• Israeli Soldiers Kill A Palestinian Man Near Jerusalem
    Jan 25, 2022 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/israeli-soldiers-kill-a-palestinian-man-near-jerusalem

    Israeli soldiers killed, on Monday evening, a Palestinian man from Qalandia refugee camp, north of the occupied capital, Jerusalem, in the West Bank.

    Medical sources said the soldiers invaded the refugee camp and fired a barrage of gas bombs and rubber-coated steel bullets at Palestinians who protested the invasion, in addition to a clinic, and many surrounding homes.

    The soldiers also invaded and ransacked several homes and shops in the area, causing damage.

    They added that a man, identified as Fahmi Abdul-Rauf Hamad , 57, suffered the severe effects of tear gas inhalation while inside a clinic run by UNRWA (The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) along with many other patients who also were injured by the gas bombs.

    The sources stated that Palestinian medics tried to resuscitate the injured man and rushed him to a hospital in Ramallah, but he succumbed to his wounds. (...)

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • Cisjordanie : Des véhicules palestiniens vandalisés par des extrémistes juifs Times of Israel Staff
    https://fr.timesofisrael.com/cisjordanie-des-vehicules-palestiniens-vandalises-par-des-extremis

    Des pneus ont été crevés et des graffitis, notamment des étoiles de David, ont été dessinés sur des véhicules à Qira ; les violences des extrémistes juifs sont en hausse


    Une voiture vandalisée dans le village palestinien de Qira, en Cisjordanie, le 23 janvier 2022. (Crédit : Police israélienne)

    Plusieurs véhicules ont été vandalisés dans le village de Qira, situé dans le nord de la Cisjordanie, dans la nuit de samedi, a annoncé la police dimanche matin dans un contexte de recrudescence des attaques commises par des Juifs extrémistes.

    Des graffitis sous forme d’étoile de David, ainsi que des slogans appelant à mettre un terme aux ordonnances administratives – ces ordonnances permettent à des suspects d’être placés en détention sans inculpation préalable – ont été dessinés sur les véhicules. Les pneus d’un certain nombre de voitures ont été crevés.

    La police a indiqué que les forces de sécurité se rendraient sur les lieux pour collecter des éléments susceptibles d’identifier les vandales.

    Ce genre d’actes perpétrés contre les Palestiniens et les forces israéliennes de sécurité est généralement désigné sous le nom d’attaques du « Prix à payer », leurs auteurs affirmant qu’elles viennent répondre à des violences palestiniennes ou à des politiques gouvernementales considérées comme hostiles au mouvement pro-implantation.

    Ces attaques visent notamment le recours à la détention administrative, qui permet aux autorités israéliennes d’appréhender des individus qui présenteraient une menace imminente sans mise en examen préalable ou autre forme de procès.

    De plus, les arrestations de ces extrémistes juifs sont excessivement rares. Les groupes de défense des droits de l’Homme déplorent un très faible nombre de condamnations, la majorité des charges retenues dans ce type de dossier étant finalement abandonnées.


    Une voiture vandalisée dans le village de Qira, en Cisjordanie, le 23 janvier 2022. (Crédit : Police israélienne)

    Ces derniers mois, des responsables du Shin Bet ont mis en garde contre une hausse de 50 % des violences commises par les extrémistes juifs.

    Ces actes de vandalisme perpétrés à Qira surviennent quelques jours après l’agression violente de Palestiniens et de militants de gauche dans le village de Burin, en Cisjordanie, qui ont été attaqués à l’aide de bâtons et de pierres. Six personnes ont été blessées et une voiture a été incendiée.

    Commentant cette attaque commise à Burin, le ministre de la Sécurité intérieure Omer Barlev a dit, dimanche, qu’il s’agissait de « l’action organisée d’un groupe terroriste ».

    #Israel #violence #Palestine #Cisjordanie #extrémistes #extrémisme #vandalisme #terrorisme #implantations

  • Elderly Palestinian Man Dies From Serious Wounds
    Jan 17, 2022 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/elderly-palestinian-man-dies-from-serious-wounds

    The Palestinian Health Ministry has confirmed, on Monday morning, that an elderly man, who was seriously injured after an Israeli tow truck ran him over in the Um al-Khair area of Masafer Yatta, south of Hebron in the southern occupied West Bank, earlier this month, has succumbed to his injuries.

    The ministry stated that Suleiman al-Hathalin, 75 , remained in the Intensive Care Unit at the al-Mezan Hospital in Hebron city until he succumbed to the serious wounds he suffered on January 5th, 2022.

    Al-Hathalin, 75, a well-known activist from the Um al-Khair area was rammed with a military truck during nonviolent protests that took place after the soldiers invaded Masafer Yatta, causing him to suffer a critical skull fracture.

    His injuries were extensive, largely to the head, chest, abdomen, and pelvis, medical sources at the al-Mezan hospital have confirmed.

    Fuad l-Amour, the Coordinator of the Protection and Steadfastness Committees in Masafer Yatta, stated after the elderly man was rammed and seriously injured, the army invaded the area, accompanying a tow truck, and seized several Palestinian-owned vehicles, leading to protests.

    He added that local Palestinians gathered in the area to stop the Israeli army from confiscating their privately-owned vehicles when the tow truck drove over Suleiman.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Israeli police shattered this Palestinian elder’s bones — and drove away
      By Ali Awad and Awdah Hathaleen January 11, 2022
      https://www.972mag.com/haj-suleiman-masafer-yatta-police

      On the afternoon of January 5, the Israeli occupation forces entered the Palestinian village of Umm al-Khair in the Masafer Yatta region of the South Hebron Hills, where we live, to confiscate unregistered Palestinian cars. An elderly man from the village, Haj Suleiman al-Hathaleen , tried to peacefully prevent them from leaving with the cars, when an Israeli police tow truck ran him over, causing severe injuries throughout his body. He is lying in critical condition in the hospital, closer to martyrdom than to life.

      There are many well-known policies used by the Israeli occupation to displace Palestinians from our villages in Masafer Yatta, including by declaring a military firing zone on the land of twelve villages, and even invoking Ottoman-era laws to confiscate Palestinian-owned land for Jewish settlements. But lately, it seems that the policy of “breaking bones” — a strategy infamously promoted by then-Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin during the First Intifada — has once again become a central method to displace us and to crush any hope of Palestinian popular resistance.

      Haj Suleiman is an anti-occupation activist in his late 60s, who we have known our whole lives. Every time we go to his house in Umm al-Khair, he greets us with a cup of tea and a smile. Everyone in the South Hebron Hills knows him well — especially the Israeli occupation soldiers. (...)

  • Israeli Soldiers Kill A Palestinian Near Hebron
    Jan 17, 2022 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/israeli-soldiers-kill-a-palestinian-near-hebron-3

    Israeli soldiers killed, Monday, a young Palestinian man at the Etzion Junction, south of Bethlehem in the occupied West Bank, after an alleged stabbing attempt.

    Palestinian medical sources said the young man has been identified as Faleh Mousa Jaradat from Sa’ir town, northeast of Hebron.

    The Palestinian remained bleeding on the ground without medical attention until he succumbed to his wounds, eyewitnesses said.

    In a statement, the Israeli army claimed that the Palestinians arrived in a vehicle before stepping out, and attempted to stab a soldier before the latter opened fire at him

    It added that no soldiers were hurt in the reported incident and that the army initiated a search for the car that transported the man.

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • #israel Boisement au Neguev : des centaines de Bédouins affrontent la police Emanuel Fabian et Times of Israel - 13 Janvier 2022
    https://fr.timesofisrael.com/boisement-au-neguev-des-centaines-de-bedouins-affrontent-la-police

    Des manifestants bloquent une autoroute ; les policiers répondent avec des gaz lacrymogènes, des grenades assourdissantes ; 3 hospitalisés, 13 arrestations au 3e jour


    Des manifestants bédouins et des forces israéliennes s’affrontent lors d’une manifestation dans le village de Sawe al-Atrash, dans le sud d’Israël, dans le désert du Neguev, contre un projet de boisement du Fonds national juif (FNJ), le 13 janvier 2022. (Crédit : Menahem KAHANA / AFP)


    Des centaines de manifestants bédouins ont affronté la police jeudi après-midi pour la troisième journée consécutive au sujet d’un projet de boisement controversé dans le désert du Neguev, malgré des informations indiquant que le gouvernement était à la recherche d’un compromis.

    Les manifestants ont bloqué l’autoroute Route 31 située près du village méridional de Sawe al-Atrash, et certains ont lancé des pierres sur les forces de l’ordre, selon la police.

    Une vidéo publiée en ligne montrait des agents en train d’utiliser des grenades assourdissantes et des gaz lacrymogènes pour disperser les participants.

    Au moins 12 manifestants auraient été blessés lors des heurts. Trois d’entre eux ont dû être hospitalisés à l’hôpital Soroka de Beer Sheva.
    . . . . . .
    Un reportage du radiodiffuseur public Kan indiquait mercredi que le gouvernement serait en train d’élaborer un plan global destiné à reconnaître certains villages non reconnus.

    Selon Kan, qui a cité des sources anonymes proches du dossier, un plan « sans précédent » devant être avancé par le gouvernement comprendrait la reconnaissance de 10 à 12 villages bédouins qui sont actuellement considérés comme illégaux. Le plan sera accéléré en raison de la poursuite des émeutes et les négociations devraient commencer ce jeudi, selon le reportage.


    La police israélienne détient un homme alors que des Bédouins protestent dans le désert du Néguev contre un projet de plantation du Fonds national juif (JNF), le 12 janvier 2022. (Crédit : AHMAD GHARABLI / AFP)

    Le reportage indique que les plantations d’arbres prévues dans les zones les plus litigieuses – où vit le clan bédouin al-Atrash – ne reprendront pas la semaine prochaine afin de donner une chance aux négociations. La plantation dans d’autres zones, cependant, devait se dérouler comme prévu.

    Le boisement et les violents affrontements avec la police qui ont suivi menacent aussi de faire tomber l’actuelle coalition hétéroclite, le parti islamiste Raam ayant promis de boycotter les votes en session plénière tant que l’opération de boisement se poursuivrait dans le Neguev, où se trouve le plus grand soutien électoral de Raam.

    « Nous n’avons pas le droit d’exister sans le Neguev », a déclaré le chef de Raam, Mansour Abbas, au micro de la Vingt-troisième chaîne mercredi. « Nous souffrons chaque jour pour être partenaires de la coalition ».

    Plus de 250 000 Bédouins vivent dans le désert du Neguev, et une partie d’entre eux sont installés de longue date dans des villages non reconnus par l’Etat hébreu.

    Ce projet, dénoncent-ils, revient à une prise de contrôle par le gouvernement de terres qu’ils estiment être les leurs, et constitue donc un obstacle à leur lutte pour une reconnaissance officielle de leurs villages par l’Etat.

    Des manifestants bédouins et des forces israéliennes s’affrontent lors d’une manifestation dans le village de Sawe al-Atrash, dans le sud d’Israël, dans le désert du Neguev, contre un projet de boisement du Fonds national juif (FNJ), le 13 janvier 2022. (Crédit : Menahem KAHANA / AFP)
    Des manifestants bédouins et des forces israéliennes s’affrontent lors d’une manifestation dans le village de Sawe al-Atrash, dans le sud d’Israël, dans le désert du Neguev, contre un projet de boisement du Fonds national juif (FNJ), le 13 janvier 2022. (Crédit : Menahem KAHANA / AFP)

    Des centaines de manifestants bédouins ont affronté la police jeudi après-midi pour la troisième journée consécutive au sujet d’un projet de boisement controversé dans le désert du Neguev, malgré des informations indiquant que le gouvernement était à la recherche d’un compromis.

    Les manifestants ont bloqué l’autoroute Route 31 située près du village méridional de Sawe al-Atrash, et certains ont lancé des pierres sur les forces de l’ordre, selon la police.

    Une vidéo publiée en ligne montrait des agents en train d’utiliser des grenades assourdissantes et des gaz lacrymogènes pour disperser les participants.

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    Au moins 12 manifestants auraient été blessés lors des heurts. Trois d’entre eux ont dû être hospitalisés à l’hôpital Soroka de Beer Sheva.

    شاهد| لحظة قمع الاحتلال تظاهرة في النقب المحتل، نظمها الفلسطينيون رفضًا لمحاولات السيطرة على أراضيهم.#انقذوا_النقب pic.twitter.com/taEK0Qwvjg

    — المقدسي للإعلام (@AlmakdesyMedia) January 13, 2022

    La police a déclaré que 13 personnes avaient été arrêtées lors des heurts de jeudi.

    La police a ajouté qu’en raison de la manifestation, l’autoroute était restée fermée de Shoket Junction à Tel Arad Junction. « Nous encouragerons le droit à manifester tant que ça sera fait conformément à la loi, et nous agirons avec une tolérance zéro à l’encontre des troubles », lit-on dans le communiqué de la police.

    Un reportage du radiodiffuseur public Kan indiquait mercredi que le gouvernement serait en train d’élaborer un plan global destiné à reconnaître certains villages non reconnus.

    Selon Kan, qui a cité des sources anonymes proches du dossier, un plan « sans précédent » devant être avancé par le gouvernement comprendrait la reconnaissance de 10 à 12 villages bédouins qui sont actuellement considérés comme illégaux. Le plan sera accéléré en raison de la poursuite des émeutes et les négociations devraient commencer ce jeudi, selon le reportage.
    La police israélienne détient un homme alors que des Bédouins protestent dans le désert du Néguev contre un projet de plantation du Fonds national juif (JNF), le 12 janvier 2022. (Crédit : AHMAD GHARABLI / AFP)

    Le reportage indique que les plantations d’arbres prévues dans les zones les plus litigieuses – où vit le clan bédouin al-Atrash – ne reprendront pas la semaine prochaine afin de donner une chance aux négociations. La plantation dans d’autres zones, cependant, devait se dérouler comme prévu.

    Le ministre de la Protection sociale, Meir Cohen (Kakhol lavan), l’homme de référence du gouvernement en ce qui concerne la légalisation des villages bédouins non reconnus, avait déclaré mercredi avoir réussi à négocier un accord entre les parties afin de tenir des négociations à partir de ce jeudi pour trouver un compromis sur la question.

    La police a déclaré jeudi matin que 21 émeutiers avaient été arrêtés pendant la nuit à Tel Sheva, Segev Shalom et Rahat. La nuit précédente, 18 personnes avaient été arrêtées.

    Le boisement et les violents affrontements avec la police qui ont suivi menacent aussi de faire tomber l’actuelle coalition hétéroclite, le parti islamiste Raam ayant promis de boycotter les votes en session plénière tant que l’opération de boisement se poursuivrait dans le Neguev, où se trouve le plus grand soutien électoral de Raam.

    « Nous n’avons pas le droit d’exister sans le Neguev », a déclaré le chef de Raam, Mansour Abbas, au micro de la Vingt-troisième chaîne mercredi. « Nous souffrons chaque jour pour être partenaires de la coalition ».

    Plus de 250 000 Bédouins vivent dans le désert du Neguev, et une partie d’entre eux sont installés de longue date dans des villages non reconnus par l’Etat hébreu.

    Ce projet, dénoncent-ils, revient à une prise de contrôle par le gouvernement de terres qu’ils estiment être les leurs, et constitue donc un obstacle à leur lutte pour une reconnaissance officielle de leurs villages par l’Etat.

    Cette controverse suscitée par l’entreprise de boisement avait commencé il y a quelques semaines, quand le JNF-KKL avait commencé des activités forestières dans une région où sont installés les Bédouins du clan al-Atrash. Un responsable municipal bédouin avait estimé que des milliers de personnes vivaient sur les lieux où travaillait le JNF-KKL et que si les plans de reforestation continuaient, elles risquaient d’être finalement expulsées.

    Le gouvernement a déterminé que les terres étaient publiques mais les résidents bédouins affirment qu’elles leur appartiennent.

    Les Bédouins du Neguev ont une relation difficile avec l’État. Pendant des décennies, le gouvernement a cherché à les faire s’installer dans des villes planifiées, reconnues, mais un grand nombre d’entre eux vivent dans tout un ensemble de hameaux illégaux répartis dans le sud du désert israélien.

    Les Bédouins accusent le JNF-KKL de chercher à les déplacer, mais l’organisation explique, pour sa part, qu’elle ne fait que répondre à une demande gouvernementale sur des terres publiques. Le KKL-JNF travaille sur tout le territoire israélien et met en œuvre des projets de préservation de la nature, mais certains l’accusent d’avoir un agenda politique.

    . . . . . .
    De son côté, le chef de l’opposition, Benjamin Netanyahu, avait émis un communiqué au ton belliqueux, disant que « personne n’arrêtera de reboiser la terre d’Israël. J’apporte mon soutien aux forces de sécurité et je demande à Bennett une condamnation immédiate des incitations de Raam, son important partenaire gouvernemental ».
    . . . . . .
    #Palestine #bédouins #arbres #expulsions #forêt #climat #arbre #déforestation #écologie #environnement #forêts #nature #terres #réfugiés #colonisation #Palestine_assassinée

    • Deux officiers de Tsahal tués par des « tirs amis » près d’une base en Cisjordanie Judah Ari Gross
      https://fr.timesofisrael.com/deux-officiers-de-tsahal-tues-par-des-tirs-amis-pres-dune-base-en-

      Le major Ofek Aharon et le major Itamar Elharar ont tiré en l’air vers un soldat lors d’une patrouille qu’ils ont pris pour un suspect. Se croyant attaqué, le soldat a tiré sur eux.

      Deux officiers d’une unité commando de l’armée israélienne ont été tués dans un accident de « tir ami » près d’une base militaire de la vallée du Jourdain en Cisjordanie, dans la nuit de mercredi à jeudi, a annoncé l’armée israélienne.


      Photos non datées du Major Itamar Elharar, à gauche, et du Major Ofek Aharon, qui ont été tués par un tir ami à l’extérieur de leur base dans la vallée du Jourdain, le 12 janvier 2022. (Crédit : armée israélienne)

      Les officiers, tous deux membres de l’unité d’élite Egoz, effectuaient une patrouille autour de leur base, appelée Nabi Musa, au nord de la mer Morte, après un entraînement.

      Peu après, ils ont identifié ce qu’ils pensaient être un individu suspect et ont tiré en l’air. Ensuite, un soldat de la même unité, qui était apparemment en patrouille à proximité, a tiré en direction des officiers – qu’il n’avait pas identifiés comme des militaires – croyant qu’il était sous le feu, tuant deux d’entre eux.

      Les officiers, qui ont été identifiés plus tard comme étant le major Ofek Aharon et le major Itamar Elharar, ont tenté d’arrêter ce « suspect », lui demandant d’abord de s’arrêter, puis ont tiré des coups de semonce, selon l’armée.

      Le troisième officier, entendant les coups de feu mais ne sachant apparemment pas qu’ils étaient tirés par des collègues soldats, a alors tiré en retour, les blessant mortellement tous les deux.
      . . . . . . . .
      #bavure

  • Elderly Palestinian Man Killed After Israeli Soldiers Assaulted Him Near Ramallah
    Jan 12, 2022 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/elderly-palestinian-man-killed-after-israeli-soldiers-assaulted-him-near-rama

    Palestinian medical sources have confirmed, on Wednesday at dawn, that an elderly man was killed after Israeli soldiers detained and repeatedly assaulted him near Ramallah, in the central part of the occupied West Bank.

    The sources said the man has been identified as Omar Abul-Majid As’ad, 80, from Jaljulia village, north of Ramallah.

    The Mayor of Jaljulia, Fuad Motea’, said the soldiers invaded the village and abducted Omar, before constantly assaulting him in an under-construction home, before leaving him on the ground.

    Motea’ also added that the elderly man was detained by the soldiers in the al-Ein area in Jaljulia before he was cuffed, blindfolded, and assaulted by the soldiers.

    He stated that Palestinian medics rushed to the scene, but were unable to resuscitate the man, before moving his corpse to Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah.

    His nephew, Mohammad, told Palestine TV that several army vehicles invaded the village after midnight, before forcing him out of a car, cuffed and blindfolded him, and started to drag him on the ground before taking him to the under-construction building.

    He added that after the soldiers repeatedly struck his uncle in the under-construction home, and after realizing that he was dead they just left him on the ground and left the area. (...)

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Les États-Unis demandent à « Israël » des explications sur le meurtre d’un Américain palestinien âgé en Cisjordanie.
      https://qudsnen.co/33786-2

      Washington (QNN)- Les États-Unis ont demandé mercredi à « Israël » des éclaircissements après la mort d’un Américain palestinien de 80 ans, détenu et brutalement battu par les forces d’occupation israéliennes lors d’un raid militaire en Cisjordanie occupée.
      Hier, un Palestinien âgé, identifié comme Omar Abul-Majid As’ad, est mort après avoir été détenu et brutalement battu par les forces d’occupation israéliennes qui lui ont également bandé les yeux et passé les menottes lors d’un raid militaire nocturne dans le village de Jiljilyya, au nord de Ramallah en Cisjordanie occupée.
      L’homme âgé est mort d’une crise cardiaque, comme l’a confirmé le ministère palestinien de la Santé dans un communiqué. (…)

    • A question for the soldiers who abused an 80-year-old Palestinian man
      Gideon Levy | Jan. 24, 2022 | Haaretz.com
      https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-a-question-for-the-soldiers-who-abused-an-80-year-old-palestinian-

      If I could only meet with the soldiers of the Netzah Yehuda battalion who abused 80-year-old Omar Abdalmajeed As’ad to the point of death, I would ask them just one question: What would have happened is As’ad was your grandfather? We don’t need to preach or give more educational seminars, this question is more than enough to upend their world.

      From past experience, they would have responded with aggression, confusion and loss of control. This question is outside the realm of thought in which they were trained. It is impossible to stand in the dark of night at a checkpoint, to abuse an old man and think about your grandfather. They would say: how can you compare them, my grandfather isn’t a terrorist, we didn’t have a choice, those were the orders, what did you want us to do, Israel’s security.

      But these soldiers have to be asked this question time after time. They are haredim who serve in a battalion with this pompous – almost laughable – name, Netzah Yehuda ("Eternity for Judah"), which already has a not-so-short record of abusive acts against Palestinians. It’s no coincidence that the IDF sends a Haredi battalion with a biblical name to face the Palestinian population and oppress it. For them, the abuse is done in the name of God.

      Reading the testimony of the soldiers in the army’s inquiry, a quick and efficient inquiry of the type the IDF never conducts, turns the stomach. But the soldiers’ bad luck is that this time their victim carried an American passport, and the Americans, as opposed to the Israelis, want to know the truth. A sort of very strange trait. That is why the IDF had to investigate, and even quickly – almost an event of science fiction when it concerns IDF investigations about the abuse and killing of Palestinians.

      The victim’s advanced age, 80, was also to the soldiers’ detriment. One of them may have claimed that As’ad looked to him to be 20 years younger than his age, so he thought it was permitted to throw him to the ground on a cold night, gagged, blindfolded and handcuffed, given treatment he wouldn’t give to a stray dog. But even the most coldhearted couldn’t remain apathetic, even if only because of the man’s age.

      It is impossible to remain unmoved in light of the soldiers’ testimonies. It turns out that there are levels of bestialization and brutality, but this case broke a record. In their defense, the abusers claimed that they didn’t notice the signs of distress of the man they had turned into a sack of potatoes, threw to the ground and left there for over an hour, choked and cuffed. But what signs of distress can a bound man whose mouth is sealed shut and whose eyes are covered show? For his ears to shake? For his hair to stand on end? Poor As’ad shouted at them that he was not a terrorist when they stopped him making his way home late at night – because what did they expect? That he prostrate himself on the ground and kiss the soldiers’ feet? And what would their grandfathers have done?

      Haaretz’s Yaniv Kubovich reported that the soldiers said they received an order – it’s not clear from whom, perhaps from the Lord of Armies Himself – to handcuff anyone who arrived at the roadblock and to gag their mouth, so those inside the village wouldn’t know about the fighters’ “operational” activities.

      Defense sources told Haaretz that this was a “bad incident, a serious incident,” seemingly because of the bad name that it could give to the moral army in America – but don’t worry, the Americans will also quickly forget. In any case, the Military Advocate General Corps has already rushed to correct the impression and shirk responsibility for the entire matter: “The circumstances of his death are not related to the actions of the military force,” they ruled. They know, they investigated, it is over and done.

      Everyone played their part: The soldiers abused, the old man died, the Americans protested and the IDF investigated. No one will be put on trial, and certainly no one will be punished as they deserve. After all, As’ad died from a heart attack and everything that came before had absolutely no connection to his death, and was also proper, moral and legal.

      I have only request from the soldiers: In spite of everything, please think – if just for a moment – what would have happened if As’ad had been your grandfather, and that he died this way.

    • ’We will all die. But why like that?’

      Details still emerge weeks after Israeli troops violently arrested an 80-year-old Palestinian. Omar Abdalmajeed As’ad was bound, beaten and tossed to the ground. An autopsy found that the brutality he suffered resulted in a fatal heart attack, but arrests are yet to be made

      Gideon Levy, Alex Levac | Jan. 28, 2022 | 12:56 AM | 7
      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/twilight-zone/.premium.HIGHLIGHT.MAGAZINE-we-will-all-die-but-why-like-that-1.10572177

      Mamduh Abd A-Rachman, one of the other Palestinians brought to the site where Omar As’ad lost his life. “We’ll all die,” As’ad’s brother says. “But why like that?”Credit: Alex Levac

      It was a few minutes after 3 A.M. Omar Abdalmajeed As’ad was driving from the home of a friend on the western side of his village to his house, on the eastern side. A few hours earlier he had dropped off his wife at home after they’d gone shopping together and had coffee with friends. At around 10 P.M. he went to visit a friend. Since returning from the United States, 11 years ago, As’ad had been spending a lot of time with childhood friends from the village. They sipped coffee, played cards and talked late into the night, each time at someone else’s house. The night of January 12 was no different. At 3 A.M. he drove home.

      On the dark, empty road, he suddenly noticed a few Israel Defense Forces soldiers at the street corner where Ali’s Grocery is located, in the center of town. Jiljilya, located in the Ramallah District and one of the most affluent locales in the West Bank, is replete with palaces. Some of its residents immigrated to the United States years ago, where they prospered and then built themselves mansions back home. A drive around affords quite a spectacle: Houses of marble that look like they’re made of marzipan, each more luxurious than the next, most of them empty, awaiting their owners’ family visits in the summer, or waiting for them to retire.

      Omar and his wife Mahani also wanted to grow old together in their village, after they left it for America in 1970. For the first 11 years they lived in Chicago, then they moved to Milwaukee, where they owned a few supermarkets. Mahani is 78, Omar was 80, and they were married for 58 years. They built their home in Jiljilya 15 years ago – a relatively modest residence compared to most of the other neighboring villas. They lived there alone: Their five daughters, two sons and their grandchildren remained in America. Everyone in the family, including the grandparents, has U.S. citizenship.

      It was very cold, that Wednesday night. The soldiers ordered As’ad to stop. The previous night, too, IDF jeeps had invaded Jiljilya, which is typically one of the quietest locales in the West Bank. Maybe that’s why the fighters from the army’s ultra-Orthodox Netzah Yehuda (“Judah’s Eternity”) Battalion 97 raided it: It’s easy to train, to mete out abuse for no reason, to demonstrate control and power, or just enjoy a break from the routine and the boredom there. This ludicrously named battalion has a rich record of acts of abuse against Palestinians. This time it was the turn of the inhabitants of Jiljilya.

      The forces decided to detain without prior warning anyone who dared drive in the street that night. The soldiers claimed afterward, in testimony they gave to the army, that this was the order they had received – from whom it isn’t clear. According to residents, dozens of troops descended on the village that night; five to seven of them manned a makeshift checkpoint they’d erected in town.

      An eyewitness, Rada Bakri, 63, who lives above the site where the soldiers positioned themselves, was awake and had read in the social networks that the army had invaded again. He peeked out of the window of his second-floor apartment – according to an account he later gave to Iyad Hadad, the Ramallah District field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem – and saw a few soldiers leap into the middle of the road and stop As’ad’s car. Shouts quickly erupted between them and the elderly man who wanted only to get home.

      After about five minutes a soldier opened the door of the vehicle and forcibly removed the driver, according to Bakri. The soldiers shackled his hands with black plastic handcuffs, later found at the place where he died, blindfolded him and stuffed pieces of flannelette into his mouth.

      About 120 meters separate the spot where As’ad was initially detained and the place where the soldiers force-marched or dragged him. That occurred along the dirt path that leads to the new mansion of Mohammed As’ad, a relative of Omar’s, who also returned, in his case recently, from the United States and is living in Ramallah until his luxurious two-story home will be ready – very soon now. Soldiers had wandered about near the empty structure the night before; on this night they would haul five Palestinians into its marble-floored courtyard.

      It was very dark, and eyewitness Bakri still can’t say whether As’ad walked on his own or was dragged by force. As’ad was a heavyset man with a plodding walk, his family related early this week when we visited. They found one of his shoes in his car – meaning that if he was walking, it was with one foot exposed to the wet, cold earth. They added that the soldiers had subjected him to a body search: He was left without a coat, wearing only a shirt and sweater; they stripped off his red keffiyeh, which was found later in a corner of the courtyard.

      As’ad would have passed through the stone gate into the courtyard of the imposing new house, with its red-tiled roof and stone pillars in front. There, the soldiers threw him onto the ground, face-down, like one would toss a sack, next to the bags of sand being use in the construction, which are still there. Hadad believes that As’ad died within a short time, perhaps soon after he was hurled to the ground. An 80-year-old man on a frigid night, frightened, humiliated, probably panicked. “Why didn’t they at least allow him to sit, bring him a chair?” mourners asked this week, in the family’s house.

      In the meantime, a van approached the soldiers’ checkpoint at the bottom of the road, carrying two Palestinian greengrocers who were on their way to the wholesale market in the town of Beita. It was about 3:30 A.M. Mamduh Abd A-Rachman, 52, from the nearby village of Arurah, was in the passenger’s seat. This week he accompanied us to the site where As’ad was taken that night – followed by him and his colleague – in order to reconstruct the elderly man’s last moments.

      The soldiers stopped the van and ordered the driver to proceed to the mansion, where the two occupants were told to get out and hand over the keys and their ID cards. They were forced to sit in the courtyard; Abd A-Rachman showed us how he sat on his leg, because the marble was unbearably cold. The two newly snared captives were ordered to sit a few meters apart. They weren’t handcuffed, but a soldier trained his weapon on them. They were told to keep their eyes on the ground. They couldn’t see anything. On the way from the van, Abd A-Rachman said he tried to tell the soldiers that he was ill, but that of course was of no interest to them; they forced his head down and ordered him to shut up.

      A large number of soldiers had meanwhile gathered in the courtyard, which had become a temporary detention facility. A few minutes later, two more Palestinians were brought in, also greengrocers on their way to Beita. They too were made to sit on the ground and keep their eyes down. The detainees were seated a few meters apart, apparently to prevent them from mounting an uprising. One of the soldiers now drove As’ad’s car, which had remained at the checkpoint, to the mansion.

      And thus they sat, on the cold floor – four living detainees with eyes downcast and one who was most likely dead by that time. They were drowsy and freezing; Abd A-Rachman fell asleep. The four didn’t know that someone had been brought there before them. Abd A-Rachman recalled that at one point he felt that he was touching something, but never imagined it was a dead body, thinking it was one of the bags of sand scattered about. A short time later, two soldiers sat down near Abd A-Rachman. Afterward it would emerge that they had come to remove As’ad’s handcuffs: Apparently they realized he was dead and wanted to get out as fast as possible, while eliminating any evidence.

      An autopsy performed this week by three Palestinian physicians, under the auspices of the Palestinian Authority, revealed that As’ad, who had pre-existing health problems, died as a result of a heart attack. The examiners noted that he had received blows to the head and arms and that the blindfold he wore was so tight it caused bleeding. They determined that the reason for death was “a sudden cessation of myocardial activity due to psychological tension brought on by the external violence to which he had been exposed.” Another source added that the initial autopsy findings suggested that As’ad was “severely beaten” and suffered from “rough and violent treatment” – as evidenced by numerous bruises.

      The IDF Spokesperson’s Unit issued the usual statement this week: A Military Police investigation is now underway. A spokesperson for Military Defense, which is representing the soldiers, stated: “They [the soldiers] were engaged in operational activity with the aim of preventing terrorism. The Palestinian in question was detained lawfully during the activity in accordance with procedures, in light of his behavior, which endangered the soldiers and the force, and he was released at the conclusion of the activity in sound condition and with no need for medical intervention. The circumstances of his death are not related to the conduct of the military forces.”

      While retreating from the courtyard, the soldiers aimed their rifles at the detainees. Abd A-Rachman says he got up to ensure that they were indeed gone, and then noticed something covered up next to him. He was aghast to discover it was a human body. As’ad’s face was covered with some sort of cloth, perhaps the coat he had been stripped of. Abd A-Rachman remembers that he shouted that there was a body, but the others replied that it was probably a sack of cement. “No, it’s a person!” he screamed.

      A check of the man’s pulse and breathing revealed that he was lifeless. Within a few minutes the village doctor, who lives several dozen meters from the site, arrived and tried to resuscitate As’ad, but in vain. The group then carried him on a stretcher to the physician’s clinic and administered electric shocks, but to no avail. As’ad was dead. It was 4:09 A.M. The soldiers left the ID cards and car keys they had confiscated on the roof of As’ad’s car, it was later discovered.

      In her home in Milwaukee, As’ad’s daughter, Hiba, 32, read on social media that someone from her parents’ village had died. She called the house immediately. Mahani, her mother, awoke in a fright. This week the widow told us tearfully that she was sure her daughter was calling because she had quarreled with her husband. But Hiba asked where her father was. The devastating answer came soon enough. Now Mahani is sitting in her living room in a traditional black dress and weeping. The family has already hired a caregiver for her, as she remains alone in the house.

      Two days before As’ad’s death, his younger brother Amer, a 59-year-old gardener with an American accent who lives in Racine, Wisconsin, had arrived in Jiljilya. He hadn’t seen his brother since As’ad left the United States over a decade beforehand and now he had come to visit. Unlike him, As’ad’s children didn’t manage to get to the funeral; since they don’t have Palestinian ID cards, they had to request Israeli visas, which are extremely hard for Palestinians to get.

      Since their return, Mahani and Omar had been unable to leave the village: Their old ID cards had been confiscated due to their prolonged absence; even if they had somehow traveled abroad with their U.S. passports, they would not have been allowed to return. Shortly before we arrived this week, the new ID cards they had waited for all these years arrived – but Omar was no longer alive. Amer had only managed to see him briefly before he died.

      Mother and brother are sobbing now. “We will all die,” the brother says. “But why like that?”

  • Israeli Soldiers Kill A Palestinian In Nablus
    Jan 6, 2022 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/soldiers-kill-a-palestinian-in-nablus

    Israeli soldiers killed, on Thursday at dawn, a young Palestinian man near Balata refugee camp, east of Nablus, in the northern part of the occupied West Bank.

    The Palestinian Health Ministry has reported that the slain young man is Bakeer Mohammad Hashash, 21 , and added that he was shot with live fire.

    Media sources said protests took place after many Israeli army vehicles invaded the area and added that Palestinian resistance fighters also exchanged fire with the invading soldiers.

    During the invasion, the soldiers invaded and searched several homes and abducted a young man, identified as Mohammad Salama from Balata al-Balad adjacent town.

    After his death, hundreds of Palestinians marched in Nablus calling for ongoing resistance against the Israeli occupation.

    His cousin, Mohammad Hashash, said Bakeer recently opened fire at the soldiers during an invasion into Nablus city, and since then, the soldiers have been trying to abduct him.

    He added that, approximately at 2:30 at dawn, the soldiers invaded the eastern area of Balata refugee camp, Balata town, and the al-Quds Street, and said that Mohammad exchanged fire with the soldiers for nearly twenty minutes before he was shot and killed.

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • Palestine is a climate justice issue | Environment | Al Jazeera
    https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2019/11/28/palestine-is-a-climate-justice-issue

    In my work coordinating Palestinian environmental organisations, I witness daily that for Palestinians, climate change is not just a natural phenomenon, but a political one. Israel‘s regime of occupation and apartheid, which denies us the right to manage our land and resources, exacerbates the climate crisis Palestinians face, making us more vulnerable to climate-related events.

    #palestine #apartheid_climatique #justice_climatique #climat #écologie

  • #Israel Une unité de combat 100 % féminine pour les recrues féminines pratiquantes Judah Ari Gross et Times of Israel
    https://fr.timesofisrael.com/une-unite-de-combat-100-feminine-pour-les-recrues-religieuses-et-p

    Cette unité sera intégrée dans un bataillon mixte existant ; les séminaires auraient fait savoir que certaines femmes voudraient s’enrôler s’il n’y avait plus d’obstacle religieux


    Des Israéliennes servant dans le bataillon Caracal, en novembre 2007. (Crédit : Yoni Markovitzki/unité des porte-paroles de l’armée israélienne/Flash90)

    L’armée israélienne prévoit de créer dans l’année un régiment 100 % féminin, affecté à la défense des frontières, pour les recrues pratiquantes désireuses de servir dans une unité de combat mais découragées par la présence d’hommes à leurs côtés.

    Ce projet a été révélé par la station de radio Kan et l’armée l’a confirmé au Times of Israël.

    Les premières recrues seront choisies parmi les femmes qui s’engageront dans les troupes de combat, au mois de mars prochain. L’unité sera intégrée à une unité de défense des frontières préexistante et mixte, a annoncé Tsahal.

    Selon Kan, la demande portant sur la création d’une telle unité a été soumise par plusieurs séminaires du mouvement nationaliste-religieux où étudient de nombreuses femmes après le lycée, avant de faire leur service militaire.

    Si les femmes qui ne sont pas considérées par l’État comme religieuses doivent nécessairement s’enrôler dans l’armée, celles qui sont considérées comme pratiquantes peuvent choisir de faire leur service national dans le cadre d’une mission civile. En effet, de nombreuses femmes évitent le service militaire proprement dit pour des raisons de pudeur, au vu des difficultés posées par la présence d’hommes à leurs côtés.


    Photo illustrative de femmes soldats dans l’armée israélienne pendant l’entraînement, le 13 juillet 2016. (Hadas Parush/Flash90)

    Les dirigeants des séminaires ont déclaré à l’armée qu’il y avait toutefois un fort désir, parmi leurs étudiantes, de servir dans des unités de combat mais que ces dernières, qui sont mixtes, n’étaient pas adaptées aux femmes pratiquantes qui respectent des règles de pudeur strictes – ce qui, selon eux, les empêche de servir aux côtés de soldats de sexe masculin.

    Les responsables militaires ont examiné la question et ont ainsi décidé de créer un régiment 100 % féminin.

    Des unités militaires existent d’ores et déjà pour les jeunes hommes religieux qui veulent conserver leurs interactions avec le sexe opposé au minimum pour les mêmes raisons de pudeur.

    Il existe quatre unités d’infanterie dans le Corps de défense des frontières, qui est responsable de la protection des frontières que partage Israël avec la Jordanie et avec l’Égypte. Même si l’État juif a signé des traités de paix avec Amman et le Caire, ces frontières sont régulièrement utilisées pour le trafic de drogue et d’armes et elles sont occasionnellement le théâtre d’attentats terroristes, en particulier le long de la frontière avec la péninsule du Sinaï qui accueille une branche modeste, mais dotée de capacités, du groupe terroriste de l’État islamique connue sous le nom de Province du Sinaï.

    L’année dernière, pour la toute première fois, l’armée a commencé à déployer une unité de chars 100 % féminine le long de la frontière égyptienne, dans le cadre d’un programme-pilote qui consiste à évaluer la faisabilité d’équipages féminins de blindés.

    Les détracteurs de l’intégration des deux sexes au sein de l’armée la rejettent souvent en disant qu’il s’agit d’une expérimentation sociale dangereuse qui pourrait avoir potentiellement des conséquences sur la sécurité nationale, tandis que ses partisans affirment qu’elle est nécessaire depuis longtemps et qu’elle est mise en place dans de nombreux pays occidentaux.

    Ceux qui s’opposent à la présence des femmes au sein de l’armée font remarquer que certaines exigences ont été abaissées pour les soldates de combat – ce qui s’apparente, selon eux, à un sacrifice en termes d’efficacité – et que les femmes qui font leur service militaire sont plus sujettes à des traumatismes liés au stress.

    Certains dirigeants religieux ont également dénoncé la présence des femmes dans les unités de combat.

    L’armée insiste sur le fait qu’elle autorise dorénavant un plus grand nombre de soldates dans les unités de combat pour des raisons pratiques et non au nom de considérations d’ordre social.

    #Femmes #Tsahal #armée #religion #intégration #désir #sexisme #expérimentation_sociale #Palestine_assassinée #féminisme #violence

  • Israeli Forces Kill A Palestinian Near Salfit
    Dec 31, 2021 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/israeli-forces-kill-a-palestinian-near-salfit

    Israeli forces shot and killed, on Friday morning, a Palestinian man who allegedly attempted to carry out a stabbing attack near the illegal Ariel colony, northwest of Salfit in the central occupied West Bank, the Palestinian Ministry of Health has confirmed.

    Israeli sources claimed that the young man “got out of a vehicle and ran towards a bus stop at the Giti Avishar junction with a knife in his hand,” in an alleged stabbing attempt.

    Israeli media agency “Walla” claimed that “the soldiers in the area ordered the man to stop, and when he did not respond, he was shot with several live rounds in the abdomen”.

    The Palestinian News & Information Agency (WAFA) reported that the seriously injured young man was pronounced dead one hour after being shot after medical crews were denied access to provide him treatment.

    There were no reports of any injuries among Israeli colonists or soldiers.

    The slain Palestinian man was later identified as Amir Atef Khader Rayyan, 36 , a married father of several children, from Qarawat Bani Hassan town, northwest of Salfit in the central West Bank.

    His brother, Mansour, is a former political prisoner who was exiled by Israel from the West Bank to the Gaza Strip, several years ago.

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • Israeli settler Kills Palestinian Woman in a Hit and Run Near Ramallah
    Dec 24, 2021 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/israeli-settler-kills-palestinian-woman-in-a-hit-and-run-near-ramallah

    An illegal Israeli colonist struck with his vehicle, on Friday, an elderly Palestinian woman, killing her instantly, near the entrance of the town of Sinjil, northeast of Ramallah in the central occupied West Bank, according to local sources.

    The Mayor of Sinjil, Hazem Tawafsha, stated that the victim, identified as Ghadir Anis Abdullah Fuqaha, 63, was standing with her husband at the entrance to the town, near the settler-only bypass Road 60 when she was killed.


    The perpetrator, whose identity was unknown at the time of this report, struck the woman with his car, killing her instantly, and then sped away.

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • Israeli Soldiers Kill A Palestinian Near Ramallah
    IMEMC Dec 23, 2021
    https://imemc.org/article/israeli-soldiers-kill-a-palestinian-near-ramallah-5

    Israeli soldiers killed, on Wednesday evening, a young Palestinian man from the al-Am’ari refugee camp, south of the central West Bank city of Ramallah. Media sources stated that the Palestinian was shot by the soldiers in the al-Biereh nearby city.

    In a statement, the Israeli army claimed that its soldiers were looking for Palestinians who were spotted approaching the Psagot colony and fired a few live rounds.

    It added that its soldiers then invaded the outskirts of al-Biereh city looking for Palestinians, before they came under fire from a passing vehicle, and fired at the car, wounding a young man.

    The slain Palestinian was not the driver but was apparently on the passenger side of the vehicle; no soldiers were injured in the incident.

    The Palestinian Health Ministry said the slain young man has been identified as Mohammad Issa Abbas , 26, and added that he was shot in the back before he was rushed to Palestine Medical Complex where he succumbed to his serious wounds.

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • #israel : Les attaques contre les Palestiniens en hausse, mais la justice reste insaisissable Aaron Boxerman
    - Time of israel

    Les agressions violentes contre les Palestiniens en Cisjordanie ont augmenté de près de 50 % au cours de l’an passé, mais les arrestations et les inculpations ne suivent pas.

    AL-MUFAQARA, Cisjordanie – Des jets de pierres étaient venus troubler le calme de l’après-midi dans le minuscule village d’al-Mufaqara, en Cisjordanie, ce samedi de la fin du mois de septembre. Alors que les enfants, qui jouaient dehors, avaient couru en toute hâte se réfugier derrière les murs des habitations, un groupe d’attaquants israéliens masqués avait envahi ce village du sud des collines de Hébron, lançant une pluie de pierres sur les habitants, puis sur les maisons.


    Des habitants d’implantation masqués près du hameau palestinien d’al-Mufaqara dans les collines du sud de Hébron, le 28 septembre 2021. (Autorisation)

    Quand l’attaque s’était terminée, douze Palestiniens au moins avaient dû recevoir des soins médicaux – et le sentiment de sécurité ressenti jusque-là par les villageois avait disparu.

    « C’était démentiel. Pas une seule fenêtre du village n’a pas été brisée en petits morceaux », se souvient Mahmoud Hamamdeh, un résident.

    Selon des témoins israéliens et palestiniens, les violences avaient commencé quand un groupe d’Israéliens avait agressé un berger palestinien qui gardait son troupeau à proximité du village, infligeant des coups de couteau à plusieurs de ses moutons. Les Palestiniens étaient arrivés pour s’opposer aux attaquants israéliens – quelques-uns, parmi eux, étaient armés – et certains habitants du village palestinien avaient jeté des pierres. La situation avait ensuite dégénéré, les Israéliens brisant des panneaux solaires et retournant une voiture dans le hameau.

    Il semble que cela avait été des dizaines de Juifs israéliens qui avaient pris part à ces violences et à ces actes de vandalisme que les Palestiniens du secteur avaient qualifié d’épisode le plus grave qu’ils avaient connu, ces dernières années. Le ministre israélien des Affaires étrangères Yair Lapid avait, pour sa part, condamné l’attaque, évoquant un acte de « terrorisme ».

    Or, seuls deux Israéliens ont été jusqu’à présent mis en examen pour leur implication dans ces violences.

    Parmi les blessés, le petit-fils de Hamamdeh, Mohammed, âgé de trois ans, qui avait été blessé à la tête par une pierre qu’un Israélien avait jetée dans la maison. Il avait été évacué précipitamment vers l’hôpital israélien de Beer Sheva. Selon des témoins, les extrémistes israéliens avaient jeté des pierres sur l’ambulance qui emmenait le petit garçon.

    Les médecins ont fait savoir à la famille de Mohammed que l’enfant pourrait souffrir de séquelles cognitives à long-terme en raison du choc encaissé par son jeune crâne.

    « Il y a eu deux inculpations ? Mais comment cela est-il possible ? Il y avait des dizaines de partisans du mouvement pro-implantation qui nous ont attaqués ce jour-là ! Dites au monde que la ‘justice’, en Israël, va dans la mauvaise direction », s’insurge Hamamdeh au cours d’un entretien téléphonique, après l’annonce des mises en examen.

    Une vague de violences en plein essor
    Les responsables de la sécurité affirment qu’il y a eu, cette année, une hausse drastique des violences commises par des extrémistes juifs en Cisjordanie. En 2020, le Shin Bet avait enregistré 272 incidents violents sur ces territoires disputés ; et jusqu’à présent, il en a répertorié 397 pour tout 2021, alors que la fin de l’année arrive dans moins de deux semaines.

    Ces épisodes de violence se succèdent les uns après les autres dans les informations et dans les mains courantes de la police. Ce sont les mêmes noms qui reviennent encore et toujours : Burin, Burqa, Kafr Malik, Huwarra, al-Tuwani. Il n’y a que peu d’arrestations qui suivent et les tensions ne semblent jamais s’apaiser.

    Selon les statistiques qui ont été compilées par le groupe de défense des droits de l’Homme Yesh Din qui traque les violences nationalistes en Cisjordanie, 91 % des enquêtes policières portant sur des attaques commises par des Israéliens sur des Palestiniens ont été closes sans qu’aucune mise en examen n’ait eu lieu entre 2005 et 2019.


    Mohammad Bakr Hussein, 3 ans aurait été blessé par des pierres jetées par des habitants d’implantation israéliens dans le sud des collines de Hébron, le 28 septembre 2021. (Crédit : autorisation)

    Les extrémistes juifs ont fait des mois de septembre et octobre un moment de tensions accrues. C’est la période de la récolte des olives pour des centaines d’agriculteurs palestiniens de toute la Cisjordanie, qui se rendent alors dans les oliveraies situées hors des frontières de leurs villages, sur des terres qui sont souvent proches des implantations ou des avant-postes illégaux israéliens.

    Ces violences sont souvent l’œuvre des « Jeunes des collines », de jeunes Juifs ultra-nationalistes qui résident dans des avant-postes illégaux, aux côtés de leurs compagnons idéologiques. Certains ne vivent pas en Cisjordanie et sont de jeunes Israéliens qui habitent à l’intérieur du pays, qui ont réussi à passer entre les mailles du filet et qui se sont radicalisés.

    « Ce ne sont pas tous des habitants d’implantation ou des enfants de résidents d’implantation. Un grand nombre d’entre eux vient de l’intérieur de la Ligne verte », explique Dvir Kariv, un ancien commandant du Shin Bet qui s’est spécialisé dans le suivi du terrorisme juif. « Un grand nombre de ces jeunes rencontrent des problèmes chez eux, ils sont en échec scolaire et ils ont abandonné l’école, ou la structure qui les accueillait – et ils se retrouvent ainsi sur les collines ».

    Alors que certains des avant-postes juifs les plus extrémistes se trouvent à quelques mètres seulement des oliveraies palestiniennes, les « gangs » de jeunes israéliens peuvent passer très rapidement à l’attaque en espérant pouvoir fuir tout aussi vite, note le major-général à la retraite Eitan Dangot, membre de l’institut MirYam, un think-tank.

    « C’est la proximité, surtout ça : On parle ici d’une distance de 30 secondes, d’une minute. Si on n’est pas correctement préparés avec des unités présentes dans le secteur, alors il n’est pas possible d’y faire face. Et c’est cette même proximité qui leur permet de frapper et de disparaître ensuite », dit Dangot, qui a été responsable de la liaison israélienne avec les Palestiniens, une entité connue sous son acronyme, le COGAT, entre 2012 et 2014.


    Des Palestiniens ramassent des olives sur un arbre pendant la saison de récolte annuelle, près de la ville de Naplouse en Cisjordanie, le 23 octobre 2021. (Crédit : Nasser Ishtayeh/Flash90)

    La police israélienne affirme que le nombre d’incidents diminue d’année en année, même si les mises en examen augmentent. Selon les chiffres officiels de la police, de 2019 à 2021, il y a eu une baisse de 61,1 % des attaques dites du « Prix à payer », au cours desquelles des résidents d’implantations extrémistes agressent des Palestiniens ou vandalisent leurs biens en réponse aux mesures prises par les autorités israéliennes à leur encontre. Ils affirment également que le nombre d’inculpations d’extrémistes juifs a doublé, passant de 16 à 32 au cours de l’année écoulée.

    Le Shin Bet et le ministère de la Défense ne sont pas d’accord avec ce tableau relativement favorable. Un haut responsable de la défense israélienne qui s’est entretenu avec le Times of Israël a souligné que la situation se détériorait et que les extrémistes s’enhardissaient.

    « Au cours des dernières semaines et des derniers mois, nous avons constaté qu’[ils] gagnent en force et se retranchent », a déclaré le responsable, qui s’est exprimé sous couvert d’anonymat.

    « Quiconque parle sera puni »
    L’une des explications de cet écart est que les Palestiniens ne déposent souvent pas de plaintes officielles auprès de la police. Le sentiment dominant est que de telles affaires ont peu de chances d’aboutir, étant donné le faible taux d’inculpation d’Israéliens, même lorsque les incidents sont filmés et enregistrés.


    Une famille palestinienne de Huwarra constate les dégâts après une attaque par jets de pierres, qui aurait été commise par des habitants des implantations le 31 décembre 2020. (Crédit : Muataz Qasrawi)

    Les Palestiniens disent également craindre de se rendre à la police ; des rumeurs circulent selon lesquelles les Palestiniens qui déclarent avoir été attaqués ne seront plus autorisés à travailler en Israël. Le Shin Bet dément cette affirmation, mais les Palestiniens disent que la crainte de perdre les précieux permis a de toute façon un effet dissuasif.

    Ahmad, un Palestinien de Huwarra qui travaille en Israël, a déclaré qu’un groupe d’Israéliens masqués provenant d’une implantation voisine l’a attaqué non loin de sa ville natale fin octobre, le conduisant à l’hôpital.

    « Nous étions peut-être cinq. Ils sont descendus par dizaines des environs de Yitzhar. L’armée s’est contentée de nous observer depuis le sommet d’une colline voisine », a déclaré Ahmad.

    Décrivant l’incident et montrant des photos à l’appui de son récit, Ahmad a demandé à ne pas être identifié publiquement par crainte de représailles.

    « Quoi que vous fassiez, ne mettez pas mon nom complet, sinon ils me retireront mon permis. C’est bien connu qu’ils font ça. Quiconque parle est puni », a-t-il affirmé alors que le Times of Israël concluait une interview à son domicile par une journée pluvieuse de novembre.


    Des olives ramassées par des Israéliens de gauche et des activistes étrangers dans des oliveraies à proximité de la ville de Burin, en Cisjordanie, le 22 octobre 2018 (Crédit : Photo by ABBAS MOMANI / AFP)

    D’autres Palestiniens, comme Emad Zaban, un agriculteur de Burin, disent avoir déposé des plaintes auprès de l’Autorité palestinienne (AP), basée à Ramallah, qui est chargée de transmettre les demandes aux autorités israéliennes.

    Zaban affirme que les résidents d’implantations ont incendié ses oliveraies à plusieurs reprises. Mais lorsqu’il s’est adressé à la police israélienne, les agents ont déclaré que les plaintes ne leur avaient jamais été transmises.

    « D’une certaine manière, c’était mieux quand nous avions les ligues de village », a déclaré Zaban, faisant référence à une période où Israël exerçait un pouvoir militaire direct sur la Cisjordanie, avant la création de l’Autorité palestinienne dans les années 1990. « Maintenant, nous avons une Autorité impuissante au milieu, qui ne peut pas nous protéger. Où cela nous mène-t-il ? »

    « Les déraciner »
    Les attaques d’extrémistes juifs contre des Palestiniens en Cisjordanie, en particulier pendant la récolte annuelle des olives, se poursuivent sans relâche depuis des années. Les représentants du gouvernement ont parfois condamné la violence, mais les promesses de répression ont rarement été suivies d’une action concertée pour faire arrêter et poursuivre les auteurs présumés.

    Le nouveau gouvernement – une coalition hétéroclite de gauchistes, de centristes, de défenseurs d’implantations et d’islamistes – a envoyé des signaux contradictoires quant à sa volonté de s’attaquer au phénomène.

    Les partis de la coalition situés au centre et à gauche de l’échiquier politique ont déclaré qu’ils prendraient des mesures énergiques pour réprimer la violence extrémiste, mais la droite a violemment critiqué leurs déclarations, les jugeant exagérées. Le Premier ministre Naftali Bennett, partisan de longue date des implantations, était auparavant directeur général du Conseil de Yesha, un organisme regroupant les dirigeants locaux juifs de Cisjordanie.


    Naftali Bennett, chef du parti Yamina, lors d’une conférence du site d’information Srugim au-dessus du village bédouin de Cisjordanie Khan al-Ahmar, le 21 mars 2021. (Crédit : Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

    Mais dans un geste rare, le ministre de la Défense, Benny Gantz, a convoqué fin novembre une réunion de hauts responsables de la sécurité, dont le commissaire de police Kobi Shabtai et le chef du Shin Bet Ronen Bar, pour discuter de la récente vague d’attentats.

    La déclaration de Gantz à l’issue de la réunion visait à trouver un juste milieu. Il a condamné les « crimes haineux », mais n’a jamais mentionné les mots « Israéliens », « Juifs » ou « Palestiniens ».

    « Ce qui commence par un arbre peut se terminer par des dommages corporels ou – le ciel nous en préserve – par la perte de vies humaines. Les crimes de haine sont la racine à partir de laquelle le terrorisme se développe et nous devons les éradiquer », a déclaré Gantz.

    Bien que la Cisjordanie soit la plus grande division de la police israélienne, elle compte le moins de postes. Selon le fonctionnaire, la police a demandé plus de personnel et de ressources en Cisjordanie pour faire face au problème. Des forces spéciales de l’armée israélienne sont également en train d’être créées pour faire face à la violence nationaliste juive, a déclaré le fonctionnaire.

    Le fonctionnaire a ajouté que la plupart des résidents des implantations ne soutenaient pas les actes de violence.

    « La grande majorité de cette communauté n’agit pas de manière violente, et elle comprend les raisons de la coexistence et du maintien du calme », a-t-il déclaré.

    L’une des figures de proue du mouvement des implantations Oded Revivi, qui dirige le Conseil régional d’Efrat, a souligné que la violence était le fait d’une poignée de personnes marginales, et a déclaré qu’elle était de loin inférieure aux attaques terroristes palestiniennes contre les Israéliens.


    Le maire d’Efrat, Oded Revivi, s’exprime lors d’une conférence de presse à Efrat, le 31 juillet 2019. (Gershon Elinson/Flash90)

    Revivi a déclaré qu’il espérait que les forces de l’ordre allaient sévir pour mettre fin à ce phénomène. Mais il a ajouté que le renforcement de la répression n’était qu’une partie de la solution.

    « Dans le passé, il y avait des cadres éducatifs, des cadres thérapeutiques. Des travailleurs sociaux et des conseillers étaient présents sur le terrain », a déclaré Revivi.

    « Pendant des années, le gouvernement israélien a travaillé pour s’occuper du bien-être et de l’éducation de ces personnes. Il a alloué des budgets à cet effet. Mais depuis un an et demi ou deux ans, ce financement a totalement disparu », a ajouté Revivi. Israël n’a pas eu de budget pendant ce laps de temps.

    Le gouvernement israélien actuel, y compris Gantz, prend au sérieux la montée apparente de la violence juive israélienne, a souligné le haut responsable de la défense israélienne au Times of Israël. Les actions des extrémistes peuvent nuire à la réputation d’Israël à l’étranger, ce qui a un prix diplomatique élevé.

    « Nous sommes convaincus – il n’y a aucun argument – que toute personne qui blesse un civil qui ne représente pas une menace agit de manière immorale, illégale et d’une manière qui peut déclencher la violence régionale – ainsi que nuire à Israël à l’étranger, vis-à-vis des pays amis, en particulier les États-Unis et l’Europe », a déclaré le responsable.

    La controverse renouvelée
    Cette semaine, la polémique a de nouveau éclaté. Le ministre de la Sécurité intérieure, Omer Barlev, du parti Travailliste de centre-gauche, a suscité une vive réaction lorsqu’il a annoncé qu’il avait discuté de la « violence des résidents d’implantations » avec avec la numéro trois du département d’Etat américain, Victoria Nuland.


    G) Le ministre de la Sécurité Publique Omer Barlev lors d’une réunion à la Knesset, le 13 septembre 2021 et (D) le ministre de la Défense Benny Gantz lors d’une réunion à la Knesset, le 19 octobre 2021. (Crédit : Olivier Fitoussi ; Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

    Mardi, Bennett a réprimandé Barlev – sans le citer nommément – en déclarant que, bien que des « éléments marginaux » existent parmi les Juifs vivant en Cisjordanie, « nous ne devons pas généraliser ces propos à une communauté entière ».

    « Les résidents des implantations sont le sel de la terre », a écrit sur Twitter la ministre de la Justice, Ayelet Shaked. « La violence dont il faut être choqué, ce sont les dizaines de cas de jets de pierres et de cocktails Molotov sur des Juifs qui se produisent chaque jour, simplement parce qu’ils sont Juifs, le tout avec les encouragements et le soutien de l’Autorité palestinienne. »

    Si quelques-uns des incidents les plus violents de ces derniers mois ont donné lieu à des arrestations et à des inculpations, la plupart de ceux qui ont participé à ce qui était apparemment des attaques de masse restent en liberté.

    Début novembre, une vingtaine d’Israéliens juifs sont descendus d’une colline près de l’implantation de Bat Ayin et ont attaqué des Palestiniens et des militants israéliens de gauche venus cueillir des olives, selon la police et des témoins.

    Alors que des hommes masqués et des adolescents se rassemblaient sur une colline voisine, le rabbin Arik Ascherman, qui faisait partie des Israéliens aidant les Palestiniens, a appelé l’armée et l’a prévenue que le groupe risquait d’être bientôt attaqué. Mais les forces de sécurité ne sont apparues qu’après le début de l’assaut, a déclaré Ascherman, un important militant des droits de l’homme.


    Le rabbin de gauche Arik Ascherman après une attaque présumée des habitants israéliens d’implantation près de Bat Yin, en Cisjordanie, le 12 novembre 2021. (Crédit : Shai Kendler)

    Les assaillants masqués, qui seraient des extrémistes israéliens, ont descendu la colline armés de gourdins et ont lancé des pierres sur le groupe, selon des témoins. Le coordinateur de la sécurité de Bat Ayin – un habitant de la ville responsable de la sécurité à l’intérieur de l’implantation – est visible sur les photos de la scène, observant l’incident depuis le sommet de la colline, armé d’un fusil.

    Après que les assaillants ont commencé à jeter des pierres sur les cueilleurs d’olives palestiniens, deux d’entre eux se sont séparés et se sont dirigés vers Neta Ben-Porat, une Israélienne qui avait commencé à les filmer. L’un d’eux s’est approché d’elle en brandissant un gourdin, a-t-elle raconté.

    « Pendant un instant, il a marqué une pause. Puis il m’a frappé à la tête avec son club. Puis dans ma jambe. Bien que j’aie commencé à saigner, ils ont continué à me frapper. Après cela, je n’ai aucun souvenir de l’attaque », a déclaré Ben-Porat, qui était l’un des au moins deux Israéliens battus pendant l’attaque, selon les procureurs et les témoins.

    « Je ne leur ai pas parlé, ni ne les ai provoqué, je n’avais pas d’arme. Je suis Israélienne, je suis Juive, je suis une femme – je ne pensais pas qu’ils me feraient quoi que ce soit », a déclaré Ben-Porat.

    Deux jeeps de police sont arrivées quelques minutes plus tard. Mais les officiers ont attendu deux minutes, alors que la plupart de la foule s’était dispersée, avant de sortir des véhicules, a déclaré Gil Hammerschlag, militant juif de gauche.

    Sur les vingt Israéliens qui, selon la police, ont participé à l’agression, un seul – l’un des deux hommes qui ont attaqué Ben-Porat – a été inculpé. Les procureurs l’ont identifié comme un Israélien de 19 ans originaire de Kiryat Ekron, dans le centre d’Israël.

    Trois Palestiniens ont ensuite été arrêtés pour avoir jeté des pierres pendant la mêlée, bien que Ben-Porat et d’autres militants aient déclaré qu’ils n’avaient commencé à lancer des pierres qu’au début de l’attaque.

    Un juge militaire leur a donné raison et a ordonné leur libération après plusieurs jours d’emprisonnement. Aucun lanceur de pierres israélien n’a été inculpé.

    « On a l’impression qu’on leur a donné la légitimité de tuer. Il n’y a pas d’autre façon de le dire », a déclaré Ben-Porat avec une frustration palpable.


    Des hommes masqués, qui auraient été des habitants d’implantations israéliennes, armés de bâtons pendant une attaque contre des Palestiniens qui récoltaient des olives aux abords de Surif, en Cisjordanie, le 12 novembre 2021. (Crédit : Shai Kendler)

    « Si nous avions été Palestiniens, bien sûr, auraient-ils même porté des accusations ? Nous savons tous que la réponse est non », a-t-elle ajouté.

    Spectateurs ?
    Ces images sont devenues si omniprésentes, si quotidiennes, qu’elles ont presque cessé d’être dignes d’intérêt : des soldats israéliens en uniforme vert qui se tiennent à l’écart tandis que des personnages masqués – portant souvent les vêtements à franges distinctifs [tsitsit] prescrits par la loi juive – lancent des pierres sur les maisons palestiniennes.

    Lors de l’attaque d’al-Mufaqara, on pouvait voir des soldats israéliens au loin, regardant les Israéliens lancer des pierres sur les maisons et les voitures de ce petit village de bergers. À Burin, des soldats ont assisté à la mise à feu de pans entiers de terres agricoles par des Israéliens masqués.

    En réponse, l’armée israélienne fait souvent valoir que les vidéos qui circulent sur les réseaux sociaux sont éditées de manière à tromper ceux qui les visionnent.

    « Je peux le dire par expérience : ces clips ne reflètent pas toujours l’histoire complète. Ils ne montrent pas ce qui s’est passé pendant l’incident dans son ensemble. Lorsque vous filmez un petit clip, vous voyez que le soldat ne répond pas – mais peut-être attend-il des renforts », a argumenté Dangot.

    Mais même si les soldats israéliens filment régulièrement des incidents violents en Cisjordanie pour leur usage interne, l’armée publie rarement des images pour étayer sa version des faits.

    Et personne ne conteste que la plupart des personnes impliquées dans ces incidents échappent à l’arrestation. Si la police finit par ouvrir un dossier, il est souvent classé en raison de l’incapacité à identifier les suspects ou de ce que les autorités considèrent comme un manque de preuves qu’un crime a en effet été commis.

    D’anciens officiers de l’armée affirment que le problème des soldats et des policiers qui restent à l’écart pendant les attaques est réel. Selon le major-général à la retraite Nitzan Alon, le phénomène découle d’une dissonance fondamentale dans la mission des troupes.

    « L’identité fondamentale des soldats est qu’ils sont là pour protéger les Juifs et les citoyens israéliens contre les attaques terroristes palestiniennes. Ils ne se considèrent pas comme une force de loi et d’ordre chargée de faire respecter l’état de droit pour toutes les communautés de la région », a déclaré Alon, qui a supervisé le commandement de l’armée israélienne en Cisjordanie de 2012 à 2015.

    De nombreux auteurs israéliens étant toujours en fuite, l’armée israélienne a pour politique de « coordonner » l’accès des Palestiniens à leurs bosquets. Pendant quelques jours prévus longtemps à l’avance, les Palestiniens arrivent pour récolter sous l’œil attentif des soldats israéliens, qui sont là pour protéger les Palestiniens des agressions.

    https://static.timesofisrael.com/fr/uploads/2013/10/F13101
    Des Palestiniens inspectent leurs oliviers détruits dans le village de Qaryout, près de Naplouse, le 19 octobre 2013. (Crédit : Issam Rimawi/Flash90)

    « En général, je préfère y aller avec la coordination, afin de me sentir en sécurité », a déclaré Zaban, l’agriculteur de Burin.

    Cette année, le « jour de la coordination » de Zaban est tombé début octobre – bien trop tôt pour que ses olives soient mûres. Mais sentant qu’il n’avait pas d’autre choix, il a décidé de récolter quand même. Les olives, cueillies bien avant l’heure, n’ont pratiquement pas donné d’huile, selon Zaban.

    « J’ai subi des pertes massives cette année », a-t-il déploré.

    Lors d’un autre incident récent, des soldats ont accompagné des dizaines de résidents d’implantations sur un terrain de jeu à l’intérieur du village palestinien de Sussiya, dans les collines du sud de Hébron. Selon des militants israéliens de gauche présents sur les lieux, les résidents d’implantations ont éjecté les enfants palestiniens qui se trouvaient sur le terrain de jeu.

    Les soldats ont escorté les Israéliens sans se battre. Les résidents d’implantations se sont agités sur le terrain de jeu, entourés par l’armée. Ils sont restés dans l’aire de jeux pendant environ une demi-heure avant qu’on leur demande de rentrer chez eux, selon des témoins.


    Un soldat israélien se tient à l’écart alors que des habitants d’implantation entrent dans un terrain de jeu palestinien à Susiya, un hameau palestinien de Cisjordanie, le 6 novembre 2021 (Guy Butuvia).

    L’armée a déclaré que les clips et les photographies « ne reflétaient pas le déroulement de l’incident ». Les Israéliens locaux ont accusé les « gauchistes anarchistes », qui, selon eux, ont incité les Palestiniens à les attaquer.

    À al-Mufaqara, Mahmoud Hussein n’a guère de raisons d’être optimiste. Sa famille avait été informée que son petit-fils Mohammad pourrait souffrir de troubles cognitifs à long-terme en raison de l’hémorragie dans son cerveau, d’où la pierre l’a frappé.

    « L’armée est toujours du côté des colons. Sinon, ils auraient traqué les dizaines de personnes qui nous ont attaqués », a déclaré Hussein. « Quand c’est un gouvernement de colons, à quoi peut-on s’attendre ? »

    #violences #Palestine #Cisjordanie #colons #colonisation #justice #Juifs_israéliens #extrémistes_juifs #ultra-nationalistes #radicalisation #police_israelliene #Bébés #femmes #enfants (palestiniens)

  • Silat al-Harithiya (Palestine) : les forces de l’ordre israëliennes démolissent six maisons palestiniennes
    https://fr.squat.net/2021/12/21/silat-al-harithiya-palestine-les-forces-de-lordre-israeliennes-demolissent

    Lundi 20 décembre 2021, dans le village de Silat al-Harithiya, près de Jénine, les forces de l’ordre israëliennes ont prévenu des familles palestiniennes de leurs intentions de démolir leurs six maisons. Les soldats israëliens les ont perquisitionnées, mises sens dessus-dessous, et sont repartis après avoir menacé tout le monde et tiré une douzaine de coups […]

    #expulsion #militaires #Moyen-Orient #Palestine/Israël

  • Israeli Soldiers Kill One Palestinian, Injure Two, In Nablus
    Dec 13, 2021 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/israeli-soldiers-kill-one-palestinian-injure-two-in-nablus

    Israeli soldiers killed, on Sunday at night, a young Palestinian man, and injured two others, after the army invaded Nablus city, in the northern part of the occupied West Bank.

    Media sources said several army jeeps invaded the Ras al-‘Ein area in Nablus city, leading to protests, before the soldiers fired many live rounds at random, in addition to rubber-coated steel bullets, gas bombs, and concussion grenades.

    Ahmad Jibril, the director of the Nablus office of the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS), said the soldiers killed Jamil Mohammad al-Kayyal, 31, after shooting him with a live round in the head.

    Jibril added that the army jeeps also chased many Palestinians, and rammed two young men, causing moderate wounds, in addition to causing many to suffer the effects of tear gas inhalation.

    Furthermore, the soldiers also abducted a young man, identified as Amir al-Haj, and took him to an unknown destination.

    After the death of the young man, Palestinian resistance fighters exchanged fire with the invading soldiers.

    #Palestine_assassinée

  • Les candidates de Miss Univers sont des influenceuses qui font l’apologie du nettoyage ethnique et de l’effacement des Palestiniens et de leur culture sur la scène mondiale | السفير العربي
    https://assafirarabi.com/fr/42196/2021/12/12/les-candidates-de-miss-univers-sont-des-influenceuses-qui-font-lapolog

    Par le biais de messages sur les réseaux sociaux sponsorisés par le ministère israélien du tourisme, les candidates ont annoncé leur engagement dans la nourriture, les vêtements et les traditions de danse palestiniens – mais elles ont appelé cette culture palestinienne, ainsi que la terre et le peuple palestiniens dont elle est issue, « israélienne ». Et, alors qu’elles disaient vivre « la vie d’un Bédouin », elles ont négligé d’illustrer les conditions réelles de la vie bédouine, qui incluent les démolitions de maisons, les expulsions forcées et la violence de la police israélienne.

    #orientalisme #palestine #viol_culturel

  • The construction of Israel’s Gaza concentration camp is complete

    Israel announced the completion of an underground wall and maritime barrier surrounding the besieged Gaza Strip. Not a single mainstream media outlet used the term “concentration camp” to report on it but they should have.

    https://mondoweiss.net/2021/12/the-construction-of-israels-gaza-concentration-camp-is-complete
    #underground #sous-terrain #verticalité #murs #barrières_frontalières #Israël #Palestine #Gaza #barrière_maritime #mur_maritime

  • Israel’s ’most moral army in the world’ can’t keep running away from its past
    Haaretz Editorial | Dec. 12, 2021 |

    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/editorial/israel-s-most-moral-army-in-the-world-can-t-keep-running-away-from-its-past

    Soldiers of the Israeli army committed war crimes during the War of Independence, chief among them were massacres in Palestinian villages that were captured in the decisive battles in the lowland plain between the coast and Jerusalem, in the Galilee and in the Negev.

    People who were alive then described mass murders of Palestinian civilians by the troops who conquered their villages; execution squads; dozens of people being herded into a building that was then blown up; children’s skulls smashed with sticks; brutal rapes and villagers who were ordered to dig pits in which they were then shot to death.

    The massacres – the best-known of them in Deir Yassin, near Jerusalem, and the lesser-known ones in Al-Dawayima, Hula, Reineh, Salha, Meron, Al-Burj, Majd al-Krum, and Safsaf – are part of the Israel Defense Forces’ combat heritage and part of Israel’s history, no less than the heroic battles at the Mitla Pass, Ammunition Hill and the Chinese Farm, which were fought by regular armies.

    But Al-Dawayima isn’t taught in the public schools, and the cadets at the army’s officers’ training schools don’t take field trips to see the remains of the village on which Moshav Amatzia was established. They don’t read testimonies from the survivors of the massacre and they and don’t discuss the moral dilemmas of combat in a civilian environment – even though today, as in 1948, much of the military’s operations are directed at unarmed Palestinians.

    This silence is not coincidental, and it is dictated from above. The massacres were known at the time, discussed by the political leadership and investigated to some extent. One officer was even tried for the murder of civilians, convicted, given a ludicrously light punishment and eventually received an important public appointment. But official Israel has been fleeing from the story ever since, making every effort to prevent the crimes’ disclosure and to purge the archives of all remaining evidence.

    The historian Adam Raz was the first to disclose (Haaretz, December 10) the content of discussions in cabinet meetings devoted to “the army’s behavior in the Galilee and the Negev” in its major operations in October 1948. A few cabinet members expressed genuine shock and demanded punishment of those responsible. Prime Minister and Defense Minister David Ben-Gurion described the actions as “shocking,” but in practice he covered for the army and prevented a genuine investigation. In so doing, he laid the foundations for the culture of support and cover-up still prevalent in the IDF (and the Israel Police) regarding brutality against Palestinian and Lebanese civilians.

    A 73-year-old state has no need to run away from its past or cover it in the false blanket of “purity of arms” and “the most moral army in the world.” It is time to acknowledge the truth, and first to publish the report by the first attorney general, Yaakov-Shimshon Shapira, on the massacres of the dark autumn of 1948; to restore the redacted text to the minutes of the cabinet meeting in which Shapira presented his findings and to hold a penetrating public discussion of their implications today.

    https://seenthis.net/messages/939425

    Classified docs reveal massacres of Palestinians in ’48 – and what Israeli leaders knew
    Adam Raz | Dec. 9, 2021 | Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium.HIGHLIGHT.MAGAZINE-classified-docs-reveal-deir-yassin-massacre-was

    Testimonies continue to pile up, documents are revealed, and gradually a broader picture emerges of the acts of murder committed by Israeli troops during the War of Independence. Minutes recorded during cabinet meetings in 1948 leave no room for doubt: Israel’s leaders knew in real time about the blood-drenched events that accompanied the conquest of the Arab villages

    The discussions were fraught with emotion. Cabinet minister Haim-Moshe Shapira said that all of Israel’s moral foundations had been undermined. Minister David Remez remarked that the deeds that had been done remove us from the category of Jews and from the category of human beings altogether. Other ministers were also appalled: Mordechai Bentov wondered what kind of Jews would be left in the country after the war; Aharon Zisling related that he had had a sleepless night – the criminals, he said, were striking at the soul of the whole government. Some ministers demanded that the testimonies be investigated and that those responsible be held to account. David Ben-Gurion was evasive. In the end, the ministers decided on an investigation. The result was the establishment of the “committee to examine cases of murder in [by] the army.”

    It was November 1948. Testimonies of massacres perpetrated by Israel Defense Forces soldiers against Arabs – targeting unarmed men as well as elderly folk and women and children – were piling up on the cabinet table. For years these discussions were concealed from the public by the military censors. Now, an investigative report by Haaretz and the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research for the first time makes public the sharp exchanges between the ministers on this subject and reveals testimonies about three previously unknown massacres, as well as new details about the killing in Hula, Lebanon, one of the most flagrant crimes of the war.

    •••

    In October 1948, the IDF launched two large-scale operations: In the south, Operation Yoav, which opened a road to the Negev; and in the north, Operation Hiram. In the latter, within 30 hours, dozens of Arab villages in the north were overrun and tens of thousands of residents fled or were expelled from their homes. Within less than three days, the IDF had conquered the Galilee and also extended its reach into villages in southern Lebanon. The overwhelming majority of them took no part in the fighting. Most of the exchanges of fire were between the IDF and the Arab Salvation Army, consisting of volunteers from Arab countries.

    At the time of Israel’s campaign to conquer the Galilee, 120,000 Arabs remained in the area, half the number who had resided there on the eve of the United Nations’ adoption of the partition plan, in November 1947. The IDF’s rapid advance toward the northern border brought the soldiers into contact with the population that remained in the villages, among whom were elderly folk and women and children. The Palestinians’ fate was now in the hands of the Israeli forces. That was the background to the massacres that were perpetrated against civilians and against Arab soldiers who were taken captive. At the war’s end, some 30,000 Arabs remained in the north.

    The atrocities of the 1948 war are known from diverse historical documentation: soldiers’ letters, unpublished memoirs written in real time, minutes of meetings held by political parties, and from other sources. Reports about military and governmental investigations are for the most part classified, and the heavy hand of military censorship continues to obstruct academic research and investigative reporting. Still, the open sources provide a picture that is slowly becoming clearer. For example, testimonies about previously unknown massacres that took place in Reineh, at Meron and in Al-Burj, which are discussed below.

    Reineh killings

    The village of Reineh, near Nazareth, was conquered even before Operation Hiram, in July 1948. A few months later, Aharon Haim Cohen, from the department of the Histadrut labor federation that dealt with the Arab population, demanded that a representative of the parallel section in Mapam, a left-wing party that was part of the government, clarify the following: “Why were 14 Arabs murdered in the village of Reineh at the beginning of September, among them a Bedouin woman and also a member of the Land of Israel Workers Alliance, Yusuf al-Turki? They were seized next to the village, accused of smuggling, taken to the village and murdered.” Sheikh Taher al-Taveri, one of the leaders of the Palestinian community in the north, maintained that the Reineh massacre “is not the only one” and that these acts were “being carried out for the purpose of robbery.” The victim’s families claimed that those murdered had been carrying hundreds of liras, a very substantial amount.

    The village of Al-Burj (today Modi’in) was also conquered in July 1948, in Operation Dani. According to a document, whose author is unknown, that was found in the Yad Yaari Archive, four elderly men remained in the village after its capture: “Hajj Ibrahim, who helped out in the military kitchen, a sick elderly woman and another elderly man and [elderly] woman.” Eight days after the village was conquered, the soldiers sent Ibrahim off to pick vegetables in order to distance him from what was about to occur. “The three others were taken to an isolated house. Afterward an antitank shell (‘Fiat’) was fired. When the shell missed the target, six hand grenades were thrown into the house. They killed an elderly man and woman, and the elderly woman was put to death with a firearm. Afterward they torched the house and burned the three bodies. When Hajj Ibrahim returned with his guard, he was told that the three others had been sent to the hospital in Ramallah. Apparently he didn’t believe the story, and a few hours later he too was put to death, with four bullets.”

    According to the testimony of Shmuel Mikunis, a member of the Provisional State Council (predecessor to the Knesset) from the Communist Party, and reported here for the first time, atrocities were also perpetrated in the Meron region. Mikunis got around the censors in real time by asking the prime minister a parliamentary question, which ended up in the Knesset Archive. He demanded clarification from David Ben-Gurion about acts that Mikunis said had been done by members of the underground Irgun militia: “A. They annihilated with a machine gun 35 Arabs who had surrendered to that company with a white flag in their hands. B. They took as captives peaceful residents, among them women and children, ordered them to dig a pit, pushed them into it with long French bayonets and shot the unfortunates until they were all murdered. There was even a woman with an infant in her arms. C. Arab children of about 13-14 who were playing with grenades were all shot. D. A girl of about 19-20 was raped by men from Altalena [an Irgun unit]; afterward she was stabbed with a bayonet and a wooden stick was thrust into her body.”

    This is the place to emphasize that we have no additional testimony that reinforces the brutal descriptions of the events in Reineh, Al-Burj and Meron. This is not surprising, considering how much material remains locked away in the archives. With regard to Mikunis’ testimony, there are additional reasons to suspend healthy skepticism. In that same parliamentary question to Ben-Gurion, Mikunis provided a minutely detailed description of the massacre in the Lebanese village of Hula, and it turned out later, in court, that his sources were reliable. (There is no evidence of a response from the prime minister.)

    ‘Some still showed signs of life’

    The ministers appear to have been especially perturbed by the Hula massacre. The village was conquered by a company of the Carmeli Brigade, 22nd battalion, under the command of Shmuel Lahis. Hundreds of residents, a majority of Hula’s population, fled, but about 60 people remained in the village and surrendered without resistance. After the conquest, two massacres were perpetrated there, in two successive days. On the first day, October 31, 1948, 18 villagers were murdered, and on the following day the number of victims stood at 15.

    Lahis, the company commander, was the only combatant who was tried on murder charges in Operation Hiram. He was acquitted by reason of doubt in the first episode, but was convicted of the second day’s massacre, which he carried out himself. The Lahis verdict was later relegated to the law archive of Tel Aviv University, and a short excerpt from the ruling on his appeal is here published for the first time.

    Lahis ordered the removal “of those 15 Arabs from the house they were in and led them to an isolated house which was some distance from the village’s Muslim cemetery. When they got there, the appellant [Lahis] ordered the Arabs to be taken into one of the rooms and there he commanded them to stand in a line with their faces to the wall… The appellant then shot the Arabs with the Sten [gun] he held and emptied two clips on them. After the people fell, the appellant checked the bodies and observed whether there was life in them. Some of them still showed signs of life and the appellant then fired additional shots into them.”

    Lahis stated in his defense that he had operated in the spirit of the battalion commander, who told him that “there is no need to burden intelligence [personnel] with captives.” He explained that he felt a powerful need for revenge because of the death of his friends, even though his victims had not taken part in the fighting. He was sentenced to seven years in prison; on appeal the prison term was reduced to one year. He served it in quite comfortable conditions in a military base in the north.

    Over the years, the judges offered various explanations for the light sentence. Judge Gideon Eilat justified the sentence by noting that Lahis was the only person brought to trial, even though graver murders had been committed. Judge Chaim Dvorin said, “As a judge it was difficult for me to come to terms with a situation in which we are sitting behind a table and judging a person who behaved during battle as he behaved. Could he have known at the time who was innocent and who was an enemy?”

    Following his release, Lahis was pardoned by President Yitzhak Ben-Zvi. Three decades later he was appointed director general of the Jewish Agency. In that capacity he conceived the idea of Jerusalem Day, commemorating the re-unification of Jerusalem during the Six-Day War, which has since been marked annually.

    Deir Yassin

    Millions of documents from the state’s founding are stored in government archives, and banned from publication. On top of this there is active censorship. In recent years personnel of the Malmab unit (Hebrew acronym for “director of security of the defense establishment”) have been scouring archives around the country and removing evidence of war crimes, as an investigative report by Hagar Shezaf in Haaretz revealed in 2019. However, despite the efforts at concealment, the accounts of about massacres continue to accumulate.

    The groundwork was laid by the historian Benny Morris, who conducted comprehensive, pioneering research in archives, starting in the 1980s. To this was later added the work of another historian, Adel Manna, whose focus is oral history and who studied the history of the Arabs of Haifa and the Galilee. Manna described, among other events, the execution squad that massacred nine residents of Majd al-Krum (his own birthplace). Additional publications over the years, such as the testimonies reported here, are gradually filling in the missing pieces of the puzzle.

    Morris recorded 24 massacres during the 1948 war. Today it can be said that the number is higher, standing at several dozen cases. In some of them a few individuals were murdered, in others dozens, and there are also cases of more than a hundred victims. With the exception of the massacre in Deir Yassin, in April 1948, which has resonated widely over the years, this gloomy slice of history appears to have been repressed and pushed aside from the Israeli public discourse.

    Among the major massacres that took place during Operations Hiram and Yoav were the events in the villages of Saliha, Safsaf and Al-Dawayima. In Saliha (today Kibbutz Yiron), which lay close to the border with Lebanon, the 7th Brigade executed between 60 and 80 inhabitants using a method that was employed a number of times in the war: concentrating residents in a building in the village and then blowing up the structure with the people inside.

    In Safsaf (today Moshav Safsufa), near Safed, soldiers from the 7th Brigade massacred dozens of inhabitants. According to one testimony (subsequently reclassified by the Malmab unit), “Fifty-two men were caught, tied them to one another, dug a pit and shot them. Ten were still twitching. Women came, begged for mercy. Found bodies of 6 elderly men. There were 61 bodies. 3 cases of rape.”

    In the village of Al-Dawayima (today Moshav Amatzia), in the Lachish District, troops of the 8th Brigade massacred about 100 people. A soldier who witnessed the events described to Mapam officials what happened: “There was no battle and no resistance. The first conquerors killed 80 to 100 Arab men, women and children. The children were killed by smashing their skulls with sticks. There wasn’t a house without people killed in it.” According to an intelligence officer who was posted to the village two days later, the number of those killed stood at 120.

    An article published by an anonymous soldier in the journal Ner after the war indicates that the phenomenon of killing non-combatants was widespread in the IDF. The writer related how his comrades in the unit had murdered an elderly Arab woman who remained behind during the conquest of the village of Lubiya, in Lower Galilee: “This became a fashion. And when I complained to the battalion commander about what was going on, and asked him to put a stop to the rampage, which has no military justification, he shrugged his shoulders and said that ‘there is no order from above’ to prevent it. Since then the battalion just descended further down the slope. Its military achievements continued, but on the other hand the atrocities multiplied.”

    ‘This is a Jewish question’

    In November-December 1948, when the war pressure had abated somewhat, the government turned to discussing the reports of massacres, which reached ministers in different ways. A perusal of the minutes of these meetings leaves no room for doubt: The country’s top leaders knew in real time about the blood-drenched events that accompanied the conquest of the Arab villages.

    In fact, the minutes of cabinet meetings from this period were made available for public perusal as early as 1995. However, the sections of the discussions that were devoted to “the army’s behavior in the Galilee and the Negev” – the term on the cabinet’s agenda – remained redacted and censored until only a few days ago. The present report was made possible following a request to the state archivist made by the Akevot Institute.

    Even now, the transcripts are not available in full. It is evident that the direct mentions of war crimes remain redacted. However, the exchanges between the ministers about the question of whether to investigate the crimes or not – exchanges that were concealed for 73 years – are now available to researchers, journalists and curious citizens. Here, for example, is what the cabinet meeting of November 7, 1948, sounded like:

    Minister of Immigration and Health Haim-Moshe Shapira (Hapoel Hamizrahi): “To go that far is forbidden even in times of war. These matters have come up more than once in cabinet meetings, and the defense minister investigated and demanded, and orders were given. I believe that in order to create the impression that we take this matter very seriously, we must choose a committee of ministers who will travel to those places and see for themselves what happened. People who commit these acts must be punished. The matter was not a secret. My proposal is to choose a committee of three ministers who will address the gravity of the matter.”

    Interior Minister Yitzhak Gruenbaum (General Zionists): “I too intended to ask a question along these lines. I have learned that an order exists to cleanse the territory.” At this point Gruenbaum tells about an officer who transported residents in a bus to enemy lines, where they were expelled, and adds, “But apparently others lack the same intelligence and the same feeling. Apparently the order can be executed by other means.”

    At this point many lines are redacted.

    Labor Minister Mordechai Bentov (Mapam): “The people who did this claimed they had received orders in this spirit. It seems to me that we have not been as helpless about any issue as we are, apparently, about this issue. In my opinion this is not an Arab question, it is a Jewish question. The question is which Jews will remain in the country after the war. I see no way but to eradicate the evil with a strong hand. As we have not seen that strong hand in [army] headquarters or in the Defense Ministry, I support Mr. Shapira’s proposal for a committee to be chosen, which will be given the authority by the government to investigate every person it wishes. It’s necessary to investigate the chains of command, who received orders from whom, how things are being done without written orders. These things are done according to a particular method. It turns out that an order is one thing and procedure another.”

    Prime Minister and Defense Minister David Ben-Gurion (Mapai): “If they flee, there is no need to run after them. However, it is different with regard to residents who remain in their places and our armies chase them away. That can be prevented. There is no need to chase them away. In Lod and Ramle explicit orders were given not to chase away the inhabitants and it turned out that they were forced [to leave]. I wanted to go to Lod in the first days after the conquest, and I was given a few excuses as to why I shouldn’t go. The first time I accepted them naively. A more serious matter is that of the theft. The situation in that regard is horrible.”

    ‘Fools’ paradise’

    The November 7, 1948, meeting ended with a decision to appoint a committee of three ministers to examine the testimony about massacres. The committee consisted of Haim-Moshe Shapira, Bentov and Justice Minister Pinhas Rosenbluth (Rosen), from the Progressive Party. A week later they informed the cabinet that the meager powers they had been given did not enable them to get to the truth of the matter. Three more days passed, and the cabinet met again to discuss the investigation of the crimes.

    Bentov: “It is known to me that there are circles in the army who want to sabotage the government’s decisions.”

    Shapira: “We must find the best way to stop the plague. The situation in this matter is like a plague. Today the committee heard one witness, and I buried my face in my hands, in shame and disgrace. If this is the situation, I don’t know from which side a greater danger exists to the state – from the side of the Arabs or from our own side. In my opinion, all our moral foundations have been undermined and we need to look for ways to curb these instincts. We have reached this state of affairs because we did not know how to control things when this first started. My impression is that we are living in a fools’ paradise. If no shift occurs, then we are undermining the government’s moral basis with our own hands.”

    Agriculture Minister Aharon Zisling (Mapam): “I received a letter from a certain person about this matter. I have to tell you that I knew about the situation in this matter, and I placed the subject on this table more than once. After reading the letter I received, I couldn’t sleep the whole night. I felt that something was being done that was affecting my soul, the soul of my home and the soul of all of us here. I could not imagine where we had come from and where we are going. I know that this is not a chance thing but something that determines the nation’s standards of life. I know that this could have consequences in every area of our life. One transgression generates another, and this matter becomes people’s second nature.”

    Police Minister Bechor-Shalom Sheetrit (Sephardim and Oriental Communities): “Already in the first days of the People’s Administration [pre-May 1948 temporary legislative body], I demanded a stringent approach on this matter, and you didn’t listen to me. You are overwrought about their grave deeds. I put forward several proposals on this subject, and to this day not one of them has been accepted.”

    Transportation Minister David Remez (Mapai): “We have slid down a terrible slope – true, not the whole army, but if there are deeds like these and they are recurring in quite a few places, they are undoubtedly horrific to the point of despair.”

    Following the discussion, Ben-Gurion declared incisively: “Since the committee did not fulfill the role it was tasked with, it is hereby abolished.” To which Gruenbaum retorted, “We are burying the matter.” Minister Shapira, who had been the one to call for the committee in the first place, commented that he felt the earth give way beneath his feet.

    In fact, the ministers grasped very quickly that the prime minister had no interest in a through investigation of war crimes. He refused to grant the committee of three the authority to subpoena witnesses, and blamed its members’ laziness for its failure. Whereas some ministers demanded the establishment of a committee with teeth and urged that those responsible be brought to justice, Ben-Gurion pulled in a completely opposite direction. The meeting ended with the following decision: “The government assigns to the prime minister [responsibility for] investigating all of the claims made about the army’s behavior vis-a-vis Arabs in the Galilee and the south.”

    Two days after the meeting, on November 19, 1948, he appointed the attorney general, Yaakov-Shimshon Shapira, to investigate the events. The prime minister noted in the letter of appointment that the attorney general “is hereby requested to take it on himself to examine and investigate whether harm was inflicted by soldiers and the army on the life of Arab residents of the Galilee and the south, which was not in accordance with the accepted rules of war.”

    Two weeks later, the attorney general submitted his report to the prime minister. In the cabinet meeting of December 5, Ben-Gurion read out its main points, but this section of the minutes remains redacted. In the 1980s, historian Morris petitioned the High Court of Justice, requesting that the report be made available to him, but the petition was rejected. The Akevot Institute has been working for several years to have the report declassified.

    The report is mentioned only a few times in the academic literature – so few that some have questioned its very existence. The historian Yoav Gelber, the author of one of the most informative books about the War of Independence (“Independence Versus Nakbah: The Arab-Israeli War of 1948,” in Hebrew), wrote that he did not find “Shapira’s investigative report or any reference to it, or any other evidence to the effect that an investigation was conducted in the matter of the irregular actions that took place in the Galilee.” Nevertheless, the report does exist, and the minutes now made available show that the cabinet ministers were not at all pleased with its content or its recommendations.

    After reading out the main points of the report to the cabinet, Ben-Gurion said, “I do not accept everything he [Shapira] wrote, but I think he has done something important and has said things that others would not have dared say.” He then took the opportunity to criticize his fellow cabinet members. “Of course, it’s easy to sit here around this table and cast blame on a small number of people, on those who fought.”

    Haim-Moshe Shapira: “The attorney general has indeed presented a report from what he was told, but that is not his job. In my opinion, the only thing that it’s still possible to do, is to select on behalf of the government a public committee that will investigate the matter and go fully into its details. But if these deeds are covered up, the blame lies with the entire government if it does not being the offenders to justice.”

    Remez: “These deeds remove us from the category of Jews and from the category of human beings altogether. Precisely on these grave matters we have been silent to this day. We must find a way to put a stop to these deeds, but we must not silence our conscience by placing the whole gravity of the blame on boys who were dragged in the wake of deeds that were done earlier.”

    Bentov: “People get used to the fact of turning away and start to understand: there is no justice and no judge.”

    Code of silence

    Throughout the cabinet meetings, there were several mentions of a code of silence existing among soldiers about war crimes. Minister Shapira stated: “The fact is that the soldiers are afraid to testify. I asked one soldier whether he would be willing to appear before the committee. He asked me not to mention his name, to forget that he spoke with me and to consider him someone who doesn’t know a thing.”

    Ben-Gurion also addressed the difficulty of breaching the circle of silence: “In regard to the Galilee, a few things have been published. Not all the rumors fit the facts. Several things have been confirmed. What happened in Dawayima cannot be confirmed. There is a cover-up. The matter of the cover-up is extremely serious. I assigned someone to conduct a clarification about a certain matter, and an organized operation was mounted against him not to do the clarification. He was under great pressure.” Ben-Gurion asserted that it was impossible to ascertain the truth, not in the north and not in the south. He added that in the Negev, “deeds were done that are no less shocking than the deeds in the Galilee.”

    The code of silence helped those who wished to sweep the crimes under the carpet and avoid investigations and indictments. Indeed, Shmuel Lahis, the commander of the unit that perpetrated the Hula massacre, was among the few who were accused of murder in the War of Independence. Not even the Al-Dawayima massacre, which was investigated internally by the IDF, produced indictments.

    The intensity of the cover-up in the army comes through in a book by Yosef Shai-El, a soldier in Lahis’ company, who testified in the trial against his former commander. In his unpublished memoir from 2005, “The First Eighty Years of My Life,” Shai-El writes: ‘After the trial verdict was handed down, I went through hard times for a while. People would grab me in cafés and various places in the city and hit me. I made it a habit to go out with a pistol in my pocket. I’d found the pistol in an abandoned house in Acre long before. Everyone knew I was a sniper, and I enjoyed quiet for some time. The police informed my father that there was a plan to kidnap me from the house, and I hid in a friend’s home.”

    Even those who did not have the benefit of silence and a cover-up, and were tried for crimes committed in the war, were finally let off the hook. In February 1949 a retroactive general pardon was issued for any crimes committed during the war. The public at large appears not to have been disturbed by any of this. The events described above took place during the period when the military justice system was being created. This might explain why the military internalized an organizational culture that goes easy on the killing of Palestinians by soldiers during operations. The philosopher Martin Buber termed the frame of mind that dominated Jewish society at the time a “war psychosis.”

    Half a year later, the first Speaker of the Knesset, Joseph Sprinzak, appeared before the parliament’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. Mentioned in the meeting were two items that had appeared in the press that day, which epitomized the attitude toward the acts of murder during the war. One report referred to an officer who during the fighting had ordered the murder of four wounded individuals; the second report was about a person who sold stolen army equipment. The former was sentenced to six months in prison, the latter to three years. Sprinzak, in any event, was under no illusions. “We are far from humanism,” he told the committee. “We are like all the nations.”

    Adam Raz is a researcher at the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research .

    #nakba #Palestine #sionisme #1948 #archives_israéliennes

    • The ghosts haunting Israel’s wars, past and present
      Gideon Levy | Dec. 12, 2021 | Haaretz.com
      https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-the-ghosts-haunting-israel-s-wars-past-and-present-1.10458096

      The Haaretz editorial for Sunday calls for opening the archives to reveal the complete truth about what happened here in 1948, including all of the massacres and the war crimes committed by Israel Defense Forces soldiers in 1948-49. There is, of course, no demand for justice.

      After 73 years, the citizens of Israel are permitted to know what was done in their name during their country’s first war. The victims of that war are also permitted to know all about the travails of their families and the crimes perpetrated against them. A state that is proud of its past does not conceal it. Only a state that is ashamed of its deeds conceals them. An Israel that conceals its past is a state that knows, deep in its heart, that its righteous birth came about through a great and deep sin.

      In the wake of the shocking article by Adam Raz in Friday’s Haaretz, disclosing massacres that were reported to the cabinet and concealed ever since, without any of the criminals being punished appropriately, it is indeed time to face the truth, deal with its implications and learn its lessons. The editorial is convinced that when the truth comes to light, it will provoke penetrating public discussion throughout the country. The editorial is mistaken.

      That ship sailed a long time ago. Opening the archives and revealing the truth will neither help nor hinder. The process of repression and denial, of erasing reality and replacing it with an alternative reality, fabricating justifications for any iniquity and the spreading of lies and false propaganda, which began immediately after the war and has never stopped, has succeeded above and beyond all expectations.

      The door to the truth is closed to Israelis. Most do not see Palestinians as human beings like themselves, and therefore anything is permitted of the state. Tell them now about massacres, and most will shrug their shoulders. Only Haaretz will agree to publish the stories, and few readers will be shocked: They will be derided as “purists.”

      The vast majority will adhere to the “truth” that has been drilled into their heads: There was no choice, we don’t want to think about what would have happened had the situation been reversed, we were the few against the many, the Arabs started it, they rejected partition – and of course, the Holocaust. No massacre story, however barbaric, can change anything now. Israel has barricaded itself inside its narrative, and nothing can crack the wall. Penetrating public discussion? More like a penetrating public yawn.

      It is not by chance that Israel finds itself in this situation. It is not its past that haunts it. It is not the past it denies. Israel conceals its past in order to justify its present. The dark side of its past did not end in 1948 – it has never ended. Methods changed, as have the dimensions, but the policies, the moral standards and the attitude to Arabs haven’t changed an iota. If we admit to the 1948 Hula massacre, we would also have to admit to the criminal killing Friday of the ninth protester from the village of Beita. If we admit that we concealed and covered up the connection to the 1948 Al-Burj massacre, we would also have to admit to lying about the justification for executing the stabber at Jerusalem’s Damascus Gate on December 4th.

      Therefore, it’s best for Israel to keep on covering up the destruction and the killing by planting more and more Jewish National Fund groves, meant to ensure that the truth never peeks out through the pines. It would be hard to deal with, after so many years of being told that we are always right, that we are the victims, that we have the most moral army in the world, that we were the few against the many and that Arabs are natural-born killers.

      Had 1948 ended in 1948, had its crimes ceased then, there would have been no problem admitting the truth today, to regret, to apologize, even to pay restitution. But because 1948 never ends, and what we did then to the Palestinians we continue to do now, only more forcefully, we can’t get worked up over what happened then, lest it undermine the faith in what we are still doing. Therefore, dear editorial, the mechanisms of whitewash and justification will cover up any disclosure from 1948. No public discussion will be provoked. Please don’t disturb, we are carrying on – with the same crimes, or similar ones.

  • Updated: Israeli Soldiers Kill a Palestinian at Protest Near Nablus
    Dec 11, 2021 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/soldiers-kill-a-palestinian-at-protest-near-nablus

    Israeli soldiers killed, on Friday, a young Palestinian man at the weekly protest in Beita town, southeast of Nablus in the northern occupied West Bank, medical sources have confirmed.

    The head of the Emergency and Ambulance Department at the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS), Ahmad Jibril, told the Palestinian News & Information Agency (WAFA) that the army opened live fire at non-violent demonstrators on Sbeih Mountain, killing one young man, and causing at least sixty-eight cases of inhalation injuries from tear gas.

    The slain young man, identified as Jamil Abu Ayyash, 31 , was struck in the head with a live round, and transferred by ambulance to hospital, where he was pronounced dead due to his critical wounds shortly after arrival.

    Palestinian youths have been protesting for months in rejection of Israel’s expansion of its illegal colonies in the occupied West Bank in contravention of International Law.

    #Palestine_assassinée #Beita

    • In New Crime of Excessive Use of Force, IOF Kill Palestinian in Bita Village, Nablus
      Date: 11 December 2021 – Palestinian Centre for Human Rights
      https://pchrgaza.org/en/in-new-crime-of-excessive-use-of-force-iof-kill-palestinian-in-bita-villag

      In New Crime of Excessive Use of Force, IOF Kill Palestinian in Bita Village, Nablus
      In new crime of excessive use of force, Israeli occupation forces (IOF) killed yesterday afternoon a Palestinian civilian during the suppression of a peaceful protest Bita village, southeast of Nablus.
      (...)
      As a result, the wounded was taken to the field hospital in Bita village and then referred to Rafidia Governmental Hospital in Nablus, where he was announced dead at 16:00. The murdered was later identified as Jamil Jamal Ahmed Abu ‘Ayyash (32), from Bita village.

      An eyewitness said to PCHR’s fieldworker that:

      “An Israeli soldier fired 2 bullets from 40 to 50 meters on the top of the Mount; one of the bullets was in the air while the other hit Jamil Abu ‘Ayyash, who was in front of the soldier trying to turn back and fled away. Meanwhile, Abu ‘Ayyash did not pose any imminent threat to the soldiers’ lives. Abu ‘Ayyash was shot in the back of the head and fell on the ground. Protesters carried him while his head was open and bleeding. He was put in a Palestinian ambulance and taken to the field hospital in the area. He was referred to Rafidia Governmental Hospital in Nablus, where he was announced dead at 16:00.” (...)

      This victim is the nineth Palestinian shot dead by IOF during suppression of peaceful protests in Bita village since the establishment of the settlement outpost. (...)

    • Jamil protested against the takeover of his family’s land, and was shot dead by the IDF
      Gideon Levy, Alex Levac | Dec. 24, 2021 | Haaretz.com
      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/twilight-zone/.premium.HIGHLIGHT.MAGAZINE-jamil-protested-against-takeover-of-his-family-

      ? Ayyash and Rami at the place where their brother was killed.Credit: Alex Levac

      He was the eighth casualty in recent months from the village of Beita

      The car lurched from side to side as it ascended the rough dirt road, the wind swirling and howling around it. Israel Defense Forces bulldozers have already started to block this road, but it’s still navigable. When we stopped at the top of the hill, the car was rocking and the doors could barely be opened against the powerful blustery wind. Indeed, this week’s winter storm, dubbed Carmel, also pounded the remote hill the Palestinians call Huti, a rise of olive trees that is across from Mount Sabih, which, to their outrage, is the site of the settler outpost Evyatar. A few hundred meters separate the two hills – between the torn Israeli flag hoisted as a provocation on what the locals call “Jabal al-Sabih” amid the settlers’ buildings, and the flag of Palestine that residents of the village of Beita also hoisted as a provocation, across the way. Two flags tattered by the wind, one opposite the other. The outsize Hanukkah menorah planted by the encroaching settlers is still in place, along with the row of trailer homes and watchtowers.

      The soil on the Huti hilltop is saturated with the blood of Palestinian demonstrators, and scorched and sooty from the tires the protesters set ablaze here every Friday. Seven residents of the nearby village of Beita and one from the neighboring village of Yatma have been killed here by Israel Defense Forces soldiers in the seven months that have passed since the longtime activist-settler Daniella Weiss and her friends reestablished Evyatar in May. The site was once an IDF outpost called Tapuhit, built on Beita’s land. Afterward, in 2013, the original outpost of Evyatar was established there without authorization; it was subsequently evacuated and demolished. Today the structures erected by the settlers of the new Evyatar remain in place – the outpost is uninhabited at present, except for some army troops that are guarding there – and the blood continues to be shed.

      The last time we came here was in September, to tell the story of the killing of another demonstrator from Beita, Muhammad Khabisa, 28, the father of an 8-month-old daughter. Before that we were here in August, to tell the story of the killing of Imad Duikat, 37, father of a 2-month-old daughter. In July, we were here because of the killing of Shadi Shurafi, a village plumber, who was fixing the valve on a water main out near the highway when he was shot to death by IDF troops. And in June, we visited the neighboring village of Yatma, to tell the story of the killing, during the same series of ongoing demonstrations, of Tareq Snobar, 41, who was a father for just two days of his life before being killed. When he was shot by Israeli soldiers using live fire from about 100 meters away, he was on the way to the hospital to pick up his wife and their newborn son, Omar, to bring them home. He never got there.

      That is not the whole roster of those killed in the Evyatar demonstrations. On Friday, December 10, there was an eighth fatality: Jamil Abu Ayyash, a 31-year-old carpenter from Beita, married, no children.

      We drove this week with two of Jamil’s brothers, Ayyash, 43, and Rami, 41, to see the place where their brother was cut down. At first they were apprehensive about making the trip, for fear of the army. A few days earlier, when they had driven there with a field researcher for a Palestinian human rights organization, two army jeeps suddenly appeared and blocked their way; the soldiers ordered them to leave.

      “Do you have protection for me?” Ayyash asked us and Abdulkarim Sadi, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, who was accompanying us. “We are trying now to avoid trouble, so that we can go on working in Israel,” Rami said. Finally the brothers, both still in mourning, summoned up the courage to go. They showed us where the soldiers had stood and where their brother had been on the hilltop, according to what they were told. Jamil had just gotten to the demonstration when he was shot in the head.

      The soldiers and their victim were a few hundred meters apart. The bullet penetrated Jamil’s forehead, created a narrow entry wound and exited from the back of his neck, creating a much more serious wound – a sign the bullet had exploded inside and decimated his brain. And yet he was still breathing when he was evacuated by an ambulance, which rushed him to Rafadiya Hospital in Nablus. At the time, his brother Ayyash, who lives in one of the last houses in the village, near the road leading up to the site of the demonstrations, was in his backyard, washing his car, together with his 2-year-old daughter, Sarah. The little girl, he relates, becomes upset at the wailing of sirens and they both got worried by the sight of the ambulance racing down the hill – and then someone in the vehicle gestured to him to follow them fast. Leaving Sarah behind, he sped in his car to Rafadiya, where he learned that the man who was dying of injuries in the ambulance was his brother Jamil. Another brother, Rami, in the nearby village of Huwara at the time, was summoned urgently to the hospital in Nablus. He also informed their parents, and they joined their sons.

      A boy is doing his homework on a table in the yard of his family’s home, in the biting cold. The house is at the edge of Beita, which lies south of Nablus. Jamal Abu Ayyash, the bereaved father, a 67-year-old farmer, is sitting in a corner of a room, his face grim, wearing a coat, a wool hat and several layers of clothes. In honor of the guests they turn on the small electric heater, which does little to stave off the cold. We very rarely see Palestinian homes with any heating systems. The bereaved mother, Hadara, 66, is wrapped in black, her face etched with agony. The couple had two daughters and four sons – until Jamil’s death. Ala, newly widowed, is not here.

      Jamil, a carpenter, worked in a large furniture-making workshop at the foot of the hill on which he was killed. Because he was the only one of the brothers who didn’t work in Israel, he went more often to the Friday demonstrations, while his brothers weren’t always in the village. But Jamil, too, wasn’t a regular at the demonstrations. The village’s previous fatal casualty, Muhammad Khabisa, was a member of the same hamula (clan), the Khabisa clan, but the two victims didn’t known each other.

      Jamal Abu Ayyash owns 20 dunams (5 acres) of farmland on the hill where Evyatar stands. The land was expropriated in the early 1980s for the establishment of the Tapuhit outpost, never to be returned, of course. From where we are now standing across the way, the brothers show us the spot on Jabal al-Sabih where their property is.

      On what would be the last day of his life, Jamil got up relatively late and went downstairs to his parents’ ground-floor apartment, as he did every morning. He then went into the village center to buy hummus and ful for breakfast, and at midday attended prayers in the mosque. He didn’t tell his parents that he intended to proceed to the demonstration, but taking part in the Friday protests is almost routine for most of the villagers.

      It was after 3 P.M. when Jamil was shot. Eyewitnesses told his family that he was standing on an elevated rock face, which made him an easy target for the soldiers. His wife, Ala, learned that he had been wounded on Facebook; the brothers and parents waited for news at the hospital. The efforts to revive Jamil went on until around 5 P.M., and then the physicians informed the family of his death. He was buried in the village cemetery that same evening.

      The IDF Spokesperson’s Unit initially denied – on the day of the incident – that the soldiers had used live fire and it made do with the generic announcement: “The claim about a Palestinian who was killed is known.”

      This week the spokesperson’s unit gave this response to a query from Haaretz: “On December 10, 2021, a violent disturbance took place adjacent to Evyatar Hill with the participation of hundreds of Palestinians who threw stones and rolled burning tires toward IDF and Border Police forces. Due to the event, a Military Police investigation was launched; upon its conclusion, its findings will be forwarded to the military prosecution. Understandably, no details can be provided about an investigation in progress.”

      This past Sunday, the bereaved brother Rami arrived for work on the construction of the light rail in Ramat Gan. He left home at 3 A.M., as usual, and arrived at 6, only to hear from the Druze foreman that he had been fired. Just like that, with no explanation. He told us he has no idea whether this has anything to do with the death of his brother. He asked no questions and returned home, mortified.

      On the way back from the hill where Jamil was killed, during our visit on Monday, as we drove down the dirt road toward the village, two young people, their faces unmasked, sprang out from behind the olive trees, a few meters away. One of them picked up a rock and aimed it at us. He was apparently intending to hurl it at our car, with its Israeli plates, from point-blank range. Then at the last minute he and his friend noticed the two bereaved brothers with us in the car – the pair rushed out of the vehicle to stop them. The rock fell to the ground and the youth smiled in embarrassment.

      We were told that they were from the “Guards of the Hill,” an activist group established by young people in Beita.

      As we drove away, we spied a pile of dozens of used tires, waiting by the roadside for the next demonstration.

  • Classified docs reveal #massacres of Palestinians in ’48 – and what Israeli leaders knew - Israel News - Haaretz.com
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium.HIGHLIGHT.MAGAZINE-classified-docs-reveal-deir-yassin-massacre-was

    Testimonies continue to pile up, documents are revealed, and gradually a broader picture emerges of the acts of murder committed by Israeli troops during the War of Independence. Minutes recorded during cabinet meetings in 1948 leave no room for doubt: Israel’s leaders knew in real time about the blood-drenched events that accompanied the conquest of the Arab villages

    #Palestine #sionisme #vitrine_de_la_jungle #nakba

  • Ce que veut dire Apartheid dans le cas d’Israël (plus texte de Edo Konrad)

    Un consensus croissant s’est formé autour du terme – non comme une comparaison rhétorique avec l’Afrique du Sud, mais pour décrire un système de domination construit sur la partition de la Palestine.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2021/12/09/ce-que-veut-dire-apartheid-dans-le-cas-disrael-plus-tex

    #international #israel #palestine #apartheid

  • Les Palestiniens peuvent désormais exercer des professions nécessitant l’adhésion à un syndicat - L’Orient-Le Jour
    https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1284134/les-palestiniens-peuvent-desormais-exercer-des-professions-necessitan

    L’OLJ oublie de mentionner que le ministre qui prend ce décret est proche du Hezbollah...

    Le ministre libanais du Travail Moustapha Bayram a modifié mercredi les règles en vigueur concernant les professions réservées aux ressortissants libanais, de manière à autoriser les Palestiniens à travailler dans des professions réglementées par des syndicats.

    Le décret ministériel publié, tel que rapporté par l’Agence nationale d’information (Ani, officielle), permettra aux « Palestiniens nés sur le territoire libanais et officiellement enregistrés auprès du ministère de l’Intérieur » de travailler dans des professions nécessitant l’adhésion à un syndicat - comme la médecine, le droit, l’ingénierie ou les transports publics - dont ils étaient auparavant exclus.

    Cette décision a été saluée par de nombreuses personnalités qui réclament que les Palestiniens du Liban bénéficient de droits plus étendus. L’Alliance des forces palestiniennes a ainsi exprimé sa gratitude envers le ministre du Travail et souligné que cette décision « élargira les opportunités d’emploi disponibles pour les travailleurs palestiniens. »

    Le président du Comité de dialogue libano-palestinien, le Dr Bassel al-Hassan, a de son côté exprimé l’espoir que « ce décret préfigurera des amendements aux lois discriminatoires et assurera un plus grand nombre d’emplois aux réfugiés palestiniens du Liban, leur garantissant une vie décente et digne. »

    Il convient toutefois de noter que les nouvelles dispositions ont pris la forme d’un décret ministériel plutôt que d’un texte de loi. De ce fait, elles sont susceptibles d’être modifiées ultérieurement par M. Bayram ou par son successeur au ministère du Travail. La question de l’acceptation par les syndicats de membres palestiniens se pose également.

    #liban #palestine

  • Updated: Soldiers Kill A Palestinian Teen After An Alleged Ramming Attack
    Dec 6, 2021 – – IMEMC News
    https://imemc.org/article/israeli-soldier-palestinian-driver-injured-in-what-israel-claims-deliberate-r

    Israeli sources have confirmed that the Palestinian teen has died from serious wounds; he was shot and seriously injured after he reportedly rammed soldiers at a military roadblock near Tulkarem, in northern West Bank.

    The Palestinian was later identified as Mohammad Nidal Younis , 15, from the Namsawi neighborhood in Nablus city, in northern West Bank.

    Israeli sources said a security guard was seriously injured before he was rushed to Tal HaShomer medical center and added that his wounds were to the chest and head.

    The Israeli army said in a statement that the Palestinian sped into the roadblock and rammed his car into the guard post, causing serious wounds to a security guard, 34 years of age.

    It added that the other guard opened fire at the Palestinian car, seriously wounding the driver before he was moved to a hospital where he died from his wounds.

    It is worth mentioning that the soldiers also invaded Nablus city, before storming and ransacking the family home of the slain child, in addition to detaining and interrogating the family in their home.

    #Palestine_assassinée