country:chile

  • Estas son las rutas terrestres que utilizan los venezolanos para emigrar
    http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/latinoamerica/estas-son-las-rutas-terrestres-que-utilizan-los-venezolanos-para-emigra

    Agence France-Presse (AFP), agencia de noticias, publicó este martes una infografía que explica las rutas que utilizan los venezolanos para desplazarse por el continente suramericano.

    En la imagen se describe cuáles son las vías que usan quienes desean emigrar a países como Colombia, Ecuador, Brasil, Perú, Chile y Argentina. Además, discierne los costos y el tiempo de demora entre cada destino.

    A pesar de que existen rutas alternas, que también son muy adoptadas los caminos alternos, ya sea para rebajar la trayectoria o para dirigirse a destinos menos comunes.

    Desde que Ecuador y Perú implementaron la exigencia del pasaporte vigente para ingresas en estos países, los venezolanos han optado por transitar por trochas y vías peligrosas.

  • Neoliberalism as Political Technology: Expertise, Energy, and Democracy in Chile, Manuel Tironi and Javiera Barandiarán
    https://muse.jhu.edu/book/34700

    in Beyond Imported Magic, Essays on Science, Technology, and Society in Latin America, edited by Eden Medina, Ivan da Costa Marques, and Christina Holmes with a foreword by Marcos Cueto, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, London, England, 2014

    Chile ’ s unique policy path can largely be attributed to a uniquely powerful and ideologically coherent team of free-market technocrats, with a long-term vision for the Chilean economy. Fourcade-Gourinchas and Babb 2002, 545 – 546

    Neoliberalism has had a profound impact on contemporary Chile. Neoliberal policies redefined sectors and institutions in industry ( Ffrench-Davis 1980 ), labor ( Foxley 1983 ), health ( Ossand ó n 2009 ), the city ( Portes and Roberts 2005 ; Sabatini 2000 ), and the environment ( Liverman and Vilas 2006 ), from the 1970s through today. Many say that nowhere else has neoliberal restructuring been more extended and aggressive ( Klein 2008 ; Lave, Mirowski, and Randalls 2010 ). In addition, the link between neo- liberalism as a set of policies and as an epistemological framework related to the Chicago School of Economics ( Van Horn and Mirowski 2009 ) is embodied in Chile by the infamous Chicago Boys — a group of Chicago-trained economists, endorsed by the military regime, who overhauled the Chilean economy in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

    Although an abundant literature exists on neoliberalism in Chile, we identify two accounts still missing from this history. First, neoliberalism has been understood more as an epochal and abstract force than as situated practices. More detailed analyses of how neoliberalism unfolded in specific sites and through specific controversies are needed to interrogate the material and knowledge practices that enact neoliberalism. Second, while a robust literature has focused on the arrival of neoliberal ideas and the implementation of neoliberal policies in the 1970s, little has been said about how neoliberal ideology adapted to the post-dictatorship settings of the 1990s and 2000s. To tackle these gaps, we examine neoliberalism as a political technology . Neoliberal- ism as technology means it is applied knowledge about how to define, order, and cal- culate the world. Neoliberalism as a political technology draws attention to how this applied knowledge is used pragmatically and purposefully to transform the state and society.

    #Chili #économie #société #néo-libéralisme #histoire

  • Cybernetic Revolutionaries | Technology and Politics in Allende’s Chile
    http://www.cyberneticrevolutionaries.com

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9qKoaQo9GTw


    "Big Data Lessons from Our Cybernetic Past" - Eden Medina (Strata + Hadoop 2015)

    By Eden Medina - A historical study of Chile’s twin experiments with cybernetics and socialism, and what they tell us about the relationship of technology and politics.

    In Cybernetic Revolutionaries, Eden Medina tells the history of two intersecting utopian visions, one political and one technological. The first was Chile’s experiment with peaceful socialist change under Salvador Allende; the second was the simultaneous attempt to build a computer system that would manage Chile’s economy. Neither vision was fully realized—Allende’s government ended with a violent military coup; the system, known as Project Cybersyn, was never completely implemented—but they hold lessons for today about the relationship between technology and politics.

    Drawing on extensive archival material and interviews, Medina examines the cybernetic system envisioned by the Chilean government—which was to feature holistic system design, decentralized management, human-computer interaction, a national telex network, near real-time control of the growing industrial sector, and modeling the behavior of dynamic systems. She also describes, and documents with photographs, the network’s Star Trek-like operations room, which featured swivel chairs with armrest control panels, a wall of screens displaying data, and flashing red lights to indicate economic emergencies.

    Studying project Cybersyn today helps us understand not only the technological ambitions of a government in the midst of political change but also the limitations of the Chilean revolution. This history further shows how human attempts to combine the political and the technological with the goal of creating a more just society can open new technological, intellectual, and political possibilities. Technologies, Medina writes, are historical texts; when we read them we are reading history.

    Cybernetic Revolutionaries | The MIT Press
    https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/cybernetic-revolutionaries

    Eden Medina- Profile
    https://www.informatics.indiana.edu/edenm

    She is the author of the prizewinning book Cybernetic Revolutionaries: Technology and Politics in Allende’s Chile and the co-editor of the prizewinning book Beyond Imported Magic: Essays on Science, Technology and Society in Latin America. She has also published on topics as diverse as computer science education, the making of global corporate culture, crisis communication and infrastructure during natural disasters, big data and algorithmic regulation, free and open source software, the history and social study of technology, science and technology in Latin America, and the relationship of technology and politics.

    #Chili #cybernétique #informatique #politique #socialisme #histoire

  • On Cybernetics / Stafford Beer
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e_bXlEvygHg


    C’est absolument fantastique parce qu’on apprend dans le détail comment grâce aux nationalisations il était devenu possible de résoudre des problèmes économiques qui demeurent insolubles à nos jours dans un système capitaliste libéral.

    Video made at the University of Manchester by Stafford Beer after the military coup in Chile in 1973. The video explains the fundamentals and unfinished objectives of the Cybersyn project. It was first exhibited in the context of the installation www.multinde-metagame.cl, thanks to the collaboration of Mr. Raul Espejo.

    Title: Stafford Beer on Cybernetics / Part 3, Cybernetic Praxis in Goverment
    Speaker: Stafford Beer
    Made by: Manchester Business School
    Date of completion: 24-5-74
    Length: 20:28 min.
    Original Format: U-Matic
    Management and translation: or_am

    #Chili #socialisme #économie #cybernétique #internet #histoire

  • Three women stabbed by masked group at anti-abortion protest in Chile

    Three women who were protesting in favour of free, safe and legal abortion have been stabbed in Chile.

    The women and a police officer were attacked by a masked group of people wearing hoods in the capital of Santiago on Wednesday.

    The individuals received medical attention but their injuries were not life-threatening. One of the women was injured in the stomach and the two others in the legs.

    Around 40,000 women descended on the city to march, holding signs reading: “Women marching until we are free” and “The rich pay for it, the poor bleed out.”

    People who attended the protests said anti-abortion extremists are responsible for the stabbings but no suspects have been arrested.

    Ale Silva, a resident of Santiago who is pro-abortion, told Newshub the group were men from a far-right group.

    “It very easily could have been me or any of my friends. They were targeted because they were women and were marching, as it so usually happens... pro-lifers stabbing people, the irony,” she said.

    She claimed the Chilean media ignored the attack – the country’s chiefly right wing media initially did not cover the stabbings.

    While a small far right group known as the Social Patriot movement claimed responsibility for the counter-protest, they denied being involved in the stabbings.

    They instead attributed the violence to “anarcho-feminists”.

    A spokesperson for Mesa de Accion por el Aborto – one of the groups leading the struggle for access to free abortion in the country – branded the stabbings “terrorism”.

    “This is terrorism. I don’t want to call it any other way. When a group wants to intimidate another to keep them from expressing their ideas freely,” Macarena Castaneda said.


    https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/santiago-anti-abortion-women-stabbed-chile-protest-a8469786.html
    #avortement #Chili #it_has_begun #IVG #anti-avortement #résistance #manifestation #femmes #droits_des_femmes

  • Cardinal Theodore McCarrick Resigns Amid Sexual Abuse Scandal - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/28/world/europe/cardinal-theodore-mccarrick-resigns.html


    C’est bientôt l’automne. Les cardinaux sont mûrs et commencent à tomber.

    Acting swiftly to contain a widening sex abuse scandal at the highest levels of the Roman Catholic Church, the pope officially suspended the cardinal from the exercise of any public ministry after receiving his resignation letter Friday evening. Pope Francis also demanded in a statement that the prelate remain in seclusion “until the accusations made against him are examined in a regular canonical trial.”

    Cardinal McCarrick appears to be the first cardinal in history to step down from the College of Cardinals because of sexual abuse allegations. While he remains a priest pending the outcome of a Vatican trial, he has been stripped of his highest honor and will no longer be called upon to advise the pope and travel on his behalf.
    ...
    ... a 60-year-old man, identified only as James, alleged that Cardinal McCarrick, a close family friend, had begun to abuse him in 1969, when he was 11 years old, and that the abuse had lasted nearly two decades.
    ...
    Cardinal McCarrick’s resignation comes as Pope Francis faces increased pressure to show he is serious about cracking down on bishops and cardinals found to have abused people or covered up abuse.

    After a Vatican envoy confirmed this year that the Roman Catholic Church in Chile had for decades allowed sexual abuse to go unchecked, the pope apologized, met with victims and accepted the resignation of some bishops — after the country’s clerical hierarchy offered to quit in May. On Monday, prosecutors in Chile said they were investigating 36 cases of sexual abuse against Catholic priests, bishops and lay persons.

    #église_catholique #abus_sexuel #USA #Vatican

  • The Rise and Fall of the Latin American Left | The Nation
    https://www.thenation.com/article/the-ebb-and-flow-of-latin-americas-pink-tide

    Conservatives now control Latin America’s leading economies, but the region’s leftists can still look to Uruguay for direction.
    By Omar G. Encarnación, May 9, 2018

    Last December’s election of Sebastián Piñera, of the National Renewal party, to the Chilean presidency was doubly significant for Latin American politics. Coming on the heels of the rise of right-wing governments in Argentina in 2015 and Brazil in 2016, Piñera’s victory signaled an unmistakable right-wing turn for the region. For the first time since the 1980s, when much of South America was governed by military dictatorship, the continent’s three leading economies are in the hands of right-wing leaders.

    Piñera’s election also dealt a blow to the resurrection of the Latin American left in the post–Cold War era. In the mid-2000s, at the peak of the so-called Pink Tide (a phrase meant to suggest the surge of leftist, noncommunist governments), Venezuela, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Ecuador, and Bolivia, or three-quarters of South America’s population (some 350 million people), were under left-wing rule. By the time the Pink Tide reached the mini-state of Mexico City, in 2006, and Nicaragua, a year later (culminating in the election of Daniel Ortega as president there), it was a region-wide phenomenon.

    It’s no mystery why the Pink Tide ran out of steam; even before the Chilean election, Mexican political scientist Jorge Castañeda had already declared it dead in The New York Times. Left-wing fatigue is an obvious factor. It has been two decades since the late Hugo Chávez launched the Pink Tide by toppling the political establishment in the 1998 Venezuelan presidential election. His Bolivarian revolution lives on in the hands of his handpicked successor, Nicolás Maduro, but few Latin American governments regard Venezuela’s ravaged economy and diminished democratic institutions as an inspiring model. In Brazil, the Workers’ Party, or PT, was in power for 14 years, from 2002 through 2016, first under its founder, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, between 2003 and 2011, and then under his successor and protégée, Dilma Rousseff, from 2011 to 2016. The husband-and-wife team of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner of the Peronist Party governed Argentina from 2003 to 2015. Socialist Michelle Bachelet had two nonconsecutive terms in office in Chile, from 2006 to 2010 and from 2014 to 2018.

    Economic turmoil and discontent is another culprit. As fate would have it, the Pink Tide coincided with one of the biggest economic expansions in Latin American history. Its engine was one of the largest commodities booms in modern times. Once the boom ended, in 2012—largely a consequence of a slowdown in China’s economy—economic growth in Latin America screeched to a halt. According to the International Monetary Fund, since 2012 every major Latin American economy has underperformed relative to the previous 10 years, with some economies, including that of Brazil, the region’s powerhouse, experiencing their worst recession in decades. The downturn reined in public spending and sent the masses into the streets, making it very difficult for governments to hang on to power.

    Meanwhile, as the commodity boom filled states’ coffers, leftist politicians became enmeshed in the same sorts of corrupt practices as their conservative predecessors. In April, Lula began serving a 12-year prison sentence for having accepted bribes in exchange for government contracts while in office. His prosecution, which in principle guarantees that he will not be a candidate in this year’s presidential race, was the high point of Operation Car Wash, the biggest anti-corruption dragnet in Brazilian history. Just after leaving office, in 2015, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was indicted for fraud for conspiring with her former public-works secretary, José López, to steal millions of federal dollars intended for roadwork in Argentina. The “nuns and guns” scandal riveted the country, with the arrest of a gun-toting López as he hurled bags stuffed with millions of dollars over the walls of a Catholic convent in a suburb of Buenos Aires. In Chile, Bachelet left office under a cloud of suspicion. Her family, and by extension Bachelet herself, is accused of illegal real-estate transactions that netted millions of dollars.

    All this said, largely overlooked in obituaries of the Pink Tide is the right-wing backlash that it provoked. This backlash aimed to reverse the shift in power brought on by the Pink Tide—a shift away from the power brokers that have historically controlled Latin America, such as the military, the Catholic Church, and the oligarchy, and toward those sectors of society that have been marginalized: women, the poor, sexual minorities, and indigenous peoples. Rousseff’s impeachment in 2016 perfectly exemplifies the retaliation organized by the country’s traditional elites. Engineered by members of the Brazilian Congress, a body that is only 11 percent female and has deep ties to industrial barons, rural oligarchs, and powerful evangelical pastors, the impeachment process was nothing short of a patriarchal coup.

    In a 2017 interview, Rousseff made note of the “very misogynist element in the coup against me.… They accused me of being overly tough and harsh, while a man would have been considered firm, strong. Or they would say I was too emotional and fragile, when a man would have been considered sensitive.” In support of her case, Rousseff pointed out that previous Brazilian presidents committed the same “crime” she was accused of (fudging the national budget to hide deficits at reelection time), without any political consequence. As if to underscore the misogyny, Rousseff’s successor, Michel Temer, came into office with an all-male cabinet.

    In assessing the impact of the Pink Tide, there is a tendency to bemoan its failure to generate an alternative to neoliberalism. After all, the Pink Tide rose out of the discontent generated by the economic policies championed by the United States and international financial institutions during the 1990s, such as privatizations of state enterprises, austerity measures, and ending economic protectionism. Yet capitalism never retreated in most of Latin America, and US economic influence remains for the most part unabated. The only significant dent on the neoliberal international order made by the Pink Tide came in 2005, when a massive wave of political protests derailed the George W. Bush administration’s plan for a Free Trade Area of the Americas, or FTAA. If enacted, this new trade pact would have extended the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to all countries in the Americas save for Cuba, or 34 nations in total.

    But one shouldn’t look at the legacy of the Pink Tide only through the lens of what might have been with respect to replacing neoliberalism and defeating US imperialism. For one thing, a good share of the Pink Tide was never anti-neoliberal or anti-imperialist. Left-wing rule in Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, and Chile (what Castañeda called the “good left”) had more in common with the social-democratic governments of Western Europe, with its blend of free-market economics and commitment to the welfare state, than with Cuba’s Communist regime.

    Indeed, only in the radical fringe of the Pink Tide, especially the triumvirate of Chávez of Venezuela, Evo Morales of Bolivia, and Rafael Correa of Ecuador (the “bad left,” according to Castañeda), was the main thrust of governance anti-neoliberal and anti-imperialist. Taking Cuba as a model, these self-termed revolutionaries nationalized large sectors of the economy, reinvigorated the role of the state in redistributing wealth, promoted social services to the poor, and created interstate institutions, such as the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America, or ALBA, to promote inter-American collaboration and to challenge US hegemony.

    Second, the focus on neoliberalism and US imperialism obscures the Pink Tide’s biggest accomplishments. To be sure, the picture is far from being uniformly pretty, especially when it comes to democracy. The strong strand of populism that runs through the Pink Tide accounts for why some of its leaders have been so willing to break democratic norms. Claiming to be looking after the little guy, the likes of Chávez and Maduro have circumvented term limits and curtailed the independence of the courts and the press. But there is little doubt that the Pink Tide made Latin America more inclusive, equitable, and democratic, by, among other things, ushering in an unprecedented era of social progressivism.

    Because of the Pink Tide, women in power are no longer a novelty in Latin American politics; in 2014, female presidents ruled in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. Their policies leave little doubt about the transformative nature of their leadership. In 2010, Fernández boldly took on the Argentine Catholic Church (then headed by present-day Pope Francis) to enact Latin America’s first ever same-sex marriage law; this was five years before same-sex marriage became the law of the land in the United States. A gender-identity law, one of the world’s most liberal, followed. It allows individuals to change their sex assigned at birth without permission from either a doctor or a judge. Yet another law banned the use of “conversion therapy” to cure same-sex attraction. Argentina’s gay-rights advances were quickly emulated by neighboring Uruguay and Brazil, kick-starting a “gay-rights revolution” in Latin America.

    Rousseff, who famously referred to herself with the gender-specific title of a presidenta, instead of the gender-neutral “president,” did much to advance the status of women in Brazilian society. She appointed women to the three most powerful cabinet positions, including chief of staff, and named the first female head of Petrobras, Brazil’s largest business corporation; during her tenure in office, a woman became chief justice of the Federal Supreme Court. Brutally tortured by the military during the 1970s, as a university student, Rousseff put human rights at the center of Brazilian politics by enacting a law that created Brazil’s first ever truth commission to investigate the abuses by the military between 1964 and 1985. She also signed laws that opened the Brazilian Army to women and that set into motion the corruption campaign that is currently roiling the Brazilian political class. These laws earned Rousseff the enmity of the military and conservatives.

    Bachelet, the last woman standing, made news when she entered office, in 2006, by naming the same number of men and women to her cabinet. After being term-limited, she became the first head of the newly established UN Women (formally known as the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women), before returning to Chile to win a second term at the presidency in 2014. During her second term, she created the Ministry of Gender Equality to address gender disparities and discrimination, and passed a law that legalized abortion in cases of rape, when there is a threat to the life of the mother, or when the fetus has a terminal condition. Less known is Bachelet’s advocacy for the environment. She weaned Chile off its dependence on hydrocarbons by building a vast network of solar- and wind-powered grids that made electricity cheaper and cleaner. She also created a vast system of national parks to protect much of the country’s forestland and coastline from development.

    Latin America’s socioeconomic transformation under the Pink Tide is no less impressive. Just before the economic downturn of 2012, Latin America came tantalizingly close to becoming a middle-class region. According to the World Bank, from 2002 to 2012, the middle class in Latin America grew every year by at least 1 percent to reach 35 percent of the population by 2013. This means that during that time frame, some 10 million Latin Americans joined the middle class every year. A consequence of this dramatic expansion of the middle class is a significant shrinking of the poor. Between 2000 and 2014, the percentage of Latin Americans living in poverty (under $4 per day) shrank from 45 to 25 percent.

    Economic growth alone does not explain this extraordinary expansion of the Latin American middle class and the massive reduction in poverty: Deliberate efforts by the government to redistribute wealth were also a key factor. Among these, none has garnered more praise than those implemented by the Lula administration, especially Bolsa Família, or Family Purse. The program channeled direct cash payments to poor families, as long as they agreed to keep their children in school and to attend regular health checkups. By 2013, the program had reached some 12 million households (50 million people), helping cut extreme poverty in Brazil from 9.7 to 4.3 percent of the population.

    Last but not least are the political achievements of the Pink Tide. It made Latin America the epicenter of left-wing politics in the Global South; it also did much to normalize democratic politics in the region. With its revolutionary movements crushed by military dictatorship, it is not surprising that the Latin American left was left for dead after the end of the Cold War. But since embracing democracy, the left in Latin America has moderated its tactics and beliefs while remaining committed to the idea that deliberate state action powered by the popular will is critical to correcting injustice and alleviating human suffering. Its achievements are a welcome antidote to the cynicism about democratic politics afflicting the American left.

    How the epoch-making legacy of the Pink Tide will fare in the hands of incoming right-wing governments is an open question. Some of the early signs are not encouraging. The Temer administration in Brazil has shown a decidedly retro-macho attitude, as suggested by its abolishment of the Ministry of Women, Racial Equality, and Human Rights (its functions were collapsed into the Ministry of Justice) and its close ties to a politically powerful evangelical movement with a penchant for homophobia. In Argentina, President Mauricio Macri has launched a “Trumpian” assault on undocumented immigrants from Bolivia, Paraguay, and Peru, blaming them for bringing crime and drugs into the country. Some political observers expect that Piñera will abridge or overturn Chile’s new abortion law.

    But there is reason for optimism. Temer and Macri have been slow to dismantle anti-poverty programs, realizing that doing so would be political suicide. This is hardly surprising, given the success of those programs. Right-wing governments have even seen fit to create anti-poverty programs of their own, such as Mexico’s Prospera. Moreover, unlike with prior ascents by the right in Latin America, the left is not being vanished to the political wilderness. Left-wing parties remain a formidable force in the legislatures of most major Latin American countries. This year alone, voters in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia will have presidential elections, raising the prospect that a new Pink Tide might be rising. Should this new tide come in, the Latin American left would do well to reform its act and show what it has learned from its mistakes.

    Latin American leftists need not look far to find a model to emulate: Uruguay. It exemplifies the best of the Pink Tide without its excesses. Frente Amplio, or Broad Front, a coalition of left-wing parties in power since 2005, has put the country at the vanguard of social change by legalizing abortion, same-sex marriage, and, most famously, recreational marijuana. For these reasons alone, in 2013 The Economist chose “liberal and fun-loving” Uruguay for its first ever “country of the year” award.

    Less known accomplishments include being one of only two countries in Latin America that enjoy the status of “high income” (alongside Chile), reducing poverty from around 40 percent to less than 12 percent from 2005 to 2014, and steering clear of corruption scandals. According to Transparency International, Uruguay is the least corrupt country in Latin America, and ranks among the world’s 25 least corrupt nations. The country also scored a near perfect 100 in Freedom House’s 2018 ranking of civil and political freedoms, virtually tied with Canada, and far ahead of the United States and neighboring Argentina and Brazil. The payoff for this much virtue is hard to ignore. Among Latin American nations, no other country shows more satisfaction with its democracy.

    Omar G. EncarnaciónOmar G. Encarnación is a professor of political studies at Bard College and author of Out in the Periphery: Latin America’s Gay Rights Revolution.

    #politique #amérique_latine #impérialisme

  • Organisation des États américains, vers une suspension du Venezuela

    OEA acordó iniciar proceso de suspensión de Venezuela
    http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/politica/oea-acordo-iniciar-proceso-suspension-venezuela_238769

    11 países se abstuvieron en la votación de la resolución planteada por la OEA para declarar ilegítima la reelección de Nicolás Maduro y la “alteración del orden constitucional” en Venezuela. 

    Los países que se abstuvieron fueron Saint Kitts and Nevis, Suriname, Trinidad y Tobago, Uruguay, Antigua y Barbuda, Belice, Ecuador, El Salvador, Grenada, Haití y Nicaragua.

    La resolución fue aprobada por 19 votos a favor de los 35 países miembros de la OEA. Entre los países a favor están Argentina, Bahamas, Barbados, Brasil, Canadá, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Estados Unidos, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Jamaica, México, Panamá, Paraguay, Perú, República Dominicana y Santa Lucía.

    Bolivia, Dominica, San Vicente y Venezuela votaron en contra de la resolución.

    Ahora se efectuará una Asamblea General Extraordinaria, en la que se hará la deliberación sobre la suspensión de Venezuela del organismo Interamericano.

    • Mais ce n’est pas gagné, puisqu’il faut 24 voix en Assemblée générale. Les États-Unis à la manœuvre.

      EE UU juega su carta en la OEA y logra un triunfo parcial en Venezuela
      http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/juega-carta-oea-logra-triunfo-parcial-venezuela_238796

      Fuentes diplomáticas describieron como una «partida de póker» el proceso que culminó anoche con una resolución que abre la puerta a la suspensión como Estado miembro de Venezuela, la mayor sanción de la que dispone el organismo y que, en sus 70 años de historia, solo ha aplicado a dos países: Cuba y Honduras.

      «Estados Unidos tenía las mejores cartas, trajo a su vicepresidente y a su secretario de Estado, Mike Pompeo, pero uno no sabía si todo era un farol», resumió una de esas fuentes.

      El objetivo de EE UU era suspender a Venezuela de la OEA, un proceso que no es automático: era necesario aprobar la resolución, reunir al Consejo Permanente y luego convocar una Asamblea General extraordinaria con los cancilleres de las Américas para lograr el respaldo de 24 países, es decir, dos tercios de los 35 miembros del organismo.

      Los 24 votos eran muy difíciles de conseguir debido al tradicional respaldo del Caribe a Venezuela, que durante años les prestó dinero y les permitió acceder a petróleo subvencionado.

      Para aprobar la resolución eran necesarios 18 votos y sus impulsores (los 14 países del Grupo de Lima y EE UU) lograron 19, aunque hubo once abstenciones y cuatro Estados votaron en contra.

  • Marcha Estudiantil «Contra la violencia machista»
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YJoMm1uCT74

    Este miércoles 16 de mayo, la Confederación de Estudiantes de Chile (CONFECH) convocó a una marcha contra la violencia de género hacia la mujer, tras una serie de denuncias de abusos y acosos sexuales en centros estudiantiles por parte de estudiantes y académicos. 150 mil personas se movilizaron sólo en Santiago.

    #femmes #féminismes #femmes_en_lutte #Chili #sexisme #violences_contre_les_femmes #éducation_non_sexiste #autonomie #auto-organisation

  • Citoyen du monde et témoin permanent

    Abbas : 1944 – 2018 • Magnum Photos
    https://www.magnumphotos.com/newsroom/abbas-1944-2018

    Magnum photographer Abbas has died in Paris on Wednesday April 25, 2018, at the age of 74. In a career that spanned six decades, he covered wars and revolutions in Biafra, Bangladesh, Northern Ireland, Vietnam, the Middle East, Chile, Cuba, and South Africa during apartheid. He also documented life in Mexico over several years, and pursued a lifelong interest in religion and its intersection with society.

    Magnum’s current president Thomas Dworzak paid tribute to the veteran photographer, who for many at the agency has been both a friend and mentor:

    “He was a pillar of Magnum, a godfather for a generation of younger photojournalists. An Iranian transplanted to Paris, he was a citizen of the world he relentlessly documented; its wars, its disasters, its revolutions and upheavals, and its beliefs – all his life. It is with immense sadness that we lose him. May the gods and angels of all the world’s major religions he photographed so passionately be there for him.”

    #photographe #journaliste #témoin #Abbas #Magnum

  • 10 Cross-Border Latin American #fintech Startups To Watch
    https://hackernoon.com/10-cross-border-latin-american-fintech-startups-to-watch-f54499e6dbe?sou

    Fintech startups are revolutionizing the financial industry across Latin America. These startups are some of the first providers of financial technology in the region and through their cross-border efforts, they are helping both consumers and companies monitor their finances, make payments, and receive loans. Here are ten cross-border fintech startups in Latin America to watch.1. BlinkingBased in Chile, Blinking is a financial app that helps SMEs control their cash flow. The app’s features include monitoring invoices, managing finances, and communicating with clients. Blinking has partnerships with BCI Factoring and Banco Security.2. AfloreAflore is a fintech #startup that provides loans through informal financial advisors to Latin Americans that are not yet connected to the banking (...)

    #latin-america #startup-ideas #latin-american-startups

  • Analyse intéressante (d’opposition) sur la situation politique au #Venezuela y compris lexicologique.

    El « #pranato » que nos gobierna | Analitica.com
    http://www.analitica.com/opinion/el-pranato-que-nos-gobierna

    Nuestro problema no es solo de derechos humanos y democracia o crisis humanitaria sino de articulación del régimen con grupos y países con intereses geopolíticos y delincuenciales en Venezuela.

    El camino de las discusiones académicas, políticas e incluso lingüísticas para caracterizar la organización del poder en la Venezuela chavista ha consumido mucho tiempo, durante el cual ha sido complicado un acuerdo sobre la mejor vía para liberarnos de esta lacra que nos acogota. Es reciente que en los círculos académicos, en los pasillos de las cancillerías y en las organizaciones internacionales se comience a aceptar que estamos en dictadura. Distintas caracterizaciones aparecieron en estos largos años, entre ellas, neodictadura, autoritarismo, autoritarismo competitivo y totalitarismo sin olvidar lo de fascismo. Catalogarlo como dictadura no fue una tarea fácil. Formalmente la OEA, por ejemplo, no ha sido capaz de hablar de “ruptura del hilo constitucional” sino de “violación”. Y menos de actuar en consecuencia. Hubo que crear un grupo extra OEA, el Grupo de Lima, para ser más claro y contundente y hablar de “ruptura”. Hoy hay algunos miembros, como Chile, que le tienen miedo al término dictadura y prefieren decir que “no hay democracia”.

    Una más fácil transición fue pasar de hablar de #gobierno a #régimen. Entendiendo que gobierno se refiere más a aquellos que están destinados a rotar en el poder, mientras que regímenes serían los que se quieren perpetuar, especialmente imponiendo una hegemonía y redefiniendo el modelo económico, político e incluso cultural de un país.

    Ahora nos hemos dado cuenta del carácter delincuencia del régimen. Primero hablamos de que somos un país secuestrado por unos malandros que se han apropiado de las riquezas y de las instituciones para ejercer su dominio sobre el territorio y la gente. Es una figura metafórica que nos permite entender el tipo de relación entre nosotros y quienes nos someten. Alí Babá y los cuarenta ladrones.

    Luego hemos caído en cuenta de que el asunto es más serio. Algunos señalan el tema del narcotráfico para caracterizar a Venezuela como un ‘#narcoestado’. Pero se quedan cortos. Estos ‘secuestradores’ están articulados internacionalmente a una serie de fuerzas e intereses, en lo concreto con organizaciones y gobiernos, todos persiguiendo sus intereses geopolíticos o delincuenciales, y no solo son las drogas.

    Por esto preferimos hablar de pranato, neologismo proveniente de otro: #pran. Viene del submundo criminal venezolano e identifica al jefe o capo de los presos en una cárcel cuya red delincuencial se extiende fuera de la prisión.

    Usamos pranato en vez de régimen, pues va más allá al significar una articulación o alianza con fuerzas delictivas organizadas. En él no solo participan venezolanos filocubanos chavistas, militares corruptos, Cuba y los boliburgueses, sino grupos guerrilleros como las FARC y el ELN, potencias extraregionales como Rusia, China e Irán y movimientos radicales islamitas, además de bandas criminales locales e internacionales y los miembros del Foro de San Pablo. Pero nuestro problema no es solo de derechos humanos y democracia o crisis humanitaria. El pranato venezolano al ser parte de las “organizaciones delictivas transnacionales” es además una “amenaza más inmediata para nuestro hemisferio”, como planteó Rex Tillerson.

    • Entendiendo que gobierno se refiere más a aquellos que están destinados a rotar en el poder, mientras que regímenes serían los que se quieren perpetuar, especialmente imponiendo una hegemonía y redefiniendo el modelo económico, político e incluso cultural de un país.

      «  Étant entendu que gouvernement s’applique plutôt à ceux qui autorisent une alternance au pouvoir alors que régime serait pour ceux qui cherchent à se perpétuer, en particulier en imposant une hégémonie et en redéfinissant le modèle économique, politique et même culturel d’un pays.  »

      #régime pour @biggrizzly (je crois…)

  • Clarín: La huida desesperada de Venezuela en ruinas
    http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/latinoamerica/clarin-huida-desesperada-venezuela-ruinas_222785

    El diario Clarín de Argentina reseñó en su página web el desesperado intento de decenas de miles de personas que escapan hora tras hora de Venezuela, donde la crisis económica y el desabastecimiento afectan a la población. 

    El portal narró como las personas se acumulan en el puente Simón Bolívar y lo calificó como «un tubo de hormiguero». "Con la gente apiñada intentando entrar a Colombia, que ha puesto restricciones desde el último viernes para ordenar el aluvión. Ese puente es uno de los tres accesos en esa frontera colombiana y en todos la situación es semejante".

    Casi 35.000 personas cruzan la frontera diariamente desde hace un mes, según datos de la oficina de migración de Colombia consignados por el diario Tiempo de Bogotá. La gran mayoría se quedan en el país vecino o lo usan como trampolín para seguir al norte del continente o hacia el sur, a Brasil, Chile, Perú o Argentina.

  • Chile creates five national parks over 10m acres in historic act of conservation | Environment | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2018/jan/29/chile-creates-five-national-parks-in-patagonia

    Chile has created five sprawling national parks to preserve vast tracts of Patagonia – the culmination of more than two decades of land acquisition by the US philanthropists Doug Tompkins and Kristine McDivitt Tompkins and the largest donation of private land to government in South America.

    The five parks, spanning 10.3m acres, were signed into law on Monday by Chile’s president Michelle Bachelet, launching a new 17-park route that stretches down the southern spine of Chile to Cape Horn.

    j’arrive pas à extraire la carte grrr #cartographie #conservation #écotourisme #aquaculture #peuples_autochtones (même si pas évoqués) #Chili

  • Au #Venezuela, la mort en direct d’Oscar Pérez
    http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2018/01/16/au-venezuela-la-mort-en-direct-d-oscar-perez_5242531_3222.html

    Le jeune homme aux yeux clairs avait surpris les médias en juin 2017, lorsqu’il s’était emparé d’un hélicoptère et avait jeté des grenades contre des bâtiments officiels à Caracas, sans faire de victimes. A l’époque, les manifestations de rue se succédaient sans que l’opposition trouve un débouché politique à la protestation sociale. Cent trente personnes étaient mortes.

    Aussitôt qualifié de « terroriste » par le gouvernement, sa tête mise à prix, Oscar Pérez est parvenu pendant plus de six mois à échapper aux divers services à ses trousses. En décembre, il avait refait parler de lui en revendiquant sur Twitter un assaut mené contre une unité militaire vénézuélienne et au cours duquel de nombreuses armes automatiques ont été volées.

    Ah, les guillemets ! du grand Paulo #Paranagua

    Détail remarquable, parmi les policiers tués au cours de la fusillade se trouve le chef du « collectif » chaviste qui contrôle le quartier populaire 23 de Enero, à Caracas. Heiker Vasquez, dirigeant du « Colectivo Tres Raices », était aussi un policier, confirmant ainsi la nature de ces bandes : des groupes paramilitaires ou parapoliciers qui manipulent les aides alimentaires et s’assurent de la fidélité électorale des bénéficiaires.

  • World Bank Unfairly Influenced Its Own Competitiveness Rankings - WSJ
    https://www.wsj.com/articles/world-bank-unfairly-influenced-its-own-competitiveness-rankings-1515797620

    The World Bank repeatedly changed the methodology of one of its flagship economic reports over several years in ways it now says were unfair and misleading.

    The World Bank’s chief economist, Paul Romer, told The Wall Street Journal on Friday he would correct and recalculate national rankings of business competitiveness in the report called “#Doing_Business” going back at least four years.

    The revisions could be particularly relevant to Chile, whose standings have been volatile in recent years—and potentially tainted by political motivations of World Bank staff, Mr. Romer said.

    The report is one of the most visible World Bank initiatives, ranking countries around the world by the competitiveness of their business environment. Countries compete against each other to improve their standings, and the report draws extensive international media coverage.
    […]
    I want to make a personal apology to Chile, and to any other country where we conveyed the wrong impression,” Mr. Romer said. The problems with the report, he said, were “my fault because we did not make things clear enough.” Mr. Romer said the World Bank is beginning the process of correcting the past reports and republishing what the rankings would have been without the methodology changes. He said he couldn’t defend “the integrity” of the process that led to the methodology changes.

    Chile’s overall ranking has fluctuated between 25th and 57th since 2006. During that period, the presidency of Chile has alternated between Ms. Bachelet, of Chile’s socialist party, and Sebastián Piñera, a conservative. Under Ms. Bachelet, Chile’s ranking consistently deteriorated, while it consistently climbed under Mr. Piñera.

    Recalculating the numbers could show significant changes to other countries as well.

    • Info arrivée via Sergio Coronado, député des Français d’Amérique latine dans la législature précédente qui possède également la nationalité chilienne…

      Je n’ai plus accès au WSJ (paywall) mais toujours au journal chilien qui reprenait l’info (et qui m’y avait conduit). Mais on a déjà trouvé le lampiste à qui imputer ces magouilles. Parce que les changements de méthodologie, hein, ça reste quand même super-sérieux.

      El Banco Mundial perjudicó los números de Chile durante el Gobierno de Bachelet - Cooperativa.cl
      http://www.cooperativa.cl/noticias/economia/competitividad/imagen-pais/el-banco-mundial-perjudico-los-numeros-de-chile-en-los-gobiernos-de-bachelet/2018-01-13/110242.html

      El Wall Street Journal apuntó a la figura del economista boliviano Augusto López-Claros.

      Augusto López-Claros, de nacionalidad boliviana (La Paz, 1955), es director de Indicadores Globales y Análisis del Banco Mundial, el departamento responsable del informe «Doing Business» y otros estudios internacionales de evaluación comparativa.

      De acuerdo a la biografía de su página web, anteriormente fue economista jefe y director del Programa de Competitividad Global en el Foro Económico Mundial (FMI) en Ginebra (desde el año 2003), donde también fue editor del Global Competitiveness Report (Reporte de Competitivad Global), la publicación principal del fórum, así como otros estudios económicos regionales.

      Como precisa la plataforma Thinking Heads, antes de unirse al Foro, López-Claro trabajó durante varios años en el sector financiero, ejerciendo durante cinco años como director ejecutivo y economista internacional superior en Londres en la firma Lehman Brothers International, cuya quiebra en 2008 incendió los mercados y aceleró la crisis mundial.

      De acuerdo a su página web, López-Claros se desempeñó como profesor de Economía en la Universidad de Chile y recibió un diploma en Estadística Matemática de la Universidad de Cambridge, Reino Unido, y un Doctorado en Economía de la Universidad de Duke, Estados Unidos

  • Documenting U.S. Role in Democracy’s Fall and Dictator’s Rise in Chile - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/14/world/americas/chile-coup-cia-museum.html

    “To see on a piece of paper, for example, the president of the United States ordering the #C.I.A. to preemptively overthrow a democratically elected president in Chile is stunning,” Mr. Kornbluh said. “The importance of having these documents in the museum is for the new generations of Chileans to actually see them.”

    #Chili #dictatures #démocraties #Etats-Unis #Kissinger #Nixon #Pinochet #assassinats

    “Secretos de Estado” : Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos
    https://ww3.museodelamemoria.cl/exposiciones/secretos-de-estado-la-historia-desclasificada-de-la-dictadura-c

    En esta exposición “Secretos de Estado. La historia desclasificada de la dictadura chilena” Peter Kornbluh —investigador que ha jugado un rol fundamental en la campaña para desclasificar 23.000 archivos de la CIA, NSC, FBI, Casa Blanca y el Departamento de Defensa del Estado— se muestran una serie de documentos desclasificados que nos permiten entender la historia secreta del golpe de Estado y la dictadura chilena junto al apoyo que entregó EEUU, tanto a la Junta Militar como a medios de comunicación. Los documentos también dan luz a la represión estatal, la Operación #Condor y los esfuerzos encubiertos de Pinochet para sostenerlo en poder cuando ganó el “NO” en el plebiscito de 1988.

  • The Geopolitical Economy of the Global Internet Infrastructure on JSTOR
    https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/jinfopoli.7.2017.0228

    Article très intéressant qui repositionne les Etats dans la gestion de l’infrastructure globale de l’internet. En fait, une infrastructure globale pour le déploiement du capital (une autre approche de la géopolitique, issue de David Harvey).

    According to many observers, economic globalization and the liberalization of telecoms/internet policy have remade the world in the image of the United States. The dominant roles of Amazon, Apple, Facebook, and Google have also led to charges of US internet imperialism. This article, however, argues that while these internet giants dominate some of the most popular internet services, the ownership and control of core elements of the internet infrastructure—submarine cables, internet exchange points, autonomous system numbers, datacenters, and so on—are tilting increasingly toward the EU and BRICS (i.e., Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) countries and the rest of the world, complicating views of hegemonic US control of the internet and what Susan Strange calls the knowledge structure.

    This article takes a different tack. It argues that while US-based internet giants do dominate some of the middle and top layers of the internet—for example, operating systems (iOS, Windows, Android), search engines (Google), social networks (Facebook), online retailing (Amazon), over-the-top TV (Netflix), browsers (Google Chrome, Apple Safari, Microsoft Explorer), and domain names (ICANN)—they do not rule the hardware, or material infrastructure, upon which the internet and daily life, business, governments, society, and war increasingly depend. In fact, as the article shows, ownership and control of many core elements of the global internet infrastructure—for example, fiber optic submarine cables, content delivery networks (CDNs), autonomous system numbers (ASN), and internet exchange points (IXPs)—are tilting toward the rest of the world, especially Europe and the BRICS (i.e., Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). This reflects the fact that the United States’ standing in the world is slipping while an ever more multipolar world is arising.

    International internet backbone providers, internet content companies, and CDNs interconnect with local ISPs and at one or more of the nearly 2000 IXPs around the world. The largest IXPs are in New York, London, Amsterdam, Frankfurt, Seattle, Chicago, Moscow, Sao Paulo, Tokyo, and Hong Kong. They are core elements of the internet that switch traffic between all the various networks that comprise the internet system, and help to establish accessible, affordable, fast, and secure internet service.

    In developed markets, internet companies such as Google, Baidu, Facebook, Netflix, Youku, and Yandex use IXPs to interconnect with local ISPs such as Deutsche Telecoms in Germany, BT or Virgin Media in Britain, or Comcast in the United States to gain last-mile access to their customers—and vice versa, back up the chain. Indeed, 99 percent of internet traffic handled by peering arrangements among such parties occurs without any money changing hands or a formal contract.50 Where IXPs do not exist or are rare, as in Africa, or run poorly, as in India, the cost of bandwidth is far more expensive. This is a key factor that helps to explain why internet service is so expensive in areas of the world that can least afford it. It is also why the OECD and EU encourage developing countries to make IXPs a cornerstone of economic development and telecoms policy work.

    The network of networks that make up the internet constitute a sprawling, general purpose platform upon which financial markets, business, and trade, as well as diplomacy, spying, national security, and war depend. The world’s largest electronic payments system operator, the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunications’ (SWIFT) secure messaging network carries over 25 million messages a day involving payments that are believed to be worth over $7 trillion USD.59 Likewise, the world’s biggest foreign currency settlement system, the CLS Bank, executes upward of a million trades a day worth between $1.5 and $2.5 trillion over the global cable systems—although that is down by half from its high point in 2008.60 As Stephen Malphrus, former chief of staff to the US Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, observed, when “communications networks go down, the financial services sector does not grind to a halt, rather it snaps to a halt.”61

    Governments and militaries also account for a significant portion of internet traffic. Indeed, 90 to 95 percent of US government traffic, including sensitive diplomatic and military orders, travels over privately owned cables to reach officials in the field.62 “A major portion of DoD data traveling on undersea cables is unmanned aerial vehicle video,” notes a study done for the Department of Homeland Security by MIT scholar Michael Sechrist.63 Indeed, the Department of Defense’s entire Global Information Grid shares space in these cables with the general public internet.64

    The 3.6 billion people as of early 2016 who use the internet to communicate, share music, ideas and knowledge, browse, upload videos, tweet, blog, organize social events and political protests, watch pornography, read sacred texts, and sell stuff are having the greatest influence on the current phase of internet infrastructure development. Video currently makes up an estimated two-thirds of all internet traffic, and is expected to grow to 80 percent in the next five years,69 with US firms leading the way. Netflix single-handedly accounts for a third of all internet traffic. YouTube is the second largest source of internet traffic on fixed and mobile networks alike the world over. Altogether, the big five internet giants account for roughly half of all “prime-time” internet traffic, a phrasing that deliberately reflects the fact that internet usage swells and peaks at the same time as the classic prime-time television period, that is, 7 p.m. to 11 p.m.

    Importance des investissements des compagnies de l’internet dans les projets de câbles.

    Several things stand out from this analysis. First, in less than a decade, Google has carved out a very large place for itself through its ownership role in four of the six projects (the SJC, Faster, Unity, and Pacific Cable Light initiatives), while Facebook has stakes in two of them (APG and PLCN) and Microsoft in the PLCN project. This is a relatively new trend and one that should be watched in the years ahead.

    A preliminary view based on the publicly available information is that the US internet companies are important but subordinate players in consortia dominated by state-owned national carriers and a few relatively new competitors. Keen to wrest control of core elements of the internet infrastructure that they perceive to have been excessively dominated by United States interests in the past, Asian governments and private investors have joined forces to change things in their favor. In terms of the geopolitical economy of the internet, there is both a shift toward the Asia-Pacific region and an increased role for national governments.

    Return of the State as Regulator of Concentrated Markets

    In addition to the expanded role of the state as market builder, regulator, and information infrastructure policy maker, many regulators have also rediscovered the reality of significant market concentration in the telecom-internet and media industries. Indeed, the US government has rejected several high-profile telecoms mergers in recent years, such as AT&T’s proposal to take over T-Mobile in 2011, T-Mobile’s bid for Sprint in 2014, and Comcast’s attempt to acquire Time Warner Cable last year. Even the approval of Comcast’s blockbuster takeover of NBC Universal in 2011, and Charter Communications acquisition of Time Warner Cable last year, respectively, came with important strings attached and ongoing conduct regulation designed to constrain the companies’ ability to abuse their dominant market power.87 The FCC’s landmark 2016 ruling to reclassify broadband internet access as a common carrier further indicated that US regulators have been alert to the realities of market concentration and telecoms-internet access providers’ capacity to abuse that power, and the need to maintain a vigilant eye to ensure that their practices do not swamp people’s rights to freely express themselves, maintain control over the collection, retention, use, and disclosure of their personal information, and to access a diverse range of services over the internet.88 The 28 members of the European Union, along with Norway, India, and Chile, have adopted similar “common carriage/network neutrality/open network”89 rules to offset the reality that concentration in core elements of these industries is “astonishingly high”90 on the basis of commonly used indicators (e.g., concentration ratios and the Herfindahl–Hirschman Index).

    These developments indicate a new phase in internet governance and control. In the first phase, circa the 1990s, technical experts and organizations such as the Internet Engineers Task Force played a large role, while the state sat relatively passively on the sidelines. In the second phase, circa the early to mid-2000s, commercial forces surged to the fore, while internet governance revolved around the ICANN and the multi-stakeholder model. Finally, the revelations of mass internet surveillance by many states and ongoing disputes over the multi-stakeholder, “internet freedom” agenda on the one side, versus the national sovereignty, multilateral model where the ITU and UN system would play a larger role in internet governance all indicate that significant moves are afoot where the relationship between states and markets is now in a heightened state of flux.

    Such claims, however, are overdrawn. They rely too heavily on the same old “realist,” “struggle for control” model where conflict between nation-states has loomed large and business interests and communication technologies served mainly as “weapons of politics” and the handmaidens of national interests from the telegraph in the nineteenth century to the internet today. Yet, nation-states and private business interests, then and now, not only compete with one another but also cooperate extensively to cultivate a common global space of economic accumulation. Communication technologies and business interests, moreover, often act independent of the nation-state and via “private structures of cooperation,” that is, cartels and consortia, as the history and contemporary state of the undersea cable networks illustrate. In fact, the internet infrastructure of the twenty-first century, much like that of the industrial information infrastructure of the past 150 years, is still primarily financed, owned, and operated by many multinational consortia, although more than a few submarine communications cables are now owned by a relatively new roster of competitive players, such as Tata, Level 3, Global Cloud Xchange, and so forth. They have arisen mostly in the last 20 years and from new quarters, such as India in the case of Tata, for example.

    #Economie_numérique #Géopolitique #Câbles_sous_marins

  • 300 000 fois plus grand que celui qui a coulé le Titanic, un iceberg se détache de l’Antarctique
    12 juillet 2017
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/societe/detail_un-iceberg-geant-se-detache-de-l-antarctique?id=9658208

    Un iceberg de mille milliards de tonnes, l’un des plus gros jamais vus, vient de se former après s’être détaché du continent Antarctique, ont affirmé mercredi des chercheurs de l’Université de Swansea (Royaume-Uni).

    « La formation s’est produite entre lundi et mercredi », précisent les scientifiques, qui surveillaient l’évolution de ce bloc de glace gigantesque.

    Ce gigantesque iceberg pourrait rendre la navigation très hasardeuse pour les navires voguant à proximité du continent gelé, rapportait, il y a 15 jours, des scientifiques.

    Une immense faille de 175 km de long, identifiée depuis 2014, s’était créée sur la barrière de Larsen, une formation de glace le long de la côte orientale de la péninsule Antarctique du Cap Longing.
    5000 km2

    Cette faille, appelée Larsen C, a isolé un morceau de banquise de 5000 km2 qui, le 21 juin, n’était plus relié au reste du continent que par un bras de glace de 13 km. Celui-ci a cédé.

    L’iceberg qui menace de se détacher est 300 000 fois plus grand que celui qui a coulé le Titanic et l’un des plus grands jamais enregistrés.

    #Larsen_C #Climat

  • Record Numbers Of Venezuelans Seek Asylum In The U.S. Amid Political Chaos

    Some 8,300 Venezuelans applied for U.S. asylum in the first three months of 2017, which, as the Associated Press points out, puts the country on track to nearly double its record 18,155 requests last year. Around one in every five U.S. applicants this fiscal year is Venezuelan, making Venezuela America’s leading source of asylum claimants for the first time, surpassing countries like China and Mexico.

    http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/political-chaos-sends-record-number-of-venezuelans-fleeing-to-us_us_
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_vénézuéliens #USA #Etats-Unis #Venezuela

    • Colombie : violence et afflux de réfugiés vénézuéliens préoccupent l’UE

      La Colombie est confrontée à deux « situations humanitaires », en raison de l’afflux de réfugiés fuyant « la crise au Venezuela » et d’"un nouveau cycle de violence" de divers groupes armés, a dénoncé le commissaire européen Christos Stylianides.

      https://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/colombie-violence-et-afflux-de-refugies-venezueliens-preoccup
      #Colombie

    • Half a million and counting: Venezuelan exodus puts new strains on Colombian border town

      The sun is burning at the Colombian border town of Cúcuta. Red Cross workers attend to people with dehydration and fatigue as hundreds of Venezuelans line up to have their passports stamped, covering their heads with clothing and cardboard to fashion what shade they can.

      https://www.irinnews.org/feature/2018/03/07/half-million-and-counting-venezuelan-exodus-puts-new-strains-colombian-bor

    • Venezuelans flee to Colombia to escape economic meltdown

      The Simon Bolivar bridge has become symbolic of the mass exodus of migrants from Venezuela. The crossing is also just one piece in the complex puzzle facing Colombia, as it struggles to absorb the increasing number of migrants prompted by its neighbour’s economic and social meltdown.

      Up to 45,000 migrants cross on foot from Venezuela to Cúcuta every day. The Colombian city has become the last hope for many fleeing Venezuela’s crumbling economy. Already four million people, out of a population of 30 million, have fled Venezuela due to chronic shortages of food and medicine.

      http://www.euronews.com/2018/03/26/colombia-s-venezuelan-migrant-influx

    • Venezolanos en Colombia: una situación que se sale de las manos

      La crisis venezolana se transformó en un éxodo masivo sin precedentes, con un impacto hemisférico que apenas comienza. Brasil y Colombia, donde recae el mayor impacto, afrontan un año electoral en medio de la polarización política, que distrae la necesidad de enfrentarla con una visión conjunta, estratégica e integral.


      http://pacifista.co/venezolanos-en-colombia-crisis-opinion

      via @stesummi

    • Hungry, sick and increasingly desperate, thousands of Venezuelans are pouring into Colombia

      For evidence that the Venezuelan migrant crisis is overwhelming this Colombian border city, look no further than its largest hospital.

      The emergency room designed to serve 75 patients is likely to be crammed with 125 or more. Typically, two-thirds are impoverished Venezuelans with broken bones, infections, trauma injuries — and no insurance and little cash.

      “I’m here for medicine I take every three months or I die,” said Cesar Andrade, a 51-year-old retired army sergeant from Caracas. He had come to Cucuta’s Erasmo Meoz University Hospital for anti-malaria medication he can’t get in Venezuela. “I’m starting a new life in Colombia. The crisis back home has forced me to do it.”

      The huge increase in Venezuelan migrants fleeing their country’s economic crisis, failing healthcare system and repressive government is affecting the Cucuta metropolitan area more than any other in Colombia. It’s where 80% of all exiting Venezuelans headed for Colombia enter as foreigners.

      Despite turning away Venezuelans with cancer or chronic diseases, the hospital treated 1,200 migrant emergency patients last month, up from the handful of patients, mostly traffic collision victims, in March 2015, before the Venezuelan exodus started gathering steam.

      The hospital’s red ink is rising along with its caseload. The facility has run up debts of $5 million over the last three years to accommodate Venezuelans because the Colombian government is unable to reimburse it, said Juan Agustin Ramirez, director of the 500-bed hospital.

      “The government has ordered us to attend to Venezuelan patients but is not giving us the resources to pay for them,” Ramirez said. “The truth is, we feel abandoned. The moment could arrive when we will collapse.”

      An average of 35,000 people cross the Simon Bolivar International Bridge linking the two countries every day. About half return to the Venezuelan side after making purchases, conducting business or visiting family. But the rest stay in Cucuta at least temporarily or move on to the Colombian interior or other countries.

      For many Venezuelans, the first stop after crossing is the Divine Providence Cafeteria, an open-air soup kitchen a stone’s throw from the bridge. A Roman Catholic priest, Father Leonardo Mendoza, and volunteer staff serve some 1,500 meals daily. But it’s not enough.

      One recent day, lines stretched halfway around the block with Venezuelans, desperation and hunger etched on their faces. But some didn’t have the tickets that were handed out earlier in the day and were turned away.

      “Children come up to me and say, ’Father, I’m hungry.’ It’s heartbreaking. It’s the children’s testimony that inspires the charitable actions of all of us here,” Mendoza said.

      The precise number of Venezuelan migrants who are staying in Colombia is difficult to calculate because of the porousness of the 1,400-mile border, which has seven formal crossings. But estimates range as high as 800,000 arrivals over the last two years. At least 500,000 have gone on to the U.S., Spain, Brazil and other Latin American countries, officials here say.

      “Every day 40 buses each filled with 40 or more Venezuelans leave Cucuta, cross Colombia and go directly to Ecuador,” said Huber Plaza, a local delegate of the National Disasters Risk Management Agency. “They stay there or go on to Chile, Argentina or Peru, which seems to be the preferred destination these days.”

      Many arrive broke, hungry and in need of immediate medical attention. Over the last two years, North Santander province, where Cucuta is located, has vaccinated 58,000 Venezuelans for measles, diphtheria and other infectious diseases because only half of the arriving children have had the shots, said Nohora Barreto, a nurse with the provincial health department.

      On the day Andrade, the retired army sergeant, sought treatment, gurneys left little space in the crowded ward and hospital corridors, creating an obstacle course for nurses and doctors who shouted orders, handed out forms and began examinations.

      Andrade and many other patients stood amid the gurneys because all the chairs and beds were taken. Nearby, a pregnant woman in the early stages of labor groaned as she walked haltingly among the urgent care patients, supported by a male companion.

      Dionisio Sanchez, a 20-year-old Venezuelan laborer, sat on a gurney awaiting treatment for a severe cut he suffered on his hand at a Cucuta construction site. Amid the bustle, shouting and medical staff squeezing by, he stared ahead quietly, holding his hand wrapped in gauze and resigned to a long wait.

      “I’m lucky this didn’t happen to me back home,” Sanchez said. “Everyone is suffering a lot there. I didn’t want to leave, but hunger and other circumstances forced me to make the decision.”

      Signs of stress caused by the flood of migrants are abundant elsewhere in this city of 650,000. Schools are overcrowded, charitable organizations running kitchens and shelters are overwhelmed and police who chase vagrants and illegal street vendors from public spaces are outmanned.

      “We’ll clear 30 people from the park, but as soon as we leave, 60 more come to replace them,” said a helmeted policeman on night patrol with four comrades at downtown’s Santander Plaza. He expressed sympathy for the migrants and shook his head as he described the multitudes of homeless, saying it was impossible to control the tide.

      Sitting on a park bench nearby was Jesus Mora, a 21-year-old mechanic who arrived from Venezuela in March. He avoids sleeping in the park, he said, and looks for an alleyway or “someplace in the shadows where police won’t bother me.”

      “As long as they don’t think I’m selling drugs, I’m OK,” Mora said. “Tonight, I’m here to wait for a truck that brings around free food at this hour.” Mora said he is hoping to get a work permit. Meanwhile, he is hustling as best he can, recycling bottles, plastic and cardboard he scavenges on the street and in trash cans.

      Metropolitan Cucuta’s school system is bursting at the seams with migrant kids, who are given six-month renewable passes to attend school. Eduardo Berbesi, principal of the 1,400-student Frontera Educational Institute, a public K-12 school in Villa de Rosario that’s located a short distance from the Simon Bolivar International Bridge, says he has funds to give lunches to only 60% of his students. He blames the government for not coming through with money to finance the school’s 40% growth in enrollment since the crisis began in 2015.

      “The government tells us to receive the Venezuelan students but gives us nothing to pay for them,” Berbesi said.

      Having to refuse lunches to hungry students bothers him. “And it’s me the kids and their parents blame, not the state.”


      #Cucuta

      On a recent afternoon, every street corner in Cucuta seemed occupied with vendors selling bananas, candy, coffee, even rolls of aluminum foil.

      “If I sell 40 little cups of coffee, I earn enough to buy a kilo of rice and a little meat,” said Jesus Torres, 35, a Venezuelan who arrived last month. He was toting a shoulder bag of thermoses he had filled with coffee that morning to sell in plastic cups. “The situation is complicated here but still better than in Venezuela.”

      That evening, Leonardo Albornoz, 33, begged for coins at downtown stoplight as his wife and three children, ages 6 months to 8 years, looked on. He said he had been out of work in his native Merida for months but decided to leave for Colombia in April because his kids “were going to sleep hungry every night.”

      When the light turned red, Albornoz approached cars and buses stopped at the intersection to offer lollipops in exchange for handouts. About half of the drivers responded with a smile and some change. Several bus passengers passed him coins through open windows.

      From the sidewalk, his 8-year-old son, Kleiver, watched despondently. It was 9:30 pm — he had school the next morning and should have been sleeping, but Albornoz and his wife said they had no one to watch him or their other kids at the abandoned building where they were staying.

      “My story is a sad one like many others, but the drop that made my glass overflow was when the [Venezuelan] government confiscated my little plot of land where we could grow things,” Albornoz said.

      The increase in informal Venezuelan workers has pushed Cucuta’s unemployment rate to 16% compared with the 9% rate nationwide, Mayor Cesar Rojas said in an interview at City Hall. Although Colombians generally have welcomed their neighbors, he said, signs of resentment among jobless local residents is growing.

      “The national government isn’t sending us the resources to settle the debts, and now we have this economic crisis,” Rojas said. “With the situation in Venezuela worsening, the exodus can only increase.”

      The Colombian government admits it has been caught off guard by the dimensions — and costs — of the Venezuelan exodus, one of the largest of its kind in recent history, said Felipe Muñoz, who was named Venezuelan border manager by President Juan Manuel Santos in February.

      “This is a critical, complex and massive problem,” Muñoz said. “No country could have been prepared to receive the volume of migrants that we are receiving. In Latin America, it’s unheard of. We’re dealing with 10 times more people than those who left the Middle East for Europe last year.”

      In agreement is Jozef Merkx, Colombia representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which is taking an active role in helping Colombia deal with the influx. Central America saw large migrant flows in the 1980s, but they were caused by armed conflicts, he said.

      “Venezuelans are leaving for different reasons, and the mixed nature of the displaced crisis is what makes it a unique exodus,” Merkx said during an interview in his Bogota office.

      Muñoz said Colombia feels a special obligation to help Venezuelans in need. In past decades, when the neighboring country’s oil-fueled economy needed more manpower than the local population could provide, hundreds of thousands of Colombians flooded in to work. Now the tables are turned.

      Colombia’s president has appealed to the international community for help. The U.S. government recently stepped up: The State Department announced Tuesday it was contributing $18.5 million “to support displaced Venezuelans in Colombia who have fled the crisis in their country.”

      Manuel Antolinez, director of the International Committee of the Red Cross’ 240-bed shelter for Venezuelans near the border in Villa de Rosario, said he expects the crisis to get worse before easing.

      “Our reading is that after the May 20 presidential election in Venezuela and the probable victory of President [Nicolas] Maduro, there will be increased dissatisfaction with the regime and more oppression against the opposition,” he said. “Living conditions will worsen.”

      Whatever its duration, the crisis is leading Ramirez, director of the Erasmo Meoz University Hospital, to stretch out payments to his suppliers from an average of 30 days to 90 days after billing. He hopes the government will come through with financial aid.

      “The collapse will happen when we can’t pay our employees,” he said. He fears that could happen soon.

      http://www.latimes.com/world/la-fg-venezuela-colombia-20180513-story.html

    • The Venezuelan Refugee Crisis : The View from Brazil

      Shadowing the Maduro regime’s widely condemned May 20 presidential election, Venezuela’s man-made humanitarian crisis continues to metastasize, forcing hundreds of thousands of families to flee to neighboring countries. While Colombia is bearing the brunt of the mass exodus of Venezuelans, Brazil is also facing an unprecedented influx. More than 40,000 refugees, including indigenous peoples, have crossed the border into Brazil since early 2017. The majority of these refugees have crossed into and remain in Roraima, Brazil’s poorest and most isolated state. While the Brazilian government is doing what it can to address the influx of refugees and mitigate the humanitarian risks for both the Venezuelans and local residents, much more needs to be done.


      As part of its continuing focus on the Venezuelan crisis, CSIS sent two researchers on a week-long visit to Brasilia and Roraima in early May. The team met with Brazilian federal government officials, international organizations, and civil society, in addition to assessing the situation on-the-ground at the Venezuela-Brazil border.

      https://www.csis.org/analysis/venezuelan-refugee-crisis-view-brazil
      #Boa_Vista #camps_de_réfugiés

    • Le Brésil mobilise son #armée à la frontière du Venezuela

      Le président brésilien Michel Temer a ordonné mardi soir par décret l’utilisation des forces armées pour « garantir la sécurité » dans l’Etat septentrional de Roraima, à la frontière avec le Venezuela.

      Depuis des mois, des milliers de réfugiés ont afflué dans cet Etat. « Je décrète l’envoi des forces armées pour garantir la loi et l’ordre dans l’Etat de Roraima du 29 août au 12 septembre », a annoncé le chef de l’Etat.

      Le but de la mesure est de « garantir la sécurité des citoyens mais aussi des immigrants vénézuéliens qui fuient leur pays ».
      Afflux trop important

      Plusieurs dizaines de milliers d’entre eux fuyant les troubles économiques et politiques de leur pays ont afflué ces dernières années dans l’Etat de Roraima, où les services sociaux sont submergés.

      Michel Temer a ajouté que la situation était « tragique ». Et le président brésilien de blâmer son homologue vénézuélien Nicolas Maduro : « La situation au Venezuela n’est plus un problème politique interne. C’est une menace pour l’harmonie de tout le continent », a déclaré le chef d’Etat dans un discours télévisé.

      https://www.rts.ch/info/monde/9806458-le-bresil-mobilise-son-armee-a-la-frontiere-du-venezuela.html

      #frontières #militarisation_des_frontières

    • The Exiles. A Trip to the Border Highlights Venezuela’s Devastating Humanitarian Crisis

      Never have I seen this more clearly than when I witnessed first-hand Venezuelans fleeing the devastating human rights, humanitarian, political, and economic crisis their government has created.

      Last July, I stood on the Simon Bolivar bridge that connects Cúcuta in Colombia with Táchira state in Venezuela and watched hundreds of people walk by in both directions all day long, under the blazing sun. A suitcase or two, the clothes on their back — other than that, many of those pouring over the border had nothing but memories of a life left behind.

      https://www.hrw.org/video-photos/interactive/2018/11/14/exiles-trip-border-highlights-venezuelas-devastating

    • Crises Colliding: The Mass Influx of Venezuelans into the Dangerous Fragility of Post-Peace Agreement Colombia

      Living under the government of President Nicolás Maduro, Venezuelans face political repression, extreme shortages of food and medicine, lack of social services, and economic collapse. Three million of them – or about 10 percent of the population – have fled the country.[1] The vast majority have sought refuge in the Americas, where host states are struggling with the unprecedented influx.
      Various actors have sought to respond to this rapidly emerging crisis. The UN set up the Regional Inter-Agency Coordination Platform for Refugees and Migrants from Venezuela, introducing a new model for agency coordination across the region. This Regional Platform, co-led by the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), has established a network of subsidiary National Platforms in the major host countries to coordinate the response on the ground. At the regional level, the Organization of American States (OAS) established a Working Group to Address the Regional Crisis of Venezuelan Migrants and Refugees. Latin American states have come together through the Quito Process – a series of diplomatic meetings designed to help coordinate the response of countries in the region to the crisis. Donors, including the United States, have provided bilateral assistance.


      https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports/2019/1/10/crises-colliding-the-mass-influx-of-venezuelans-into-the-dang

      #rapport

  • Solar Is Now the Cheapest Energy There Is in the Sunniest Parts of the World
    https://singularityhub.com/2017/05/18/solar-is-now-the-cheapest-energy-there-is-in-the-sunniest-parts-of-t
    https://singularityhub.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Solar-energy-cheapest-source-sunny-parts-world.jpeg

    In the US, natural gas is the cheapest energy at around five or six cents per kilowatt-hour (kWh). A deal in Palo Alto, California late last fall was signed for 3.6 cents per kWh (5.1 cents removing subsidies, according to Naam). A deal signed in India was less than the price of coal there. No subsidies. In Chile, solar bids won a dozen auctions, one of which was the lowest we had yet seen at 2.9 cents a kWh.

    “Now, that was not just the cheapest price for solar ever assigned, that was the cheapest unsubsidized contract for electricity of any sort on planet Earth with any technology ever in history,” Naam says.

    That record lasted for about a month, when a deal in Dubai was signed for 2.4 cents a kWh—less than half US natural gas prices and lower than natural gas in the Middle East or Africa.

    #énergie #solaire

  • Colombia, el segundo con mayor pobreza extrema en la región

    Aunque hasta el día de hoy, Colombia es el único que ha presentado cifras del año pasado, en términos de pobreza extrema (también llamada indigencia), el país se ubica como el segundo con el mayor porcentaje (8,5%) después de México (9,5%), muy lejos de la cifra de Chile, en donde solo 3,5% de la población vive en esa condición.


    http://www.larepublica.co/colombia-el-segundo-con-mayor-pobreza-extrema-en-la-regi%C3%B3n_487706

    #Colombie #pauvreté #pauvreté_extrême

  • #Chile: Police repression of #MayDay demonstrations in #Santiago. Youth erect barricades and resist police. #1demayo Photos: @sachorpic.twitter.com/H8Q8ohmZ0i
    https://twitter.com/syndicalisms/status/859073594911059968

    #Chile: Police repression of #MayDay demonstrations in #Santiago. Youth erect barricades and resist police. #1demayo Photos: @sachor pic.twitter.com/H8Q8ohmZ0i