#appo

"Calmez-vous ça va bien se passer”, le sous entendu derrière cette phrase de Darmanin à Appoline De Malherbe est double :

1/ vous êtes hystérique
2/ vous avez peur, vous n’êtes pas au niveau de faire cette itw.

Le piège est que si elle répond elle s’énerve elle accrédite le 1

si elle ne répond pas elle lui laisse imposer le rapport de force. Voilà comment le sexisme fonctionne.

Tous les journalistes devraient être solidaires et le reprendre sur cela lors de sa prochaine interview. En particulier les journalistes hommes.

Cécile Duflot

en plan large @marielle pour voir Appoline De Malherbe moucher ce roquet.
▻https://video.twimg.com/amplify_video/1490957405471092739/vid/1280x720/9kXkpVKIPSIVJbSm.mp4?tag=14

All the Monuments to Racism That Have Been Torched, Occupied, or Removed

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For all the handwringing over the “senseless” property destruction that has accompanied the past week of protest, a number of the damaged sites have a perfectly sensible connection to the protesters’ chief grievance: anti-Black racism. Throughout the South, protesters have burned buildings and toppled statues that have stood for years as overt reminders of the country’s history of chattel slavery, racial apartheid, and the war fought to uphold it.

Most of these Confederate monuments were built not immediately after the Civil War but in the Jim Crow South of the early 20th century, as a part of white Southerners’ cult of the “Lost Cause.” In this relitigation of history, Confederate soldiers were not landed gentry fighting to maintain their right to own other human beings (which they were). Instead they were posited as noble rebels, fighting outmatched against a tyrannical government for a right to “maintain their way of life.” The plaques and obelisks and statues that dotted cities around the South in memory of this myth were designed as points of nostalgic pride for white Southerners and ominous reminders of systemic racial terror for Black Southerners.

We’ve debated for years about whether these symbols of the Rebel South should continue to exist, but now, perhaps emboldened by the historic moment, people around the country have taken matters into their own hands. Here’s a running list of what’s been hit so far.
The Daughters of the Confederacy building (Richmond, Virginia)

The United Daughters of the Confederacy was founded in 1894, dedicated to “the purpose of honoring the memory of its Confederate ancestors” and “protecting, preserving and marking the places made historic by Confederate valor.” In practice, this has meant serving as the standard-bearers of Lost Cause ideology, constructing and defending over 450 Confederate monuments across the South. The Richmond headquarters of the organization was set on fire during protests early Sunday. It was later put out by firefighters.

▻https://twitter.com/studentactivism/status/1266954018364035073?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

It appears, however, that some Stonewall Jackson memorabilia inside the building was destroyed before firefighters could get to it. How sad.

▻https://twitter.com/chick_in_kiev/status/1267314560886808581?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Statues along Monument Avenue (Richmond, Virginia)

Richmond’s Monument Avenue, built explicitly to honor Confederate soldiers at the turn of the 20th century, has frequently been a flashpoint in the nationwide debate about the removal of Confederate symbols. Over the weekend, the statues of Confederate idols Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, Jefferson Davis, and others were tagged with such phrases as “No More White Supremacy” and “Blood on Your Hands.” In demonstrations Monday, protesters attempted to pull some statues down, according to police. They were met with tear gas.

▻https://twitter.com/Brooks182/status/1267111022126661635?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

▻https://twitter.com/NBC12/status/1267609171270275072?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Appomattox Confederate Statue (Alexandria, Virginia)

The government of Alexandria had been planning to move this statue of a southern-facing Confederate soldier for some time now. But apparently the good ol’ gals of the Daughters of the Confederacy who own the statue decided to speed things along and preemptively had it removed on Tuesday.

▻https://twitter.com/justindotnet/status/1267768674527727616?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Confederate Defenders Monument (Charleston, South Carolina)

Built in 1932, this statue was paid for by—you guessed it—the Daughters of the Confederacy, to honor “the Confederate Defenders of Charleston.” Engraved around the base are the words “Count Them Happy Who for Their Faith and Their Courage Endured a Great Fight.” On Sunday protesters crossed out the word “courage” with spray paint and replaced it with “traitors.” The statue has since been covered up.

▻https://twitter.com/Jackson_Live5/status/1266823955161264128?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

I-630 Highway (Little Rock, Arkansas)

Protesters blocked traffic on I-630 in Little Rock on Saturday. The construction of the highway in 1960s and 1970s cut through a Black community and business district and created a barrier that further segregated the city, just like many, many, many other highways constructed in post-war America.

▻https://twitter.com/ennaenieledam/status/1266914812241608705?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Confederate statue at Ole Miss (Oxford, Mississippi)

In 1906, Nellie Durham Deupree and her band of Lost Cause ladies commissioned this monument for all the usual Lost Cause reasons. It’s long been decried as a racist symbol by some Ole Miss students, and in March 2019 the student government voted unanimously to have it removed. But in January of this year, the university’s governing board delayed a vote on whether to move it. Over the weekend a man tagged the statue with the words “spiritual genocide.” He was later arrested.

▻https://twitter.com/annalaurenguiz/status/1266868860856209412?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Statue of Frank Rizzo (Philadelphia)

Philadelphia officials on Wednesday removed the statue of former Mayor Frank Rizzo that had previously stood in front of the city municipal building. The statue had been a target of protesters in recent years, and with good reason. Rizzo was an avatar of white reaction, first as a “tough on crime” police commissioner from 1968–71 and then as mayor from 1972–80. As commissioner his policies resulted in a pattern of racist police brutality against Black residents, and as mayor he fought desegregation efforts, blocked public housing, and urged people to “vote white.” In a statement ahead of the removal, which had originally been planned for 2021, current Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kennedy said: “The statue is a deplorable monument to racism, bigotry, and police brutality for members of the Black community, the LGBTQ community, and many others. The treatment of these communities under Mr. Rizzo’s leadership was among the worst periods in Philadelphia’s history.”

▻https://twitter.com/billy_penn/status/1268141389944025088?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Market House building (Fayetteville, North Carolina)

Today Fayetteville’s Market House is mainly a historical landmark and tourist attraction, but as its name suggests, it was previously a commercial center and site where slave auctions were held. It was burned in protests Saturday, but by Sunday people had come to clean it up.

▻https://twitter.com/DavisABC11/status/1266879380329988098?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

State Capitol Confederate monument (Raleigh, North Carolina)

Raleigh, North Carolina, a capital city in the United States of America, has sitting in front of its state government building a monument to the soldiers of the Confederate States of America, a failed slaveholding republic that resulted from an attempt of treason against the United States government. This monument was spraypainted by protesters over the weekend, presumably violating the 2015 state law that prevents such monuments from being removed, destroyed, or altered.

▻https://twitter.com/ashad_hajela/status/1266948066814447617?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

Statue of Charles Linn (Birmingham, Alabama)

Demonstrators took down a bronze statue of Charles Linn, erected in the center of an eponymous park in honor of a sea captain who volunteered to help the Confederacy in the Civil War. They also attempted to bring down a nearby obelisk monument to Confederate soldiers and sailors until Birmingham Mayor Jermaine Johnson deterred them, saying “allow me to finish the job for you.” Johnson promised that the statue would be removed by Tuesday at noon, and by Monday night it was gone.

▻https://twitter.com/RT_com/status/1267345131893489665?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

▻https://twitter.com/griner/status/1267647744774156290?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

▻https://www.motherjones.com/crime-justice/2020/06/all-the-monuments-to-racism-that-have-been-torched-occupied-or-removed

via @antonin1

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#dessin_de_presse #caricature

Migrants accuse Greece of forced deportations

New findings suggest Greek authorities are illegally deporting refugees across the Turkish border. As part of an international research team, DW identified and met some of the victims who were forced back. 

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“Come with us and we will issue you new papers,” a Greek police officer told Bakhtyar on a Wednesday morning in late April. The 22-year-old Afghan man believed the offer was the key to realizing his dream of starting a new life in Europe.

Two months earlier Bakhtyar had crossed the Evros River, a border between Turkey and Greece, and a key route for refugees seeking to reach the European Union. He continued onward to Diavata, the official refugee camp set up on the outskirts of Greece’s second-largest city, Thessaloniki. Upon arrival he was careful to register with the Greek police, the precursor to seeking international protection — and a first step in the asylum process. A photograph of his document shows the date to be February 12, 2020.

The coronavirus lockdown had closed most public services, and Bakhtyar says he had been anxious for the office to reopen so he could make an official asylum claim. He would not get the chance to do so.

Recalling his encounter with police in April, Bakhtyar says he was put in a white van and taken to a police station in the center of Thessaloniki. Instead of getting the crucial papers as he was promised, Bakhtyar says the police confiscated all his belongings, including his phone. He was later relocated to another police station where, he says, officers slapped and kicked him before putting him onto the back of a truck. Bakhtyar remembers a sheet being pulled down to prevent anyone seeing who was inside the truck. He did not realize it at the time, but the truck was heading east — retracing his arduous journey back towards Turkey.

When the truck stopped, Bakhtyar realized he was not alone. Other asylum-seekers like him were lined up along the banks of the Evros River. He recalls seeing young men loaded onto dinghies, 10 at a time. The boatman, Bakhtyar says, spoke in Greek to people he assumed were police, and to the asylum-seekers in their native Dari. DW could not independently verify that the men were Greek police officers. For Bakhtyar, he says it was clear it was not the boatman’s first such crosing to Turkey.

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Due to the coronavirus pandemic, the border between Greece and Turkey is closed. All official deportation procedures have been put on hold. When Bakhtyar and other asylum-seekers reached the far bank on the Turkish side, there was nothing and no-one waiting for them.  

DW meets pushback victims 

When DW met with Bakhtyar for this report, he was staying in Istanbul’s Esenler district, home to a substantial Afghan population. The city was under lockdown at the time and it was hard to move around. Wearing a red T-shirt with “New York” written across the front, Bakhtyar appeared sad and upset. He wants to get back to Greece as soon as possible to pursue his dream of living in Europe.

Bakhtyar’s experience is not an isolated story. In a joint investigation between DW, the Dutch news publication Trouw, media nonprofit Lighthouse Reports, and the independent verification collective Bellingcat, we were able to locate Bakhtyar and other young men in Turkey and verify that they had been forcibly returned after previously being in Greece. Their accounts, all given separately, establish a clear pattern: male, under 30 and traveling by themselves. Most of them are from Afghanistan, some of them are from Pakistan and North Africa. They were either arrested in the Greek camp of Diavata or picked up seemingly at random by local police near the camp.

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Together with our news partners, we met with and interviewed multiple eyewitnesses in Greece and Turkey, collected Greek police documents and established a chain of evidence, from the refugee camp in Diavata to the streets of Istanbul. Using publicly available data, including refugees’ social media posts, which were time-stamped and featured photographs of landmarks in Greece that were geolocated, we were able to corroborate key elements of witness testimony.

In total we contacted six people in Istanbul who recounted their experiences with “pushbacks” — the forceful return of refugees and migrants across a border — and located another four elsewhere in Turkey, all of whom could prove their previous stays in Greece.

Pushbacks are deportations carried out without consideration of individual circumstances and without any possibility to apply for asylum or to put forward arguments against the measures taken, according to the European Convention on Human Rights.

’Modern slavery’

One of the other men we met in Istanbul is Rashid, who fled his native Afghanistan three years ago and made his way to Turkey. He worked as a packer and mover in Ankara, the Turkish capital, before heading to Istanbul where he found work as a welder. He has temporary protection status in Turkey but is not provided with medical assistance or housing.

“In Turkey, life is full of uncertainties for young Afghan men who lack access to basic healthcare and social services,” Zakira Hekmat, co-founder of the Afghan Refugees Solidarity Association in Turkey, told DW. “They are precariously employed in low-paid jobs without permits. It is modern slavery.” Afghan men in Turkey mostly toil in the underground economy working tough, physical jobs in construction, transportation or textiles.

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Hoping for a better future, Rashid left Turkey for Greece at the beginning of 2020. He recalls crossing the Evros River with about 20 other people on a boat. He says he stayed in a tent for roughly two months next to the refugee camp at Diavata. But everything changed for him in late March when he was returning from Friday prayers.

Rashid says he was stopped by Greek police who told him to wait. He then describes to DW how a white van pulled up and armed men without uniforms appeared. They told him to get in. Rashid says he did not even know who the men were and that he only found out later that they were working with Greek police after he was taken to a police station. DW could not verify the connection between the men and the police.

His Greek documents, originally valid for one month, had expired but renewal during the coronavirus outbreak had not been possible as immigration offices were closed. At the station, Rashid says, the police confiscated all his belongings.

“They didn’t even give me a glass of water at the police station,” he recalls. Rashid was not asked to sign any papers by the Greek authorities. He says he was later driven for hours in a van across Greece and then forced onto a small boat to cross the Evros River back into Turkey.

Recognizing a pattern

Reports on alleged pushbacks, especially at the Evros border, are numerous. The witness accounts we have gathered with our news partners corroborate reports from human rights organizations working with the Border Violence Monitoring Network, an independent database. They indicate that there were at least five police raids carried out in Diavata camp between March 31 and May 5, resulting in the seemingly illegal deportation of dozens of migrants. In almost all cases, police appear to have targeted young, single men from Afghanistan, Pakistan and North Africa.

Vassilis Papadopoulos, president of the Greek Council of Refugees and a migration official in a previous administration, sees a clear pattern in the pushbacks.

“Police vans come to the camp and the officers carry out a brief check of the people who are not yet registered. They ask for their papers  [...] they detain them and tell them that they will be taken to the station, to either check their papers or to provide them with new papers and instead of that, according to the complaints, [these people] are returned to Turkey,” he says. 

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“What is important and unprecedented in these allegations, if proven valid, is that we are talking about pushbacks from [deep] inside the country and even so from a camp without any formal deportation procedure being followed.”

When DW confronted the Ministry of Migration and Asylum with the reports of illegal pushbacks, Alternate Minister Giorgos Koumoutsakos denied them. “The allegations about human rights violations by Greek law enforcement personnel are fabricated, false and uncorroborated,” he said.

Sealing the borders

Greece has been under intense pressure at its borders since the end of February when Turkey signaled the end of its 2016 agreement with the EU over restricting refugee and migrant flows. Ankara had encouraged migrants to head towards the land and maritime borders with Greece. Athens responded by sealing its borders and suspended access to asylum during March. While the asylum system officially resumed in April, the number of arrivals is 97% below levels for the previous April, according to statistics from the Ministry of Migration and Asylum.

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In early May, Greek media reported that the government was said to be pursuing “aggressive surveillance” aimed at preventing refugees from arriving. The government has not specified what this entails.

DW approached the Ministry of Migration and Asylum for further details on the extent of the government’s activities. Alternate Minister Koumoutsakos said, “measures taken so far have been proportionate to the gravity of the situation and pursued legitimate aims, such as, in particular, the protection of national security, public order and public health.”

Notis Mitarakis, the Greek Minister on Migration and Asylum, has defended the government’s harder line on asylum and migration. Speaking to state television during a visit to Samos on April 28, he said: “There have been zero arrivals to our country in April 2020 thanks to the very big efforts made by our security forces.”

On the same day, however, residents of the Aegean island reported on local media and Facebook that they had seen newly arrived migrants in the village of Drakei. Lighthouse Reports and Bellingcat analyzed video footage from the Turkish coast guardand refugees that indicated a boat carrying 22 asylum-seekers arrived at a cove on Samos at around 7:30 a.m. that day.
Pushed back from Samos island

Jouma was among the refugees who climbed the steep path up from the remote cove on Samos to the village. This was the fourth time the young man from Damascus, Syria had tried to reach Greece. For a few hours on the morning of April 28 he believed he had finally made it.

In a detailed account, Jouma recalls what he experienced after the refugees reached Samos. He says that a girl from the group who spoke a little English asked a local to notify Greek police that they had arrived. The new arrivals expected that they would be taken to the Samos’ refugee camp. Instead, the police who came detained them and took their phones. They were driven to a port where they were transferred between boats before being loaded onto a black-orange life raft without an engine or paddles. Jouma says they were towed towards Turkish waters. The raft was set adrift in the open sea with the waves pushing them back towards Greece and a Greek vessel pushing them towards Turkey.

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The worst thing, Jouma says, was a Greek power boat maneuvering around them trying to push them into Turkish waters, while the Turkish coast guard was just observing. “The Greek coast guard would retreat to make room for their Turkish counterparts to come and take us, but they wouldn’t come, and it went on all night,” Jouma says.

The group was eventually picked up at noon the next day by the Turks. The port authorities on Samos told DW that there were no arrivals of asylum seekers to the island on April 28. The apparent use of orange life rafts in previous pushback operations was reported by Greek national newspaper Efimerida Ton Syntakton on April 7.

Are pushbacks in compliance with EU law?

Greece, like other EU border states such as Croatia, has long been dogged by accusations of pushbacks. Dimitris Christopoulos, who was until recently the president of the International Federation for Human Rights, says that the new intensity of incidents and the number of witnesses raises questions to what extent Greek authorities have been authorizing these pushbacks and how much the EU is aware of what is happening on the Greek border.

“Obviously, these tactics are violating the Greek Constitution and customary international law, yet they seem to be tolerated by the EU since they serve the purpose of preventing further people from crossing the Aegean or the River Evros into Europe,” says Christopoulos.

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When DW again questioned the Ministry of Migration and Asylum about the legality of the government’s tactics, Alternate Minister Koumoutsakos categorically denied that such operations were taking place. “Greece has been complying, and will continue to do so, with its obligations under international law, including all relevant human rights treaties to which it is a party, also mindful of its obligations under the borders, migration and asylum EU legal framework, as enshrined in the EU Treaties.”

Jürgen Bast, Professor of European Law at the University of Giessen in Germany, calls such a pushback strategy a clear violation of the law “This goes against everything European law stipulates.” The pushbacks, as described by the refugees, break all the rules of the official return directive, Bast says, referring to the orderly procedure that an asylum request entails, including a personal interview and the right of the individual to stay in Greece until a decision is made. The destination country, Bast continues, must also be informed and may have the right to refuse rejected asylum-seekers from third countries.

None of the young men DW met said they had been notified ahead of time that they would have to leave Greece; nor did they give the impression that they had been informed of their legal rights. Instead, the experiences recounted by Bakhtyar, Jouma, Rashid, and the others interviewed suggest that forceful pushbacks across the Greek-Turkish border have become an increasingly common pattern.

Desperate to get to Europe

Rashid now lives in a cramped Istanbul flat with 10 other young Afghans. As an undocumented migrant in Turkey, he faces the threat of being deported back to Afghanistan. According to official statistics, 302,278 Afghans have been apprehended by security forces in Turkey in the last two years. Since 2018 it has become extremely difficult for Afghans to register for asylum in Turkey.

Surrounded by what appear to be dead ends for him in Turkey, Rashid is desperately searching for a way to once again reach Europe. “I do not know what I will do here. We are not guilty. Of course, I want to cross the border again,” he says. “I have to.”

▻https://www.dw.com/en/migrants-accuse-greece-of-forced-deportations/a-53520642

L’Hôpital, une nouvelle industrie. Le langage comme symptôme

Tenter de soustraire au maximum le #facteur_humain, #trop_humain, du #système_hospitalier, c’est prendre le risque que ce système s’effondre. Il faudra quand même, un jour, se demander si c’est bien.
Stéphane Velut.

Tout juste soixante ans se sont écoulés depuis la création des Centres hospitaliers universitaires. Ces structures sont le cœur d’un système à la réputation excellente. Mais ce cœur s’est emballé. Le corps soignant s’épuise et les patients s’inquiètent. Les crises se succèdent avec leurs ordonnances de vains remèdes. Le malade que nous sommes, ou que nous serons presque tous un jour, a tout lieu de s’inquiéter. Le mal est profond. Il s’entend dans le nouveau langage qui s’est imposé au sein des pratiques hospitalières. Tel est l’éloquent symptôme qui révèle le dessein de faire de l’hôpital une nouvelle industrie, au mépris de son humaine justification. Un dessein indicible, qui rêve de fondre le soin dans la technicité abstraite et gestionnaire de notre société.

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Bon, on a de la chance d’avoir @fbahoken avec nous, et j’ai dans l’idée que ça va nous donner encore plus de boulot parce que plus de trucs à lire :)

:D Merci pour l’accueil, c’est vraiment très sympathique. Ailleurs, là-bas, d’où je viens, lorsque j’ai débarquée en terrain réellement inconnu à l’époque, je me suis retrouvée comme perdue au milieu de nulle part.

bonsoir et bienvenue @fbahoken

Coucou @fbahoken ici tu peux non seulement suivre des contributeurices mais aussi des mots clés comme #cartographie #géographie #territoires, etc

Françoise, L’avantage, c’est que seenthis est un espace d’expression multiple et collectif :

1. curation de contenu : archivage de liens, d’informations, de revue de presse, que tu peux taguer en #, partager avec tout le monde, et donc profiter de la curation des autres de manière transversale (verticale et horizontale !). Ce qui t’offre un corpus documentaire - parfois utilement commenté - très riche et très complet

2. Mini-blogging : si tu n’as pas de blog, le format seenthis te permet aussi d’écrire des textes sur tes projets en cours ou finalisés, courts ou longs, illustrés d’images, de vidéos, de liens, de les publiés et de récupérer les remarques (très souvent constructives) des autres.

3. Et si tu veux garder informé·es tes réseaux Twitter, FB, etc. tu peux créer des boucles automatiques pour "miroiter sur ces autres réseaux tout ce que tu publie ici. Mais si FB ferme, tu ne perds rien :)

Comme l’usage du site n’est pas absolument évident, il y a un peu d’apprentissage à faire, il faut se familiariser un peu avec le système, les abonnements aux fils des autres membres. C’est toujours difficile d’identifier les nouveaux abonnements et les centres d’intérêts, mais ça finit toujours par apparaître.

La grande force, c’est la recherche par thèmes ou # qui permet de constituer des dossiers de travail très complets sur de nombreux sujets. Du moins ceux qui sont suivis par ls membres, il y a bien sur quelques lacunes ;)

Et voilà la source:
PRAHDA, quand la finance s’empare du social

La loi asile et immigration doit être présentée en février au Conseil des ministres. Elle accélérera considérablement les procédures de demandes d’asile. Pour les organisations qui défendent les réfugiés, le message du gouvernement est clair : il faut expulser plus, et plus vite, notamment les dublinés. Parmi les outils dont dispose déjà l’État, il y en a un, pas très couture, nommé PRAHDA. Soit Programme d’Accueil et d’Hébergement pour les demandeurs d’asiles. Dans les faits, il permet surtout de contrôler les réfugiés et de les assigner à résidence, grâce à un ingénieux système de « #partenariat_public-privé » (#PPP) d’un nouveau genre.

▻https://www.radioparleur.net/single-post/2018/01/29/PRAHDA-finance-social

cc @daphne @marty @albertocampiphoto

Spéculer sur l’insertion des demandeurs d’asile en France, un nouvel investissement rentable pour les financiers

L’accueil des demandeurs d’asile s’ouvre aux marchés financiers. C’est ce que prévoit le nouveau modèle de gestion des centres « Pradha », chargés de l’hébergement des personnes demandant l’asile. Ces centres – d’anciens hôtels bas de gamme – seront gérés au quotidien par une filiale de la #Caisse_des_dépôts sous contrôle du ministère de l’Intérieur, et sont en partie financés par le privé, grâce à un #fonds_d’investissement dédié. Côté accueil, accompagnement, insertion et encadrement, les coûts sont réduits au minimum, mais les partenaires du fonds – la #BNP, #Aviva, la #CNP assurances ou la #Maif – espèrent en tirer des bénéfices. Bienvenue dans l’« action sociale » du XXIe siècle.

Pour financer le Prahda, la Caisse des dépôts et consignations (CDC), via sa filiale CDC-Habitat [1] a donc lancé un fonds d’investissement, baptisé « #Hémisphère ». Premier fonds à impact social d’une telle envergure en France, avec une capacité de 200 millions d’euros, Hémisphère est abondé pour moitié par un prêt de la Banque de développement du Conseil de l’Europe, tandis que six investisseurs institutionnels apportent les 100 millions restants : Aviva France, BNP Paribas #Cardif, la CDC, #CNP_Assurances, la Maif, et #Pro_BTP.

▻http://multinationales.org/Speculer-sur-l-insertion-des-demandeurs-d-asile-en-France-un-nouvel
#spéculation #intégration #CDC-Habitat #Appoigny #BNP_Paribas #finance #privatisation