologue.

  • La corde du diable

    « La corde du diable » est le nom du barbelé, ce fil de fer inventé à la fin du XIXe siècle aux États-Unis qui emprisonne les hommes et les bêtes, de la prairie à la prison, de la base militaire à la frontière. C’est à travers ce prisme que Sophie Bruneau approche l’épineuse question de la #surveillance et du #contrôle. Un essai documentaire exigeant, à la force plastique stupéfiante qui présente une poignante réflexion sur la gestion politique de l’espace.

    « La corde du diable », c’est le nom donné par ses détracteurs au barbelé, ce fil de fer inventé à la fin du XIXe siècle aux États-Unis. Le film s’ancre dans les grands espaces américains et leurs kilomètres de clôture, comme si la trame narrative se dévidait en miroir de ces millions d’épissures acérées derrière lesquelles lorgnent les têtes de bétail. Point de départ : Omaha, dans le Nebraska, entre foire aux bestiaux, bottes rutilantes et Stetson poussiéreux. Claquements de fouet et musique bluegrass en fond sonore. De la prairie à la prison, de la base militaire à la frontière, la corde du diable emprisonne les hommes et les bêtes. C’est à travers le prisme de cet objet universel que Sophie Bruneau – coréalisatrice du remarquable documentaire Ils ne mouraient pas tous mais tous étaient frappés, sur la souffrance au travail – aborde l’épineuse question de la surveillance et du contrôle.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/057390-000-A/la-corde-du-diable

    #film #film_documentaire
    #barbelé #clôture #USA #Etats-Unis #fil_barbelé #élevage #prison #armée #objets #identification #frontières #Mexique #Tohono_O'odham #Baboquivari #migrations #mourir_dans_le_désert #morts #décès #morgue

  • ‘A system of #global_apartheid’ : author #Harsha_Walia on why the border crisis is a myth

    The Canadian organizer says the actual crises are capitalism, war and the climate emergency, which drive mass migration.

    The rising number of migrant children and families seeking to cross the US border with Mexico is emerging as one of the most serious political challenges for Joe Biden’s new administration.

    That’s exactly what Donald Trump wants: he and other Republicans believe that Americans’ concerns about a supposed “border crisis” will help Republicans win back political power.

    But Harsha Walia, the author of two books about border politics, argues that there is no “border crisis,” in the United States or anywhere else. Instead, there are the “actual crises” that drive mass migration – such as capitalism, war and the climate emergency – and “imagined crises” at political borders, which are used to justify further border securitization and violence.

    Walia, a Canadian organizer who helped found No One Is Illegal, which advocates for migrants, refugees and undocumented people, talked to the Guardian about Border and Rule, her new book on global migration, border politics and the rise of what she calls “racist nationalism.” The conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

    Last month, a young white gunman was charged with murdering eight people, most of them Asian women, at several spas around Atlanta, Georgia. Around the same time, there was increasing political attention to the higher numbers of migrants and refugees showing up at the US-Mexico border. Do you see any connection between these different events?

    I think they are deeply connected. The newest invocation of a “border surge” and a “border crisis” is again creating the spectre of immigrants and refugees “taking over.” This seemingly race neutral language – we are told there’s nothing inherently racist about saying “border surge”– is actually deeply racially coded. It invokes a flood of black and brown people taking over a so-called white man’s country. That is the basis of historic immigrant exclusion, both anti-Asian exclusion in the 19th century, which very explicitly excluded Chinese laborers and especially Chinese women presumed to be sex workers, and anti-Latinx exclusion. If we were to think about one situation as anti-Asian racism and one as anti-Latinx racism, they might seem disconnected. But both forms of racism are fundamentally anti-immigrant. Racial violence is connected to the idea of who belongs and who doesn’t. Whose humanity is questioned in a moment of crisis. Who is scapegoated in a moment of crisis.

    How do you understand the rise of white supremacist violence, particularly anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim violence, that we are seeing around the world?

    The rise in white supremacy is a feedback loop between individual rightwing vigilantes and state rhetoric and state policy. When it comes to the Georgia shootings, we can’t ignore the fact that the criminalization of sex work makes sex workers targets. It’s not sex work itself, it’s the social condition of criminalization that creates that vulnerability. It’s similar to the ways in which border vigilantes have targeted immigrants: the Minutemen who show up at the border and harass migrants, or the kidnapping of migrants by the United Constitutional Patriots at gunpoint. We can’t dissociate that kind of violence from state policies that vilify migrants and refugees, or newspapers that continue to use the word “illegal alien”.

    National borders are often described as protecting citizens, or as protecting workers at home from lower-paid workers in other countries. You argue that borders actually serve a very different purpose.

    Borders maintain a massive system of global apartheid. They are preventing, on a scale we’ve never seen before, the free movement of people who are trying to search for a better life.

    There’s been a lot of emphasis on the ways in which Donald Trump was enacting very exclusionary immigration policies. But border securitization and border controls have been bipartisan practices in the United States. We saw the first policies of militarization at the border with Mexico under Bill Clinton in the late 90s.

    In the European context, the death of [three-year-old Syrian toddler] Alan Kurdi, all of these images of migrants drowning in the Mediterranean, didn’t actually lead to an immigration policy that was more welcoming. Billions of euros are going to drones in the Mediterranean, war ships in the Mediterranean. We’re seeing the EU making trade and aid agreements it has with countries in the Sahel region of Africa and the Middle East contingent on migration control. They are relying on countries in the global south as the frontiers of border militarization. All of this is really a crisis of immobility. The whole world is increasingly becoming fortified.

    What are the root causes of these ‘migration crises’? Why is this happening?

    What we need to understand is that migration is a form of reparations. Migration is an accounting for global violence. It’s not a coincidence that the vast number of people who are migrants and refugees in the world today are black and brown people from poor countries that have been made poor because of centuries of imperialism, of empire, of exploitation and deliberate underdevelopment. It’s those same fault lines of plunder around the world that are the fault lines of migration. More and more people are being forced out of their land because of trade agreements, mining extraction, deforestation, climate change. Iraq and Afghanistan have been for decades on the top of the UN list for displaced people and that has been linked to the US and Nato’s occupations of those countries.

    Why would governments have any interest in violence at borders? Why spend so much money on security and militarization?

    The border does not only serve to exclude immigrants and refugees, but also to create conditions of hyper exploitation, where some immigrants and refugees do enter, but in a situation of extreme precarity. If you’re undocumented, you will work for less than minimum wage. If you attempt to unionize, you will face the threat of deportation. You will not feel you can access public services, or in some cases you will be denied public services. Borders maintain racial citizenship and create a pool of hyper-exploitable cheapened labor. People who are never a full part of the community, always living in fear, constantly on guard.

    Why do you choose to put your focus on governments and their policies, rather than narratives of migrants themselves?

    Border deaths are presented as passive occurrences, as if people just happen to die, as if there’s something inherently dangerous about being on the move, which we know is not the case. Many people move with immense privilege, even luxury. It’s more accurate to call what is happening to migrants and refugees around the world as border killings. People are being killed by policies that are intended to kill. Literally, governments are hoping people will die, are deliberating creating conditions of death, in order to create deterrence.

    It is very important to hold the states accountable, instead of narratives where migrants are blamed for their own deaths: ‘They knew it was going to be dangerous, why did they move?’ Which to me mimics the very horrible tropes of survivors in rape culture.

    You live in Canada. Especially in the United States, many people think of Canada as this inherently nice place. Less racist, less violent, more supportive of refugees and immigrants. Is that the reality?

    It’s totally false. Part of the incentive of writing this second book was being on a book tour in the US and constantly hearing, ‘At least in Canada it can’t be as bad as in the US.’ ‘Your prime minister says refugees are welcome.’ That masks the violence of how unfree the conditions of migration are, with the temporary foreign worker program, which is a form of indentureship. Workers are forced to live in the home of their employer, if you’re a domestic worker, or forced to live in a labor camp, crammed with hundreds of people. When your labor is no longer needed, you’re deported, often with your wages unpaid. There is nothing nice about it. It just means Canada has perfected a model of exploitation. The US and other countries in Europe are increasingly looking to this model, because it works perfectly to serve both the state and capital interests. Capital wants cheapened labor and the state doesn’t want people with full citizenship rights.

    You wrote recently that ‘Escalating white supremacy cannot be dealt with through anti-terror or hate crime laws.’ Why?

    Terrorism is not a colorblind phenomena. The global war on terror for the past 20 years was predicated around deeply Islamophobic rhetoric that has had devastating impact on Black and Brown Muslims and Muslim-majority countries around the world. I think it is implausible and naive to assume that the national security infrastructure, or the criminal legal system, which is also built on racialized logics, especially anti-black racism – that we can somehow subvert these systems to protect racialized communities. It’s not going to work.

    One of the things that happened when the Proud Boys were designated as a terrorist organization in Canada is that it provided cover to expand this terror list that communities have been fighting against for decades. On the day the Proud Boys were listed, a number of other organizations were added which were part of the Muslim community. That was the concern that many of us had: will this just become an excuse to expand the terrorist list rather than dismantle it? In the long run, what’s going to happen? Even if in some miraculous world the Proud Boys and its members are dismantled, what’s going to happen to all the other organizations on the list? They’re still being criminalized, they’re still being terrorized, they’re still being surveilled.

    So if you don’t think the logics of national security or criminal justice will work, what do you think should be done about escalating white supremacist violence?

    I think that’s the question: what do we need to be doing? It’s not about one arm of the state, it’s about all of us. What’s happening in our neighborhoods, in our school systems, in the media? There’s not one simple fix. We need to keep each other safe. We need to make sure we’re intervening whenever we see racial violence, everything from not letting racist jokes off the hook to fighting for systemic change. Anti-war work is racial justice work. Anti-capitalist work is racial justice work.

    You advocate for ending border imperialism, and ending racial capitalism. Those are big goals. How do you break that down into things that one person can actually do?

    I actually found it harder before, because I would try things that I thought were simple and would change the world, and they wouldn’t. For me, understanding how violences are connected, and really understanding the immensity of the problem, was less overwhelming. It motivated me to think in bigger ways, to organize with other people. To understand this is fundamentally about radical, massive collective action. It can’t rely on one person or even one place.

    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/apr/07/us-border-immigration-harsha-walia
    #apartheid #inégalités #monde #migrations #frontières #réfugiés #capitalisme #guerres #conflits #climat #changement_climatique #crises #crise #fermeture_des_frontières #crises_frontalières #violence #racisme #discriminations #exclusion #anti-migrants #violence_raciale #suprématisme_blanc #prostitution #criminalisation #vulnérabilité #minutemen #militarisation_des_frontières #USA #Mexique #Etats-Unis #politique_migratoire #politiques_migratoires #Kurdi #Aylan_Kurdi #Alan_Kurdi #impérialisme #colonialisme #colonisation #mourir_aux_frontières #décès #morts

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • In the Sonoran Desert, #GIS Helps to Map Migrant Deaths

    GIS technology lends insight into why some undocumented migrants perish while crossing international borders.

    Last year geographer #Sam_Chambers published an unusual map of the Sonoran Desert. He wasn’t interested in marking roads, mountains, and cities. Instead, the University of Arizona researcher wanted to show the distance a young male can walk in various regions of the desert before the high temperature and physical exertion put him at risk of dying from heat exposure or hyperthermia.

    On the resulting map, red and purple correspond with cooler, mountainous terrain. Yellow and white, which dominate the image, indicate a remote, hot valley. It’s here where migrants seeking to cross between Mexico and the United States are at greatest risk of dying from the desert’s relentless sun.

    Chambers’ map relies on geographical information system (GIS) modeling, a digital technology that allows geographers to perform spatial, data-driven analysis of landscapes. Chambers’ chosen topic represents a burgeoning effort to use GIS to understand the risk undocumented migrants face while crossing international borders, according to Jonathan Cinnamon, a geographer at Ryerson University in Toronto. According to Chambers’ analysis, migrants began crossing through hotter, more rugged parts of the desert after the U.S. government increased the number of Border Patrol agents and installed new surveillance technologies, including underground motion sensors and radar-equipped watchtowers.

    The Sonoran covers roughly 100,000 square miles in Arizona, California, and Mexico, and includes major cities such as Phoenix and Tucson, as well as vast swathes of empty public and private lands. The effort to funnel migrants into this desert began in 1994 under the Clinton administration. That’s when the wave of increased migration that had started in the 1980s prompted the U.S. government to embrace the policy of “prevention through deterrence.” The idea was that would-be migrants from Mexico and Central America would be deterred from illegally crossing the U.S. border if their routes were too treacherous. With this goal in mind, Border Patrol erected new infrastructure and stepped up enforcement in border cities like Tijuana and El Paso, leaving the harsh unpopulated borderlands as the only option.

    In an email to Undark, John Mennell, a public affairs specialist with U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) — the agency that oversees Border Patrol — in Arizona, said that people crossing the border illegally are at risk from the predations of smugglers and criminal organizations, who, he says, encourage migrants to ride on train tops or to shelter in packed houses with limited food and water. Mennell says the agency has installed rescue beacons in the desert, which migrants can use to call for help. According to CBP, Border Patrol rescued roughly 5,000 migrants on the Southwest border from October 2019 through September 2020.

    Yet according to data compiled by the nonprofit group Humane Borders, the prevention through deterrence approach has failed to stop migrants from attempting the border crossing. “There continues to be a shift in migration into more remote and difficult areas,” said Geoff Boyce, a geographer at Earlham College in Indiana, and one of Chambers’ collaborators. Migrants have a much higher chance of dying in the desert today than they did 15 years ago, he said, and the numbers continue to rise, from 220 deaths per 100,000 apprehensions in 2016 to 318 deaths per 100,000 apprehensions in 2020. Last year, 227 migrants died in the Pima County Medical Examiner’s jurisdiction, in southern Arizona, although activists say that the number is likely much higher because of the way bodies disappear in the desert.

    Chambers and Boyce source mortality data from the Pima County Medical Examiner’s Office. They have gotten information on migrant activity from No More Deaths, one of many humanitarian groups in the Tucson area that maintains desert water and supply stations for migrants. No More Deaths, which supports the decriminalization of undocumented migration, has set up supplies in the mountains and other hard-to-reach areas. Humane Borders also maintains stations in areas accessible by car. These organizations maintain meticulous records — the raw data that launched Chambers’ and Boyce’s first desert mapping collaboration.

    On a cool November morning, Rebecca Fowler, administrative manager with Humane Borders, climbed into a truck armed with a list of 53 water stations. She was joined by two volunteers who chatted on the street next to a truck bed bearing yards of hoses and 55-gallon blue barrels that the organization purchases at a discount from soda companies.

    Fowler was leading the Friday morning water run to seven stations off State Route 286, which runs south from Tucson to an isolated border town called Sasabe. Each week, Fowler and her volunteers check to be sure that the water is potable and plentiful. They change out dirty barrels and make notes of any vandalism. (In the past, some of the group’s barrels have been found with bullet holes or with the spigots ripped off.)

    Among other data points, Fowler and her team gather data on water usage, footprints, and clothes found near their sites. Using the county’s medical examiner data, they have also created an interactive map of migrant deaths. A search of their website reveals a spread of red dots on the Southwestern United States, so many between Phoenix and Tucson that the map turns black. The organization has charted more than 3,000 deaths in the past two decades.

    In her years in the desert, Fowler has noticed the same kind of changes pointed to in Boyce’s and Chambers’ research. “Migrants have been increasingly funneled into more desolate, unforgiving areas,” she said.

    GIS modeling, which is broadly defined as any technique that allows cartographers to spatially analyze data and landscapes, has evolved alongside computers. The U.S. military was an early developer and adopter of this technology, using it to understand terrain and plan operations. In those early days, few activists or academics possessed the skills or the access needed to use GIS, said Cinnamon. But in the last decade, more universities have embraced GIS as part of their curricula and the technology has become more readily available.

    Now, the kind of GIS modeling employed by Chambers, who uses ArcGIS and QGIS software, is commonplace in archaeology and landscape design. It allows modelers to understand how factors like terrain, weather, and manmade features influence the way people move through a given physical environment.

    An architect might employ GIS technology to decide where to put sidewalks on a college campus, for example. Chambers used these techniques to study elk migration during his doctoral studies at the University of Arizona. But after Boyce connected him to No More Deaths, he started using his skills to study human migration.

    No More Deaths tracks data at their water stations, too — including acts of vandalism, which they asked Boyce and Chambers to assist in analyzing via GIS. That report, released in 2018, spatially examines the time of year and location of the vandalism and uses its results to postulate that Border Patrol agents are primarily responsible, while acknowledging that rogue actors, such as hunters and members of militia groups, may contribute as well. (CBP did not respond to Undark’s questions on water station vandalism.)

    When Boyce and Chambers finished analyzing the information, they asked themselves: What else could this data reveal? Previous attempts to understand the desert’s hostility had relied on the prevalence of human remains or statistics on capture by Border Patrol agents, but both of those are imperfect measures.

    “It’s very hard to get any type of reliable, robust information about undocumented migration, particularly in remote desert areas,” said Boyce. “The people who are involved, their behavior is not being methodically recorded by any state actor.”

    Most of the water stations on Fowler’s route were set back from the highway, off bumpy roads where mesquite scraped the truck. By 11 a.m., heavy-bellied clouds had rolled in and the temperature was in the 80s and rising. The fingers of saguaro cacti pointed at the sky and at the Quinlan Mountains jutting over the horizon; on the other side lay the Tohono O’odham Nation. Fowler says Border Patrol’s policies increasingly shunt migrants into treacherous lands within the reservation.

    Humane Borders’ water barrels are marked by long poles capped by tattered blue flags, fluttering above the brush. Each barrel features a combination lock, preventing vandals from opening the barrel and pouring anything inside. Each is also marked by a Virgin of Guadalupe sticker, a symbol for migrants passing through the desert.

    At each stop, Fowler and that day’s volunteers, Lauren Kilpatrick and Isaiah Ortiz, pulled off the lock and checked the water for particulates and pH levels. They picked up nearby trash and kept an eye out for footprints. At the third station, the water harbored visible black dots — an early sign of algae — so the group dumped all 55 gallons and set up a new barrel. At a later station, Fowler found a spigot that had been wrenched off and flung among the mesquite. Later still, the group came upon a barrel full of decaying, abandoned backpacks.

    This was the third water run for Kilpatrick and Ortiz, a couple from Nevada now living in Arizona. Kilpatrick had read books and listened to podcasts about the borderlands, and Ortiz had wanted to get involved because the crisis felt personal to him — some of his family are immigrants, some of his friends and their relatives undocumented.

    “I just think about their journey — some of them are from Central America and Mexico,” he said. “Their lives were in real danger coming through areas like this.”

    GIS modeling simplifies this complex landscape into a grid. To analyze the grid, Chambers uses a standard modeling software; so far, he has published five papers with Boyce about the desert. For the first they worked on together, the team took No More Deaths’ data on visits to water sites from 2012 to 2015 and looked at changes in water usage at each site. Once they’d determined which routes had fallen out of favor and which had risen in popularity, they looked at whether those newer routes were more treacherous, using a ruggedness index that Chambers developed with his colleagues by looking at the slope and jaggedness of terrain, along with vegetation cover and temperature. They concluded that official United States policy is increasingly shunting migrants into more rugged areas.

    From CBP’s perspective, “Walking through remote inhospitable terrain is only one of many dangers illegal immigrants face during their dangerous journey into the United States,” said Mennell. And installing new technology and increased patrol on popular migration routes is actually a good thing, he says, because it contributes to the goal of securing the border against smugglers shepherding in so-called “illegal immigrants.”

    In another paper, Chambers studied whether migrants took new routes to avoid increased surveillance, and whether those new routes put them at higher risk of heat exposure and hyperthermia. To map out which areas were toughest to cross — as measured by caloric expenditure — Chambers factored in such variables as slope, terrain, and average human weight and walking speed, borrowing both military and archaeological formulas to measure the energy expenditures of different routes. He used viewshed analysis, which tells a mapmaker which areas are visible from a certain point — say, from a surveillance tower — and, using his slope calculations and the formulae, compared the energy costs of walking within sight of the towers versus staying out of sight.

    Chambers tested his findings against the maps of recovered human remains in the area before and after increased surveillance. To map risk of heat exposure, Chambers used formulae from sports medicine professionals, military physicians, and physiologists, and charted them onto the desert. And he found, just as with the ruggedness index, that people are taking longer, more intense routes to avoid the towers. Now they need more calories to survive the desert, and they’re at higher risk of dying from heat.

    Caloric expenditure studies had been done before in other contexts, said Chambers. But until this map, no one had ever created a detailed spatial representation of locations where the landscape and high temperatures are deadliest for the human body.

    GIS mapping is also being used to track migration into Europe. Lorenzo Pezzani, a lecturer in forensic architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London, works with artists, scientists, NGOs, and politicians to map what they see as human rights violations in the Mediterranean Sea.

    Compared with the group conducting research in Arizona, Pezzani and his team are at a distinct disadvantage. If a body drops into the sea, it’s unlikely to be recovered. There’s just not as much data to study, says Pezzani. So he and his team study discrete disasters, and then they extrapolate from there.

    Pezzani disseminates his group’s work through a project called Forensic Oceanography, a collaborative research effort consisting of maps, visualizations, and reports, which has appeared in art museums. In 2018, information gathered through their visualizations was submitted to the European Court of Human Rights as evidence showing the Italian government’s role in migrant drowning deaths.

    The goal is to make migrant deaths in the Mediterranean more visible and to challenge the governmental narrative that, like the deaths in the Sonoran, these deaths are unavoidable and faultless. Deaths from shipwrecks, for example, are generally blamed on the criminal networks of human traffickers, said Pezzani. He wants to show that the conditions that draw migrants into dangerous waters are the result of “specific political decisions that have been taken by southern European states and by the European Union.”

    Pezzani, Chambers, and Boyce all intend for their work to foster discussion about government policy on immigration and borderlands. Boyce, for one, wants the U.S. government to rethink its policy of “prevention through deterrence” and to demilitarize the border. He believes the current policy is doomed to fail and is inhumane because it does not tackle the underlying issues that cause people to try to migrate in the first place. Ryan Burns, a visiting scholar at University of California, Berkeley, said he wants to see more research like this. “We need more scientists who are saying, ‘We can produce knowledge that is sound, that is actionable, that has a very well-established rigor to it, but is also politically motivated,’” Burns said.

    Cinnamon said that GIS, by its nature, tends to involve approaching a project with a viewpoint already in mind. “If the U.S. government decided to do the same study, they might approach it from a very different perspective,” he said. As long as the authors are overt about their viewpoints, Cinnamon sees no issue.

    Burns, however, did sound one cautionary note. By drawing attention to illegal crossings, he said, researchers “could be endangering people who are taking these paths.” In other words, making a crisis more visible can be politically powerful, but it can also have unintended consequences.

    Before their last water station visit, the group from Humane Borders drove into Sasabe. A helicopter chopped overhead, probably surveilling for migrants, Fowler said. Border Patrol vehicles roamed the streets, as they do throughout this part of the country.

    Once, Fowler said, a 12-foot wall spread for miles across the mountains here. In recent months, it’s been replaced by the U.S. government’s latest effort to stop migrants from venturing into the desert: a 30-footer, made of steel slats, undulating through the town and across the mountains in either direction. It’s yet another factor to consider when mapping the Sonoran and envisioning how its natural and manmade obstacles will shape its migration routes.

    “There’s so much speculation” about what will happen to migrants because of this wall, said Fowler. She suspects they will cross through the Tohono O’odham Nation, where there’s no wall. But they won’t have access to water dropped by Humane Borders. “What I worry about, obviously, is more people dying,” said Fowler. She’s certain the migrants “will continue to come.”

    Chambers and Boyce plan to keep making maps. They recently published a paper showing the stress that internal border checkpoints place on migrants crossing the desert, the latest step in their quest to create empirical evidence for the increasing treacherousness of the border.

    “It’s an important thing for people to know,” said Boyce.

    https://undark.org/2021/03/31/mapping-migrant-deaths-sonoran-desert
    #SIG #désert_du_Sonora #asile #migrations #frontières #morts_aux_frontières #décès #morts #USA #Mexique #Etats-Unis #cartographie #visualisation #contre-cartographie

    ping @reka

    • Developing a geospatial measure of change in core temperature for migrating persons in the Mexico-U.S. border region

      Although heat exposure is the leading cause of mortality for undocumented immigrants attempting to traverse the Mexico-U.S. border, there has been little work in quantifying risk. Therefore, our study aims to develop a methodology projecting increase in core temperature over time and space for migrants in Southern #Arizona using spatial analysis and remote sensing in combination with the heat balance equation—adapting physiological formulae to a multi-step geospatial model using local climate conditions, terrain, and body specifics. We sought to quantitatively compare the results by demographic categories of age and sex and qualitatively compare them to known terrestrial conditions and prior studies of those conditions. We demonstrated a more detailed measure of risk for migrants than those used most recently: energy expenditure and terrain ruggedness. Our study not only gives a better understanding of the ‘#funnel_effect’ mechanisms, but also provides an opportunity for relief and rescue operations.

      https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1877584520300411
      #risques #risque #analyse_spatiale

  • Macron roi

    Alors que le #Parlement est en ce jour transformé en une chambre d’enregistrement des désirs du Roi, il importe de revenir sur le bilan d’une année de gouvernement-covid. Est-ce la pandémie qui est hors de contrôle, ou bien notre président ? Les deux certainement.

    « Le président a acquis une vraie #expertise sur les sujets sanitaires. Ce n’est pas un sujet inaccessible pour une intelligence comme la sienne. » #Jean-Michel_Blanquer, Le Monde, le 30 mars 2021

    « Ce n’est pas Macron qui manque d’#humilité, c’est l’humilité qui n’est pas à la hauteur », #EmmanuelMacronFacts

    « Père Ubu – Allons, messieurs, prenons nos dispositions pour la bataille. Nous allons rester sur la colline et ne commettrons point la sottise de descendre en bas. Je me tiendrai au milieu comme une citadelle vivante et vous autres graviterez autour de moi » Alfred Jarry, Ubu roi, Acte IV, scène 3

    Je serai bref. On écrit bien trop sur Macron. Les trois épigraphes ci-dessus disent à peu près tout. Il faudrait juste ajouter que dans certaines versions de la mythologie grecque Hybris est l’un des enfants de la Nuit et d’Érèbe, une divinité des Enfers. L’#hybris désigne la #démesure, l’#excès_de_pouvoir et le vertige auquel il conduit. La Vème République est une détestable machine à produire de l’hybris. Des présidents hors de contrôle.

    En ce 31 mars 2021, Macron roi préside un #Conseil_de_défense_sanitaire où ne siège autour de lui qu’une petite grappe de ministres choisis par ses soins. Conseil opaque, soumis au secret et échappant à tout #contrôle_législatif . Le soir du même jour, il annonce ses décisions à ses sujets, au nom d’un « nous », dont on ne saura jamais s’il est de majesté ou s’il renvoie aux choix collectifs et débattus d’un #exécutif. Ce « je-nous » annonce donc le #reconfinement de toute la métropole, avec la fermeture des écoles. Je propose de déduire de ces décisions les trois #échecs de Macron, qui correspondent à trois #fautes, lesquelles sont directement en rapport avec la démesure qui caractérise le personnage, #démesure encouragée par la fonction et notre #constitution épuisée. Quand faire le #bilan d’une politique se résume, de facto, à la caractérologie de son Auteur, on se dit qu’il est grand temps de changer de République et d’en finir avec le #présidentialisme.

    Le premier échec de Macron roi, c’est le reconfinement de toute la métropole avec ses conséquences en termes de #santé_mentale, de #précarisation accrue pour les plus pauvres et les classes moyennes, et d’aggravation de la #crise_économique. L’engagement pris à de multiples reprises de ne pas reconfiner nationalement n’a jamais été accompagné de la politique qu’un tel choix exigeait. Macron a mis tout le pays dans une #impasse. Le reconfinement est la conséquence directe de ce choix. La décision de laisser filer l’#épidémie fin janvier, - dans un contexte de diffusion des variants, avec l’exemple anglais sous les yeux, et contre l’avis de toute la #communauté_scientifique -, a été, littéralement, criminelle. Macron était parfaitement informé de la flambée qui aurait lieu mi-mars. Nous y sommes.

    Le second échec de Macron roi, distrait et appuyé par son fou préféré dans son obstination à ne #rien_faire pour sécuriser sérieusement l’#Éducation_nationale, aura été la #fermeture contrainte des #écoles et le prolongement du semi-confinement des étudiant.es, qu’il convient de ne pas oublier : les dégâts sont pour elle et eux sans fin, que certain.es aident à réparer : https://blogs.mediapart.fr/parrainer-un-e-etudiant-e/blog/260221/parrainer-un-e-etudiant-e-pour-entrer-dans-le-monde-dapres-appel-ten. En plus des scandales des #masques, des #tests et des #vaccins, Macron et son gouvernement sont en effet directement comptables d’une #inaction incompréhensible. Monté sur son « cheval à phynances », Macron roi a certes arrosé les entreprises de centaines de milliards, mais n’en a dépensé aucun pour l’#Hôpital, l’École, l’#Université, la #Recherche et plus généralement la #sécurisation_sanitaire des #lieux_publics, parmi lesquels tous les lieux de #culture.

    Or, depuis bientôt un an, des chercheurs font la démonstration que des solutions existent (voir ici : https://blogs.mediapart.fr/pascal-maillard/blog/120121/rendre-l-universite-aux-etudiants-sans-attendre-les-decideurs ) et que la stratégie « #Zéro_Covid » est certainement la plus efficace et la plus propre à protéger des vies : voir par exemple les propositions concrètes de Rogue-ESR (https://rogueesr.fr/zero-covid). Pourquoi donc « une intelligence comme la sienne » ne parvient-elle pas à s’élever jusqu’à la compréhension que la #détection de la saturation en #CO2 d’un lieu fermé et l’utilisation de #filtres_Hepa sont des dispositifs techniques simples, efficaces et susceptibles de limiter la propagation du #virus ? Même des esprits infiniment plus bornés que le sien – Wauquiez par exemple (https://france3-regions.francetvinfo.fr/auvergne-rhone-alpes/covid-l-efficacite-des-purificateurs-d-air-contre-le-sa), qui dégage 10 millions pour des #purificateurs_d’air dans les écoles et lycées - ont parfaitement saisi au bout de 6 mois ce que Macron-Roi mettra deux ans à reconnaitre.

    Le troisième échec de Macron roi, le plus terrible, est le nombre de #morts, de vies brisées, de souffrances psychiques et physiques que des années de soins peineront à soulager. Bientôt 100 000 morts. Des légions de "covid longs", des enfants, des adolescents et des étudiants habités par l’angoisse de contaminer leur parents … Question : combien de milliers de vies auraient pu être épargnées, non pas seulement par des décisions énergiques fin janvier 2021, mais par un véritable #plan_d’action visant à apporter une sécurité sanitaire digne de ce nom, à toute la population ? Pourquoi 3000 #lits de #réanimation supplémentaires seulement maintenant et pas à l’été 2020, avant la seconde vague ? Pourquoi Zéro mesure technique et financière pour les #universités quand des étudiants se suicident ? Pourquoi Zéro vaccin pour protéger les enseignants ? Pourquoi faire si peu de cas de « La valeur d’une vie » (https://blogs.mediapart.fr/pascal-maillard/blog/260121/la-valeur-d-une-vie) ?

    L’analyse des causes de ces #échecs montre que ce ne sont pas des #erreurs, mais des #fautes politiques. Tout d’abord une gestion présidentialiste et autocratique de la #crise_sanitaire, couplée avec un virage idéologique vers l’extrême droite. Ensuite le refus de toute #politique_d’anticipation, qui est à concevoir comme une conséquence du « #en-même-temps » : le #laisser_faire néolibéral du macronisme se conjugue avec un retrait massif de l’#Etat et un affaiblissement de la #Fonction_publique. Enfin la #gestion_sanitaire de Macron roi a pris lors de cette épidémie la forme d’un #pari : s’accoutumer au virus, #vivre_avec, le laisser filer permettra peut-être d’éviter un #confinement. Le pari au lieu de la #raison et de la #délibération, le jeu avec la science, le rêve de devenir un savant, l’adulation de Raoult, Macron roi devenu « l’expert », l’épidémiologiste en chambre. La limite de cette folie est éthique : un #pouvoir, quel qu’il soit, ne peut pas parier des vies comme dans une partie de poker.

    A ces trois fautes correspondent trois marqueurs de l’identité politique de Macron roi : l’#opportunisme, le #jeu et le #cynisme. Macron est certainement le président le plus dangereux que nous ayons eu depuis Pétain. Il est le président qui aura consenti à la mort de dizaines de milliers de citoyen.ne.s, qui aura fait le lit de l’#extrême_droite et aura remplacé la politique par un jeu de roulette russe. Président hors de contrôle, il est devenu à lui seul le haut comité médical qu’il a institué. Il est devenu à lui seul tout le Parlement. Il est devenu sa propre caricature. Le Roi et le fou du Roi. Seul en son Palais, "divertissant son incurable ennui en faisant des paris avec la vie de ses sujets"*.

    Pascal Maillard

    Père Ubu s’interrogeait ainsi : « Le mauvais droit ne vaut-il pas le bon ? ». Il parait que sous la plume de Jarry cette question rhétorique renvoyait au cynisme politique de Bismarck.

    * L’expression est de l’écrivain Yves Charnet, dans un livre à paraître.

    https://blogs.mediapart.fr/pascal-maillard/blog/010421/macron-roi

    #macronisme #Macron #France #covid #coronavirus #Blanquer

  • A City in Brazil’s Amazon Rain Forest Is a Stark Warning about COVID to the Rest of the World - Scientific American
    https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/a-city-in-brazils-amazon-rain-forest-is-a-stark-warning-about-co

    the dire scenes in the Amazon—hospital systems collapsing, grave diggers carving out trenches for mass graves shared by multiple bodies, and families desperately queuing for oxygen supplies—will send a clear message: “Herd immunity through infection, instead of a vaccine, only comes with an enormous amount of illness and death,” Hanage says.

  • Deux papiers de l’#Insee sur les conséquences démographiques de la #Covid-19 en #France.

    Avec la pandémie de Covid-19, nette baisse de l’#espérance_de_vie et chute du nombre de #mariages - Insee Première - 1846
    https://www.insee.fr/fr/statistiques/5347620?pk_campaign=avis-parution

    Au 1ᵉʳ janvier 2021, la France compte 67,4 millions d’habitants. En 2020, la population a augmenté de 0,2 %. Le solde naturel, différence entre les nombres de naissances et de décès, a fortement baissé du fait de la forte hausse des décès liée à la pandémie de Covid-19 et de la poursuite de la baisse des naissances ; il s’élève à + 67 000.

    En 2020, 736 000 bébés sont nés en France. En recul depuis 2015, l’indicateur conjoncturel de fécondité s’établit à 1,83 enfant par femme en 2020. La France reste, en 2019, le pays le plus fécond de l’Union européenne.

    En 2020, 669 000 personnes sont décédées en France, soit 9,1 % de plus qu’en 2019. La pandémie de Covid-19 a particulièrement affecté les décès au printemps et en fin d’année. L’espérance de vie à la naissance s’établit à 85,1 ans pour les femmes et à 79,1 ans pour les hommes. Elle diminue nettement par rapport à 2019 (– 0,5 an pour les femmes et – 0,6 an pour les hommes). La baisse est bien plus forte qu’en 2015, année marquée par une forte grippe hivernale (– 0,3 an et – 0,2 an).

    En 2020, 155 000 mariages ont été célébrés, en recul de 31 % par rapport à 2019, la pandémie ayant empêché la tenue des célébrations ou incité à les repousser en raison de la limitation du nombre d’invités.

    2020 : une hausse des décès inédite depuis 70 ans - Insee Première - 1847
    https://www.insee.fr/fr/statistiques/5347349?pk_campaign=avis-parution

    En raison de l’épidémie de Covid-19, la #mortalité a été exceptionnelle en 2020 avec près de 669 000 décès toutes causes confondues, soit 56 000 décès de plus qu’en 2019 (+ 9 %).

    Une telle hausse de la mortalité n’a pas été enregistrée en France depuis 70 ans. Cette hausse est notamment très supérieure à celle observée lors des épisodes grippaux et caniculaires sévères des années précédentes. La France est dans une position médiane au sein des pays européens.

    La hausse des décès a été un peu plus forte pour les hommes. Elle a surtout concerné les personnes âgées de plus de 70 ans (+ 11 %), de manière assez homogène au-delà de cet âge. Cette hausse a été très inégale selon les territoires : elle a été plus forte dans la moitié Est de la France métropolitaine, en incluant l’Île-de-France. Mayotte, l’Île-de-France et Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes sont au final les trois régions où les excédents de décès sont les plus forts sur l’année.

  • Le politique contre le savant, ou l’ignorance au pouvoir qui fait perdre du temps - Du Côté de la Science
    https://ducotedelascience.org/?p=3331

    Le virus n’est pas le maître de ce temps-là. La responsabilité en incombe aux décisions politiques reposant sur la doctrine du “vivre avec le virus” et sur l’ignorance qui croit mieux savoir. Vivre avec le virus, ce n’est pas vivre. Se contenter d’attendre pendant de longs mois la vaccination de dizaines de millions de personnes, c’est faire le choix du temps interminable qui mine la vie dans toutes ses dimensions et qui compte les morts. Le “temps gagné” n’est pas celui de la vie.

  • When a migrant drowns, a whole community feels the loss. The hidden costs of Mediterranean shipwrecks on a remote Senegalese village

    On an unknown day in 2015, a shipwreck off the coast of Libya in the Mediterranean Sea took the life of Binta Balde’s second son.

    It was days before the news travelled the more than 3,400 kilometres back to the village of Anambe Counda in the remote south of Senegal where Binta lives and where her son, Demba, had been born.

    No one in the village knows the exact timeline of events. Lives here are ruled by the weather, and the passage of time is marked by the progress of two seasons: the rainy and the dry.

    All anyone can say with certainty is that news of the shipwreck arrived on a Friday, the communal day of prayer for the Muslim majority in the village.

    On that afternoon, grief-stricken cries pierced the normal, low din of neighbours chatting and children playing games. Binta froze. The shrieks came from the mud hut compound next to her own. Something terrible had happened.

    Binta rushed out to see if she could offer help, but before she reached anyone else, Mamadou, her eldest son, blocked her path.

    “There has been an accident,” he said. The neighbours’ son had drowned at sea while trying to reach Italy. But Mamadou hadn’t finished. “Demba was with him,” he said. “They were in the same boat. He died too.”

    Binta dropped to the ground as if she had been shot.

    Invisible victims

    Since 2014, when the UN’s migration agency, IOM, began keeping track, more than 21,500 people have died or disappeared attempting to cross the Mediterranean Sea to Europe. Already this year, almost 300 have perished. The true tally is undoubtedly higher, as some deaths are never officially recorded.

    Thousands more asylum seekers and migrants have died in the Sahara Desert and in Libya. There’s no official count, but IOM estimates the number could be twice as high as the fatalities in the Mediterranean.

    Behind every person who dies while trying to reach the EU are a family and friends – an entire community left to grapple with the impact of the loss. IOM refers to these people as the invisible victims of the humanitarian crisis in the Mediterranean.

    The impacts of the deaths on them are often material as well as emotional, and in places like Anambe Counda – far from the media and public gaze – they normally go entirely unseen.
    Demba

    Anambe Counda is part of the municipality of Pakour. Named after the largest village in the area, the municipality is a collection of 32 hamlets scattered across a vast plain near Senegal’s southern border with Guinea-Bissau. People in the area live on the knife-edge of poverty and are among the most likely in Senegal to migrate.

    Like other young men from Pakour, Binta’s son Demba left to help provide for his family. Demba’s father died when he was young. Polygamy is still relatively common in Senegal, and he left behind Binta, a second wife, and eight children.

    Growing up, Demba helped work the family’s small plot of land. But the family often had to ration food, especially between May and August when the stockpile from the previous year’s harvest ran low. During those months, having three meals a day was a luxury, and buying grain and rice on credit at an interest rate of around three percent was a major financial strain.

    Kolda, the administrative district where Pakour is located, is lush and replete with arable land and abundant water, unlike other arid and semi-arid parts of Senegal. Paradoxically, it is one of the poorest regions of the country. In rural areas, up to 65 percent of people at times lack the food to meet their basic nutritional needs.

    When he was 16, Demba moved to Dakar. Mamadou was already married, so it fell on Demba to leave in search of economic opportunity. Nobody in the family knows what work Demba found, but he was able to send home around $345 per month, split evenly between his mother and his father’s second wife – an impressive sum when the family’s income from the harvest was somewhere between $600 and $800 per year and Senegal’s monthly minimum wage is $94.

    Binta doesn’t know why Demba decided to leave for Europe. Dakar made sense. “After the harvest, there is nothing to do [in Pakour]. This is why he went [to Dakar],” Binta said.

    But Demba’s friends told TNH he wanted more than what his earnings in Dakar could bring. He had seen others who made it to Europe and were able to send more money back to their families. He wanted to build a concrete house for his mother and buy a car. But he didn’t tell Binta his plans because he was afraid she would worry and try to dissuade him. “If I had known it, I would have never allowed it,” Binta said, on the verge of tears. “I heard about the shipwrecks.”

    Demba did confide in Mamadou, who tried to persuade him not to go. But cautionary tales about danger in the Mediterranean were not enough to change Demba’s mind.

    When tragedy struck, news of Demba’s death eventually reached Anambe Counda by phone. A friend from a nearby village was on the same boat as Demba and the neighbour’s son. “He could save himself, but the others drowned,” Mamadou said of the neighbour.

    Demba was 22 years old.
    Frustrations

    Undocumented migration from Senegal to Europe peaked between 2014 and 2017. Over 28,000 Senegalese crossed the Mediterranean during those years, before the movement was curtailed by European policies aimed at restricting migration routes to Libya and reducing departures from the North African coast. Because of the absence of concrete data, it’s impossible to say for certain how many Senegalese died during that period.

    Despite the increased difficulty, the factors pushing people to migrate – especially lack of economic opportunity and disillusionment with seemingly corrupt and ineffective political leadership – haven’t gone away. In fact, over the past year, they have only been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    As a result, last year saw the revival of the Atlantic maritime route from the West African coast, including Senegal, to the Spanish Canary Islands – considered to be the most dangerous sea crossing for Africans trying to reach Europe. More than 400 people are believed to have died attempting the passage in the last week of October 2020 alone.

    At the beginning of March, the same set of frustrations pushing this upswing in migration also caused protesters to spill onto streets across Senegal, following the arrest of an opposition leader.

    Authorities responded by cracking down, with at least eight protesters killed in the clashes, including a teenager in a village 45 minutes from Pakour in Kolda, where frustrations over years of economic marginalisation and stagnant development are particularly acute.
    La recherche

    The Gambia, shaped like a gnarled finger, cuts through Senegal to the north of Pakour, dividing the Kolda region from the rest of the country and rendering transportation and commerce complicated and costly.

    The municipality – officially home to around 12,500 people, although many births go unrecorded – is on the eastern edge of Casamance, a territory stretching across southern Senegal where a low-intensity conflict between the Senegalese government and a separatist movement has been simmering since 1982. The fighting has not touched Pakour directly, but it has stunted economic development across the area.

    A two-day drive from Senegal’s capital, Dakar, the main village of Pakour has only limited access to off-grid electricity, and most of the surrounding villages have no access at all. There are no hospitals, and people travel from place to place on foot, by donkey, or, less often, on motorbikes.

    Despite the remoteness and economic struggles, walking on the red, dusty roads of the villages, almost everyone has a story to tell about attempting to migrate, or about family members and friends who left for Spain, Italy, or France. Since the 1980s, thousands of young men from the area, like Demba, have left to try to make a living in other parts of Senegal, Africa, and further away, in Europe.

    It is easy to spot which families have members overseas. Most inhabitants live in mud and straw huts with thatched roofs. The amount of millet, grain, and corn stockpiled on the roofs is a sign of comparative affluence: The larger the stockpile, the more likely it is that the family has a relative, or relatives, living abroad. Similarly, the few concrete homes mixed in with the huts are telltale signs of migration success stories.

    These benefits of what people in the villages call la recherche – the search, in French – are readily apparent, and make a tremendous difference when nearly 80 percent of people live in poverty and many families are forced to sometimes make do with one meal per day, mostly consisting of millet.

    The costs of la recherche are less easy to see.

    “We do not know how many people from our municipality died on their way to Europe, in the Mediterranean, in the Sahara, or in Libya,” a local official in Pakour, who asked to remain anonymous as he didn’t have permission to speak to the media, told The New Humanitarian.

    The deaths of people en route to Europe are often shrouded in ambiguity: A family doesn’t hear from a relative who has left for weeks, months, or years, and is left simply to presume the worst. Less frequently, as happened with Demba, a survivor or witness calls someone in the village to relay concrete news of a tragedy.

    The bodies of those who perish are never returned. They disappear below the waves, disintegrate into the sand, or end up interred in distant cemeteries beneath a plaque bearing no name. Without a body, without definitive answers, there is nothing to make the deaths concrete.

    As a result, the tangible benefits of migration continue to outweigh the abstract risks for those who want to leave, according to Seydina Mohamed L. Kane, a senior programme assistant with IOM. “They don’t see the losses,” Kane told TNH. “They don’t see the bodies.”
    Families

    “I cannot count the number of funerals I have officiated of young men who drowned,” Alassane Hane, Pakour’s chief imam, told TNH.

    For 25 years, Hane has been a reluctant witness to the exodus of youth from the municipality. Before they leave, young men often visit his mosque – a low, square building with blue paint peeling off its walls – asking for prayers of protection ahead of their journey. When they die, the imam shepherds their families through the mourning process.

    The fact the bodies are missing doesn’t prevent the community from organising funerals to symbolically acknowledge the loss. The men gather for prayers at the mosque, and the women sit together in the common area outside their huts, shedding tears.

    The time for catharsis and open expression of pain is brief. Families soon have to return to the task of scraping together a living. “It was God’s will,” people repeat stoically when asked about their loved ones who died migrating.

    Still, the pain endures. In private moments, family members sigh heavily, tears streak their cheeks, their body postures break, lives stagnate. It’s hard to move on without closure, and closure is difficult to find without material evidence of loss.

    Death also means there will be no financial lifeline from abroad, and it comes with additional costs. Many families sell belongings and borrow money to finance a relative’s travel to Europe. If the person dies, there’s no return on that investment. It’s also tradition for families to sacrifice animals, if they have them, and to offer the meat to fellow villagers during a funeral.

    Sathio Camara, from one of Pakour’s villages, died in the Mediterranean in 2018. He was 25 years old. He, like Demba, had hoped to reach Italy and send money back to his family. His mother sold one of the family’s two cows to help finance the trip and sacrificed the second for Sathio’s funeral.

    The cows had been a lifeline during difficult times. On top of their grief, Sathio’s loss has made the family even more economically insecure. “I could count on the milk [from the cows], and if we did not have anything to eat, we could sell it,” said Sathio’s mother, Salimatei Camara.
    Widows

    At 19, Ami has been a widow for nearly three years. Child marriage is common in Kolda – twice as common as in wealthier regions of Senegal. Like so many things in the area, the practice is connected to calculations around poverty and survival: Marrying a daughter into another family means one less person to support.

    Ami’s family arranged for her to wed Sathio when he was 21 and she was only 12. She moved into Sathio’s family’s compound, and a year later, when she was 13, she gave birth to a daughter, Mariam.

    For Sathio, finding work in Europe meant the opportunity to provide a better life to his parents, and to his wife and daughter. Ami only attended first grade, but dreamt of giving Mariam a full education – a goal that would require significant investment. As much as he wanted their financial circumstances to improve, Ami did not want Sathio to leave. “I wanted him to go back to school, to stay here with me,” she said.

    Their final conversation was about their daughter. “The last thing he told me was not to sell the groundnuts I had harvested,” Ami remembered. “He told me to keep them and save them for Mariam so that she could eat.”

    After news of Sathio’s death reached the village, Ami returned to her father’s home, but her parents are struggling to provide for her and Mariam. They are thinking of remarrying her to Sathio’s younger brother, Famora.

    If a widow with small children does not have parents to help her, or they cannot afford to support her, remarrying within the deceased husband’s family is seen as the best option. It gives the children some security and ensures they remain in their father’s family. Although the widow has to agree to it, between financial strains and familial pressure, most of the time they feel they have no choice.

    When asked about potentially marrying Famora, Ami shrugs. It doesn’t seem like a realistic possibility. Famora is in Italy. He migrated in 2017 and is undocumented and struggling to find consistent work to send money back home. But if things change and the marriage can take place, what option will Ami have?

    Moussou Sane became a widow at 23. Her husband, Souleymane Sane, was shot and killed on the street in Libya, where violence against sub-Saharan asylum seekers and migrants is rife. “He was handsome,” Moussou said of Souleymane. “He was generous.”

    Their marriage was also arranged when Moussou was 15 and Souleymane was a couple of years older. They had two children, and when Souleymane was killed, Moussou’s family couldn’t afford to take her back in with her kids so she married Souleymane’s older brother, Samba. The two always got along, but the circumstances of the marriage are strained. “You’re forced to do it, so that the children can remain in the family,” Samba said.

    Samba was already married with two children. He worries about being able to provide for them all. “If you don’t have enough resources, you don’t know how to feed them,” he said.

    Publicly, the constant struggle to overcome food insecurity dominates conversation. In private, when interviewed separately, both Moussou and Samba broke down in tears when talking about Souleymane, each wrapped in their own intimate grief.
    Survivors

    Ousmane Diallo watched his friend Alpha Balde drown. “I saw his body,” Ousmane said.

    Alpha (unrelated to Binta Balde) and Ousmane grew up in nearby villages and had known each other their entire lives. The two left Pakour at different times but reunited in Libya. In the spring of 2018, they boarded a rubber dinghy with dozens of other asylum seekers and migrants and set out to sea.

    About 12 miles from the coast, the dinghy started to shake, causing panic among the passengers. “There was an Italian ship nearby,” Ousmane said. “We asked for their help, but they said they could not intervene.”

    Instead, a patrol boat from the Libyan Coast Guard – funded and backed by Italy and the EU – arrived. The Libyans threw ropes into the water. In their panic, people started jumping off the unstable dinghy, trying to grab the ropes. Most didn’t know how to swim – including Alpha, who screamed and sank. He was 21 years old.

    Ousmane wanted to jump too, but a wall of people separated him from the edge of the boat. “I could not move. This is why I survived,” he said.

    It was Ousmane’s third attempt to reach Europe. He had left Pakour in 2015. When he reached Libya, he found work in a bakery and was able to send some money back to his family. But Libya was unstable and unsafe. Each time he tried to leave on a dinghy, he was caught by the Libyan Coast Guard and taken to a detention centre.

    In the first centre, detainees were frequently threatened, beaten, and denied food and water. “We had to drink the same water that was used for the toilet. If you were there, you automatically got sick,” he said.

    After watching Alpha drown, Ousmane was taken to another detention centre where he was haunted by thoughts of the water, screams, and the sight of his friend’s corpse. “I kept thinking about it. I was exhausted. I had to go home,” he explained. “After Libya, your heart changes.”

    Ousmane decided to return to Senegal through an assisted voluntary return programme run by IOM.

    Back in Pakour, he wears a pressed shirt, newer and cleaner than those worn by most men here. It speaks to the money he earned when he left the village. But he also has nightmares he can’t shake off, and has struggled to find his place in the village after returning.

    He is not alone.
    Returnees

    Between January 2017 and July 2020, more than 6,000 people returned to Senegal through IOM’s assisted voluntary return programme.

    In Pakour, there are more than 150 returnees like Ousman. Many got stuck in Libya and were victims of violence and exploitation. Some were kidnapped for ransom. Others were victims of random acts of violence. Almost all are still haunted by their experiences.

    Some of the returnees have started an organisation – Pakour’s Association of the Returnees – that is supposed to help the young men who end up back in the municipality find economic opportunities. The organisation gives small loans at low interest rates to its members to help them buy farming tools and seeds.

    In recent years, the EU has also poured hundreds of millions of dollars into aid projects meant to address the “root causes of migration” through its Trust Fund for Africa. Senegal has received more than €170 million ($206 million) from the fund for projects, including the creation of a controversial national biometric identity database that critics suspect will be used to facilitate deportations from Europe.

    Kolda, together with other regions, has received over €60 million ($73 million) in funding for projects aimed at providing technical support and vocational training to farmers, and at giving them access to credit and small loans for entrepreneurial projects.

    But in Pakour, all this development funding has done little to change the material circumstances that push young men to migrate.

    One project financed by the EU Trust Fund that made it to the area around Pakour in 2018 was a travelling caravan offering information about local entrepreneurship and vocational training that was also intended to inform youth about the risks of irregular migration.

    In October 2018, a mobile cinema project funded by the Italian Development Agency and IOM brought a vivid documentary about the dangers migrants face en route to Europe to Pakour. The documentary was screened in 200 villages in six African countries, costing two million euros ($2.4 million). Its effect, however, was mostly to terrify the mothers of people who had already undertaken the journey, according to people in Pakour.

    Pakour’s Association of the Returnees also received funding from Caritas and IOM to start a poultry farm to stimulate the local economy. But the project is struggling and has so far failed to provide anyone with an income. Around 30 men take turns working at the farm on a voluntary basis. Many association members feel discouraged and worry about the future.

    “We need resources and real investment,” a representative of Pakour’s local authority told TNH. “Problems here are complex. You cannot solve them with a bunch of chickens.”

    Cycle

    Ibrahima Balde (no relation to Binta Balde or Alpha Balde) is in his thirties and returned from Libya four years ago. He came back to Pakour after witnessing his friend get shot and killed as retribution for other migrants escaping from a construction site in the southern Libyan city of Qatrun when they realised they wouldn’t be paid for their work.

    Ibrahima’s son will soon become a teenager. “I don’t want my child to go through what I had to go through, to see what I have seen,” he said.

    But if things don’t improve in Pakour, Ibrahima fears his son will have little choice but to take the same risks he took and hope for a better result.

    In recent years, relatively successful peacekeeping efforts in Casamance have led to better safety and stability in the area around Pakour – important ingredients for increased economic activity. A government offensive in January appears to have weakened the separatist group, but where things are heading remains to be seen. Development rates continue to lag behind other regions, and the pandemic has only made things worse for the entire country. Senegal’s growth dropped from an already low 5.3 percent in 2019 to an estimated 1.3 percent last year.

    Even Mamadou, Binta’s eldest son and Demba’s brother, is tempted to try to make his way to Europe. He started the journey once, before Demba, but returned home when their father died. If it wasn’t for Demba’s death, he would already have left again.

    Now, without Demba’s contribution to the family economy, Mamadou is struggling. He has a wife and two children to provide for, and he also needs to help support his siblings and his mother. They are all depending on him and he doesn’t see a future in Pakour. “It’s difficult,” he said. “We cannot earn any money here.”

    https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2021/3/23/When-a-migrant-drowns-a-whole-community-feels-the-loss

    #celleux_qui_restent #migrations #asile #réfugiés #morts #décès #mourir_en_Méditerranée #mourir_aux_frontières #Sénégal #Pakour #returnees #retour #renvois #expulsions #familles #communauté #celles_qui_restent #ceux_qui_restent

  • Congo-Brazzaville : Guy-Brice Parfait Kolelas, principal opposant de Denis Sassou-Nguesso, meurt du Covid-19
    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2021/03/22/congo-brazzaville-guy-brice-parfait-kolelas-principal-opposant-de-denis-sass

    Congo-Brazzaville : Guy-Brice Parfait Kolelas, principal opposant de Denis Sassou-Nguesso, meurt du Covid-19. L’opposant avait été testé positif au Covid-19 vendredi après-midi, et n’avait pu animer son dernier meeting de campagne à Brazzaville.Opposant historique, M. Kolelas, 60 ans, est apparu cette année comme le seul vrai rival du président sortant, Sassou Nguesso, 77 ans dont trente-six au pouvoir. Il avait été investi par l’Union des démocrates humanistes-YUK et était le principal rival de Denis Sassou Nguesso à la présidentielle qui s’est tenue dimanche 21 mars au Congo-Brazzaville : l’opposant congolais Guy-Brice Parfait Kolelas, 60 ans, est mort des suites du Covid-19 lors de son évacuation sanitaire vers la France.
    « Il est décédé dans l’avion médicalisé qui était venu le chercher à Brazzaville dimanche après-midi », a déclaré Christian Cyr Rodrigue Mayanda, son directeur de campagne, ajoutant : « On va continuer à compter les bulletins. Il était en tête dans un certain nombre de localités. »
    L’opposant avait été testé positif au Covid-19 vendredi après-midi, et n’avait pu animer son dernier meeting de campagne à Brazzaville. A quelques heures du scrutin, il avait publié une vidéo dans laquelle il affirmait « se battre contre la mort ».« Mes chers compatriotes, je me bats contre la mort, mais cependant, je vous demande de vous lever. Allez voter pour le changement. Je ne me serais pas battu pour rien », affirme dans cette vidéo M. Kolelas, alité, affaibli, juste après avoir retiré un masque d’assistance respiratoire.« Levez-vous comme un seul homme. Faites-moi plaisir. Je me bats sur mon lit de mort. Vous aussi, battez-vous, pour votre changement. Il en va de l’avenir de vos enfants », avait-il ajouté avant de remettre son masque.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#congobrazzaville#sante#mortalite#evacuationsanitaire#elite#circulation

  • Aux Canaries, la mort d’une enfant de 2 ans met un visage sur le drame de l’immigration
    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2021/03/23/aux-canaries-la-mort-d-une-enfant-de-2-ans-met-un-visage-sur-le-drame-de-l-i

    Aux Canaries, la mort d’une enfant de 2 ans met un visage sur le drame de l’immigration. Cette jeune Malienne est officiellement la 19e personne à périr cette année dans la dangereuse traversée entre les côtes africaines et l’archipel espagnol. Un sauveteur tente de réanimer une enfant dans le port d’Arguineguin, sur l’île de Grande Canarie, le 16 mars 2021. Elle était Malienne et avait 2 ans : ce week-end, la mort d’une petite fille après plusieurs jours d’agonie dans un hôpital des Canaries a provoqué une vive émotion en Espagne et mis un visage sur le drame de l’immigration africaine. Ramenée mardi 16 mars par les sauveteurs au port d’Arguineguin, sur l’île de Grande Canarie, cette petite Malienne avait fait la traversée depuis le continent africain sur une embarcation de fortune transportant 52 migrants, dont sa mère et sa sœur.Les images poignantes des secouristes de la Croix-Rouge s’efforçant de la réanimer sur le quai de ce port ont fait la une des médias espagnols. En état critique et souffrant d’hypothermie sévère, elle avait été transférée dans l’unité de soins intensifs d’un hôpital de l’île, où elle a passé cinq jours, avant de décéder dimanche. Elle est officiellement la 19e personne à périr cette année dans la dangereuse traversée entre les côtes africaines et l’archipel espagnol des Canaries, un périple entrepris chaque année par des milliers de migrants. « Nabody est le visage du drame humanitaire que représente l’immigration », a affirmé sur Twitter le président de la région des Canaries, Angel Victor Torres, en utilisant le prénom donné à cette petite fille par la presse espagnole et démenti depuis par l’un des médecins de l’hôpital où elle a été soignée. Son véritable nom n’a pas été révélé. « Dix-neuf vies dont nous connaissions les noms perdues en 2021. Des centaines, des milliers dont nous ne connaissions pas les noms avant. Elle recherchait une vie meilleure. Elle avait 2 ans. Repose en paix », a ajouté M. Torres.« Il n’y a pas de mots pour décrire autant de douleur […] C’est un choc pour notre conscience à tous », a pour sa part déclaré le chef du gouvernement espagnol, Pedro Sanchez, en remerciant « ceux qui ont lutté jusqu’au bout pour lui sauver la vie ». Cité par la presse locale, Juan Miguel Vela, l’un des deux secouristes ayant réanimé la petite fille sur le port, a jugé « fou de devoir en arriver à une situation si extrême pour se rendre compte d’une réalité que nous voyons tous les jours ».
    Les côtes africaines sont situées à une centaine de kilomètres de la partie la plus à l’est de l’archipel. Mais les passagers de l’embarcation ont raconté aux secouristes être partis de Dakhla, un port du Sahara occidental situé à 450 km au sud, et avoir passé quatre ou cinq jours en mer. Cette route migratoire entre l’Afrique et les Canaries est particulièrement dangereuse en raison de courants extrêmement forts.L’an dernier, 1 851 migrants, voyageant dans des embarcations généralement surchargées et en mauvais état, ont perdu la vie sur cette route maritime, selon l’ONG Caminando Fronteras. « Même si cette route a le taux de mortalité le plus élevé, elle est de plus en plus empruntée », l’Europe ayant passé des accords avec plusieurs pays pour lutter contre l’immigration illégale en Méditerranée, déplore cette ONG. Selon les organisations de défense des droits humains, la situation a empiré récemment en raison de la crise économique provoquée par le Covid-19. « Si initialement la pandémie a ralenti les flux migratoires, elle a finalement accéléré le départ de migrants travaillant dans le tourisme, la pêche ou d’autres emplois précaires, qui se sont retrouvés sans ressources », a souligné l’Association pour les droits de l’homme d’Andalousie dans un rapport publié lundi.
    Cette augmentation de l’immigration vers les Canaries rappelle la crise migratoire de 2006, qui avait vu environ 30 000 migrants faire la traversée. L’an dernier, 23 023 migrants sont arrivés aux Canaries, un chiffre huit fois supérieur à celui de 2019. Une situation qui a provoqué le chaos dans l’archipel, où des milliers de migrants ont dû dormir parfois à même le sol dans le port d’Arguineguin, dans des conditions déplorables dénoncées par les ONG.Depuis le début de l’année, le flux des arrivées ne s’est pas tari, avec 2 580 migrants parvenus aux Canaries entre le 1er janvier et le 15 mars, contre 1 219 sur la même période de 2019, selon des chiffres officiels.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#mali#UE#espagne#canaries#départ#mortalite#sante#crise#economie#pauvreté#pandemie

  • L’Espagne légalise l’euthanasie, devenant le sixième pays au monde le faire
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2021/03/18/l-espagne-devient-le-quatrieme-pays-europeen-a-legaliser-l-euthanasie_607359

    La nouvelle législation espagnole, qui doit entrer en vigueur en juin, autorise aussi bien l’#euthanasie – c’est-à-dire lorsque le soignant provoque la #mort du patient – que le #suicide_médicalement_assisté – lorsque le patient prend lui-même la dose prescrite. Ils seront réservés aux personnes ayant « une maladie grave et incurable » ou des douleurs « chroniques [les] plaçant dans une situation d’#incapacité ». Les patients seront en droit de demander l’aide du corps médical pour mourir et s’éviter ainsi « une #souffrance_intolérable ».

  • Covid-19 disruptions killed 228,000 children in South Asia, says UN report - BBC News

    https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-56425115

    The disruption in healthcare services caused by Covid-19 may have led to an estimated 239,000 maternal and child deaths in South Asia, according to a new UN report.

    It’s focused on Afghanistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, home to some 1.8 billion people.

    The report found that women, children and adolescents were the worst-hit.

    South Asia has reported nearly 13 million Covid cases and more than 186,000 deaths so far.

    #corone #covid #asie #mortalité