#corée

Le piège des Kim | ARTE - YouTube

« Voici l’histoire d’une petite dictature ... »

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mPZRk0UA24k

#corée_du_nord

Child Inmates of South Korea’s Immigration Jail

https://pbs.twimg.com/card_img/1086413182258823168/oZA-nTaF?format=jpg&name=600x314#.jpg

Helene* had a challenge that no mother would want. She, with her husband, was a refugee in a foreign land with a foreign language, trying despite all odds to raise her children as best she could. If this weren’t enough of a challenge, Helene was in jail, locked up in a 10-person cell with others she didn’t know. The only time she could leave her cell was for a 30-minute exercise time each day. But her task was more daunting still. Her children were locked up with her.

Helene’s jail was an immigration detention facility, and her crime was not having enough money to begin refugee applicant proceedings. She spent 23 days in that cell with her two sons. Her oldest, Emerson, was three years and eight months old, and her youngest, Aaron, was only 13 months old. She watched their mental health and physical health slowly deteriorate while her pleadings for help fell on deaf ears.

*

In June, American news media were shocked by the revelation that migrant children, who were only guilty of not possessing legal migrant status, were being held in large-scale detention facilities. This was something new—a part of President Donald Trump’s ‘tough on immigration’ stance.

In South Korea, detaining children simply due to their migration status, or the migration status of their parents, is standard practice.

Children make up a very small percentage of the total picture of unregistered migrants in South Korea. However, as the nation’s foreign population reaches 2 million and beyond, that small percentage becomes a large number in real terms. The Ministry of Justice (MOJ) doesn’t keep statistics on the exact number of unregistered child migrants in the country.

Most unregistered child migrants in South Korea fall into one of two broad categories: teenagers who come alone, and infants or toddlers brought by their parents or born to migrants already living in the country. In both cases, the majority of children (or their parents) come from other parts of Asia seeking work in the industrial sector.

These children often end up in detention facilities when immigration authorities carry out routine crackdowns targeting workplaces in industrial districts or transportation routes workers use to get to these districts. Authorities, by policy, detain any unregistered migrant who is 14 or older. Younger children are technically exempt from detention orders, but parents are often caught in crackdowns while with their children. The parents can’t leave their children on the street to fend for themselves, and so, left with no other options, they choose to bring their children with them into the detention facilities.

Helene’s case was different. She and her husband brought their sons to South Korea with them when they fled religious persecution in their home country of Liberia. The South Korean government rejected their refugee applications, and the family only had enough money to begin a legal challenge for one person. Emerson and Aaron, along with Helene, became unregistered migrants.

How they were detained would be comical if their case were not so tragic. After a trip to a hospital, the family was trying to board a subway to return home. Their stroller could not fit through the turnstiles, and after a brief altercation an upset station manager called the police. The police asked to see the family’s papers, but only Helene’s husband had legal status. The police were obligated to arrest Helene due to her unregistered status and turn her over to immigration authorities. Because her children were very young – the youngest was still breastfeeding – she had no viable option but to bring her children with her.

*

Helene and her sons were sent to an immigration detention facility in Hwaseong, some 60 kilometers southwest of Seoul. Inside and out, the facility is indistinguishable from a prison. Detainees wear blue jumpsuits with the ironic Korean phrase “protected foreigner” printed in large white letters on the back. They live in 10-person cells with cement walls and steel bars at the front. Each cell has a small common area up front with tables, a sleeping area in the middle, and a bathroom at the back.

For detainees, these cells become the entirety of their existence until they are released. Food is delivered through a gap in the bars, and the only opportunity to leave the cell is for a brief 30-minute exercise period each day.

These facilities were never intended to house children, and authorities make little to no effort to accommodate them. Young children have to live in a cell with a parent and as many as eight other adults, all unknown to the child. The detention center doesn’t provide access to pediatricians, child appropriate play and rest time, or even food suitable for young children.

Government policy states that education is provided only for children detained for more than 30 days. Children have no other children to interact with, and no space to play or explore. During daytime, when the sleeping mats are rolled up and stored, the sleeping area becomes a large open space where children could play. According to Helene, whenever her sons entered that area guards would shout at them to come back to the common area at the front of the cell.

Emerson’s fear of the guards’ reprimand grew to the point that he refused to use the toilets at the back of the cell because that would mean crossing the sleeping area, instead choosing to soil himself. Even after the family was eventually released, Emerson’s psychological trauma and his refusal to use bathrooms remained.

The stress and anxiety of being locked in a prison cell naturally takes a severe toll on children’s wellbeing. Like the adults they’re detained with, they don’t know what will happen to them or when they will be released. Unlike the adults, they don’t understand why they are in a prison cell to begin with. Without any way to alleviate the situation, the stress and anxiety they feel turn into mental disorders. These conditions can include depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and even increased rates of suicide and self-harm.

Kim Jong Chul has seen many examples of these symptoms firsthand. Kim is a lawyer with APIL, a public interest law firm, and he’s worked to secure the release of many migrant children held in detention.

In one such case, May, a 5-year-old migrant from China, spent 20 days in a detention facility with her mother. Over those 20 days, May’s extreme anxiety produced insomnia, a high fever, swollen lips and more. Despite this, her guards never brought a doctor to examine her.

For most migrants in immigration custody, children included, their release comes only when they are deported. In 2016, authorities held 29,926 migrants in detention, and 96 percent of them were deported. The whole deportation process, from arrest to boarding a plane, typically takes ten days.

But for children, ten days in detention are enough to develop severe stress and anxiety. Special cases, including refugee applications or a migrant laborer with unpaid wages, can take much longer to process. South Korea’s immigration law doesn’t set an upper limit on migrant detention, and there are cases of migrants held for more than a year. The law also doesn’t require regular judicial review or in-person checks from a case worker at any point in the process. According to Kim from APIL, the longest child detention in recent years was 141 days.

Existing children’s welfare services would benefit migrant children, but the MOJ opposes any such idea. In the view of the MOJ and the Ministry of Health and Welfare, welfare facilities should be reserved only for citizens and foreigners with legal status.

Children between the ages of 14 and 18 are yet another matter. The MOJ’s stance is that most of these children are physically similar to adults, highly likely to commit crimes and in general a danger to society, and they need to be detained.

Kim argues that it’s hard to interpret the MOJ’s stance that migrant teenagers are all potential criminals as anything other than institutional racism. South Korean citizens who are under 18 are considered minors and treated differently in the eyes of the law.

International treaties ban detaining children, including teenagers, due to migration status, and the South Korean government has signed and ratified each of the UN treaties that relate to children’s rights. It means that under the country’s constitution, the treaties have the same power as domestic law. And yet abuses persist.

Lawmaker Keum Tae-seob from the ruling Minjoo Party—often called one of the most progressive members of the National Assembly— is fighting this reality. He has proposed a revision to the current immigration law that would ban detention of migrant children, but it has met opposition from the MOJ. Ironically, the ministry argues that because South Korea has signed the relevant international treaties, there is no need to pass a separate domestic law that would ban such detention. This is despite the fact that immigration authorities, who belong to the MOJ, have detained over 200 children over the past 3 years, including many under the age of 14.

To rally support for a ban on detaining migrant children, APIL and World Vision Korea launched an awareness campaign in 2016, complete with a slick website, emotional videos and a petition. As of this writing, the petition has just under 9,000 signatures, and APIL is hoping to reach 10,000.
Back in June of last year, another petition received significant media attention. A group of Yemeni refugee applicants—fewer than 600—arrived on the island of Jeju, and in response a citizen’s petition against accepting refugees on the office of the president’s website garnered over 714,000 signatures. A collection of civic groups even organized an anti-refugee rally in Seoul that same month.

APIL’s campaign has been underway for more than two years, but the recent reaction to Yemeni refugees in Jeju has unveiled how difficult it will be change the government’s position on asylum seekers. A Human Rights Watch report released on Thursday also minced no words in critiquing the government policies: “even though [South Korean president] Moon Jae-in is a former human rights lawyer,” he “did little to defend the rights of women, refugees, and LGBT persons in South Korea.”

For now, Keum’s bill is still sitting in committee, pending the next round of reviews. Helene’s family has been in the UK since her husband’s refugee status lawsuit failed.

*Helene is a pseudonym to protect the identity of her and her family.

▻https://www.koreaexpose.com/child-migrant-inmates-south-korea-immigration-jail-hwaseong
#enfants #enfance #mineurs #rétention #détention_administrative #Corée_du_Sud #migrations #sans-papiers #réfugiés #asile

#MeToo en #Corée_du_Sud : un ex-procureur condamné pour abus de pouvoir - Asie-Pacifique - RFI
▻http://www.rfi.fr/asie-pacifique/20190123-metoo-coree-sud-ex-procureur-condamne-abus-pouvoir-ahn-tae-geun

http://scd.rfi.fr/sites/filesrfi/dynimagecache/0/20/768/434/1024/578/sites/images.rfi.fr/files/aef_image/000_1cj0rb_0.jpg

C’est un verdict inhabituellement sévère pour ce type d’affaire en Corée du Sud : le tribunal central de Séoul a condamné à deux ans de prison ferme l’ancien procureur Ahn Tae-geun.

L’homme est accusé d’avoir tripoté une jeune collègue en 2010 lors d’un dîner organisé à l’occasion de funérailles. Quand la jeune femme, Seo Ji-hyeon, l’avait dénoncé en interne, il avait utilisé sa position pour la faire muter dans un petit tribunal de province, une mutation qui avait brisé sa carrière prometteuse.

The roundabout revolutions

https://www.iconeye.com/images/2015/07/eyal_weizman_gwangju.jpg

The history of these banal, utilitarian instruments of traffic management has become entangled with that of political uprising, #Eyal_Weizman argues in his latest book

This project started with a photograph. It was one of the most arresting images depicting the May 1980 #Gwangju uprising, recognised now as the first step in the eventual overthrow of the military dictatorship in South Korea. The photograph (above) depicts a large crowd of people occupying a roundabout in the city center. Atop a disused fountain in the middle of the roundabout a few protestors have unfurled a South Korean flag. The roundabout organised the protest in concentric circles, a geometric order that exposed the crowd to itself, helping a political collective in becoming.

It had an uncanny resonance with events that had just unfolded: in the previous year a series of popular uprisings spread through Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, #Oman, Yemen, Libya, and Syria. These events shared with Gwangju not only the historical circumstances – they too were popular protests against military dictatorships – but, remarkably, an urban-architectural setting: many of them similarly erupted on roundabouts in downtown areas. The history of these roundabouts is entangled with the revolutions that rose from them.

The photograph of the roundabout—now the symbol of the “liberated republic” – was taken by #Na_Kyung-taek from the roof of the occupied Provincial Hall, looking toward Geumnam-ro, only a few hours before the fall of the “#Gwangju_Republic”. In the early morning hours of the following day, the Gwangju uprising was overwhelmed by military force employing tanks and other armed vehicles. The last stand took place at the roundabout.

The scene immediately resonates with the well-known photographs of people gathering in #Tahrir_Square in early 2011. Taken from different high-rise buildings around the square, a distinct feature in these images is the traffic circle visible by the way it organises bodies and objects in space. These images became the symbol of the revolution that led to the overthrow of President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 – an event described by urban historian Nezar AlSayyad as “Cairo’s roundabout revolution”. But the Gwangju photograph also connects to images of other roundabouts that erupted in dissent in fast succession throughout the Middle East. Before Tahrir, as Jonathan Liu noted in his essay Roundabouts and Revolutions, it was the main roundabout in the capital of Tunisia – subsequently renamed Place du 14 Janvier 2011 after the date on which President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali was forced to flee the country. Thousands of protesters gathered at the roundabout in Tunis and filled the city’s main boulevard.

A main roundabout in Bahrain’s capital Manama erupted in protests shortly after the overthrow of Mubarak in Egypt. Its central traffic island became the site of popular protests against the government and the first decisive act of military repression: the protests were violently broken up and the roundabout itself destroyed and replaced with a traffic intersection. In solidarity with the Tahrir protests, the roundabouts in the small al-Manara Square in Ramallah and the immense Azadi Square in Tehran also filled with protesters. These events, too, were violently suppressed.

The roundabouts in Tehran and Ramallah had also been the scenes of previous revolts. In 2009 the Azadi roundabout in Iran’s capital was the site of the main protests of the Green Movement contesting President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s reelection. Hamid Dabashi, a literature professor at Columbia University and one of the most outspoken public intellectuals on these revolutions, claims that the Green Movement was inspirational for the subsequent revolutionary wave in the Arab world. In Palestine, revolt was a permanent consequence of life under occupation, and the al-Manara roundabout was a frequent site of clashes between Palestinian youth and the Israeli military. The sequence of roundabout revolutions evolved as acts of imitation, each building on its predecessor, each helping propel the next.

https://www.iconeye.com/images/2015/07/folly_3.jpg

Roundabouts were of course not only exhilarating sites of protest and experiments in popular democracy, but moreover they were places where people gathered and risked their life. The Gwangju uprising is, thus, the first of the roundabout revolutions. Liu wrote: “In all these cases, the symbolism is almost jokingly obvious: what better place to stage a revolution, after all, then one built for turning around?” What better way to show solidarity across national borders than to stage protests in analogous places?

Why roundabouts? After all, they are banal, utilitarian instruments of traffic management, certainly not prone to induce revolutionary feeling. Other kinds of sites – squares, boulevards, favelas, refugee camps – have served throughout history as the setting for political protest and revolt. Each alignment of a roundabout and a revolution has a specific context and diverse causes, but the curious repetition of this phenomenon might give rise to several speculations. Urban roundabouts are the intersection points of large axes, which also puts them at the start or end of processions.

Occupying a roundabout demonstrates the power of tactical acupuncture: it blocks off all routes going in and out. Congestion moves outward like a wave, flowing down avenues and streets through large parts of the city. By pressuring a single pivotal point within a networked infrastructure, an entire city can be put under siege (a contemporary contradistinction to the medieval technique of surrounding the entire perimeter of a city wall). Unlike public squares, which are designed as sites for people to gather (therefore not interrupting the flow of vehicular traffic) and are usually monitored and policed, roundabout islands are designed to keep people away. The continuous flow of traffic around them creates a wall of speeding vehicles that prohibits access. While providing open spaces (in some cities the only available open spaces) these islands are meant to be seen but not used.

Another possible explanation is their symbolic power: they often contain monuments that represent the existing regime. The roundabouts of recent revolutions had emblematic names – Place du 7 Novembre 1987, the date the previous regime took power in Tunisia; “Liberty” (Azadi), referring to the 1979 Iranian Revolution; or “Liberation” (Tahrir), referring to the 1952 revolutions in Egypt. Roundabout islands often had statues, both figurative and abstract, representing the symbolic order of regimes. Leaders might have wished to believe that circular movement around their monuments was akin to a form of worship or consent. While roundabouts exercise a centripetal force, pulling protestors into the city center, the police seek to generate movement in the opposite direction, out and away from the center, and to break a collective into controllable individuals that can be handled and dispersed.

The most common of all centrifugal forces of urban disorganisation during protests is tear gas, a formless cloud that drifts through space to disperse crowds. From Gwangju to Cairo, Manama to Ramallah, hundreds of tear-gas canisters were used largely exceeding permitted levels in an attempt to evict protesters from public spaces. The bodily sensation of the gas forms part of the affective dimension of the roundabout revolution. When tear gas is inhaled, the pain is abrupt, sharp, and isolating. The eyes shut involuntary, generating a sense of disorientation and disempowerment.

Protestors have found ways to mitigate the toxic effects of this weapon. Online advice is shared between activists from Palestine through Cairo to Ferguson. The best protection is offered by proper gas masks. Improvised masks made of mineral water bottles cut in half and equipped with a filter of wet towels also work, according to online manuals. Some activists wear swim goggles and place wet bandanas or kaffiyehs over their mouths. To mitigate some of the adverse effects, these improvised filters can be soaked in water, lemon juice, vinegar, toothpaste, or wrapped around an onion. When nothing else is at hand, breathe the air from inside your shirt and run upwind onto higher ground. When you have a chance, blow your nose, rinse your mouth, cough, and spit.

https://www.iconeye.com/images/2015/07/eyal_weizman_tahrir_sq.jpg

Du coup : #gilets_jaunes ?

@albertocampiphoto & @philippe_de_jonckheere

This project started with a photograph. It was one of the most arresting images depicting the May 1980 #Gwangju uprising, recognised now as the first step in the eventual overthrow of the military dictatorship in South Korea. The photograph (above) depicts a large crowd of people occupying a roundabout in the city center. Atop a disused fountain in the middle of the roundabout a few protestors have unfurled a South Korean flag. The roundabout organised the protest in concentric circles, a geometric order that exposed the crowd to itself, helping a political collective in becoming.

–-> le pouvoir d’une #photographie...

signalé par @isskein

ping @reka

Benoît Quennedey placé en garde à vue Libraire Tropiques

Lundi soir, Benoît Queneddey a été placé en garde à vue. Le président de l’Association d’amitiés franco-coréennes serait soupçonné d’espionnage pour le compte de Pyongyang. Les perquisitions ont été nombreuses durant la période d’Etat d’urgence et ont notamment visé des syndicalistes ou des ecolo-anarchistes. Sans compter tous ceux fichés S sur base d’obscurs critères. Par ailleurs, les intimidations se multiplient contre des partis politiques et les militants qui ne marchent pas dans le clous. La garde à vue de Benoît Queneddey est-elle une nouvelle manifestation de la chasse aux sorcières qui semble s’abattre sur la France ?

Ses proches ont tenu mardi soir une conférence de presse à la Librairie Tropiques à Paris que vous pouvez visionner.
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GnZ5HcsjKYs

URGENCE civique
►http://www.librairie-tropiques.fr/2018/11/urgence-politique-benoit-quennedey-en-garde-a-vue.html

Ce matin, Mme Quennedey, la maman de Benoit, ▻http://www.librairie-tropiques.fr/tag/benoit%20quennedey m’a téléphoné de Dijon ...
 
La police perquisitionnait chez elle ... au domicile familial de Dijon...
 
Les agents - qui étaient encore chez elle lorsqu’elle m’a appelé- lui ont appris que son fils a été arrêté hier soir en rentrant à Paris, après avoir passé son week-end en famille à Dijon. Cette perquisition chez ses parents en province a donc lieu dans le contexte de sa garde à vue parisienne.

Ses parents, sa famille, sont très inquiets et n’ont aucune nouvelle de Benoît qui étant en garde à vue ne peut être joint.
 
Il est très probable, connaissant Benoît Quennedey, que cette interpellation, sa garde à vue, la perquisition au domicile de ses parents et tout ce que nous ignorons encore est en rapport avec les coréens (du sud) réfugiés politiques en France qui sont en eux-mêmes en rapport avec l’association d’amitiés franco-coréennes : ▻http://www.amitiefrancecoree.org dont Benoît est président.
( plutôt que pour son adhésion politique au parti ... des Radicaux de Gauche ...)
 
Il y a manifestement là un abus de pouvoir et des suites sans doute assez scabreuses à prévoir, vu la tournure des dispositions policières déployées et eu égard à la parfaite rigueur, honnêteté et respectabilité de l’intéressé, énarque sérieux, progressiste et consciencieux, travaillant au sénat et qui assume ses diverses responsabilités avec autant de prudence politique que de scrupule et de civisme...

. . . .
M. Benoît Quennedey a été arrêté à son domicile, à Paris, hier dimanche soir, au motif de « recueil et livraison d’informations à une puissance étrangère susceptibles de porter atteinte aux intérêts de la nation ».
J’attends qu’on m’explique quels types d’informations un membre de la commission architecture du Sénat pourrait détenir.

Je précise que M. Benoît Quennedey a toujours milité pour l’amitié entre les peuples, à commencer par les deux Corée, puis entre celles-ci et le nôtre. L’association qu’il préside a été fondée en 1969. 
J’ai eu l’honneur de publier récemment son dernier ouvrage « La Corée du Nord cette inconnue » (éditions Delga, 2017) et je peux garantir que M. Quennedey met toutes ses compétences à apporter des informations non confidentielles sur la Corée du Nord, mais peu répercutées sur les médias et fort utiles, pourtant, à améliorer notre connaissance éclairée et pacifique de cette partie du monde.
Me tenant à votre disposition pour plus d’informations, 
 
Aymeric Monville,
éditeur de Benoît Quennedey (éditions Delga)
EXCLUSIF : les informations secrètes livrées à la Corée par l’espion du Sénat.
►http://www.librairie-tropiques.fr/2018/11/urgence-politique-benoit-quennedey-en-garde-a-vue.html

Comme nous n’avons pas appris grand chose depuis hier soir ( voir urgence civique ), sinon que Macron « himself » était aux manettes ... Puisqu’en fait c’est nous qui avons révélé cette affaire à la presse, à la demande des parents de la victime. Nous avons jugé que pour désamorcer cette loufoquerie absurde et honteuse ( et très dommageable à notre ami Benoît qui reste au secret pour une durée indéterminée ), la chose décisive était de révéler à la presse la nature des « informations livrées à une puissance étrangère susceptibles de porter atteinte aux intérêts de la nation ».

Les voici donc, puisqu’elles ne sont ni secrètes ni vraiment nouvelles (et encore moins « secret défense ») , ayant été diffusées il y a plus d’un an, au titre de bande annonce d’une des rencontres d’éducation populaire animées par Benoît à la librairie réfractaire (à la connerie politique et médiatique ambiante).

Jugez vous-mêmes : Trailer Corée 1
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Cy-iYJdtafc

#Benoît_Quennedey #Librairie_Tropiques #Corée #répression #police #surveillance #France #Sénat

SK to dissolve sex slave foundation | World news | The Guardian

▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/nov/21/anger-in-japan-as-south-korea-dissolves-comfort-women-foundation

https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/ea1a16b4cff46bc408b985b864c165014c617f63/0_177_6948_4169/master/6948.jpg?width=1200&height=630&quality=85&auto=format&fit=crop&overlay-align=bottom%2Cleft&overlay-width=100p&overlay-base64=L2ltZy9zdGF0aWMvb3ZlcmxheXMvdGctZGVmYXVsdC5wbmc&s=43099072c79d7cce7f7f7c4c9f269b9f

South Korea has announced it will dissolve a Japanese-funded foundation to support former victims of wartime sexual slavery, sparking outrage in Tokyo and marking the latest deterioration between the two countries.

#corée #japon #viols #viols_de_guerre
Japan’s prime minister, Shinzo Abe, said the move risked damaging relations and foreign minister Taro Kono called the decision “unacceptable”.

Rapprochement intercoréen : la diplomatie des agrumes (et des champignons) - Asialyst

▻https://asialyst.com/fr/2018/11/13/rapprochement-intercoreen-diplomatie-agrumes-champigons

https://asialyst.com/fr/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Photo-mandarine-de-Jeju-Copie-écran-Korea-Times-Yonhap-e1542112795616.jpg

Le ballet des hercules C-130 aura duré deux jours. Depuis ce dimanche 11 novembre, ce sont près de 200 tonnes de mandarines sud-coréennes qui ont été livrées à Pyongyang via un pont aérien destiné à renforcer le rapprochement intercoréen. Un échange de bonnes intentions après les deux tonnes de champignons des pins envoyés par le Nord à Séoul en septembre dernier.
Le palais présidentiel à Séoul.
Ce sont des fruits dont on retrouve la trace dès le XIIIème siècle à la table des rois de Corée. Un fruit de saison rarement consommé en Corée du Nord, a expliqué le porte-parole de la Maison Bleue, et qui n’entrerait pas dans la liste des produits sous embargo de l’ONU. Un avis que ne partagent pas les conservateurs à Séoul. Au total : 20 000 cartons d’agrumes ont été avalés par les avions cargos de l’armée sud-coréenne pour être transportés en Corée du Nord. Une telle quantité s’apparente à de l’exportation, estiment celles et ceux qui voient d’un mauvais œil la politique de rapprochement vis-à-vis du voisin nord-coréen, menée par le président Moon Jae-in, et donc un geste qui violerait les sanctions imposées au régime de Pyongyang.

#corée_du_sud #corée_du_nord

Kim Jong Un, les militaires et toujours les petits carnets...

https://dl.dropbox.com/s/6oppaiyx7be68rz/181116104952-north-korea-kim-jong-un-test-1611-exlarge-169.jpg?dl=0

#corée_du_nord #images #propagande #style_de_vie

Wie die USA versuchen, die Wiedervereinigung Koreas zu verhindern | Telepolis
▻https://www.heise.de/tp/features/Wie-die-USA-versuchen-die-Wiedervereinigung-Koreas-zu-verhindern-4194203.html?
A lire : Pourquoi les #USA font tout pour empêcher la réunification des Corées.

Frieden in Korea würde die Militärpräsenz der USA an der Hintertür Chinas obsolet werden lassen

#Corée #politique #impérialisme

“You Cry at Night but Don’t Know Why”. Sexual Violence against Women in North Korea

Oh Jung Hee is a former trader in her forties from Ryanggang province. She sold clothes to market stalls in Hyesan city and was involved in the distribution of textiles in her province. She said that up until she left the country in 2014, guards would regularly pass by the market to demand bribes, sometimes in the form of coerced sexual acts or intercourse. She told Human Rights Watch:

I was a victim many times … On the days they felt like it, market guards or police officials could ask me to follow them to an empty room outside the market, or some other place they’d pick. What can we do? They consider us [sex] toys … We [women] are at the mercy of men. Now, women cannot survive without having men with power near them.

She said she had no power to resist or report these abuses. She said it never occurred to her that anything could be done to stop these assaults except trying to avoid such situations by moving away or being quiet in order to not be noticed.

Park Young Hee, a former farmer in her forties also from Ryanggang province who left North Korea for the second time in 2011, was forced back to North Korea from China in the spring of 2010 after her first attempt to flee. She said, after being released by the secret police (bowiseong) and put under the jurisdiction of the police, the officer in charge of questioning her in the police pre-trial detention facility (kuryujang) near Musan city in North Hamgyong province touched her body underneath her clothes and penetrated her several times with his fingers. She said he asked her repeatedly about the sexual relations she had with the Chinese man to whom she had been sold to while in China. She told Human Rights Watch:

My life was in his hands, so I did everything he wanted and told him everything he asked. How could I do anything else? … Everything we do in North Korea can be considered illegal, so everything can depend on the perception or attitude of who is looking into your life.

Park Young Hee said she never told anybody about the abuse because she did not think it was unusual, and because she feared the authorities and did not believe anyone would help.

The experiences of Oh Jung Hee and Park Young Hee are not isolated ones. While sexual and gender-based violence is of concern everywhere, growing evidence suggests it is endemic in North Korea.

This report–based largely on interviews with 54 North Koreans who left the country after 2011, when the current leader, Kim Jong Un, rose to power, and 8 former North Korean officials who fled the country–focuses on sexual abuse by men in official positions of power. The perpetrators include high-ranking party officials, prison and detention facility guards and interrogators, police and secret police officials, prosecutors, and soldiers. At the time of the assaults, most of the victims were in the custody of authorities or were market traders who came across guards and other officials as they traveled to earn their livelihood.

Interviewees told us that when a guard or police officer “picks” a woman, she has no choice but to comply with any demands he makes, whether for sex, money, or other favors. Women in custody have little choice should they attempt to refuse or complain afterward, and risk sexual violence, longer periods in detention, beatings, forced labor, or increased scrutiny while conducting market activities.

Women not in custody risk losing their main source of income and jeopardizing their family’s survival, confiscation of goods and money, and increased scrutiny or punishment, including being sent to labor training facilities (rodong danryeondae) or ordinary-crimes prison camps (kyohwaso, literally reform through labor centers) for being involved in market activities. Other negative impacts include possibly losing access to prime trading locations, being fired or overlooked for jobs, being deprived of means of transportation or business opportunities, being deemed politically disloyal, being relocated to a remote area, and facing more physical or sexual violence.

The North Koreans we spoke with told us that unwanted sexual contact and violence is so common that it has come to be accepted as part of ordinary life: sexual abuse by officials, and the impunity they enjoy, is linked to larger patterns of sexual abuse and impunity in the country. The precise number of women and girls who experience sexual violence in North Korea, however, is unknown. Survivors rarely report cases, and the North Korean government rarely publishes data on any aspect of life in the country.

Our research, of necessity conducted among North Koreans who fled, does not provide a generalized sample from which to draw definitive conclusions about the prevalence of sexual abuse by officials. The diversity in age, geographic location, social class, and personal backgrounds of the survivors, combined with many consistencies in how they described their experiences, however, suggest that the patterns of sexual violence identified here are common across North Korea. Our findings also mirror those of other inquiries that have tried to discern the situation in this sealed-off authoritarian country.

A 2014 United Nations Commission of Inquiry (UN COI) on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) concluded that systematic, widespread, and gross human rights violations committed by the North Korean government constituted crimes against humanity. These included forced abortion, rape, and other sexual violence, as well as murder, imprisonment, enslavement, and torture on North Koreans in prison or detention. The UN COI stated that witnesses revealed that while “domestic violence is rife within DPRK society … violence against women is not limited to the home, and that it is common to see women being beaten and sexually assaulted in public.”

The Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU), a South Korean government think tank that specializes in research on North Korea, conducted a survey with 1,125 North Koreans (31.29 percent men and 68.71 percent women) who re-settled in South Korea between 2010 and 2014. The survey found that 37.7 percent of the respondents said sexual harassment and rape of inmates at detention facilities was “common,” including 15.9 percent that considered it “very common.” Thirty-three women said they were raped at detention and prison facilities, 51 said they witnessed rapes in such facilities, and 25 said they heard of such cases. The assailants identified by the respondents were police agents–45.6 percent; guards–17.7 percent; secret police (bowiseong) agents –13.9 percent; and fellow detainees–1.3 percent. The 2014 KINU survey found 48.6 percent of the respondents said that rape and sexual harassment against women in North Korea was “common.”

The North Koreans we spoke with stressed that women are socialized to feel powerless to demand accountability for sexual abuse and violence, and to feel ashamed when they are victims of abuse. They said the lack of rule of law and corresponding support systems for survivors leads most victims to remain silent–not seek justice and often not even talk about their experiences.

While most of our interviewees left North Korea between2011 and 2016, and many of the abuses date from a year or more before their departure, all available evidence suggests that the abuses and near-total impunity enjoyed by perpetrators continue to the present.

In July 2017, the North Korean government told the UN committee that monitors the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) that just nine people in all of North Korea were convicted of rape in 2008, seven in 2011, and five in 2015. The government said that the numbers of male perpetrators convicted for the crime of forcing a woman who is his subordinate to have sexual intercourse was five in 2008, six in 2011, and three in 2015. While North Korean officials seem to think such ridiculously low numbers show the country to be a violence-free paradise, the numbers are a powerful indictment of their utter failure to address sexual violence in the country.

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Sexual Abuse in Prisons and Detention Facilities

Human Rights Watch interviewed eight former detainees or prisoners who said they experienced a combination of verbal and sexual violence, harsh questioning, and humiliating treatment by investigators, detention facility personnel, or prison guards that belong to the police or the secret police (bowiseong).

Six interviewees had experienced sexual, verbal, and physical abuse in pre-trial detention and interrogation facilities (kuryujang)–jails designed to hold detainees during their initial interrogations, run by the MSS or the police. They said secret police or police agents in charge of their personal interrogation touched their faces and their bodies, including their breasts and hips, either through their clothes or by putting their hands inside their clothes.

Human Rights Watch also documented cases of two women who were sexually abused at a temporary holding facility (jipkyulso) while detainees were being transferred from interrogation facilities (kuryujang) to detention facilities in the detainees’ home districts.

https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/styles/1070w/public/multimedia_images_2018/201811asia_northkorea_photo2.jpg?itok=JsWT1jKx#.jpg

Sexual Abuse of Women Engaged in Trade

Human Rights Watch interviewed four women traders who experienced sexual violence, including rape, assault, and sexual harassment, as well as verbal abuse and intimidation, by market gate-keeper officials. We also interviewed 17 women who were sexually abused or experienced unwanted sexual advances by police or other officials as they traveled for their work as traders. Although seeking income outside the command economy was illegal, women started working as traders during the mass famine of the 1990s as survival imperatives led many to ignore the strictures of North Korea’s command economy. Since many married women were not obliged to attend a government-established workplace, they became traders and soon the main breadwinners for their families. But pursuing income in public exposed them to violence.

Traders and former government officials told us that in North Korea traders are often compelled to pay bribes to officials and market regulators, but for women the “bribes” often include sexual abuse and violence, including rape. Perpetrators of abuses against women traders include high-ranking party officials, managers at state-owned enterprises, and gate-keeper officials at the markets and on roads and check-points, such as police, bowiseong agents, prosecutors, soldiers, and railroad inspectors on trains.

Women who had worked as traders described unwanted physical contact that included indiscriminately touching their bodies, grabbing their breasts and hips, trying to touch them underneath their skirts or pants, poking their cheeks, pulling their hair, or holding their bodies in their arms. The physical harassment was often accompanied by verbal abuse and intimidation. Women also said it was common for women to try to help protect each other by sharing information about such things, such as which house to avoid because it is rumored that the owner is a rapist or a child molester, which roads not to walk on alone at night, or which local high-ranking official most recently sexually preyed upon women.

Our research confirms a trend already identified in the UN COI report:

Officials are not only increasingly engaging in corruption in order to support their low or non-existent salaries, they are also exacting penalties and punishment in the form of sexual abuse and violence as there is no fear of punishment. As more women assume the responsibility for feeding their families due to the dire economic and food situation, more women are traversing through and lingering in public spaces, selling and transporting their goods.

The UN COI further found “the male dominated state, agents who police the marketplace, inspectors on trains, and soldiers are increasingly committing acts of sexual assault on women in public spaces” and “received reports of train guards frisking women and abusing young girls onboard.” This was described as “the male dominated state preying on the increasingly female-dominated market.”

Almost all of the women interviewed by Human Rights Watch with trading experience said the only way not to fall prey to extortion or sexual harassment while conducting market activities was to give up hopes of expanding one’s business and barely scrape by, be born to a powerful father with money and connections, marry a man with power, or become close to one.

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Lack of Remedies

Only one of the survivors of sexual violence Human Rights Watch interviewed for this report said she had tried to report the sexual assault. The other women said they did not report it because they did not trust the police and did not believe police would be willing to take action. The women said the police do not consider sexual violence a serious crime and that it is almost inconceivable to even consider going to the police to report sexual abuse because of the possible repercussions. Family members or close friends who knew about their experience also cautioned women against going to the authorities.

Eight former government officials, including a former police officer, told Human Rights Watch that cases of sexual abuse or assault are reported to police only when there are witnesses and, even then, the reports invariably are made by third parties and not by the women themselves. Only seven of the North Korean women and men interviewed by Human Rights Watch were aware of cases in which police had investigated sexual violence and in all such cases the victims had been severely injured or killed.

All of the North Koreans who spoke to Human Rights Watch said the North Korean government does not provide any type of psycho-social support services for survivors of sexual violence and their families. To make matters worse, they said, the use of psychological or psychiatric services itself is highly stigmatized.

Two former North Korean doctors and a nurse who left after 2010 said there are no protocols for medical treatment and examination of victims of sexual violence to provide therapeutic care or secure medical evidence. They said there are no training programs for medical practitioners on sexual assault and said they never saw a rape victim go to the hospital to receive treatment.

https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/styles/1070w/public/multimedia_images_2018/201811asia_northkorea_photo4.jpg?itok=cpt460d_#.jpg

Discrimination Against Women

Sex discrimination and subordination of women are pervasive in North Korean. Everyone in North Korea is subjected to a socio-political classification system, known as songbun, that grouped people from its creation into “loyal,” “wavering,” or “hostile” classes. But a woman’s classification also depends, in critical respects, on that of her male relatives, specifically her father and her father’s male relations and, upon marriage, that of her husband and his male relations. A woman’s position in society is lower than a man’s, and her reputation depends largely on maintaining an image of “sexual purity” and obeying the men in her family.

The government is dominated by men. According to statistics provided by the DPRK government to the UN, as of 2016 women made up just 20.2 percent of the deputies selected, 16.1 percent of divisional directors in government bodies, 11.9 percent of judges and lawyers, 4.9 percent of diplomats, and 16.5 per cent of the officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

On paper, the DPRK says that it is committed to gender equality and women and girl’s rights. The Criminal Code criminalizes rape of women, trafficking in persons, having sexual relations with women in a subordinate position, and child sexual abuse. The 2010 Law on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Women bans domestic violence. North Korea has also ratified five international human rights treaties, including ones that address women and girl’s rights and equality, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and CEDAW.

During a meeting of a North Korean delegation with the CEDAW Committee, which reviewed North Korean compliance between 2002 and 2015, government officials argued all of the elements of CEDAW had been included in DPRK’s domestic laws. However, under questioning by the committee, the officials were unable to provide the definition of “discrimination against women” employed by the DPRK.

Park Kwang Ho, Councilor of the Central Court in the DPRK, stated that if a woman in a subordinate position was forced to engage in sexual relations for fear of losing her job or in exchange for preferential treatment, it was her choice as to whether or not she complied. Therefore, he argued, in such a situation the punishment for the perpetrator should be lighter. He later amended his statement to say that if she did not consent to having sexual relations, and was forced to do so, the perpetrator was committing rape and would be punished accordingly.

▻https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/10/31/you-cry-night-dont-know-why/sexual-violence-against-women-north-korea
#abus_sexuels #violence_sexuelle #viols #Corée_du_nord #femmes #rapport

’They considered us toys’: North Korean women reveal extent of sexual violence | World news | The Guardian
▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/nov/01/north-korea-women-sexual-violence-report

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Women in North Korea are routinely subjected to sexual violence by government officials, prison guards, interrogators, police, prosecutors, and soldiers, according to a new report, with groping and unwanted advances a part of daily life for women working in the country’s burgeoning black markets.

The widespread nature of abuse by North Korea officials was documented in a new report by Human Rights Watch that interviewed 54 people who fled North Korea since 2011, the year Kim Jong-un came to power. It took more than two years amass the stories collected in the report, with subjects interviewed in countries across Asia.

#corée_du_nord

Osaka drops San Francisco as sister city over ’comfort women’ statue | World news | The Guardian

▻https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/04/osaka-drops-san-francisco-as-sister-city-over-comfort-women-statue

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The city of Osaka has ended its 60-year “sister city” relationship with San Francisco to protest against the presence in the US city of a statue symbolising Japan’s wartime use of sex slaves.

Osaka’s mayor, Hirofumi Yoshimura, terminated official ties this week after the US city agreed to recognise the “comfort women” statue, which was erected by a private group last year in San Francisco’s Chinatown district, as public property.

The statue depicts three women – from China, Korea and the Philippines – who symbolise women and teenage girls forced to work in frontline brothels from the early 1930s until Japan’s wartime defeat in 1945.

Pyongyang ne renoncera pas au nucléaire « sans confiance » envers les USA
▻https://www.zonebourse.com/actualite-bourse/Pyongyang-ne-renoncera-pas-au-nucleaire-sans-confiance-envers-les-USA--2

« Les #Etats-Unis insistent sur la ’dénucléarisation d’abord’ et augmentent le niveau de sanctions afin d’atteindre leur objectif de manière coercitive, en objectant même à une déclaration de fin de guerre », a observé Ri Yong-ho.

« L’idée que les sanctions puissent nous mettre à genoux est une #chimère pour des gens qui ne nous connaissent pas. Mais le problème est que la poursuite des #sanctions renforce notre #défiance », a poursuivi le ministre nord-coréen.

#Corée #coercition

#Kaesong entre deux Corées

En février 2016, la Corée du Sud décide de fermer le complexe industriel intercoréen de Kaesong pour protester contre les #essais_nucléaires et balistiques nord-coréens. Elle n’avait pas fait auparavant de la #dénucléarisation un préalable à la collaboration des deux Corées – un changement de cap qui pourrait se révéler peu judicieux.

https://laviedesidees.fr/local/cache-vignettes/L300xH400/arton3540-f02f5.jpg?1477673900#.jpg

#métaliste sur des cas d’exilés détenus pendant des mois dans un #aéroport... impossible pour eux de sortir, retourner en arrière ou repartir ailleurs (manque de #visa).

Il s’agit évidemment uniquement de cas recensé sur seenthis, il y en a hélas probablement beaucoup plus...

Des réflexions plus générales/théoriques sur les zones de transit et la #détention dans les aéroports :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/732101

#limbe #terminal #attente #no-solution #migrations #asile #réfugiés #aéroports #transit #zone-tampon #limbo #rétention #captivité #migrerrance

cc @aude_v (merci de m’avoir inspiré pour créer une métaliste !) @reka

Say what? Language hurdles plague two Koreas after years of division
▻https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-northkorea-southkorea-dictionary/say-what-language-hurdles-plague-two-koreas-after-years-of-division-idUK

“There were confounding moments because there were terms I never heard of while working and living just in South Korea,” he said, describing blank looks from some North Korean workers when he used the word “container,” which is pronounced similar to its English term in South Korea.

Between the South’s increasing adoption of international terms and the North’s political sensitivity to some words, the growing language divide is complicating cooperation on a range of joint cultural and economic exchanges as ties between the neighbours improve.

To counter the confusion and promote a feeling of unity, the South Korean government is working to restart an obscure academic project aimed at developing a common Korean language dictionary with the North.

North and South Korea speak the same language based on the #Hangeul alphabet, but after decades of division, only about 70 percent of words are mutually understood, according to some experts.

#Corée

South Korea to unveil monument for “#comfort_women” next Tues

The South Korean government will hold a ceremony next Tuesday to unveil a monument for “comfort women” who were forced to work in Japanese wartime military brothels, the country’s gender equality minister said Wednesday.

Gender Equality and Family Minister Chung Hyun Back also said at an event in Seoul that the government will open a research institute later this week tasked with collecting scattered data and materials about the women.

The comfort women issue has been a source of diplomatic tension between South Korea and Japan, with Tokyo particularly sensitive to the erection of statues commemorating the women near Japanese diplomatic missions in South Korea.

▻https://english.kyodonews.net/news/2018/08/72c08ae1c524-s-korea-to-unveil-monument-for-comfort-women-next-tu
#monument #mémoire #femmes #prostitution #guerre #bordels #histoire #Corée_du_sud #Japon

En #Corée du Sud, les #retraités seuls face à la #pauvreté - Asialyst
▻https://asialyst.com/fr/2018/08/06/coree-du-sud-retraites-seuls-face-pauvrete

Un long métrage de fiction, plusieurs documentaires télé, des publications académiques et quantité d’articles de presse : l’histoire des « Bacchus Ladies » continue de sidérer la Corée du Sud. Le sort de ces dames âgées – la plupart ont entre 60 et 80 ans – qui se prostituent en plein Séoul pour simplement pouvoir manger a jeté une lumière crue sur un phénomène plus large : la pauvreté des #seniors. C’est que près de la moitié des plus de 66 ans vit sous le seuil de pauvreté dans le pays, un chiffre sans égal au sein des économies avancées. Enquête sur un phénomène complexe, qui, comme souvent en Corée, trahit les difficultés d’une société qui a rapidement muté.

Les causes :
1° #politiques_publiques récentes et faibles ;
2° #système_de_retraite récents ;
3° développement des #familles mononucléaires ;

#inégalités #confucianisme

Corée : un dégel sous la menace d’un revirement des États-Unis | Lutte de classe #mensuelLO
▻https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org/2018/05/05/coree-un-degel-sous-la-menace-dun-revirement-des-etats-unis_

https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org/sites/default/files/styles/ldc_block/public/ldc/couverture/192.jpg?itok=g0Nx3VRh

Soixante-cinq ans après la fin de la guerre de #Corée qui a partagé le pays, on a vu le 27 avril dernier les dirigeants des deux États coréens officiellement toujours en guerre se rencontrer au poste-frontière de Panmunjom, dans la zone dite démilitarisée, pour parler de paix et s’amuser devant les caméras à franchir la fameuse frontière, dans un sens et dans un autre. Donald #Trump, le président américain, dirigeant de la puissance tutélaire du régime du Sud depuis sa création, s’est réjoui de cette rencontre en s’en attribuant le mérite, lui qui quelques mois auparavant menaçait de destruction la #Corée_du_Nord. Tout cela illustre à quel point le danger de guerre nucléaire, évoqué autant par le dirigeant nord-coréen #Kim_Jong_un que par Trump, était de la mise en scène de part et d’autre...

La #concurrence est rude dans la #construction #navale #asiatique entre le #Japon, la #Chine et la #Corée du Sud.
The #competition is rough in #asian #shipbuilding between #Japan, #China and #South #Corea

Cet article des Nikkei staff writers nous présente la situation critique de l’#industrie navale asiatique.
▻https://asia.nikkei.com/Economy/Trade-tensions/Chinese-and-South-Korean-support-for-shipbuilders-irks-Japan
Publié le 24/03/2018
Vu le 03/06/2018

Unless we do something, the ailing industry will get even worse" - Yasuhiko Katoh, président de la Shipbuilders’ Association of Japan

Alors que l’industrie se porte déjà mal que ce soit pour la Daewoo Shipbuilding & Marine Engineering de Corée du Sud, deuxième plus importante mondiale, la China State Shipbuilding (CSSC), une des deux principales du pays ou de manière générale en ce qui concerne l’industrie navale et l’industrie #lourde au Japon. Pour ce dernier cette industrie avait été expansive dans les années 90’ mais a chuté en 2017 alors que la Corée du Sud c’est améliorée #technologiquement, c’est alliée à Hyundai Heavy Industries et que ses #bateaux apparaissent moins couteux que ceux du Japon sur le #marché aux même titre que ceux de la Chine. De ce fait malgré la situation difficile des trois pays sur le marché naval aucun accord n’est décidé et la #concurrence reste rude. Les #constructeurs japonais tentent alors de s’étendre en #outre-mer avec Mitsui E&S Shipbuilding et Tsuneishi Shipbuilding, ou de se plaindre de la Corée du Sud la World #Trade Organization.

Trump sagt Treffen mit Kim Jong-un ab - Sputnik
▻https://de.sputniknews.com/politik/20180524320852418-trump-treffen-kim-jong-un-absage
Deutschland

https://pbs.twimg.com/media/Dd96uTiV0AELZAB.jpg

#USA #Corée #Trump #pray_god #irrrelevant #wtf

Tu crois que t’as touché le fond, mais y a toujours plus profond, et c’est là que se trouve la préfecture :

https://i.imgur.com/ex2OIev.jpg

#France #Corée_du_nord #asile #migrations #réfugiés #pays_sûr #réfugiés_nord-coréens
cc @reka @isskein

North Korea reportedly cancels high-level talks with the South
▻https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/north-korea-reportedly-cancels-high-level-talks-south-n874396

https://media4.s-nbcnews.com/i/newscms/2018_20/2433431/180515-kim-jong-un-moon-jae-in-ew-258p_6e407714d817dc082aa5981580bd1cca.jpg

North Korea is calling off high-level talks with South Korea because of its ongoing military exercises with the United States, South Korean media reported Wednesday local time.

North Korea’s Korean Central News Agency also cast doubt on whether the much-anticipated summit between Kim Jong Un and President Donald Trump could proceed as planned.

The regime believes that the Max Thunder drills between the South Korean and U.S. air forces are a rehearsal for an invasion of the North and a provocative move amid signs of improving ties between the two countries, the South Korean Yonhap news agency reported.

#Corée #Etats-Unis

Four possible outcomes in Korea – Sasha Trubetskoy

▻https://sashat.me/2018/05/06/four-possible-outcomes-in-korea

Je n’y crois pas mais je référence pour le archives.

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The Panmunjom Declaration is an exciting step towards peace on the Korean peninsula—a goal many have worked hard towards across many decades. We have forecasted four scenarios of potential developments as a result of future summits, closed-door deliberations, and agreements. A realistic view of current developments would mean that the future most likely lies somewhere between Scenarios 1 and 2.

#corée #corée_du_nord

Japan, China and South Korea hold talks on North Korea and trade - World Socialist Web Site

▻https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2018/05/11/asia-m11.html

Leaders of Japan, China and South Korea met in Tokyo on Wednesday in their first trilateral summit for two-and-half years. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and South Korean President Moon Jae-in held talks on North Korea, as well as trade in the region. The three leaders each held one-on-one meetings with their counterparts on the sidelines.

The summit was portrayed as a renewal of relations between the three countries. Li is the first Chinese leader to visit Japan in seven years, while Moon is the first South Korean president to do so in six-and-a-half years.

#corée_du_nord #japon #chine #corée_du_sud
In a joint statement, the three said they “strongly hope that, building on the results of the Inter-Korean summit, further efforts by relevant parties, in particular through the upcoming US-DPRK (North Korea) Summit, will contribute to comprehensive resolution of concerns of the parties for peace and stability in the region.”