• #We_are_monitoring

    The We Are Monitoring Association is part of the #Granica_Group coalition. Together with other organizations, informal initiatives and local residents, we co-create a solidarity network of humanitarian aid on the Polish-Belarusian border. Since 2021, we have been working for human rights by collecting, analyzing and sharing data on the scale of movement, provision of support, abuses of power and various forms of violence, including institutional, experienced by people on the move. We also collect testimonies from those who experienced pushbacks.

    Our work also aims to complement the public discourse on migration by creating a space for expression for people whose rights to freedom of movement and seeking safety have been denied.

    https://wearemonitoring.org.pl/en/home
    #statistiques #chiffres #violence #frontières #migrations #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #visualisation #cartographie #Pologne #Biélorussie #crise_humanitaire #push-backs #refoulements #monitoring

    ping @reka

  • Une quinzaine de pays pro-nucléaires se réunissent à Paris pour concrétiser la relance de l’atome
    https://www.connaissancedesenergies.org/afp/une-quinzaine-de-pays-pro-nucleaires-se-reunissent-paris-po

    AFP parue le 19 sept. 2024 - 04h00

    Une quinzaine de ministres ont rendez-vous à Paris jeudi et vendredi pour une conférence internationale, sous l’égide de l’#OCDE et du gouvernement suédois, destinée à trouver les leviers d’accélération de la relance du #nucléaire afin de tenir les objectifs climatiques mondiaux.

    Les responsables ainsi que des industriels d’une quinzaine de pays sont attendus, venus des #Etats-Unis, du #Canada, du #Japon, de la #Corée du Sud, de l’Union #européenne (#France, #Pologne, #Bulgarie, #Hongrie, #Estonie, République #tchèque), ainsi que d’Afrique (#Ghana).

    L’objectif pour cette seconde édition de « Roadmaps to New Nuclear 2024 » (Feuilles de route pour le nouveau nucléaire 2024) est d’examiner les « moyens concrets d’honorer les engagements pris au niveau mondial d’accroître la production d’énergie nucléaire pour lutter contre le changement climatique », selon le communiqué de l’Agence pour l’énergie nucléaire (#AEN) de l’OCDE, institution qui rassemble les pays développés.

    Selon l’AEN, il faudrait tripler les capacités nucléaires mondiales d’ici 2050 pour respecter les objectifs de neutralité carbone, en combinant réacteurs existants, réacteurs de nouvelle génération mais aussi de petits réacteurs modulaires (SMR).

  • Immigration : l’Allemagne assume de se replier sur elle-même

    La ministre de l’intérieur sociale-démocrate a annoncé lundi 9 septembre rétablir les contrôles aux frontières. Un sommet s’est tenu mardi pour discuter d’éventuelles mesures supplémentaires en matière migratoire, en présence des conservateurs de la CDU-CSU.

    En théorie, les contrôles aux frontières intérieures ne devraient pas avoir lieu au sein de l’Union européenne (UE). Mais ils sont exceptionnellement possibles, depuis une récente réforme du #code_Schengen, lorsqu’un pays estime que l’#ordre_public ou sa #sécurité_intérieure sont susceptibles d’être menacés.

    Il n’en fallait pas plus à l’Allemagne pour décider de rétablir les contrôles à ses frontières, et à Nancy Faeser, ministre de l’intérieur, pour l’annoncer publiquement, lundi 9 septembre. Ceux-ci démarreront le 16 septembre. « Nous renforçons la sécurité intérieure et poursuivons notre #ligne_dure contre l’immigration irrégulière », a assumé la ministre, mettant en avant les « #menaces actuelles du #terrorisme_islamiste et de la #criminalité_transfrontalière ».

    Le gouvernement a, selon elle, informé la Commission européenne et ses voisins directs de cette décision, qui semble surtout vouloir satisfaire le parti d’extrême droite AfD (Alternative für Deutschland, Alternative pour l’Allemagne) – arrivé en tête des dernières élections régionales en Thuringe et en Saxe, dans l’est du pays – mais aussi les conservateurs de la CDU-CSU.

    Mardi 10 septembre après-midi, un sommet sur les migrations se tenait pour acter cette mesure et trouver des compromis avec l’opposition, insatisfaite, réclamant toujours davantage de restrictions sur les mouvements migratoires. Si les conservateurs de la CDU-CSU n’étaient pas certains d’y participer jusqu’à la dernière minute, ils ont finalement annoncé leur présence au sommet mardi matin : « Nous verrons si nous avons le même point de vue et si nous pouvons agir ensemble », a glissé Friedrich Merz, chef du groupe, au journal Der Spiegel.

    Enfermer les exilés à la frontière

    Très vite, les Verts ont dénoncé des « tentatives de chantage tout simplement ridicules ». « Friedrich Merz se comporte comme un enfant rebelle », a estimé la cheffe du groupe parlementaire des Verts, Irene Mihalic. Les représentant·es de la CDU-CSU ont d’ailleurs décidé de claquer la porte, en pleine réunion, comme le rapporte Der Spiegel, estimant que les négociations avaient échoué.

    La principale mesure évoquée lors du sommet vise à créer des #centres pour y enfermer les personnes migrantes à la frontière en attendant d’examiner leur situation, et de les expulser si elles n’expriment pas le souhait de demander l’asile, ou de les renvoyer vers le premier pays de l’UE par lequel elles sont passées, responsable de leur demande d’asile en vertu du règlement Dublin. Si les capacités de #détention ne sont pas suffisantes, les intéressées pourraient être placées en #garde_à_vue, « en raison d’un #risque_de_fuite, afin de sécuriser la procédure et les empêcher de se cacher », précise Der Spiegel.

    Pour renforcer l’idée de « #fermeté » sur la question migratoire, le gouvernement a en effet annoncé lundi que des #refoulements seraient organisés aux frontières, pour empêcher les exilé·es d’accéder au territoire allemand de manière dite illégale. Une mesure demandée par le chef du groupe d’opposition, et qui peut être contraire au droit international et à la convention de Genève relative aux réfugié·es si les personnes concernées ne parviennent pas à demander l’asile alors qu’elles le souhaitent.

    La Commission européenne a réclamé des mesures « proportionnées » et « strictement exceptionnelles », estimant que le retour des contrôles aux frontières intérieures de l’UE était une possibilité. Elle a déjà annoncé qu’elle « évaluerait la situation » une fois toutes les mesures annoncées de manière officielle.

    Les pays voisins, de leur côté, voient déjà d’un mauvais œil que des exilé·es passé·es par leur territoire pour rejoindre l’Allemagne leur soient « retourné·es ». Dès lundi et l’annonce de ces mesures, le ministre autrichien de l’intérieur, Gerhard Karner, a prévenu que son pays n’accueillerait aucune personne migrante refoulée par l’Allemagne à la frontière. « Il n’y a pas de marge de manœuvre là-bas », a-t-il déclaré, cité par le journal Bild.

    30 000 personnes refoulées depuis octobre

    Mardi, le premier ministre polonais a qualifié la décision du gouvernement d’Olaf Scholz d’« inacceptable », précisant que dans les prochaines heures, il s’adresserait « aux autres pays affectés afin de se concerter d’urgence sur une réaction au sein de l’UE, avec tous les voisins de l’État allemand ». Donald Tusk a par ailleurs plaidé pour « la surveillance et la sécurisation des frontières extérieures » de l’UE, expliquant que c’était ce dont « la Pologne avait besoin ».

    Le revirement de l’Allemagne en matière migratoire en surprend plus d’un. Avec plus de deux millions de personnes accueillies depuis 2015 (sans parler des Ukrainien·nes, plus d’un million de réfugié·es pour cette seule nationalité), le pays suit aujourd’hui un schéma de #repli, poussé par les extrêmes droites européennes, faisant le lien direct entre #sécurité et #immigration et criminalisant les personnes exilées qui, dans l’écrasante majorité des cas, souhaitent trouver refuge en Allemagne et reconstruire leur vie après avoir connu la guerre ou la misère.

    Nancy Faeser s’est déjà targuée d’avoir permis de refouler près de 30 000 personnes migrantes depuis octobre 2023, notamment grâce à un renforcement des contrôles à ses frontières avec la Pologne, la #République_tchèque, la #Suisse et l’Autriche. Pire, l’Allemagne a également repris les #expulsions de ressortissant·es afghan·es en août dernier – soit trois ans après la prise de pouvoir par les talibans.

    Une première dans un tel contexte, visant à répondre à certains #attentats et crimes impliquant des exilés, comme l’attaque au couteau perpétrée dans la nuit du 23 au 24 août à Solingen par un Syrien faisant l’objet d’une mesure d’éloignement, ou celle de Mannheim, perpétrée par un jeune Afghan, en mai dernier.

    « Il s’agit de ressortissants afghans, tous condamnés par la justice et sans droit de rester en Allemagne et qui ont fait l’objet d’ordres d’expulsion », s’est justifié le porte-parole du gouvernement Steffen Hebestreit dans un communiqué.

    Celui-ci a expliqué avoir demandé à « des partenaires régionaux clés un soutien », sans toutefois préciser lesquels, pour faciliter ces expulsions vers l’Afghanistan, où de nombreux hommes et femmes risquent leur vie. Vingt-huit réfugiés afghans ont alors été éloignés.

    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/100924/immigration-l-allemagne-assume-de-se-replier-sur-elle-meme

    #contrôles_frontaliers #frontières #migrations #réfugiés #asile #fermeture_des_frontières #Autriche #refoulements #push-backs #Pologne #criminalisation_de_la_migration

  • L’Allemagne rétablit des contrôles à l’ensemble de ses frontières terrestres contre l’immigration irrégulière
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2024/09/10/l-allemagne-retablit-des-controles-a-l-ensemble-de-ses-frontieres-terrestres

    L’Allemagne rétablit des contrôles à l’ensemble de ses frontières terrestres contre l’immigration irrégulière
    Par Elsa Conesa (Berlin, correspondante) et Philippe Jacqué
    Pourrait-on encore voir des images comme celles de l’été 2015, montrant des Allemands en liesse à l’arrivée des premiers réfugiés syriens ? Neuf ans plus tard, ce sont les interrogations sur la capacité du pays à intégrer les réfugiés qui accaparent une grande partie du débat public, alors que l’Allemagne a été frappée ces dernières années par plusieurs attentats meurtriers perpétrés par des personnes radicalisées. Dernier en date : l’attaque au couteau, dans la nuit du 23 au 24 août, à Solingen, dans l’ouest de l’Allemagne, par un réfugié syrien de 26 ans sous le coup d’une mesure d’expulsion, qui a fait trois morts et huit blessés. Une tentative d’attentat contre le consulat israélien a également été déjouée à Munich le 5 septembre.
    Alors que des scrutins régionaux ont été dominés par une forte poussée de l’extrême droite, le gouvernement d’Olaf Scholz multiplie les mesures de fermeté. Lundi 9 septembre, la ministre de l’intérieur, Nancy Faeser (SPD), a annoncé son intention de restaurer, à partir du 16 septembre, des contrôles temporaires à l’ensemble des frontières terrestres de l’Allemagne, dans le cadre du renforcement de la lutte contre l’immigration illégale. Les réfugiés entrés illégalement pourront être refoulés, a-t-elle indiqué. Les mesures, présentées comme temporaires, ne dureront dans un premier temps que six mois. Mme Faeser a dit avoir informé la Commission européenne de son initiative.
    Les contrôles aux frontières intérieures sont en principe proscrits au sein de l’Union européenne, mais la révision du code Schengen, début 2024, permet, en cas de menaces prévisibles pour l’ordre public ou la sécurité, de les mettre en place pour une durée de six mois, après l’avoir notifié à la Commission, aux Etats membres et au Parlement européen. Ils peuvent être prolongés par périodes de six mois pour une durée n’excédant pas deux ans.
    Des contrôles temporaires sont déjà en place depuis un an aux frontières allemandes avec la Pologne, la République tchèque, l’Autriche et la Suisse. Ceux-ci seront durcis et complétés par des contrôles aux frontières française, luxembourgeoise, néerlandaise, belge et danoise, a annoncé Mme Faeser. La police fédérale se verra dotée de postes et de moyens supplémentaires. « Ce sont des contrôles intelligents, précise le député Nils Schmid (SPD), on ne va pas arrêter chaque voiture, ni fermer les frontières comme au temps du Covid. La police des frontières va observer plus attentivement les passages. » Des mesures additionnelles visant à accroître le nombre des migrants refoulés aux frontières allemandes sont en cours de discussion avec l’opposition et devaient être annoncées mardi.
    L’Allemagne estime ces dispositions nécessaires pour « la protection de la sécurité intérieure contre les menaces actuelles du terrorisme islamiste et de la criminalité transfrontalière ». Nancy Faeser a rappelé que les contrôles effectués jusqu’à présent avec la Pologne, la République tchèque, la Suisse et l’Autriche avaient déjà permis de refouler plus de trente mille personnes depuis octobre 2023. L’Autriche a toutefois déjà fait savoir qu’elle n’accueillerait pas de migrants refoulés par l’Allemagne.
    Le gouvernement d’Olaf Scholz multiplie les mesures volontaristes en matière d’immigration dans un contexte électoral difficile pour sa coalition. A l’approche d’un nouveau scrutin régional dans le Brandebourg, le 22 septembre, qui devrait, comme en Saxe et en Thuringe le 1er septembre, être dominé par l’extrême droite, la nervosité de l’exécutif allemand, fragilisé, est grande. Celui-ci se trouve non seulement sous la pression des conservateurs de la CDU/CSU, mais aussi de l’extrême droite (AfD) et du nouveau parti de gauche (BSW) mené par la députée Sahra Wagenknecht, très offensive sur l’immigration. Dans un entretien au Taggespiegel paru le 7 septembre, Olaf Scholz vantait son bilan, estimant avoir opéré « grâce à des lois de grande envergure (…) le plus grand tournant de ces vingt dernières années dans la gestion de l’immigration irrégulière ».
    Cinq jours après l’attaque de Solingen, le 29 août, la coalition présentait un dispositif visant à renforcer à la fois le contrôle de l’immigration, en particulier du droit d’asile, avec une restriction des prestations sociales pour certains réfugiés, et celui des armes, sujet remis au cœur des débats par la tuerie. Le lendemain, il annonçait l’expulsion de vingt-huit réfugiés afghans, tous condamnés pour des crimes commis en Allemagne, pour la première fois depuis le retour au pouvoir des talibans, en août 2021. « L’Allemagne avait jusqu’en 2015 une culture d’accueil et d’ouverture en matière d’immigration, rappelle Hans Vorländer, professeur de sciences et d’histoire politiques à l’université de Dresde et président du Conseil d’experts indépendants sur l’intégration et la migration. Il y a eu une bascule après l’attaque du marché de Noël à Berlin en 2016. Depuis, les gens s’opposent à l’immigration non contrôlée, qu’ils sont deux tiers à vouloir restreindre. »
    Depuis 2015, l’Allemagne a accueilli plus de deux millions de personnes, auxquelles s’ajoutent 1,2 million de réfugiés ukrainiens, rappelle le chercheur, soit plus de trois millions de personnes. « Cela a posé des difficultés en matière de logement, d’éducation, d’intégration sur le marché du travail, et a représenté un effort considérable pour l’administration allemande, décrypte-t-il. Les gens en sont conscients et considèrent qu’il faut restreindre l’accès, pour intégrer ceux qui sont déjà là. »

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#allemagne#frontiere#immigration#schengen#refoulement#sante#pologne#autriche#suisse#tchekoslovaquie#france#luxembourg

  • Au moins 116 migrants morts en trois ans à la frontière entre l’Union européenne et la Biélorussie - InfoMigrants
    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/58595/au-moins-116-migrants-morts-en-trois-ans-a-la-frontiere-entre-lunion-e

    Au moins 116 migrants morts en trois ans à la frontière entre l’Union européenne et la Biélorussie
    Par RFI Publié le : 22/07/2024
    À la frontière orientale de l’Europe, le bilan ne fait que s’alourdir depuis trois ans. Depuis 2021, le président biélorusse Alexandre Loukachenko pousse les migrants vers la frontière pour faire pression sur ses voisins membres de l’Union européenne. Jeudi 18 juillet, des associations humanitaires lettones, lituaniennes, polonaises et biélorusses ont publié un rapport dénombrant au moins 116 morts le long de cette frontière entre 2021 et mars 2024.
    Une carte de la région en noir et blanc. De part et d’autre de la frontière, des numéros éparpillés. Chacun symbolise l’une des 116 victimes décédées en essayant de franchir les frontières orientales de l’Europe ces trois dernières années. C’est par cette image glaçante que commence le rapport des ONG lettonnes, lituaniennes, polonaises et biélorusses. Le document explique comment une partie de ces milliers de migrants - que le président biélorusse Alexandre Loukachenko fait venir d’Afrique, du Moyen-Orient ou d’Asie du Sud-Est pour déstabiliser l’UE selon des responsables européens - finissent par mourir dans la forêt. Beaucoup succombent à l’épuisement ou à l’hypothermie. Les humanitaires dénoncent aussi des soins inadaptés prodigués par les secours sur place.
    Le rapport préconise aux États baltes et à Varsovie de cesser les « pushbacks », c’est-à-dire le renvoi d’un migrant dans le pays où il a traversé la frontière. Ces recommandations risquent cependant d’être ignorées. Alors que l’afflux migratoire s’intensifie ces derniers mois, ces pays comme la Pologne ont largement renforcé leurs dispositifs de sécurité. Depuis 2021, plus de 150 000 migrants ont été refoulés sur la frontière est de l’Europe.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#UE#bielorussie#pologne#pushback#lettonie#lituanie#routemigratoire#frontière#refoulement#mortalite#sante

  • #Pologne : les forces armées peuvent tirer sur des migrants sans responsabilité pénale

    En Pologne, la crise migratoire à la frontière avec la #Biélorussie continue de s’intensifier. Cet été, le gouvernement a mis en place une #zone-tampon complètement militarisée le long de la frontière pour empêcher les migrants de pénétrer dans le pays. Ce vendredi 12 juillet, le gouvernement a élargi les prérogatives des forces armées. Elles ont désormais le droit de tirer sur les migrants sans en être tenues responsables pénalement. Une mesure qui inquiète les humanitaires sur place.

    Tirer de façon préventive et à #balles_réelles sur quiconque tenterait de violer la frontière. Ce vendredi, les députés polonais ont levé la #responsabilité_pénale des #soldats désormais autorisés à tirer face aux migrants.

    Une erreur selon l’activiste humanitaire Kasia Mazurkiewicz, qui s’inquiète pour la vie des réfugiés : « En voyant quelqu’un dans la #forêt, on n’est pas en mesure de dire s’il représente une menace ou s’il s’agit d’une personne fuyant un pays en guerre, et qui cherche juste à survivre. Et il faut les traiter comme des humains. Or, on ne tire pas sur des humains ».

    Avec son association d’aide aux migrants, elle arpente régulièrement la forêt le long de la frontière, et craint désormais pour sa propre sécurité.

    « Pour nous, c’est très inquiétant, car on sauve des vies humaines, mais on a peur de se faire fusiller en portant secours aux autres. Désormais, on va réfléchir à deux fois avant d’aller sauver quelqu’un, car on sait qu’on risque nous-mêmes d’y rester ».

    Entre les forces armées et les activistes, les tensions sont au plus haut cet été. Cette année, plus de 18 000 personnes ont tenté de traverser illégalement la frontière. La zone tampon, elle, restera en vigueur au moins jusqu’au 13 septembre.

    https://www.rfi.fr/fr/europe/20240716-pologne-les-forces-arm%C3%A9es-peuvent-tirer-sur-des-migrants-sans-resp
    #tir #tirs #armes_à_feu #migrations #asile #réfugiés #tirs_préventifs #frontières #militarisation_des_frontières #responsabilité #armée

    • Greater use of firearms at the border with Belarus: PACE Rapporteur expresses deep human rights concerns at Polish draft law

      PACE rapporteur #Stephanie_Krisper (Austria, ALDE) has expressed concerns at the decision by the Polish government in June 2024 to enhance the operations of the armed forces, the police and the border guard in Poland in the event of a threat to state security. The draft law suggests that the use of firearms at the border be liberalised, and that soldiers be granted immunity when using such firearms in the border area.

      "The draft law risks running counter to human rights obligations of Council of Europe’s member states, including non-derogable rights such as the prohibition of torture,” said Ms Krisper.

      “These measures would supplement the ministerial regulation temporarily restricting access to the border area contiguous with Belarus, including for citizens, media, NGOs and parliamentarians, and which has significantly limited public oversight over the respect of human rights standards in this particular border zone.

      This decision by the government suggests that pushbacks and the use of firearms against individuals crossing the border will continue unsanctioned, in clear violation of the non-refoulement principle and the right to seek asylum. Non-derogable Convention rights such as the right to life, and the prohibition of torture and inhumane or degrading treatment, may also be at risk.

      The Polish government’s policy regarding the situation at the border with Belarus has been negatively assessed by the Polish Ombudsman, the UNHCR, and Polish human rights organisations.

      As stressed in Resolution 2555 (2024), ‘policies of deterrence have neither demonstrated their efficiency in enhancing domestic security nor strengthened the protection of civil liberties’. I call on the Polish government to cease work on this draft law and to implement human rights compliant border management policies.”

      https://pace.coe.int/en/news/9550/greater-use-of-firearms-at-the-border-with-belarus-pace-rapporteur-express

    • Pour repousser les migrants, la Pologne adopte une loi permettant aux garde-frontières de tirer plus facilement

      Le Parlement polonais a légiféré pour modifier les règles d’engagement des militaires polonais à la frontière avec la Russie et la Biélorussie après une série d’incidents impliquant des migrants.

      Cette loi a largement fait consensus chez les Parlementaires polonais. 401 députés ont voté en sa faveur, 17 y étaient opposés. Le Parlement a adopté un texte allégeant les règles d’engagement des militaires, garde-frontières et gendarmes aux frontières entre la Pologne, la Biélorussie et la Russie, qui sont soumises à une intense pression migratoire.

      Adopté en deuxième lecture le 11 juillet dernier, le texte exonère de toute responsabilité les militaires qui utilisent leurs armes à la frontière, en situation de légitime défense, mais aussi de manière préventive, lorsque la vie, la santé et la liberté des membres des forces de l’ordre sont menacées dans le cadre d’une « atteinte directe et illégale contre l’inviolabilité de la frontière de l’État ».

      Comme le rapporte le quotidien polonais Gazeta Wyborcza, le projet de loi a été très critiqué par certaines associations qui y voient un « droit de tuer ». Le journal polonais explique que le gouvernement avait d’abord prévu d’exonérer de toute responsabilité pénale des soldats pour tout acte constituant un crime commis lors d’une opération à la frontière. Le gouvernement a ensuite amendé lui-même son texte pour préciser les circonstances dans lesquels la responsabilité des militaires pouvait être allégée.

      Le Parlement polonais a légiféré après une série d’incidents impliquant des militaires polonais et des migrants. En mars, trois soldats polonais ont ainsi été poursuivis par la justice de leur pays pour avoir tiré à balles réelles sur des migrants qui traversaient la frontière biélorusse. Cette décision judiciaire avait suscité une forte réprobation dans l’opinion publique. Elle avait été dénoncée par de nombreuses personnalités politiques.

      En mai dernier, un soldat polonais est mort après avoir été poignardé alors qu’il tentait, derrière une clôture, d’empêcher des migrants de pénétrer sur le territoire polonais. L’événement avait provoqué une forte émotion en Pologne et même conduit le premier ministre Donald Tusk à déclarer que les forces de sécurité aux frontières pourraient désormais utiliser leurs armes face aux migrants. Le PiS, parti conservateur d’opposition à la coalition libérale au pouvoir avait accusé le gouvernement de « persécuter les soldats polonais » et de « déshonorer l’uniforme polonais », comme le rapporte aussi la Gazeta Wyborcza.
      17.000 tentatives de passage

      Moscou et Minsk, accusé de déstabiliser volontairement les frontières de l’UE, maintiennent une pression migratoire constante sur la Pologne depuis l’automne 2021 où une grave crise diplomatique avait éclaté entre l’UE et la Biélorussie. La France avait accusé le chef d’État biélorusse d’être derrière un « trafic » d’êtres humains « savamment organisé » avec des pays tiers, vers l’Union européenne, via la Turquie et Dubaï. L’Union européenne accuse les dirigeants de la Biélorussie d’orchestrer l’afflux de migrants.

      Selon les garde-frontières polonais, plus de 17.000 tentatives de passage illégal depuis la Biélorussie ont été détectées depuis le début de l’année. La Pologne prévoit de renforcer sa présence militaire à la fois avec l’enclave russe de Kaliningrad mais aussi avec la Biélorussie.

      Il s’agit de soutenir les garde-frontières mais aussi de renforcer la frontière orientale de l’Otan dans le contexte de la guerre d’Ukraine. « Actuellement, il y a près de 6000 militaires » mais « à terme, il y en aura jusqu’à 17.000, dont huit sur place et 9000 en réserve », prêts à y être déployés en 48 heures, formant « une force de réaction frontalière rapide », a précisé le chef de l’état-major de l’armée polonaise, le général Wieslaw Kukula. Dans le cadre de ce projet, Varsovie va investir plus de deux milliards d’euros dans la sécurité et la fortification de sa frontière avec la Russie et la Biélorussie, avait récemment déclaré le premier ministre Donald Tusk.

      https://www.lefigaro.fr/international/pour-repousser-les-migrants-la-pologne-adopte-une-loi-permettant-aux-garde-

    • Polish MPs allow security forces to use arms with impunity

      Polish lawmakers on Friday (26 July) voted to allow the security forces to use lethal weapons with impunity in response to active threats, including at the tense border with Belarus.

      The pan-European rights body Council of Europe and other activists had expressed concern that the police, border guards and soldiers would now be able to act — or even kill — without accountability.

      The bill, which still requires the president’s signature, was introduced after a Polish soldier was fatally stabbed on the Belarusian border.

      NATO and EU member Poland has accused Minsk’s ally Moscow of what it calls attempts to smuggle thousands of people from Africa to Europe by flying them to Russia and then sending them to the Polish border with Belarus.

      The new legislation “excludes criminal liability for the use of arms or direct force in violation of the rules” by the security forces if there was a threat to the safety of an individual or the country.

      The Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, Michael O’Flaherty, voiced concern that the bill could “foster a lack of accountability and suggest a lack of commitment to human rights obligations”.

      It “may create a legal and policy framework that provides a disincentive for state agents deployed in the border areas, or in other situations within its scope, to act in respect of the rules on the proportionality in the use of force and firearms”, he added earlier this month.

      Polish lawyer and activist Hanna Machinska on Friday said that “the issue of national security cannot be a carte blanche for acts that violate human rights”.

      “Nothing justifies introducing rules that are a licence to kill, as some people have said,” she told TOK FM radio.

      Earlier this month Poland said it would boost its military presence and defence fortifications along its Belarusian border because of “constant provocations”.

      In June, a soldier on patrol at the border was stabbed through a five-metre-high metal fence that Poland had erected in 2022 to deter migrants.

      The Polish army also reported other attacks on troops at the border.

      https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/polish-mps-allow-security-forces-to-use-arms-with-impunity

  • Pologne : une loi autorise les forces de l’ordre à ouvrir le feu sur les migrants à la frontière biélorusse - InfoMigrants
    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/58507/pologne--une-loi-autorise-les-forces-de-lordre-a-ouvrir-le-feu-sur-les

    Pologne : une loi autorise les forces de l’ordre à ouvrir le feu sur les migrants à la frontière biélorusse
    Par Marlène Panara Publié le : 17/07/2024
    Les députés polonais ont approuvé une nouvelle mesure qui autorise les agents en poste à la frontière biélorusse à tirer à balles réelles sur des exilés, en situation « de légitime défense » ou de « manière préventive ». La validation de la loi a fait bondir les ONG, qui déplore une situation déjà très tendue dans la zone.
    Une étape de plus dans le durcissement de la frontière polono-biélorusse. Le 12 juillet, le Parlement polonais a autorisé les forces de l’ordre déployées à la frontière biélorusse - soldats, garde-frontières, agents de polices - à tirer à balles réelles « de façon préventive » ou en « situation de légitime défense » sur quiconque tenterait de violer la frontière. Ainsi, le texte exonère de toute responsabilité les agents qui utilisent leurs armes à la frontière, « lorsque la vie, la santé et la liberté des membres des forces de l’ordre sont menacées dans le cadre d’une atteinte directe et illégale contre l’inviolabilité de la frontière de l’État ».
    La mesure a été validée à 401 voix par les députés. Seuls 17 s’y sont opposés. Le texte doit maintenant être définitivement approuvé par le Sénat.L’annonce de cette nouvelle loi a fait bondir les associations, qui octroie selon elles aux forces de l’ordre « un droit de tuer », ont-elles dénoncé dans le journal Gazeta Wyborcza.
    « Cette loi ne va faire qu’empirer une situation déjà très difficile à la frontière biélorusse, déplore auprès d’InfoMigrants Bartek Rumienczyk, chargée de communication pour l’association Grupa Granica. À cause de la zone tampon, déjà, il nous est impossible de documenter ce qu’il se passe dans la région, y compris la violence exercée par les garde-frontières. Cela va encore compliquer davantage notre travail et rendre la zone plus dangereuse pour les exilés ».
    Début juin, le Premier ministre pro-européen Donal Tusk a annoncé le déploiement d’une zone tampon de 200m de large sur 60km de long, interdite à toute personne en dehors des forces de l’ordre. Une décision similaire avait déjà été appliquée en novembre 2021 par le précédent gouvernement nationaliste Droit et Justice (PiS), alors que des milliers de personnes tentaient d’entrer dans le pays.
    Pour Dinushika Dissanayake, directrice adjointe de la région Europe d’Amnesty international, « ces propositions créent un précédent dangereux pour la réglementation de l’utilisation et de l’abus potentiel des armes à feu en Pologne, s’est-elle inquiétée la veille du vote dans un communiqué. En vertu du droit international […], le recours à la force contre des individus doit être strictement nécessaire et proportionné à la menace posée ; l’utilisation d’armes à feu est interdite sauf dans les situations où il existe une menace imminente de mort ou de blessure grave. Toute tentative des autorités polonaises de porter atteinte à ces principes serait illégale ».Pour la militante encore, « la notion de légitime défense ‘préventive’ n’est pas conforme au droit international et aux normes relatives à l’usage de la force » et « ouvre la porte à toutes sortes de pratiques abusives ».
    Ce 17 juillet, le ministre de l’Intérieur Tomasz Siemoniak a indiqué par ailleurs que des investissements financiers supplémentaires avaient été décidés « pour la modernisation de la clôture frontalière », matérialisée depuis juin 2022 par une double barrière métallique de 5,5m de haut. « Ils porteront leurs fruits à partir du mois d’octobre », a-t-il fait savoir devant la presse. Le 11 mai déjà, lors d’une visite à la frontière, Donald Tusk avait promis qu’"il n’y aurait aucune limite [aux dépenses] en matière de sécurisation de la frontière".
    La validation de cette loi intervient dans un contexte très tendu dans la zone. Début juin, un soldat polonais est mort après avoir été poignardé quelques jours auparavant, alors qu’il tentait d’empêcher des migrants de pénétrer sur le territoire polonais près du village de Dubicze Cerkiewne. En mars, trois garde-frontières ont quant à eux été arrêtés, soupçonnés d’avoir fait usage de leurs armes à feu sur des migrants. « Leur arrestation avait suscité de très fortes réactions de la part de l’opposition et créée une polémique dans le pays », rappelle Bartek Rumienczyk. L’instauration de la nouvelle zone d’urgence rend également opaque le travail des forces de l’ordre à cet endroit, dont les pratiques violentes sont régulièrement décriées par les ONG et les exilés. Depuis un mois, « nous observons une augmentation du sentiment d’impunité des services en uniforme et des nationalistes, qui veulent ’prendre les choses en main’ », a constaté l’ONG Grupa Granica.
    Début juin, une vidéo prise par un migrant et diffusée sur les réseaux sociaux montrait des membres des forces de l’ordre frapper violemment un exilé à terre, sans défense, avec des matraques. D’après un humanitaire sur place contacté alors par InfoMigrants, cette vidéo a été tournée le 27 mai dans la soirée, au repère 333, près du village de Dubicze Cerkiewne. Outre les violences, les « pushbacks » vers la Biélorussie se multiplient. « D’après nos informations, 66 personnes, à qui on avait pourtant donné procuration [‘power of attorney’ en anglais] pour leur demande d’asile, ont été refoulées côté biélorusse, dénonce encore Bartek Rumienczyk. Y compris des mineurs et des femmes enceintes. C’est une fois de plus la preuve que le droit d’asile n’est pas respecté à la frontière, et encore moins quand les ONG ne sont pas là pour observer ce qu’il se passe ».
    Depuis 2021, des milliers d’exilés tentent chaque année de gagner l’Union européenne (UE) via la route migratoire partant de Russie ou de Biélorussie et traversant la Pologne. Selon les garde-frontières polonais, plus de 17 000 tentatives de passage illégal depuis la Biélorussie ont été détectées depuis le début de l’année. Pour Andrzej Juzwiak, porte-parole des gardes-frontières polonais, « il ne fait aucun doute que la crise à la frontière a été provoquée par des actions hybrides de la partie biélorusse, a-t-il déclaré il y a quelques jours au média allemand Deutsche Welle. Nous savons qu’il s’agit d’une route migratoire créée et contrôlée artificiellement ». Des déclarations allant dans le sens de celles de l’UE depuis le début des passages dans la zone, qui avait aussi dénoncé une « guerre hybride » menée par le président biélorusse Alexandre Loukachenko, allié de Vladimir Poutine. Victimes de cette instrumentalisation diplomatique d’un côté, et de la politique migratoire polonaise de l’autre, de nombreux migrants sont traumatisés par leur passage par cette route. Azzedine, un jeune Soudanais installé aujourd’hui à Varsovie, a été ramené à huit reprises côté biélorusse, bien qu’il a, à chaque fois, demandé l’asile. « Les garde-frontières frappent [les migrants], cassent les téléphones et nous aspergent de gaz dans les yeux, a-t-il raconté à InfoMigrants. Je ne m’attendais pas à subir ça. Moi, je voulais juste fuir la guerre, et trouver un pays qui me protège ».

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#pologne#UE#migrationirreguliere#asile#droit#routemigratoire#bielorussie#frontiere#sante

  • Poland : Government pledges to do what is needed to end Belarus border problems

    On Wednesday (July 10), the Polish government pledged to do what is needed to end the border crisis with Belarus. Even if that means complete closure of the border.

    Poland has already closed four of its six official border crossings with its neighbor Belarus. “We are ready for any solution in this area, because we will not allow this migration crisis caused by Belarus to last indefinitely,” Poland’s Deputy Defense Minister Cezary Tomczyk told the news agency Reuters.

    Polish government officials, including President Andrzej Duda have been raising these issues for months now. Most recently, Duda talked to his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping, stressing that the issue would have an impact on trade within Europe if not resolved.

    Even before the current government took office, Poland has tried various methods to stop migrants from crossing its borders from Belarus. They have heavily fortified the border, with several layers of fencing and barbed wire, and sent police and military patrols to the area.

    On Wednesday, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) issued a press release about the situation. In it, they called for “urgent action” to help “refugees trapped in Europe’s ’death zone’.”
    Further restrictions at the border

    They said that access to the Polish-Belarusian border had been restricted still further recently, which was “preventing the provision of humanitarian assistance to refugees seeking international protection.”

    The NRC said that the Polish government, alongside the EU and the international community, should work together to “address the escalating humanitarian crisis” in the area. “The exclusion zone with no access for humanitarian workers is a recipe for disaster. It affects the weakest and the most vulnerable refugees seeking international protection,” stated Neil Brighton, NRC’s country director in Poland.

    Since 2021, when restrictions were stepped up at the border, the NRC says their local partner on the ground, ’We are Monitoring’, had recorded “nearly 20,000 requests for assistance” from migrants in the zone, 82 deaths and nearly 9,000 violent pushbacks.

    The NRC has asked the EU to help the Polish government increase reception capacity for those who want to seek asylum in Poland, as well as “address the root causes of displacement through humanitarian and development assistance.”

    ’Death zone’

    The NRC describes the forests around the border between Poland and Belarus as a “death zone,” because the area is characterized by “extreme temperatures, dense forests and swamps, making it a dangerous crossing point for refugees seeking protection.”

    Amina, a Syrian refugee told NRC that she had experienced nine pushbacks while trying to cross into Poland. “They hit you with sticks to make your body grow bigger and swell up so that no one will manage to pass through,” she said.

    Farid, a refugee from Afghanistan told NRC, “they asked me ‘where are you from? I said I was from Afghanistan. They hit me on my broken leg, and I shouted terribly, which made them very angry –they beat me.”

    NRC works with local Polish humanitarian organizations to provide assistance and legal aid for those who are seeking asylum. One of those local partners Egala Association, joined NRC in calling for a “safe border…where the rights of those seeking international protection are respected.”

    Other humanitarian associations working in Poland have accused the current government of essentially continuing the anti-migrant policies established under the PiS Peace and Justice party.
    ’Hybrid warfare’

    In June 2024, the Polish border guards told the German international broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW) that they had stopped almost 100,000 attempts to cross the border since 2021, when they accused Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus of beginning a form of ’hybrid warfare’ by encouraging migrants to cross the border into the EU to destabilize the West.

    Andrzej Juzwiak, a spokesperson from the Polish border guard told DW, “there is no doubt that the crisis at the border was caused by hybrid actions of the Belarusian side. We know that it is an artificially created and controlled migration route.”

    According to Polish officials, DW reports, about 90 percent of the migrants stopped at Poland’s border hold Russian visas, which they believe indicates Russian involvement in their journey towards Europe.

    Since the beginning of 2024, the Polish border guard say they see around 400 attempts a day to cross the border by migrants. Most of them, they say, want to journey on to Germany or the United Kingdom.
    ’No-entry buffer zone’

    On June 13, Poland instigated once again a special no-entry buffer zone along about 60 kilometers of its border with Belarus. The zone is 200 meters wide and is off-limits to all non-residents. That includes humanitarian groups and journalists. In 2021, the buffer zone was much wider and stretched along the entire border with Belarus.

    According to Juzwiak from the Polish border guard, the main purpose of the zone, reports DW, “is to ensure the safety of locals and security officials on duty at the border and to limit the activity of human smugglers.”

    At the end of May, a young Polish soldier was stabbed to death through the bars in the border fence. Polish officials say that a migrant carried out the attack. The soldier was taken to hospital, but later died of his injuries.

    Migrant rights groups however say the buffer zone prevents them from helping those in need. They say the buffer zones act as cover so that pushback tactics can be carried out away from the eyes of journalists and activists.

    The IOM has called on Poland, as well as Latvia and Lithuania to make sure that the rule of law is upheld at the border and that respect for human rights and freedoms are maintained, regardless of immigration status.

    In May, on a visit to the border, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk was adamant his government needed to continue to fortify their border. “There is no room for negotiation. Poland’s border must be protected,” he said. “Polish troops, border guards, officers have become the targets of aggression, and you have every right, not to say an obligation, to use every means available to you […] when you are defending not only the border but also your own life.”

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/58384/poland-government-pledges-to-do-what-is-needed-to-end-belarus-border-p

    #Pologne #Biélorussie #frontières #migrations #réfugiés #fermeture_des_frontières #murs #barrières_frontalières #militarisation_des_frontières #exclusion_zone #zone_d'exclusion #zone_frontalière #crise_humanitaire #mourir_aux_frontières #décès #morts_aux_frontières #forêt #refoulements #push-backs #buffer_zone


    ajouté à la métaliste sur la Création de zones frontalières (au lieu de lignes de frontière) en vue de refoulements :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/795053

    • Briefing Note: Refugees trapped in Europe’s “death zone” - July 2024

      Poland: Urgent action needed for refugees trapped in Europe’s ‘death zone’
      Access to the Polish-Belarusian border has been restricted, preventing the provision of humanitarian assistance to refugees seeking international protection. The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) urgently calls on the Polish government, the European Union, and the international community to address the escalating humanitarian crisis.

      “The exclusion zone with no access for humanitarian workers is a recipe for disaster. It affects the weakest and the most vulnerable refugees seeking international protection. Data shows that building fences and pushing back people won’t stop them from seeking safety and protection,” said Neil Brighton, NRC’s country director in Poland. “The European Union and the international community must support the Government of Poland by increasing reception capacity at the border and addressing the root causes of displacement through humanitarian and development assistance.”

      Since the crisis began in 2021, NRC and local partners have recorded nearly 20,000 requests for assistance and nearly 9,000 violent pushbacks, including incidents involving pregnant women and minors. 82 deaths related to the conditions at the border have been documented in the ‘death zone’ between the Polish and Belarusian border fences and along the border. This area is characterised by extreme temperatures and dense forests and swamps, making it a dangerous crossing for refugees seeking protection. Those crossing the border irregularly, have endured hardships and long journeys from Iraq, Afghanistan, and other countries as far as Eritrea.

      “They hit you with sticks to make your body grow bigger and swell up so that no one will manage to pass through,” said Amina from Syria, a refugee who experienced nine pushbacks. On the final time, she managed to reach Polish territory, where she sought help from one of the humanitarian organisations operating in the area.

      Farid, a refugee from Afghanistan, recalled: “They asked me ‘Where are you from?’ I said I was from Afghanistan. They hit me on my broken leg, and I shouted terribly, which made them very angry - they beat me.”

      NRC has been supporting and working closely with local organisations, on the Polish territory, to provide thousands of refugees with life-saving assistance and legal aid. Despite these efforts, the recent reintroduction of the exclusion zone, a legally defined area restricting access for unauthorised individuals along parts of the Polish-Belarusian border, has severely restricted access for humanitarian workers to support those trapped at the border.

      “We believe that nobody should be left in life-threatening conditions regardless of their origin, nationality or religion. We strongly believe that a safe border means a border that is safe for all people, where the rights of those seeking international protection are respected,” said Katarzyna Potoniec from Egala Association, one of NRC’s local partner organisations in Poland.

      NRC calls on the Polish government to ensure humanitarian access to those in need, and to adhere to the Geneva Convention and the European Convention on Human Rights and ensure all claims for the international protection are properly processed. The European Union and international donors must provide sustained funding and support to address the urgent needs at the border and establish safe, legal pathways for refugees.

      https://reliefweb.int/report/poland/briefing-note-refugees-trapped-europes-death-zone-july-2024

  • Russischer Kriegsdienstverweigerer soll aus Deutschland abgeschoben werden
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/mensch-metropole/russischer-kriegsdienstverweigerer-soll-abgeschoben-werden-li.22243

    Ne fais jamais confiance à ce que disent les politiciens. On le savait. Ça se confirme pour le jeune Russe qui espère toujours trouver refuge an Allemagne.

    12.6.2024 von Andreas Kopietz - Die Regierung hatte allen Schutz versprochen, die sich nicht am russischen Angriffskrieg in der Ukraine beteiligen. Nun soll der Russe Nikita abgeschoben werden.

    Deutschland duldet Hunderttausende illegale Migranten. Ein großer Teil bezieht Sozialleistungen – Abschiebungen, selbst in sichere Herkunftsländer, gibt es nur selten. Bei vielen scheint es der Staat nicht so genau zu nehmen. Aber bei einigen Flüchtlingen setzt der bundesdeutsche Staat alles daran, sie loszuwerden. Etwa bei Menschen, die sich weigern, am russischen Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine teilzunehmen.

    Der 27-jährige Nikita R. ist so ein Fall. Er will nicht töten und auch nicht getötet werden. Man könnte meinen, dies sei Grund genug, jemandem in Deutschland Schutz zu gewähren. Immerhin hatten nach dem russischen Überfall Politiker der Bundesregierung erklärt, allen Russen, die nicht am Angriffskrieg teilnehmen wollen, Asyl zu gewähren. Das waren Bundeskanzler Olaf Scholz (SPD), Innenministerin Nancy Faeser (SPD), der das Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge untersteht, oder auch Justizminister Marco Buschmann (FDP).

    Doch weit gefehlt. Das Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (BAMF) forderte Nikita R. auf, die Bundesrepublik Deutschland innerhalb von 30 Tagen zu verlassen. „Sollte der Antragsteller die Ausreisepflicht nicht einhalten, wird er in die Russische Föderation abgeschoben“, heißt es in dem Bescheid.

    Die Befürchtung: Rückkehr nach Russland, dann Haft, dann Front

    Der Russe hatte bis September 2022 in Polen in einer Fleischfabrik gearbeitet. Als ihn Verwandte über den Einberufungsbefehl informierten, setzte er sich in einen Bus und reiste in die Bundesrepublik. Er kam bei seiner Mutter und seinem Stiefvater unter, die in Berlin-Marzahn leben. Am 2. November 2022 stellte er einen Asylantrag.

    Und damit begann die schier unendliche Geschichte, die die vollmundigen Ankündigungen der Bundesregierung widerlegt. Das BAMF lehnte im Januar 2023 seinen Antrag auf Asyl als unzulässig ab. Die Nürnberger Behörde ordnete seine Abschiebung nach Polen an. Nach der sogenannten Dublin-III-Verordnung muss jener Staat das Asylverfahren führen, in dem die asylsuchende Person zum ersten Mal die EU-Grenzen überschreitet.

    Die Berliner Rechtsanwältin Christiane Meusel reichte dagegen Klage beim Berliner Verwaltungsgericht ein. Bei einer Überstellung nach Polen drohe ihrem Mandanten eine Weiterschiebung nach Russland ohne angemessene Prüfung seines Asylbegehrens, begründete sie. Die Anwältin berief sich unter anderem auf die Organisation Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights und auf Urteile, etwa des Verwaltungsgerichts Hannover, die „systemische Schwachstellen“ im polnischen Asylverfahren und den Aufnahmebedingungen festgestellt hatten. Nikita R. musste demnach davon ausgehen, dass er bereits bei der Rückkehr nach Russland verhaftet und dann an die Front geschickt würde.

    Ein fleißiger Berliner Beamter, der die Nacht durchgearbeitet haben muss

    Das Verwaltungsgericht Berlin entschied am Gründonnerstag, dass er Deutschland verlassen müsse. Am 26. Juli um 6.30 Uhr klingelten Polizisten an der Wohnungstür seiner Eltern in Marzahn, um die Abschiebung zu vollziehen. Nikitas Stiefvater machte nicht auf, irgendwann zog die Polizei ab. Danach kam er im Kirchenasyl der Evangelischen Verheißungskirchengemeinde in Neuenhagen-Dahlwitz unter – für sechs Monate, bis die Überstellungsfrist nach Polen abgelaufen war und seitdem Deutschland für die Durchführung des Asylverfahrens zuständig ist. Für ihn und seine Anwältin war dies nur ein Etappensieg.

    Am 28. Mai dieses Jahres wurde Nikita R. beim BAMF in Berlin zu seinen Fluchtgründen angehört. Bereits am Folgetag hatte der Sachbearbeiter einen 23 Seiten langen Ablehnungsbescheid fertig – versehen mit zahllosen Gerichtsurteilen und Medienquellen, die belegten, dass es in Russland gar nicht so schlimm sei, wie von Nikita und seiner Anwältin geschildert. Entweder war der Beamte besonders fleißig und hat die Nacht durchgearbeitet, oder er hatte bereits fertige Textbausteine zur Verfügung, oder: Der Ablehnungsbescheid war schon vor der Anhörung in großen Teilen fertig.

    Die kurze Bearbeitungszeit wirkt für die Behörde untypisch. Sie hatte etwa sieben Monate gebraucht, um Nikita R. überhaupt zur Anhörung seiner Asylgründe einzuladen.
    Bundesamt für Migration: Russland ist gar nicht so schlimm

    Dem Ablehnungsschreiben des BAMF zufolge, scheint Russland ein lupenreiner Rechtsstaat zu sein. Für Nikita R. bestehe keine begründete Furcht vor Verfolgung, heißt es darin. „Dafür fehlt es sowohl an einem gesetzlichen Verfolgungsgrund als auch an einer drohenden Verfolgungshandlung.“ Es sei weder ersichtlich, dass die Einberufung des Antragstellers als Reservist noch eine etwaige Bestrafung wegen Entziehung von der Teilmobilmachung an einen der im Asylgesetz aufgeführten Verfolgungsgründe anknüpfe. Die Bestrafung „von Mobilisierungsentziehern“ erfolge derzeit lediglich in Form von verhältnismäßig niedrig angesetzten Geldbußen. Der Staat verzichte zumeist sogar ganz auf eine Sanktionierung. Kriegsdienstverweigerer hätten das Recht, den aktiven Militärdienst durch einen zivilen Ersatzdienst zu kompensieren.

    Laut BAMF erhält ein Ausländer subsidiären Schutz, wenn er stichhaltige Gründe für die Annahme vorbringt, dass ihm in seinem Land ernsthafter Schaden droht: die Todesstrafe, Folter oder unmenschliche Behandlung. Dies sei in diesem Fall nicht gegeben, heißt es in der Ablehnung. Es sei „nicht beachtlich wahrscheinlich“, dass ihm bei einer Rückkehr nach Russland ein ernsthafter Schaden in Form einer unmenschlichen oder erniedrigenden Behandlung drohe.

    Die Behörde führt außerdem eine Erklärung des Generalstabs der russischen Streitkräfte an, dass Kriegspflichtige nicht in den Kampfhandlungen in der Ukraine eingesetzt würden, sondern nur Freiwillige.

    BAMF: Er würde durchaus auf Gegner schießen, die keine Christen sind

    Die Berliner Zeitung hat zuerst und dann mehrfach über Nikita R. geschrieben. Auch andere Zeitungen berichteten dann über seinen Fall und auch ein Fernsehsender. Mehrmals erläuterte er, warum er nicht in den Krieg will. Kritik an der russischen Armee und dem russischen Angriffskrieg ist nach russischem Recht strafbar, wie seine Anwältin argumentiert. Das BAMF sieht jedoch keinen Verfolgungsgrund aufgrund der politischen Überzeugung. Die Zeitungsartikel seien nicht von ihm geschrieben worden, sondern von deutschen Journalisten über ihn, begründet der Sachbearbeiter. „Dass er die deutschen Zeitungen über seine Verweigerung eines Kriegsdienstes informiert hat, stellt alleine keine politische Betätigung dar.“

    Im Fall des Russen Nikita R. zeigt der deutsche Rechtsstaat also klare Kante. Auf die Füße fällt dem 27-Jährigen zudem, dass er in der Anhörung angab, dass er nicht an einem Krieg als Soldat teilnehmen wolle, in dem Christen auf Christen schießen. „Diese Aussage impliziert, dass er als Soldat durchaus auf Gegner schießen könnte, die keine Christen sind“, heißt es in der Ablehnung. Christiane Meusel bezeichnet dies als bösartige Unterstellung. „Eine derartige Schlussfolgerung der Beklagten lässt den Schluss zu, dass zulasten des Klägers gezielt nach Ablehnungsgründen gesucht wurde“, sagt sie.

    In der Anhörung hatte die Anwältin angegeben, dass sie ab dem 6. Juni drei Wochen im Urlaub sein werde. Prompt kam am 5. Juni der Ablehnungsbescheid. In der Rechtsbehelfsbelehrung wurde dem Russen eine Klagefrist von zwei Wochen eingeräumt. Anwältin Meusel geht davon aus, dass dies Absicht war, um ihrem Mandanten die Möglichkeit abzuschneiden, Rechtsmittel einzulegen. Am 8. Juni legte sie beim Verwaltungsgericht Berlin Klage gegen den Bescheid ein.
    Bundesinnenministerium: Es gibt keinen Automatismus

    Nach den Ankündigungen der Bundesregierung wollte Abgeordnete Clara Bünger (Linke) im September vergangenen Jahres vom Bundesinnenministerium (BMI) wissen, wie viele wehrfähige Russen in Deutschland Asyl suchten und bekamen. Das BMI antwortete, dass die Voraussetzungen für die Gewährung von Schutz seltener vorliegen dürften als bei Deserteuren. Es gebe keinen Automatismus, dass jedem russischen Staatsangehörigen im wehrdienstfähigen Alter Schutz zuzuerkennen ist.

    Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffs bis Ende August suchten laut BMI 3487 Russen Schutz in Deutschland. Anerkannt wurden 92.

    Warum die Bundesregierung sich so zurückhaltend zeigt, darüber kann Rudi Friedrich vom Offenbacher Verein Connection e.V., der Wehrdienstverweigerer und Deserteure unterstützt, nur spekulieren. „Es besteht jedenfalls ein riesiger Widerspruch zwischen den Äußerungen der Politiker und der Praxis des Bundesamtes“, sagt er. „Menschen, die sich wegen dieser Aussagen Hoffnung gemacht haben, werden vor den Kopf gestoßen.“

    #Allemagne #Russie #Pologne #Ukraine #guerre #objecteurs_de consciance

  • « Erinnerungspolitischer Skandal »
    https://www.sueddeutsche.de/muenchen/dachau/zeitgeschichte-erinnerungspolitischer-skandal-1.4775232

    Ce tournant d’histoire m’a échappé. Depuis le 19 septembre 2019 le parlement européen considère l’URSS comme responsable pour la deuxième guerre mondiale. La quasi totalité des représentants des peuple de UE partage et soutient désormais les faussaires d’histoire et réactionnaires dangereux qui nous font chier avec ce baratin revanchiste depuis la séparation de l’Allemagne par la fondation de la Bundesrepublik Deutschland en 1949. Cette droite crypto-fasciste a désormais gagné les esprits politiques ce qui ne laisse rien présager de bon.

    28.1.2020 von Helmut Zeller - Die österreichischen Lagergemeinschaften Dachau und Ravensbrück protestieren gegen eine EU-Resolution, die nationalsozialistische mit stalinistischen Verbrechen gleichsetzt und der Sowjetunion eine Mitschuld am Ausbruch des Zweiten Weltkriegs gibt

    Die schönen, zum Teil auch beeindruckenden Reden von Staatsoberhäuptern und Regierungschefs zum Holocaust-Gedenktag am Montag sind verklungen - für die Überlebenden des Naziterrors kehrt wieder der Alltag mühseliger Erinnerungsarbeit ein: und das gleich mit einem geschichtspolitischen Skandal. Die österreichischen Lagergemeinschaften Ravensbrück und Dachau, die mit dem Internationalen Dachau-Komitee (CID) assoziiert sind, protestieren gegen „die unsägliche Entschließung“ des europäischen Parlaments zur Erinnerungspolitik unter der Kennzeichnung P9-TA-PROV (2019) 0021. Es geht im wesentlichen um zwei Punkte: Die Resolution vom 19. September 2019 setzt die Verbrechen des Nationalsozialismus, insbesondere den Holocaust, mit den stalinistischen Verbrechen gleich und behauptet eine Mitschuld der Sowjetunion am Zweiten Weltkrieg. „Damit stellt dieser medial weitgehend unbemerkte Skandal einen gravierenden historischen Rückschritt dar, der eine alarmierende Machtverschiebung im europäischen Parlament signalisiert“, kritisieren die Sprecher beider Lagergemeinschaften.

    Gegen diese Umdeutung der Geschichte haben die beiden Organisationen, die vor 70 Jahren von KZ-Überlebenden gegründet worden sind, bereits Anfang November 2019 eine gemeinsame Protestnote verfasst. Sie richtete sich an die österreichischen Abgeordneten des Europäischen Parlaments sowie die Parteivorsitzenden der österreichischen Parlamentsparteien. Bis heute haben die Lagergemeinschaften jedoch keine Antwort erhalten, wie Ernst Berger und Eva Friedler, Vorsitzende der Lagergemeinschaft Dachau, mitteilten. Nun wenden sich die Vereinigungen in einer Online-Petition gegen die Entschließung und fordern deren Rücknahme. Die Petition soll auch noch als Inserat im Standard veröffentlicht werden. Auch andere Verfolgtenorganisationen unterstützen die Petition, etwa das Internationale Komitee der Vernichtungs- und Konzentrationslager der Nazis und der FIR (Féderation Internationale Des Résistants - Association Antifasciste).

    Ernst Berger und Eva Friedler sowie Bernadette Dewald, Brigitte Halbmayr und Helga Amesberger, Sprecherinnen der Österreichischen Lagergemeinschaft Ravensbrück, sind über den Inhalt der Entschließung des EU-Parlaments entsetzt. Grundsätzlich finden sie die Absicht des EU-Abgeordneten gut, die Erinnerung an die Verbrechen im 20. Jahrhundert wachzuhalten und das Friedensprojekt der europäischen Einigung voranzutreiben. „Aber nicht so“, heißt es in ihrer Petition. „Die in der Resolution enthaltene Geschichtsdarstellung widerspricht nicht nur anerkannten Ergebnissen der zeitgeschichtlichen Forschung - die im Übrigen für die Sowjetunion auch die höchste zivile und militärische Opferzahl des Zweiten Weltkriegs feststellt - sie greift auch den antinazistischen Konsens an, der den Sieg über Nationalsozialismus und Faschismus in Europa erst ermöglichte.“

    Tatsächlich zielt die EU-Resolution auf eine Gleichsetzung der stalinistischen Verbrechen mit dem industriellen Massenmord an den europäischen Juden und anderen Verbrechen des NS-Staates, etwa der Vernichtungspolitik gegen Roma und Sinti. Außerdem wird die Schuld Nazideutschlands am Ausbruch des Zweiten Weltkriegs relativiert, indem der Hitler-Stalin-Pakt als eigentlicher Kriegsgrund genannt wird. „Nun soll hier dieser Pakt auch gar nicht beschönigt werden, im Übrigen allerdings auch nicht der Vertrag von München, doch es war Hitler, der den Krieg wollte und von Expansion träumte. Zudem wird in der Entschließung Nationalsozialismus und Kommunismus gleichgesetzt, als wäre die Sowjetunion - bei aller Kritik an den stalinistischen Verbrechen - nicht Teil der Alliierten gewesen, die Europa von der Vernichtung und dem Vernichtungskrieg befreiten.“

    Die Resolution steht in einer Folge von geschichtsrevisionistischen Strömungen in Europa, die schon seit vielen Jahren an Einfluss zu gewinnen versuchen. Etwa die Theorie des „doppelten Genozids“, die ihren Ausgang in Litauen nahm, und kommunistische mit nationalsozialistischen Verbrechen gleichsetzt. Die litauische Geschichtspolitik setzt die Litauer ausschließlich als Opfer von Nazis und Sowjetregime und verdeckt so die intensive Kollaboration mit Hitlerdeutschland. So informiert das „Haus der Opfer des Genozids“ in Litauen nur zu einem kleinen Teil über den Massenmord an den mehr als 200 000 litauischen Juden. Die Beteiligung litauischer Widerstandskämpfer gegen das Sowjetregime an der Judenvernichtung wird weitgehend ausgeklammert.

    In der Praxis kommt es zu einer Täter-Opfer-Umkehr. So ermittelte die Staatsanwaltschaft 2008, um nur ein Beispiel zu nennen, gegen die Holocaust-Überlebende Fanja Brancovskaja aus Vilnius, die im Jahr 2009 das Bundesverdienstkreuz erhielt, weil sie 1943 aus dem Ghetto fliehen konnte und sich einer Partisaneneinheit angeschlossen hatte. Der Vorwurf: Kriegsverbrechen. Die Hexenjagd auf die Überlebende ging 2017 weiter. Die Theorie des „doppelten Genozids“ ging auch in die sogenannte Prager Erklärung von 2008 ein, in der stalinistische mit nazistischen Verbrechen ebenso gleichgesetzt wurden.

    Auf diese Erklärung, die damals auch vom späteren deutschen Bundespräsidenten Joachim Gauck unterschrieben wurde, beruft sich die aktuelle Resolution des EU-Parlaments. Eingebracht wurde sie von 19 Abgeordneten (18 aus Polen, einer aus Litauen), angenommen wurde sie von einer großen Mehrheit der Abgeordneten aller Fraktionen (535 Ja-Stimmen, 66 Ablehnungen und 52 Enthaltungen). Auch alle österreichischen Abgeordneten (mit Ausnahme der Grünen-Politikerin Monika Vana, die sich der Stimme enthielt) tragen die Resolution mit.

    Die Lagergemeinschaften kritisieren, dass die Abgeordneten „mit ihrer Zustimmung die Intention der polnischen Regierung unterstützen, international eine neue, revisionistische Erinnerungspolitik zu installieren, die die alleinige Schuld des nationalsozialistischen Deutschland am Vernichtungskrieg relativiert“. Ernst Berger und seine Mitstreiterinnen sehen in der Resolution „ein weiteres Zeichen dafür, dass es der rechtspopulistischen Regierung Polens gelingt, Mehrheiten für eine Erinnerungspolitik zu gewinnen, in der alle totalitären Regime gleichgesetzt werden. Damit wird den rechtsextremen Kräften in ganz Europa in die Hände gespielt“. Die Zustimmung nahezu aller österreichischen EU-Abgeordneten sei ein unerträglicher Affront für die Opfer des Nationalsozialismus. Viele Verfolgte hätten nach der Befreiung aktiv am demokratischen Aufbau Österreichs und Europas mitgearbeitet. Die EU-Entschließung, die auf der Verzerrung von historischen Fakten basiere, widerspreche dem Gedenken an die NS-Opfer und missachte das Engagement der Verfolgten in eklatanter Weise.

    Textes adoptés - Importance de la mémoire européenne pour l’avenir de l’Europe - Jeudi 19 septembre 2019
    https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-9-2019-0021_FR.html

    #Europe #revanchisme #anticommunisme #histoire #URSS #Pologne

  • Campi di lavoro e lavoro nei campi

    Dall’agosto 1940 e fino alla fine del 1945 vennero internati, in numerosi campi sparsi sull’insieme del territorio ticinese, mediamente circa un migliaio di soldati stranieri, i quali rappresentarono una categoria specifica dell’insieme dei profughi accolti durante la Seconda guerra mondiale. Si trattò in gran parte di soldati polacchi, ma nei campi allestiti in Ticino risiedettero per periodi di tempo variabili pure francesi, italiani, tedeschi, austriaci, sovietici, indiani e vietnamiti, nonché un contingente di combattenti provenienti dal continente africano. Chi erano questi uomini? A quale regime furono sottoposti e perché? Dove sorsero i campi in cui furono confinati? Come trascorrevano le loro giornate? Quali furono i rapporti con la popolazione locale? Quale memoria della loro presenza si è sedimentata in Ticino? Attingendo a fonti archivistiche sinora poco sfruttate, il volume analizza e approfondisce il tema dell’internamento militare sul piano regionale, facendolo costantemente dialogare in senso verticale con quello nazionale. La pluralità degli approcci adottati e dei punti di vista considerati ha consentito di fare emergere alcune specificità ticinesi e, in altri casi, di fare luce su aspetti finora poco studiati dell’internamento militare nel suo insieme. Colmando una lacuna storiografica e fornendo un quadro esaustivo delle coordinate geografiche e temporali dell’internamento militare, il libro si presta a fungere da strumento imprescindibile per chiunque voglia affrontare la tematica della presenza di internati militari in Ticino ed eventualmente approfondirla sul piano locale.

    #livre
    #camps_de_travail #Tessin #Suisse #histoire #réfugiés_ukrainiens #réfugiés_polonais #Pologne #deuxième_guerre_mondiale #seconde_guerre_mondiale #WWII #mémoire

    • Polish Army in Insubrica region: the case study of Polish internees in Losone

      During the German campaign in the West, in June 1940, 2nd Polish Infantry Division under command of Bronisław Prugar-Ketling (1891-1948) was sent to the French region of Belfort to support 8th French army. After being cut off from supply, approximately 12,000 to 13,000 Polish soldiers of this Infantry Division, crossed the Swiss border on 19-20 June 1940, south of Ajoie, avoiding thus the German capture.

      The soldiers were interned in Switzerland according to the Hague Convention. After a failed attempt to concentrate all Pole servicemen in only one camp in Büren an der Aare, Polish soldiers were dispersed throughout Switzerland. From 1941, barrack camps were set up in all Switzerland, where these Poles soldiers were interned until December 1945. In the Insubrica region, many Polish soldiers were gathered and managed in Losone, nearby Locarno and Ascona.

      These interned Poles soldiers made mainly group-wise work assignments for the Swiss national defence works, related to the national infrastructure like constructions of roads and bridges, drainage of swamps as well as general works in the agriculture. A total of 450 kilometers in paths, bridges and canals were built alone in Ticino by these servicemen. At present, monuments and commemorative plaques commemorate the involuntary stay of these Polish soldiers people throughout the Ticino region. After the war, around 500 Poles were able to settle down in Switzerland, obtaining the Swiss citizenship.

      In addition to building and paving roads between Arcegno and Golino in the Canton Ticino, the Polish army soldiers, interned in the Losone camp during 1941-1945, worked hard to reclaim approximately 100 hectares of the land in the municipality of Losone between “Saleggi” and “Gerre”. This hard work reshaped radically the landscape of the region in the mid of the 1940s.

      Thanks to the intervention of Polish soldiers, a large amount of uncultivated agricultural areas in Ticino could be developed and, later, transformed in tourist and industrial zones.

      A hard work of Polish prisoners allowed a creation of a very important agricultural zone in Losone that persisted for many years until a construction of the famous 18 holes Golf place (shown in the centre of the map that can be seen above).

      Further in the North, in the 1980’s, an important industrial settlement called “Zandone” was created (on the left side of the above shown map). The Polish work allowed to erect a large camping in Melezza and the “Scuderia delle cavalli delle Gerre” in the area of Zandone. Between Arcegno and Golino, Polish soldiers managed to pave a road, that is named today “strada dei polacchi” (in English: Polish road).

      Polish soldiers were interned also in other parts of Switzerland and left unmistakable traces of their hard work. There are several so-called Polenweg‘s, which are roads that were built by Polish soldiers during the Second World War in Switzerland.

      https://insubricahistorica.ch/blog/2018/04/16/polish-army-in-insubrica-region-case-of-losone
      #Losone

      –-

      Gli internati polacchi nel Locarnese e Valle Maggia

      Avevamo già scritto nell’aprile 2018 su Insubrica Historica un breve contributo sugli internati polacchi nella regione Insubrica. Durante dei lavori di ricerca per un imminente pubblicazione di Insubrica Historica sul Locarnese, abbiamo ritrovato ulteriori dettagli, che valgono la pena di essere condivisi.

      La presenza degli internati polacchi in Ticino e soprattutto nel Locarnese è legata soprattutto alla caserma di Losone posta nella località Piana di Arbigo, la quale ospitò ben oltre la fine del conflitto un ingente numero di soldati polacchi, circa un migliaio. Da questa caserma vennero impiegati per diversi lavori di bonifica. La loro presenza viene ricordata nel Locarnese per la Strada dei Polacchi da Arcegno a Golino, o ancora ad Orselina per la cappella della Madonna di “Ostra Brama”.

      Vi erano però diversi altri campi di lavoro distribuiti nella regione, i quali ospitavano anche loro soldati polacchi. In particolare grazie ad un recente articolo di Fabio Cheda Gli internati polacchi a Maggia, vi sono alcuni dettagli di questi campi nella Valle Maggia.

      I campi erano distribuiti nella maniera seguente: ai Ronchini di Aurigeno (15-30 militi), a Bignasco (10-15 militi), a Cevio (40-50 militi), a Linescio (30-35 militi), presso l’edificio “Cortao di Bonitt” a Maggia (30-35 militi), al Piano di Peccia (fino a 15 militi) e a San Carlo (100-200 militi). Nella sola Valle Maggia vi era circa il 15% (n=200) del totale dei soldati polacchi internati in Svizzera (n=12’000) durante la guerra. La maggior parte di loro erano entrati in Svizzera nella regione del Giura Francese, duranta la disfatta dell’esercito francese nell’estate del 1940.

      L’ubicazione di alcuni di questi campi e località di lavoro come a Lodano, lascia dedurre che l’impiego di questi soldati non era confinato al solo settore agricolo ma soprattutto anche nel disboscamento delle superfici forestali della Valle.

      «Questi baldi giovanotti facevano girare spesso la testa alle ragazze e alle mogli locali, tenendo in considerazione che gran parte degli uomini del paese erano impegnati nel servizio militare. È appurato che i Polacchi abbiano lasciato il segno: una donna si presentò un giorno ai capi responsabili mostrando il ventre gonfio…» (Fabio Cheda, A tu per tu, Dicembre 2020)

      Sempre secondo Fabio Cheda, il rapporto dei soldati polacchi con la popolazione era esemplare. Molto positivo, soprattutto con le signorine della Valle, tanto che vennero celebrati anche dei matrimoni.

      Non tutti i soldati polacchi ebbero la pazienza di restare fino alla fine del conflitto, oppure di ritornare in Pologna. Ve ne sono alcuni che riuscirono anche a fuggire da questi campi di lavoro prima e dopo il conflitto, i quali pur essendo controllati da soldati dell’esercito Elvetico, non sottostavano a rigida disciplina, come invece si ebbe in altri campi soprattutto della Svizzera tedesca.

      https://insubricahistorica.ch/blog/2021/09/30/gli-internati-polacchi-nel-locarnese-e-valle-maggia
      #internement #internés

    • Internati polacchi in Svizzera tra guerra, lavoro e sentimento

      Un’analisi storica sulla presenza degli internati militari polacchi in Svizzera durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale vuole essere un momento prezioso per una riflessione su noi stessi e sulla nostra terra elvetica: terra di transito in cui i nostri orizzonti hanno potuto incontrarsi, per pochi anni, con un popolo straordinario, che nel dolore, nella perdita e nella sofferenza del conflitto ha saputo dare, oltre che il suo sudore del lavoro - fondamentale per il nostro Paese - durante l’internamento, un esempio unico di dignità, di comunanza e di fratellanza.
      Al di là della politica e delle vicissitudini belliche, gli uomini hanno saputo ritrovarsi, anche soltanto per un istante.

      https://www.editore.ch/shopvm/varia/internati-polacchi-in-svizzera-tra-guerra-lavoro-e-sentimento-detail.html

  • L’étau se resserre autour des exilés ukrainiens en âge de combattre
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2024/04/29/l-etau-se-resserre-autour-des-exiles-ukrainiens-en-age-de-combattre_6230650_

    L’étau se resserre autour des exilés ukrainiens en âge de combattre
    Une décision « juste ». C’est ainsi que le ministre ukrainien des affaires étrangères, Dmytro Kuleba, a justifié l’ordre qu’il a donné, mardi 23 avril, de suspendre temporairement toutes les activités consulaires concernant les Ukrainiens en âge de servir dans l’armée. Le pays, qui manque cruellement de soldats pour aller combattre, ne délivrera plus de passeport aux hommes de 18 à 60 ans exilés à l’étranger, sauf exception. Seules les « cartes d’identité pour rentrer en Ukraine » sont maintenues. « Cette décision est purement politique », fulmine Vlodymyr Dovhan, un informaticien rencontré devant le consulat d’Ukraine à Varsovie.
    Arrivé en Pologne avec sa femme et sa fille le 23 février 2022, à la veille de l’invasion russe, cet Ukrainien estime que « ce n’est pas ça qui va faire revenir les Ukrainiens résidant en Pologne. Ma fille parle déjà polonais et se sent très bien ici. Quant à moi, j’[y] ai monté mon autoentreprise. »Les restrictions annoncées, dont les modalités sont encore peu claires, visent à empêcher les Ukrainiens de « se soustraire à l’obligation de résoudre la question de l’enregistrement militaire », selon Kiev. Une façon de faire pression sur les dizaines de milliers d’hommes qui ont fui le pays après l’attaque russe afin de les inciter à revenir et à participer à l’effort de guerre. « Dans le contexte de l’agression à grande échelle de la Russie, la priorité absolue est de protéger notre patrie de la destruction, a justifié Dmytro Kuleba. Voilà à quoi cela ressemble aujourd’hui : un homme en âge de combattre est parti à l’étranger, a montré à son Etat qu’il ne se souciait pas de sa survie, puis il vient et veut recevoir les services de cet Etat. Cela ne marche pas comme ça. Notre pays est en guerre (…) Vivre à l’étranger ne dispense pas un citoyen de ses devoirs envers la patrie. »
    L’interdiction est censée se poursuivre jusqu’à la clarification des dispositions de la loi sur le renforcement de la mobilisation, qui entrera en vigueur le samedi 18 mai. Celle-ci vise à durcir les punitions pour les récalcitrants, et abaisse l’âge de la mobilisation de 27 à 25 ans. La suspension des services consulaires ne s’applique pas aux personnes déjà autorisées à franchir la frontière en vertu de certaines exceptions, comme un handicap ou l’accompagnement d’orphelins.
    Cette mesure suscite une vague d’inquiétude et de colère. En Pologne, des centaines d’Ukrainiens se sont aussitôt pressés devant le consulat. Un incident technique survenu le jour même a ajouté à la panique. « Le ministère ukrainien des affaires étrangères a précisé que les services consulaires seraient à nouveau disponibles à ceux qui auront mis à jour leurs informations militaires, souligne au Monde Oksana Pestrykova, coordinatrice du centre de soutien de La Maison ukrainienne à Varsovie, une ONG venant en aide aux Ukrainiens de la diaspora. Mais les Ukrainiens de Pologne redoutent qu’une fois ces informations transmises, ils reçoivent des documents les obligeant à rejoindre l’armée. »
    La Pologne compte plus de 952 000 réfugiés ukrainiens enregistrés, dont 16 % d’hommes en âge de servir dans l’armée, soit plus de 152 600, selon les chiffres des Nations unies pour les réfugiés. Oksana Pestrykova ne se dit pas surprise par la suspension des services consulaires, car « l’Ukraine est en guerre et l’opinion publique ne voit pas d’un bon œil les hommes en âge de se battre qui se trouvent à l’étranger ». La majorité des Ukrainiens vivant en Pologne sont encore domiciliés en Ukraine. Or « la conscription est un devoir, et tout citoyen qui ne se présente pas à une convocation dans les temps enfreint la loi, ajoute-t-elle. Ce qui est problématique, en revanche, c’est que les Ukrainiens qui se trouvaient en Pologne avant 2022, qui travaillent légalement et ont une famille dans le pays, soient perçus comme des personnes qui violent la loi ».(...) La Pologne et la Lituanie se sont déclarées prêtes à aider Kiev à faire revenir les hommes expatriés en âge de combattre. « Cela ne m’étonne nullement que les autorités ukrainiennes fassent tout pour envoyer des soldats sur le front », a déclaré le ministre polonais de la défense, Wladyslaw Kosiniak-Kamysz. Interrogé pour savoir si son pays répondrait positivement à une éventuelle demande de Kiev de renvoyer ces hommes mobilisables en Ukraine, il a répondu que « tout [était] possible ». La Lituanie est disposée à suivre les pas de la Pologne. « L’Ukraine manque cruellement de réserves mobilisables (…). Ce n’est pas juste pour les citoyens qui se battent pour leur pays », a indiqué le ministre de la défense, Laurynas Kasciunas.
    En Allemagne, refuge privilégié des Ukrainiens en Europe, les exilés s’attendaient depuis longtemps à une telle mesure. Quelque 1,1 million d’entre eux vivent actuellement dans le pays, dont la plupart sont arrivés après l’invasion russe, selon les chiffres d’avril de l’Office allemand des statistiques.
    (...)« Il ne faut pas que nos compatriotes s’inquiètent », tente de rassurer une source diplomatique ukrainienne, consciente que le sujet est « sensible ». « Nos consuls attendent des clarifications concernant les dispositions de la loi. On voit que c’est la panique sur les réseaux sociaux, mais la protection des droits des Ukrainiens reste la priorité pour nos consuls. » Après l’entrée en vigueur de la loi sur la mobilisation, en mai, « le processus d’acceptation et d’examen des demandes d’actions consulaires se poursuivra en tenant compte des nouvelles exigences découlant des dispositions de la loi », a indiqué le ministère ukrainien des affaires étrangères, sans autre précision. Et sans parvenir à rassurer les intéressés, qui voient l’étau se resserrer sur eux.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#ukraine#allemagne#pologne#lituanie#refugie#conscription#sante#guerre

  • L’extermination des Polonais en Ukraine (par les ukrainiens) . Massacre de Volhynie Yuferev Sergey

    En juillet, 1943, nettoyage ethnique de grande envergure et massacres brutaux de civils, y compris de femmes et d’enfants, ont atteint leur paroxysme dans l’ouest de l’Ukraine. Les événements qui ont eu lieu il y a quelques années 75 ont été à jamais entrés dans histoire comme le massacre de Volhynie ou la tragédie de Volhynie. Dans la nuit du 11 juillet 1943, les militants de l’armée insurrectionnelle ukrainienne (OUN-UPA) ont immédiatement pénétré par effraction dans les colonies polonaises situées dans l’ouest de l’Ukraine. En une journée, plus de dix mille civils, principalement des Polonais, ont été tués.

    Les nationalistes ukrainiens ont immédiatement senti le pouvoir, dès que les troupes nazies sont entrées sur le territoire ukrainien. Déjà au cours de l’année 1941, ils ont participé au massacre non seulement des travailleurs du Komsomol, des fonctionnaires du parti et des hommes de l’Armée rouge, mais également des membres de minorités nationales - Juifs et Polonais. L’histoire incluait le fameux pogrom de Lviv, qui était bien documenté. Les troupes allemandes sont entrées à Lviv le matin de 30, le mois de juin de 1941, le jour même où les pogroms locaux ont commencé dans la ville, qui, en juillet, 1 s’est transformé en un pogrom juif massif. Dans le même temps, le harcèlement, le meurtre et la torture de la population principalement juive de Lviv se sont poursuivis pendant plusieurs jours. Pendant ce temps, des membres de la « milice du peuple ukrainien » nouvellement formée, des nationalistes et des volontaires parmi les habitants de la ville ont réussi à exterminer environ quatre mille Juifs à Lviv.

    D’après les documents internes de l’OUN-UPA déjà publiés dans les années d’après-guerre , il s’ensuit que non seulement les Juifs et les Russes, mais également les Polonais, étaient considérés comme des ennemis de l’État ukrainien. Dans le même temps, un nettoyage ethnique de la population polonaise était prévu avant le début de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Par exemple, la doctrine militaire des nationalistes ukrainiens, élaborée au printemps de 1938, contient les thèses sur la nécessité « d’éliminer l’élément polonais étranger des terres ukrainiennes occidentales » jusqu’à la dernière personne. Les nationalistes ukrainiens ont donc voulu mettre fin aux revendications de la Pologne sur ces territoires, qui pendant des siècles faisaient partie d’États différents. Au même moment, l’armée rouge, qui occupait le territoire de l’ouest de l’Ukraine l’année 1939, a tout d’abord empêché les nationalistes ukrainiens de mettre en œuvre leurs plans. Certes, le report des Polonais n’a pas duré longtemps.

    L’UPA elle-même - l’armée des insurgés ukrainiens, en tant qu’aile de l’Organisation des nationalistes ukrainiens (Mouvement Bandera) , a été formée au cours de l’année 1942. L’impulsion de son éducation fut la victoire de l’armée rouge à Stalingrad. Après cette victoire, les troupes soviétiques ont commencé à libérer les terres occupées par les Allemands et leurs alliés et se sont rapprochées du Commissariat d’Ukraina Reich, créé en 1941 par les forces d’occupation allemandes sur le territoire de la RSS d’Ukraine. Parallèlement, presque dès les premiers jours de la formation de l’UPA , la destruction de la population de souche polonaise a commencé.

    Les nationalistes ukrainiens jouissaient pleinement de leur propre impunité. Après la retraite de l’armée rouge, il n’y avait pratiquement personne pour s’opposer aux gangs OUN-UPA *. Le mouvement de partisans soviétique était le plus répandu sur le territoire de la Biélorussie et les Polonais eux-mêmes ne disposaient pas d’un nombre suffisant d’unités bien armées capables de fournir une résistance décente aux nationalistes ukrainiens.

    Le massacre de Volyn à tout jamais (l’extermination massive de la population polonaise) a commencé à l’hiver 1943. Le point de départ de cette tragédie est appelé Février 9 1943 de l’année. Ce jour-là, les militants de l’OUN-UPA sont entrés dans la colonie polonaise de Parosl sous prétexte de partisans soviétiques.

    Dans la période de l’entre deux guerres mondiales, Parosl était un petit village situé dans des maisons 26, situées près de la ville de Sarny, qui se trouve actuellement dans la région de Rivne en Ukraine. Au moment du massacre, la population de souche polonaise représentait, selon diverses estimations, entre 15 et 30% des habitants de Volyn. Après s’être reposé et mangé chez les habitants de Parosley, Bandera a commencé un massacre. Ils n’ont épargné personne : ils ont tué des hommes et des femmes, des personnes âgées et des bébés. Tout simplement parce que les habitants étaient des Polonais. Selon diverses estimations, dans le village, de 149 à 179 ont été tués, dont plusieurs dizaines d’enfants. Dans le même temps, les nationalistes ukrainiens ont fait preuve d’une cruauté bestiale. La plupart ont été simplement hachés. Le cours comprenait également des couteaux et des baïonnettes. Survivez aux unités gérées.

    La population polonaise a été exterminée par les nationalistes ukrainiens sur l’ensemble du territoire de l’Ukraine occidentale selon le même scénario : plusieurs gangs armés ont encerclé des colonies polonaises, tous les résidents ont été rassemblés au même endroit et systématiquement détruits. L’historien américain Timothy Snyder a fait remarquer que les nationalistes ukrainiens avaient appris la technologie de la destruction massive aux Allemands. Par conséquent, tout le nettoyage ethnique effectué par l’UPA était tellement cauchemardesque. Et c’est pourquoi, dans 1943, les Polonais de Volyn se sont avérés presque aussi impuissants que les Juifs de Volyn dans 1942, note l’historien.

    Il arrivait souvent que leurs voisins, des Ukrainiens ordinaires, souvent des villageois, participaient à des actions contre la population polonaise. Les maisons des familles polonaises assassinées ont été incendiées et tous les objets de valeur ont été tout simplement pillés. Dans ce cas, une caractéristique distinctive était qu’ils tuaient surtout à froid des armes et des moyens improvisés, du matériel agricole et non des armes à feu. Tirer dans une telle situation était une mort facile. Maniant haches, scies, couteaux, baïonnettes, piquets, les partisans de l’Ukraine indépendante ont exterminé des dizaines de milliers de civils innocents.

    Les atrocités commises par les nationalistes ukrainiens en Volhynie sont confirmées par de nombreuses preuves documentaires, des photographies, des témoignages de survivants et des interrogatoires des artistes interprètes ou exécutants.
    . . . . . . .
    Source : https://fr.topwar.ru/144562-istreblenie-polyakov-na-ukraine-volynskaya-reznya.html

    • Pogroms de Lviv de 1941 wikipédia

      . . . . . .
      Les Soviétiques sont chassés de Lwów par l’offensive allemande contre l’URSS (opération Barbarossa) déclenchée le 22 juin 1941.

      Peu après l’arrivée des Allemands en ville, les pogroms commencent, perpétrés par des nationalistes ukrainiens : le premier a lieu du 30 juin au 2 juillet 1941, le second du 25 au 29 juillet 1941. L’historien allemand Peter Longerich et l’Encyclopédie de l’Holocauste estiment que le premier pogrom a fait au moins 4 000 morts. Il a été suivi par 2 500 à 3 000 arrestations et exécutions supplémentaires des Einsatzgruppen. Le second pogrom ("Aktion Petlioura"), fait plus de 2 000 victimes juives, toutes tuées en l’espace d’un mois .
      . . . . . .
      https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pogroms_de_Lviv_de_1941#/media/Fichier:Lviv_pogrom_(June_-_July_1941).jpg

      Ainsi, le groupe Einsatzgruppen C, avec la participation de la Milice ukrainienne nationale et les dirigeants de l’OUN (Organisation des Nationalistes ukrainiens), a organisé le premier pogrom, principalement dans le but de se venger des meurtres ayant eu lieu dans les trois prisons de Lviv. Le rapport allemand mentionnait que la majorité des victimes des meurtres soviétiques étaient ukrainiennes alors qu’un nombre important de prisonniers juifs figuraient parmi les victimes du NKVD (dont des intellectuels et des activistes politiques). Les juifs polonais ont été ciblés collectivement. Une milice populaire ukrainienne - qui serait bientôt réorganisée par Himmler et renommée Ukrainische Hilfspolizei (Police auxiliaire ukrainienne) - a été assemblée pour diriger le premier pogrom. Ainsi, en présence des forces allemandes arrivées depuis peu, la foule hors de contrôle commit des actes d’une extrême violence contre la population juive de la ville. La propagande allemande a répandu une rumeur prétendant que les juifs soviétiques étaient impliqués dans les meurtres d’Ukrainiens, et le ministère allemand des Affaires étrangères l’a relayée en Suisse.
      . . . . . .

      Jakob Weiss raconte qu’au départ la Milice ukrainienne a agi de manière indépendante – avec la bénédiction des SS – mais que plus tard elle ne devint qu’une force supplétive lors des opérations de meurtres de masse (Aktions) des forces allemandes, ou bien agissait directement sous les ordres nazis. La milice ukrainienne a reçu de l’aide de l’OUN, groupe de nationalistes ukrainiens organisés, ainsi que de la foule ordinaire et même de jeunes mineurs. Au moins deux membres de l’OUN-B dirigé par Stepan Bandera, Ivan Kovalyshyn et Mykhaylo Pecharsʹkyy, ont été identifiés par le Prof. John Paul Himka sur plusieurs photographies du pogrom. Le chercheur Filip Friedman de Lviv, survivant de la Shoah, a révélé un rapport officiel du Bureau principal de sécurité du Reich qui commentait le massacre ainsi : « Pendant les premières heures qui ont suivi le départ des bolcheviques, la population ukrainienne a mené d’importantes actions contre les Juifs... Environ 7 000 Juifs ont été abattus par la police [ukrainienne] en guise de représailles pour les actes de cruauté inhumains [à Brygidki et les autres prisons]... » (du 16 juillet 1941).
      . . . . . .
      Un second pogrom a éclaté dans les derniers jours de juillet 1941 et le nom d’Aktion Petlioura lui a été attribué en souvenir du leader nationaliste ukrainien Symon Petlioura, assassiné en 1926 et longtemps considéré comme un antisémite fanatique. Les meurtres ont été organisés avec le soutien de l’Allemagne. Le pogrom comportait également d’inquiétantes nuances de fanatisme religieux, relevé par Andrey Sheptytsky, métropolite de l’Église grecque-catholique ukrainienne ; ce n’est qu’au milieu de l’année 1942, après que son Conseil National fut interdit et que des milliers d’Ukrainiens furent envoyés à l’esclavage que Sheptytsky fut désenchanté de l’Allemagne nazie.. Des militants ukrainiens étrangers à la ville se joignirent à la foule avec des outils agricoles. Dans la matinée du 25 juillet 1941, la police auxiliaire ukrainienne commença à arrêter les Juifs chez eux, tandis que des civils commettaient des actes de violence contre eux dans les rues. Les juifs arrêtés furent emmenés au cimetière juif ainsi qu’à la prison de la rue Łąckiego, où ils furent fusillés hors de la vue du public. Les policiers ukrainiens circulaient par groupes de cinq avec des listes préparées par l’OUN. Environ 2 000 personnes ont été assassinées en trois jours et des milliers d’autres furent blessées.
      . . . . . . . .
      Source : https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pogroms_de_Lviv_de_1941
      #ukraine #pogrom #pogroms #pologne #massacres #einsatzgruppen #OUN #stepan_bandera #shoah

  • Germany prepares to widen fixed border checks

    (automne 2023 —> pour archivage)

    Germany is expected to notify the EU about plans to introduce fixed border checks on the Polish, Czech Republic and Swiss borders. Previously, this had only been possible at the Austrian frontier.

    The German Interior Ministry is expected to register fixed border controls with Poland, the Czech Republic and Switzerland with the European Commission in light of a high number of refugees entering Germany.

    The intention of the checks is to more effectively fight against people smugglers and to detect and stop unauthorized entries.
    What we know so far

    According to government sources, the necessary notification in Brussels was being prepared on Monday.

    The plan is an extension of police checks directly at the border in place at the border with Austria since 2015.

    German Interior Minister Nancy Faeser had long rejected permanent fixed contro points, citing, among other things, the effects on commuters and freight transport. The norm in the EU’s Schengen Zone is for open borders but with police reserving the right to check anybody crossing at random, but not at set checkpoints.

    Interior ministers of the eastern German states of Brandenburg and Saxony have pressed Faeser to implement fixed checks.

    Germany had introduced additional controls at border crossings with Poland and the Czech Republic in September, but these were not intended to be permanent.

    German municipalities have urged the federal government to provide more funding to cope with the surge in migrant arrivals. They have pointed to stretched accommodation and services that seem similar to the events of 2015, when Germany took in over 1 million refugees mainly fleeing war in the Middle East.

    Opposition parties in Germany have also called on the government to limit the number of asylum-seekers, with Bavaria’s conservative Premier Markus Söder suggesting an annual upper limit on asylum seekers of 200,000.

    https://www.dw.com/en/germany-prepares-to-widen-fixed-border-checks/a-67109731

    #Allemagne #Pologne #Suisse #République_Tchèque

    #Allemagne #Suisse #contrôles_systématiques_aux_frontières #France #frontières_intérieures #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontière_sud-alpine #prolongation #2023 #2024 #contrôles_frontaliers #frontière_sud-alpine

    –—

    ajouté à cette métaliste sur l’annonce du rétablissement des contrôles frontaliers de la part de plusieurs pays européens :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1021987

    • 15.12.2023 : L’Allemagne prolonge de trois mois les contrôles aux frontières suisses

      L’Allemagne estime que la protection des frontières extérieures de l’UE est déterminante pour limiter l’immigration irrégulière. Elle prolonge donc les contrôles à la frontière avec la Suisse jusqu’au 15 mars 2024 au moins. Les frontières allemandes avec la Pologne et la République tchèque sont également concernées.

      Afin de lutter encore plus fortement contre la criminalité liée au trafic de migrants et de limiter la migration irrégulière, les contrôles seront poursuivis et ont été notifiés à la Commission européenne, a annoncé vendredi le ministère allemand de l’Intérieur.

      Berlin avait introduit en octobre des contrôles aux frontières avec la Pologne, la République tchèque et la Suisse, en raison de la nette augmentation du nombre de réfugiés en Allemagne. Cette mesure a été prolongée à plusieurs reprises.

      Mesures efficaces

      Le nombre d’entrées non autorisées en Allemagne a diminué de 60%, passant de plus de 20’000 en octobre à 7300 entrées non autorisées en novembre. « Nos mesures sont efficaces », a déclaré la ministre de l’Intérieur Nancy Faeser.

      Les contrôles aux frontières intérieures entre l’Allemagne et l’Autriche, qui avaient déjà commencé à l’automne 2015, durent actuellement jusqu’au 11 mai 2024.

      Les contrôles aux frontières ne sont en fait pas prévus au sein de l’espace Schengen et doivent être notifiés à Bruxelles. S’il ne s’agit que de quelques jours, il est possible de le faire à court terme, mais cette possibilité prend fin après deux mois, soit vendredi 15 décembre dans le cas de l’Allemagne.

      https://www.rts.ch/info/monde/14556738-lallemagne-prolonge-de-trois-mois-les-controles-aux-frontieres-suisses.

    • 17.10.2024 : Face à l’immigration illégale, l’Allemagne réinstaure des contrôles à la frontière suisse

      Le ministère allemand de l’Intérieur a notifié lundi auprès de la Commission européenne « des contrôles temporaires aux frontières avec la Pologne, la République tchèque et la Suisse »

      Le gouvernement allemand a annoncé le renforcement de sa surveillance aux frontières au sud et à l’est. Depuis lundi, des contrôles stationnaires aux passages douaniers avec la Pologne, la République tchèque et la Suisse ont été instaurés, indique le ministère allemand de l’Intérieur. Cette mesure exceptionnelle, qui nécessite l’aval de Bruxelles, est destinée à durer 10 jours, et peut être prolongée pour deux mois, précise le ministère.

      Des contrôles de ce type ont été mis en place à la frontière autrichienne depuis 2015, au moment de l’afflux sans précédent d’immigrants vers l’Allemagne, une décision dont la prolongation de six mois à compter du 12 novembre a également été annoncée ce lundi. « La police fédérale peut utiliser les mêmes moyens aux frontières avec la Pologne, la République tchèque et la Suisse que ceux déjà en place avec l’Autriche », précise le ministère. Les voyageurs transfrontaliers ne devraient cependant pas être confrontés à des contrôles systématiques : « un paquet de contrôles fixes et mobiles » sera mis en œuvre « de façon flexible et selon la situation », a déclaré la ministre allemande Nancy Faeser, citée dans le communiqué.

      Une importante hausse des arrivées en Allemagne

      L’Allemagne est confrontée à une forte hausse de l’immigration illégale. De janvier à début octobre, la police a comptabilisé environ 98 000 arrivées illégales dans le pays, dépassant déjà le nombre total des arrivées pour l’année 2022 qui était d’environ 92 000. Pour justifier les mesures décidées, l’Allemagne s’appuie sur un article de la réglementation de Schengen qui permet d’introduire pour une période limitée des contrôles intérieurs aux frontières en cas « de menace sérieuse à l’ordre public ou à la sécurité intérieure ».

      Nancy Faeser s’était pourtant jusqu’ici montrée réticente à l’idée d’instaurer des contrôles fixes, en raison notamment de leur impact sur les travailleurs frontaliers ainsi que sur les échanges commerciaux avec les pays voisins : ces mesures ralentissent en effet considérablement le trafic et créent des embouteillages. Mais la hausse des arrivées illégales provoque un vif débat en Allemagne, dont les capacités d’accueil s’épuisent. Les communes et les régions, qui ont aussi absorbé l’arrivée d’un million de réfugiés ukrainiens depuis février 2022, se disent à la limite de leur capacité d’accueil, alors que la situation profite à l’extrême-droite, qui a obtenu des résultats records dans deux scrutins régionaux il y a une semaine.

      « Le nombre de personnes qui viennent actuellement chez nous est trop élevé », avait récemment martelé le chancelier Olaf Scholz, en présentant des mesures pour accélérer les expulsions de personnes déboutées de l’asile. La décision était donc attendue, et « la ministre de l’Intérieur […] a apparemment attendu les élections législatives polonaises avant de rendre publique sa décision », note le Tages-Anzeiger.
      Poursuite de la collaboration avec les douaniers suisses

      Nancy Fraeser « a assuré à [Elisabeth] Baume-Schneider que le trafic frontalier serait entravé aussi peu que possible », indique le Département fédéral de justice et police (DFJP) à Keystone-ATS. La conseillère fédérale et la ministre allemande ont par ailleurs convenu lundi de renforcer la « collaboration fructueuse » entre les deux pays dans le cadre du plan d’action mis en place en 2022 qui prévoit des patrouilles en commun et un meilleur échange d’informations pour enrayer les migrations secondaires, ajoute le DFJP. Au parlement, l’annonce allemande semble être accueillie avec compréhension : « ce n’est pas un secret que de nombreux migrants utilisent la Suisse comme pays de transit, tous ceux qui prennent le train de Milan à Zurich le voient », a réagi dans la Neue Zürcher Zeitung le président de la Commission de politique extérieure du Conseil national, Hans-Peter Portmann (PLR/ZH).

      Un porte-parole du gouvernement allemand a par ailleurs confirmé au quotidien zurichois que les contrôles avaient commencé à être mis en place ce lundi, et qu’ils « seront renforcés dans les jours à venir en fonction de l’évaluation de la situation par la police fédérale » allemande. « Les contrôles fixes aux frontières présentent l’avantage […] que les personnes peuvent être refoulées par la police fédérale dès qu’elles tentent de franchir la frontière », poursuit la NZZ. « Elles sont alors considérées comme n’étant pas entrées sur le territoire » et nécessitent un investissement bureaucratique « incomparablement plus faible » que dans le cas d’un processus d’expulsion du territoire, argumente le journal.

      « Les spécialistes, les politiciens et les policiers sont loin d’être d’accord » sur l’efficacité des contrôles, tempère le Tages-Anzeiger qui rappelle qu’il y a quelques semaines encore, Nancy Faeser qualifiait les contrôles fixes de « fausses solutions ». Reste, conclut le Tagi, qu’il est « pour l’instant impossible d’estimer » les effets concrets des nouvelles mesures à la frontière suisse, notamment sur le trafic important des pendulaires avec le Bade-Wurtemberg.

      https://www.letemps.ch/suisse/face-a-l-immigration-illegale-l-allemagne-reinstaure-des-controles-a-la-fron

    • La Suisse accusée de « #laisser_passer » les migrants

      Le président du Conseil national Martin Candinas est en visite à Berlin ce vendredi, dans un climat tendu : l’Allemagne reproche à la Suisse de faciliter le transit des demandeurs d’asile.

      Le nombre des réfugiés arrivant en Europe atteint un nouveau record… et l’Allemagne est une fois de plus en première ligne. Elle accuse ses voisins de « laisser passer » des demandeurs d’asile de Syrie, d’Afghanistan, du Pakistan ou d’Irak, voire de leur faciliter le transit comme en Suisse. La télévision suisse alémanique avait révélé fin 2022 comment la compagnie ferroviaire CFF avait mis en place des « wagons réservés aux étrangers » avec des portes fermées à clé pour conduire les réfugiés jusqu’à Bâle.

      « Ça ne peut plus continuer ! […] Il nous faut une protection plus efficace à la frontière entre l’Allemagne et la Suisse. » (Thomas Strobel, ministre de l’Intérieur du Bade-Wurtemberg)

      La situation est particulièrement dramatique à la frontière avec la Pologne avec 14’303 illégaux arrêtés dans les sept premiers mois de l’année (+143% par rapport à 2022). En provenance de Suisse, la progression est encore plus importante : +200%, soit plus de 6000 illégaux arrêtées à la frontière avec le #Bade-Wurtemberg. « Les passages entre la Suisse et l’Allemagne n’ont jamais été aussi élevés depuis 2016 », s’est plaint le Ministère de la justice de la région frontalière dans un communiqué officiel.

      « Nos villes et nos communes ont atteint leurs capacités d’accueil. Ça ne peut plus continuer ! […] Il nous faut une protection plus efficace à la frontière entre l’Allemagne et la Suisse », a insisté avant l’été Thomas Strobel, le ministre conservateur (CDU) de l’Intérieur du Bade-Wurtemberg. Pour le chef du groupe parlementaire des libéraux (FDP), Hans-Ulrich Rülke, il n’est « pas normal qu’un État non-membre de l’UE comme la Suisse introduise des réfugiés en Allemagne par le Bade- Wurtemberg ».

      Menace de l’opposition

      Lors du débat de politique générale à l’assemblée fédérale (Bundestag), mercredi 6 septembre, Friedrich Merz, le leader de l’opposition conservatrice (CDU), a attaqué lui aussi la Suisse en l’accusant de ne pas respecter le « règlement de Dublin » qui l’oblige à traiter les demandes d’asile chez elle ou à renvoyer des réfugiés dans le premier pays d’enregistrement (la plupart des demandes sont faites en Autriche).

      « Vu le nombre de passages illégaux, nous sommes prêts à rétablir des contrôles aux frontières. » (Friedrich Merz, leader de l’opposition conservatrice (CDU))

      « Notre volonté n’est pas de réinstaller des barrières douanières aux frontières polonaises, tchèques et suisses. Mais vu le nombre de passages illégaux, nous sommes prêts à rétablir des contrôles », at- il menacé dans l’hémicycle sous les huées de la gauche gouvernementale.

      Une déclaration qui met le président du Conseil national dans l’embarras. Martin Candinas rencontre ce vendredi à 9 heures la vice-présidente du Bundestag, Yvonne Magwas (CDU), pour un entretien bilatéral. « La Suisse respecte le règlement de Dublin », nous a-t-il assuré jeudi, ne voulant pas davantage commenter cette crise. Il ne compte pas aborder le sujet avec les officiels allemands, sauf si ces derniers souhaitent lui en parler. Du côté allemand, on reste également discret sur la teneur de l’entretien.

      Le président du Conseil national Martin Candinas, qui doit rencontrer vendredi la vice-présidente du Bundestag, assure que « la Suisse respecte le règlement de Dublin ».

      La tension est sensible aux frontières polonaises et tchèques. La Saxe a décidé d’envoyer sa propre police pour épauler les agents fédéraux chargés de contrôler seulement les passages frontaliers officiels. Le ministre de l’Intérieur de Saxe, Armin Schuster, a estimé qu’il n’avait pas d’autre choix que d’employer cette méthode. Dès la première semaine, ses agents ont arrêté 307 clandestins et 7 passeurs sur un total de 514 personnes contrôlées… « Vous le voyez, le principe des accords de Dublin ne fonctionne pas », regrette-t-il. Friedrich Merz abonde : « Cela me fait mal au coeur de voir que nous ne sommes même pas en mesure de protéger nos propres frontières, d’autant plus que celles de l’Europe ne sont toujours pas sécurisées. »

      Épargner les frontaliers

      Mais la ministre fédérale de l’Intérieur, la social-démocrate Nacy Faeser, refuse catégoriquement la mise en place de contrôles permanents, surtout vers la Suisse. Les experts les considèrent comme inefficaces. La Bavière a mis en place 5 points de contrôle à la frontière autrichienne en 2015. « Ces contrôles n’ont aucun sens », estime Andreas Roßkopf du syndicat de la police (GdP).

      « Ils bouleversent surtout le quotidien des frontaliers. Le personnel soignant, les artisans et de nombreux pendulaires des deux pays sont concernés. Ils affectent durablement notre économie », ajoute la ministre. Elle a en revanche ordonné le renforcement des contrôles aléatoires aux frontières.

      https://www.tdg.ch/tensions-avec-lallemagne-la-suisse-accusee-de-laisser-passer-les-migrants-428988

    • A #Buchs, « porte d’entrée orientale du pays », la banalité de l’immigration

      Sorti ce lundi, le baromètre des préoccupations Ipsos réalisé par « Le Temps » place l’immigration en quatrième position. A Buchs, où plus de 26 000 personnes « illégales » ont été contrôlées l’an dernier, le phénomène fait désormais partie du paysage.

      La scène est devenue parfaitement ordinaire : il est un peu moins de 10h à la #gare de Buchs (SG) ce mardi 23 août et une cinquantaine d’hommes en training sont alignés contre un mur par les gardes-frontières suisses. Les voyageurs – des Afghans fuyant les talibans, des Nord-Africains en quête d’une vie meilleure et d’autres compagnons d’infortune internationaux – affluent tous du même endroit : #Vienne, d’où les trains de nuit rallient régulièrement Zurich (notre reportage sur la question : https://www.letemps.ch/suisse/rails-entre-vienne-zurich-migrants-route-balkans).

      L’année dernière, pas moins de 26 000 « entrées illégales » ont été enregistrées par l’Office fédéral de la douane à la frontière orientale suisse. Ce qui représente deux fois la population de Buchs, 13 000 habitants. Dans la petite localité saint-galloise, cet afflux ininterrompu laisse cependant froid. Les nouveaux arrivants ne sont pas là pour rester, alors à quoi bon s’en soucier ? Et qu’importent les Accords de Schengen-Dublin.

      « Les journaux n’en parlent plus »

      L’immigration. Politiquement, la thématique est omniprésente. Toutefois, rares sont les lieux en Suisse où le phénomène est aussi visible qu’à Buchs. « Porte d’entrée orientale » du pays comme il est souvent qualifié, le gros bourg est connu pour son joli château surplombant un petit lac, sa vieille ville bucolique. Mais surtout pour sa gare où, ce mardi, à quelques centaines de mètres d’écart, deux réalités s’affrontent. Sur le quai 5, des migrants dépenaillés cheminent en file indienne, entourés par des douaniers et des policiers… alors qu’à deux pas du quai 1, des ouvriers s’affairent pour préparer la 39e édition de la Buchserfest. Agendée trois jours plus tard, la manifestation annonce « concerts, spectacles de danse et restauration variée pour petits et grands ». Et c’est surtout cette perspective qui anime les bistrots de la rue centrale.

      « C’est une gare de transit, dit avec fatalité Barbara Gähwiler-Bader, présidente du PS de la commune, attablée au Café Wanger. Pour être franche, à moins de prendre le train, rien ne laisse penser que des milliers de personnes mettent un premier pied en Suisse ici chaque année. La politique locale ne s’intéresse pas au sujet, les journaux du coin n’en parlent plus, ni vraiment les habitants. C’est parfois à se demander si le phénomène est encore là. Ici tout va bien, et tant que c’est le cas, rien ne bouge. Réfléchir à la situation de ces gens, c’est réfléchir à ses propres privilèges. Et tout le monde n’a pas envie de faire l’effort. » Dans la station frontière, seul un panneau en persan indiquant les toilettes signale la spécificité des lieux. Le centre d’asile le plus proche est à plus de 30 kilomètres.

      « Rien n’est vraiment entrepris dans la commune, admet la socialiste, mais que faire ? C’est une situation tragique mais ils ne font qu’entrer et sortir. Très peu souhaitent s’attarder en Suisse. Les autorités les chargent dans le train suivant et ils partent pour la France, l’Allemagne, le Royaume- Uni. Voilà. » Si les arrivants dénués de papiers sont censés être identifiés, enregistrés et contrôlés, la police saint-galloise reconnaît laisser passer nombre d’entre eux sans intervenir. La plupart des vagabonds (contrôlés ou non) poursuivent ensuite leur chemin – avec ou sans billet – vers Zurich, puis Bâle, avant de sortir des frontières de la Suisse. Et de la liste des problèmes du pays.

      « On se sent en danger à la gare »

      Une attitude laxiste, selon Sascha Schmid, représentant local de l’UDC, membre du législatif cantonal et candidat au Conseil national aux élections fédérales 2023. « Il y a des lois en Suisse et elles doivent être respectées, tonne le vingtenaire, banquier au Liechtenstein. Ces gens ne restent peut-être pas à Buchs mais qui sait s’ils sortent vraiment du pays ? Il n’y a aucune garantie. Et qui nous dit que l’Allemagne ou la France ne durciront pas un jour les contrôles à leurs frontières ? Nous nous retrouverions dans une situation intenable. » Le politicien dénonce particulièrement le laisser-faire autrichien… tout en reconnaissant que Berne agit grosso modo comme Vienne, une étape plus loin.

      « Le problème est global, poursuit-il. Mais il existe des solutions. L’UDC aimerait une mise en oeuvre stricte des Accords de Schengen-Dublin (le renvoi des étrangers dans leur premier pays d’enregistrement). Toutefois, comme ces accords sont cliniquement morts, j’estime qu’il faut faire preuve de courage et considérer d’autres options. De très nombreux Autrichiens viennent travailler chaque jour dans la région. Il doit être possible de mettre la pression sur leur gouvernement pour qu’il respecte les accords internationaux. Il n’est pas acceptable d’enrichir les frontaliers sans contrepartie. » Si la plupart des migrants ne s’attardent pas à Buchs, Sascha Schmid considère tout de même qu’ils font « grimper l’insécurité à la gare et que la criminalité augmente en ville, tout comme les cambriolages et les vols ».

      « Ici la vie continue »

      Un diagnostic que Rolf Pfeiffer, président indépendant de la ville de Buchs depuis mars, réfute en bloc. « Les arrivants ne sont mêlés à aucun souci local, dit-il. Tout est calme. Tout se passe bien.

      C’est un non-sujet. Buchs surgit régulièrement dans les médias parce que nous sommes situés à la frontière, mais la ville est concentrée sur d’autres problèmes. » Jouxtant le Liechtenstein – dont la place financière attire de nombreux habitants optant pour une résidence en Suisse voisine – mais également proche de Saint-Gall, Coire (GR), Zurich (ZH), Feldkirch (AU) et Bregenz (AU), la petite cité grandit vite et il s’agit d’adapter ses infrastructures, précise-t-il. Un défi bien plus pressant que ce qui se trame au bord des rails.

      « Si le besoin surgit, complète le Saint-Gallois, nous nous mettons à disposition des membres de la protection civile pour monter quelques tentes destinées à accueillir les migrants qui en ont besoin. Généralement pendant une nuit tout au plus. Les coûts engendrés nous sont ensuite remboursés par la Confédération. Comprenez-moi bien, d’un point de vue humanitaire, la condition des arrivants est certainement triste. Ils sont là, nous les voyons. Nous n’ignorons pas la chose. Mais ici la vie continue. Nous ne pouvons pas influencer la situation, qui doit être réglée entre Etats. » Le jour de notre visite, la Confédération annonçait justement une nouvelle contribution de 300 millions d’euros sur sept ans destinée à « l’amélioration de la protection des frontières extérieures de l’espace Schengen ». Une décision qui fait suite au plébiscite (71,6% de oui) des Suisses à une participation élargie de Berne aux activités de Frontex en 2022. Et aux difficultés de la Suisse à gérer cette problématique.

      Car même si beaucoup de migrants poursuivent leur chemin, pas moins de 14 000 demandes d’asile ont été enregistrées par le Secrétariat d’Etat aux migrations en juillet 2023 et, au vu des pronostics – le nombre total pourrait monter à plus de 30 000 d’ici à la fin de l’année –, les centres d’accueil fédéraux craignent d’atteindre leurs limites. Vendredi dernier, la conseillère fédérale Elisabeth Baume-Schneider annonçait avoir arraché 1800 places supplémentaires aux cantons sur un objectif de 3000 – sans pour autant rassurer sur le long terme. Au centre de l’Europe, la Suisse mise cependant sur une autre solution : déléguer. « Une protection efficace des frontières extérieures de l’espace Schengen contribue à la sécurité et à la gestion migratoire de la Suisse, affirmait mercredi dernier le Conseil fédéral. Mieux les contrôles aux frontières extérieures fonctionneront, moins il y aura besoin de contrôles aux frontières nationales suisses. » Et, à l’instar de Buchs, moins il faudra se préoccuper de la chose.

      https://www.letemps.ch/suisse/suisse-alemanique/a-buchs-la-banalite-de-la-migration

      #statistiques #chiffres #2023

  • #Ikea, le seigneur des forêts

    Derrière son image familiale et écolo, le géant du meuble suédois, plus gros consommateur de bois au monde, révèle des pratiques bien peu scrupuleuses. Une investigation édifiante sur cette firme à l’appétit démesuré.

    C’est une des enseignes préférées des consommateurs, qui équipe depuis des générations cuisines, salons et chambres d’enfants du monde entier. Depuis sa création en 1943 par le visionnaire mais controversé Ingvar Kamprad, et au fil des innovations – meubles en kit, vente par correspondance, magasins en self-service… –, la petite entreprise a connu une croissance fulgurante, et a accompagné l’entrée de la Suède dans l’ère de la consommation de masse. Aujourd’hui, ce fleuron commercial, qui participe pleinement au rayonnement du pays à l’international, est devenu un mastodonte en expansion continue. Les chiffres donnent le tournis : 422 magasins dans cinquante pays ; près d’un milliard de clients ; 2 000 nouveaux articles au catalogue par an… et un exemplaire de son produit phare, la bibliothèque Billy, vendu toutes les cinq secondes. Mais le modèle Ikea a un coût. Pour poursuivre son développement exponentiel et vendre toujours plus de meubles à bas prix, le géant suédois dévore chaque année 20 millions de mètres cubes de bois, soit 1 % des réserves mondiales de ce matériau… Et si la firme vante un approvisionnement responsable et une gestion durable des forêts, la réalité derrière le discours se révèle autrement plus trouble.

    Greenwashing
    Pendant plus d’un an, les journalistes d’investigation Xavier Deleu (Épidémies, l’empreinte de l’homme) et Marianne Kerfriden ont remonté la chaîne de production d’Ikea aux quatre coins du globe. Des dernières forêts boréales suédoises aux plantations brésiliennes en passant par la campagne néo-zélandaise et les grands espaces de Pologne ou de Roumanie, le documentaire dévoile les liens entre la multinationale de l’ameublement et l’exploitation intensive et incontrôlée du bois. Il révèle comment la marque au logo jaune et bleu, souvent via des fournisseurs ou sous-traitants peu scrupuleux, contribue à la destruction de la biodiversité à travers la planète et alimente le trafic de bois. Comme en Roumanie, où Ikea possède 50 000 hectares de forêts, et où des activistes se mobilisent au péril de leur vie contre une mafia du bois endémique. Derrière la réussite de l’une des firmes les plus populaires au monde, cette enquête inédite éclaire l’incroyable expansion d’un prédateur discret devenu un champion du greenwashing.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/112297-000-A/ikea-le-seigneur-des-forets
    #film #film_documentaire #documentaire #enquête
    #greenwashing #green-washing #bois #multinationale #meubles #Pologne #Mazovie #Mardom_House #pins #Ingvar_Kamprad #délocalisation #société_de_consommation #consumérisme #résistance #justice #Fondation_Forêt_et_citoyens #Marta_Jagusztyn #Basses-Carpates #Carpates #coupes_abusives #exploitation #exploitation_forestière #consommation_de_masse #collection #fast-furniture #catalogue #mode #marketing #neuro-marketing #manipulation #sous-traitance #chaîne_d'approvisionnement #Sibérie #Russie #Ukraine #Roumanie #accaparement_de_terres #Agent_Green #trafic_de_bois #privatisation #Gabriel_Paun #pillage #érosion_du_sol #image #prix #impact_environnemental #FSC #certification #norme #identité_suédoise #modèle_suédois #nation_branding #Estonie #Lettonie #Lituanie #lobby #mafia_forestière #coupes_rases #Suède #monoculture #sylviculture #Sami #peuples_autochtones #plantation #extrême_droite #Brésil #Parcel_Reflorestadora #Artemobili #code_de_conduite #justice #responsabilité #abattage #Nouvelle-Zélande #neutralité_carbone #compensation_carbone #maori #crédits-carbone #colonisation

    • #fsc_watch

      This site has been developed by a group of people, FSC supporters and members among them, who are very concerned about the constant and serious erosion of the FSC’s reliability and thus credibility. The group includes Simon Counsell, one of the Founder Members of the FSC; Hermann Edelmann, working for a long term FSC member organisation; and Chris Lang, who has looked critically at several FSC certifications in Thailand, Laos, Brazil, USA, New Zealand, South Africa and Uganda – finding serious problems in each case.

      As with many other activists working on forests worldwide, we share the frustration that whilst the structural problems within the FSC system have been known for many years, the formal mechanisms of governance and control, including the elected Board, the General Assembly, and the Complaints Procedures have been highly ineffective in addressing these problems. The possibility of reforming – and thus ‘saving’ – the FSC through these mechanisms is, we feel, declining, as power within the FSC is increasingly captured by vested commercial interest.

      We feel that unless drastic action is taken, the FSC is doomed to failure. Part of the problem, in our analysis, is that too few FSC members are aware of the many profound problems within the organisation. The FSC Secretariat continues to pour out ‘good news stories’ about its ‘successes’, without acknowledging, for example, the numerous complaints against certificates and certifiers, the cancellation of certificates that should never have been awarded in the first place, the calls for FSC to cease certifying where there is no local agreement to do so, the walk-outs of FSC members from national processes because of their disillusionment with the role of the economic chamber, etc. etc. etc.

      There has been no honest evaluation of what is working and what is not what working in the FSC, and no open forum for discussing these issues. This website is an attempt to redress this imbalance. The site will also help people who are normally excluded from the FSC’s processes to express their views and concerns about the FSC’s activities.

      Please share your thoughts or information. Feel free to comment on our postings or send us any information that you consider valuable for the site.

      UPDATE (25 March 2010): A couple of people have requested that we explain why we are focussing on FSC rather than PEFC. Shortly after starting FSC-Watch we posted an article titled: FSC vs PEFC: Holy cows vs the Emperor’s new clothes. As this is somewhat buried in the archives, it’s reproduced in full here (if you want to discuss this, please click on the link to go to the original post):
      FSC vs PEFC: Holy cows vs the Emperor’s new clothes

      One of the reasons I am involved in this website is that I believe that many people are aware of serious problems with FSC, but don’t discuss them publicly because the alternative to FSC is even worse. The alternative, in this case is PEFC (Programme for the Endorsement of Forest Certification schemes) and all the other certification schemes (Cerflor, Certflor, the Australian Forestry Standard, the Malaysian Timber Certification Council and so on). One person has suggested that we should set up PEFC-Watch, in order “to be even-handed”.

      The trouble with this argument is that PEFC et al have no credibility. No NGOs, people’s organisations or indigenous peoples’ organisations were involved in setting them up. Why bother spending our time monitoring something that amounts to little more than a rubber stamp? I can just see the headlines: “Rubber stamp PEFC scheme rubber stamps another controversial logging operation!” Shock, horror. The Emperor is stark bollock naked, and it’s not just some little boy pointing this out – it’s plain for all to see, isn’t it?

      One way of countering all these other schemes would be to point out that FSC is better. But, if there are serious problems with FSC – which there are, and if we can see them, so can anyone else who cares to look – then the argument starts to look very shaky.

      FSC standards aren’t bad (apart from Principle 10, which really isn’t much use to anyone except the pulp and paper industry). They say lots of things we’d probably want forest management standards to say. The trouble is that the standards are not being applied in practice. Sure, campaign against PEFC, but if FSC becomes a Holy Cow which is immune to criticism (not least because all the criticism takes place behind closed doors), then we can hardly present it as an alternative, can we?…”

      By the way, anyone who thinks that PEFC and FSC are in opposition should read this interview with Heiko Liedeker (FSC’s Executive Director) and Ben Gunneberg (PEFC’s General Secretary). In particular this bit (I thought at first it must be a mix up between FSC and PEFC, or Liedeker and Gunneberg):

      Question: As a follow-up question, Heiko Liedeker, from your perspective, is there room ultimately for programs like the Australian Forestry Standard, Certfor and others to operate under the FSC umbrella?

      Heiko Liedeker: Absolutely. FSC was a scheme that was set-up to provide mutual recognition between national standard-setting initiatives. Every national initiative sets its standard. Some of them are called FSC working groups, some of them are called something else. In the UK they are called UKWAS. We’ve been in dialogue with Edwardo Morales at Certfor Chile. They are some of the FSC requirements listed for endorsement, we certainly entered into discussion. We’ve been in discussion with the Australian Forestry Standard and other standard-setting initiatives. What FSC does not do is, it has one global scheme for recognizing certification. So we do not, and that’s one of the many differences between FSC and PEFC, we do not require the development of a certification program as such. A standard-setting program is sufficient to participate in the network.

      https://fsc-watch.com

    • Complicit in destruction: new investigation reveals IKEA’s role in the decimation of Romania’s forests

      IKEA claims to be people and planet positive, yet it is complicit in the degradation and destruction of Romania’s forests. A new report by Agent Green and Bruno Manser Fonds documents this destruction and presents clear requests to the furniture giant.

      A new investigative report (https://www.bmf.ch/upload/Kampagnen/Ikea/AG_BMF_report_IKEA_web_EN.pdf) by Agent Green and Bruno Manser Fonds shows a consistent pattern of destructive logging in IKEA-linked forests in Romania, with massive consequences for nature and climate. The findings are based on an analysis of official documents and field investigations of nine forest areas in Romania. Seven of them are owned by the IKEA-related company Ingka Investments and two are public forests supplying factories that produce for IKEA. The analysis uncovers over 50 suspected law violations and bad forest management practices. Biodiversity rich forest areas cut to the ground, intensive commercial logging conducted in ecologically sensitive or even old-growth forests without environmental assessments, dozens of meters deep tractor roads cutting through the forest are just a few of the issues documented.

      Most of the visited forests are fully or partially overlapping with EU protected areas. Some of these forests were strictly protected or under low-intensity logging before Ingka took over. Now they are all managed to maximize wood extraction, with no regard to forest habitats and their vital role for species. Only 1.04% of the total Ingka property in Romania are under a strict protection regime and 8.24% under partial protection. This is totally insufficient to meet EU goals. The EU biodiversity strategy requires the protection of a minimum of 30% of EU land area, from which 10% need to be strictly protected. One key goal is to strictly protect all remaining primary and old-growth forests in the EU.

      At the press conference in Bucharest Gabriel Păun, President of Agent Green, stated: “IKEA/Ingka seem to manage their forests like agricultural crops. Letting trees grow old is not in their culture. Removing entire forests in a short period of time is a matter of urgency for IKEA, the tree hunter. The entity disregards both the written laws and the unwritten ways of nature. IKEA does not practice what they preach regardless of whether it is the European Union nature directives, Romanian national legislation, or the FSC forest certification standard. But as a company with revenues of billions of Euros and Romania’s largest private forest owner, IKEA / Ingka should be an example of best practice.”

      Ines Gavrilut, Eastern Europe Campaigner at the Bruno Manser Fonds, added: “It is high time that IKEA started to apply its declared sustainability goals. IKEA could do so much good if it really wanted to set a good example as a forest owner, administrator, and large wood consumer in Romania and beyond. Needs could also be covered without resorting to destructive logging, without converting natural forests into plantations – but this requires tackling difficult issues such as the core of IKEA’s business model of “fast furniture”. Wood products should not be for fast consumption but should be made to last for decades.”

      Agent Green and Bruno Manser Fonds urge IKEA and the Ingka Group to get a grip on their forest operations in Romania to better control logging companies, not to source wood from national or natural parks, to effectively increase protection and apply forestry close to nature in own forests, to ensure full traceability and transparency of the IKEA supply chain, and allow independent forest oversight by civil society and investigative journalists.

      In August 2021, Agent Green published its first report documenting destruction in IKEA-linked forests in Romania. In May 2023, Agent Green and Bruno Manser Fonds sent an open letter of concern to the Ingka Group and IKEA Switzerland. BMF also started a petition demanding IKEA to stop deforestation in Romania’s protected forest areas and other high conservation value forests.

      The ARTE documentary IKEA, the tree hunter brilliantly tells the story of the real cost of IKEA furniture, the uncontrolled exploitation of wood and human labour.

      https://bmf.ch/en/news/neue-untersuchung-belegt-ikeas-beteiligung-an-der-waldzerstorung-in-rumanien-256

      #rapport

  • #Ikea, le seigneur des forêts - Regarder le #documentaire complet | #ARTE
    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/112297-000-A/ikea-le-seigneur-des-forets
    #disclose

    Derrière son image familiale et écolo, le #géant_du_meuble #suédois, plus gros consommateur de bois au monde, révèle des pratiques bien peu scrupuleuses. Une investigation édifiante sur cette firme à l’appétit démesuré.

    C’est une des #enseignes préférées des consommateurs, qui équipe depuis des générations cuisines, salons et chambres d’enfants du monde entier. Depuis sa création en 1943 par le visionnaire mais controversé Ingvar #Kamprad, et au fil des innovations – #meubles en #kit, vente par correspondance, magasins en self-service… –, la petite entreprise a connu une croissance fulgurante, et a accompagné l’entrée de la Suède dans l’ère de la consommation de masse. Aujourd’hui, ce fleuron commercial, qui participe pleinement au rayonnement du pays à l’international, est devenu un mastodonte en expansion continue. Les chiffres donnent le tournis : 422 magasins dans cinquante pays ; près d’un milliard de clients ; 2 000 nouveaux articles au catalogue par an… et un exemplaire de son produit phare, la bibliothèque Billy, vendu toutes les cinq secondes. Mais le modèle Ikea a un coût. Pour poursuivre son développement exponentiel et vendre toujours plus de meubles à bas prix, le géant suédois dévore chaque année 20 millions de mètres cubes de bois, soit 1 % des réserves mondiales de ce matériau… Et si la firme vante un approvisionnement responsable et une gestion durable des forêts, la réalité derrière le discours se révèle autrement plus trouble.
     
    #Greenwashing
    Pendant plus d’un an, les journalistes d’investigation Xavier Deleu (Épidémies, l’empreinte de l’homme) et Marianne Kerfriden ont remonté la chaîne de production d’Ikea aux quatre coins du globe. Des dernières forêts boréales suédoises aux plantations brésiliennes en passant par la campagne néo-zélandaise et les grands espaces de Pologne ou de Roumanie, le documentaire dévoile les liens entre la multinationale de l’ameublement et l’exploitation intensive et incontrôlée du bois. Il révèle comment la marque au logo jaune et bleu, souvent via des fournisseurs ou sous-traitants peu scrupuleux, contribue à la destruction de la biodiversité à travers la planète et alimente le trafic de bois. Comme en Roumanie, où Ikea possède 50 000 hectares de forêts, et où des activistes se mobilisent au péril de leur vie contre une mafia du bois endémique. Derrière la réussite de l’une des firmes les plus populaires au monde, cette enquête inédite éclaire l’incroyable expansion d’un prédateur discret devenu un champion du greenwashing.

    #FSC #certification #labels

  • #Green_Border

    Ayant fui la guerre, une famille syrienne entreprend un éprouvant périple pour rejoindre la Suède. A la frontière entre le Belarus et la Pologne, synonyme d’entrée dans l’Europe, ils se retrouvent embourbés avec des dizaines d’autres familles, dans une zone marécageuse, à la merci de militaires aux méthodes violentes. Ils réalisent peu à peu qu’ils sont les otages malgré eux d’une situation qui les dépasse, où chacun - garde-frontières, activistes humanitaires, population locale - tente de jouer sa partition

    https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Border
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ufcsLA7xow


    #frontières #Biélorussie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Pologne #forêt #mourir_aux_frontières #violence #push-backs #refoulements #instrumentalisation_de_la_migration #zone_frontalière #film #cinéma #Agnieszka_Holland #solidarité #marécage #zone_interdite #état_d'urgence #zone_d'exclusion

    –---
    ajouté à la métaliste autour de la création de zones frontalières (au lieu de lignes de frontière) en vue de refoulements ou autres pratiques de contrôles migratoires :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/795053

  • Oltre 28mila persone respinte alle frontiere europee nel 2023 : 8° rapporto #PRAB

    Di fronte all’emergenza umanitaria i respingimenti illegali e le violazioni dei diritti continuano ad essere diffusi e sono diventati uno strumento accettato per la gestione delle frontiere europee .

    L’ottavo rapporto di Protecting Rights at Borders (PRAB) “Respinti alle Frontiere dell’Europa: una crisi continuamente ignorata” documenta ancora una volta le continue violazioni dei diritti umani che si verificano lungo le frontiere europee.

    Il monitoraggio conferma violenze e numeri crescenti

    Secondo il rapporto, nel 2023 più di 28.609 migranti hanno subito respingimenti e violazioni dei diritti umani alle frontiere europee, di cui oltre 8.400 solo negli ultimi quattro mesi dell’anno. Tuttavia, tali numeri rappresentano solo una frazione degli effettivi respingimenti illegali.

    Questo rapporto copre il periodo dal 1 settembre al 31 dicembre 2023. I dati raccolti direttamente dai partner di PRAB o ottenuti dalle fonti governative documentano un totale di 8.403 casi di respingimento durante il periodo di rilevamento. Come parte della documentazione, 1.448 persone sono state intervistate dai partner di PRAB, fornendo dettagli sulle violazioni dei diritti alle quali hanno dichiarato di essere stati esposti.

    I numeri riportati dall’iniziativa PRAB rappresentano una frazione delle persone respinte alle frontiere dell’Europa. La natura delle aree di confine europee e i metodi utilizzati per attraversarle, uniti alla mancanza di accesso a alcune zone di frontiera, rendono difficile raggiungere tutte le persone che subiscono respingimenti e violazioni correlate. Inoltre, la registrazione dei respingimenti dipende dal momento dell’evento e dalla volontà delle vittime di segnalarlo. Come documentato dai partner di PRAB, molte vittime di respingimenti hanno paura di segnalare l’incidente, temendo che ciò possa influire negativamente sulla loro possibilità di entrare o rimanere in uno Stato membro dell’UE.

    I fatti principali che vengono riconfermati dal monitoraggio:

    Numeri allarmanti – Nel solo 2023, più di 28.609 migranti hanno subito respingimenti e violazioni dei diritti umani alle frontiere europee. Nel periodo settembre-dicembre 2023, sono stati documentati oltre 8.400 casi.

    Mancanza di vie legali sicure – Molti migranti, provenienti da regioni colpite da conflitti, persecuzioni o disastri naturali, intraprendono viaggi pericolosi verso l’Europa in cerca di sicurezza e opportunità.

    Respinti con violenza: I respingimenti illegali coinvolgono l’uso di metodi violenti e disumani, con migliaia di persone respinte forzatamente oltre il confine e sottoposte a violenze e abusi.

    Violazioni documentate: PRAB ha intervistato 1.448 persone, documentando i trattamenti disumani e degradanti subiti dall’83% degli arrivi al confine tra Croazia e Bosnia ed Erzegovina e dal 61% al confine tra Francia e Italia.

    Distruzione e confisca illegittima dei beni personali: Oltre alle violenze fisiche, i respingimenti forzati privano le persone dei loro beni, lasciandole vulnerabili e senza mezzi vitali.

    La situazione ai confini italiani

    L’ottavo rapporto di Protecting Rights at Borders (PRAB) rivela la dura realtà dei respingimenti che riguardano quanti arrivano alle frontiere italiane e tentano di attraversarle.

    In Italia, le organizzazioni della rete PRAB hanno documentato il respingimento di 3.180 persone nelle zone di Oulx e Ventimiglia, con particolare preoccupazione per i 737 bambini, di cui 519 erano minori non accompagnati. Un aspetto inquietante è la pratica di respingere minori registrati erroneamente come adulti.

    La maggior parte delle persone coinvolte nei respingimenti proveniva dall’Etiopia, Costa d’Avorio, Marocco e Sudan, con quasi il 40% di loro che ha dichiarato di essere arrivato in Italia via Tunisia.

    Oltre al persistere dei respingimenti , il rapporto registra anche nuovi peggioramenti per chi cerca asilo in Italia.

    Inoltre, l’Italia ha recentemente reintrodotto controlli alle frontiere con la Slovenia, giustificando tale misura con una presunta minaccia alla sicurezza con il conflitto in Medio Oriente. Il governo italiano ha dichiarato apertamente di avere l’intenzione di riprendere i respingimenti dei richiedenti asilo, in violazione della legge nazionale e internazionale.

    Il rapporto critica, infine, anche gli accordi con paesi terzi, tra cui il recente Accordo tra Italia e Albania, evidenziando le problematiche relative al trasferimento dei migranti e la detenzione in Albania.
    Dal patto europeo nuove violazioni

    Il rapporto dimostra come l’impiego sistematico di respingimenti alle frontiere e la mancanza di percorsi sicuri e legali per raggiungere l’UE spinga i rifugiati a mettere a rischio le proprie vite.

    La volontà politica, il coraggio e il realismo nel mettere i diritti delle persone prima della protezione delle frontiere sembrano assenti dagli accordi politici che si tengono a livello europeo e nazionale.

    Sia gli accordi, come il Memorandum tra Italia e Albania, sia il nuovo Patto UE su Asilo e Migrazione rischiano di compromettere ulteriormente i diritti delle persone in cerca di asilo, invece che mettere fine alle violazioni alle frontiere europee.

    Pour télécharger le rapport :
    https://www.asgi.it/asilo-e-protezione-internazionale/oltre-28mila-persone-respinte-alle-frontiere-europee-nel-2023-8-rapporto-prab/attachment/prab-report-september-to-december-2023-_-final

    https://www.asgi.it/asilo-e-protezione-internazionale/oltre-28mila-persone-respinte-alle-frontiere-europee-nel-2023-8-rapporto-prab
    #rapport #Protecting_Rights_at_Borders (#PRAB) #2023 #statistiques #chiffres #refoulements #push-backs #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #droits_humains #violence #violences #Italie #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Grèce #Macédoine_du_Nord #Biélorussie #Pologne #Lithuanie

  • Décriminaliser l’avortement en Pologne et « partout où c’est nécessaire »

    En Pologne, le nouveau gouvernement a promis une loi plus favorable à l’avortement et à la pilule du lendemain. En attendant, Justyna Wydrzyńska et son association Abortion Dream Team aident les femmes et plaident pour le droit à disposer librement de leur corps dans un pays divisé sur la question. Cela a valu des poursuites à Justyna Wydrzyńska. Entretien exclusif.
    Kyra Dupont Troubetzkoy

    https://kometarevue.com/rencontre/decriminaliser-l-avortement-en-pologne-et-partout-ou-c-est-necessaire
    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2023/03/22/la-journee-des-femmes-en-pologne-3-ans-apres-la-loi-anti-avortement/#comment-60080

    #ivg #pologne

  • #Shtetl

    Juif polonais ayant survécu à l’#Holocauste, le réalisateur accompagne son ami Nathan sur la trace de sa famille, originaire de #Bransk, petite ville de #Pologne. Ils vont rencontrer Zbyszek Romaniuk, jeune Polonais féru d’histoire locale, avec qui, depuis un certain temps, Nathan est en relation épistolaire. Tous trois, en interrogeant les lieux et des témoins, tentent de retrouver les empreintes du passé juif de Bransk. Le shtetl a disparu quand 2 500 juifs furent déportés à Tréblinka... Plus tard, Zbyszek se rend aux États-Unis dans des familles juives originaires de Bransk. Mais quand ses recherches le conduisent en Israël, il se heurte à de jeunes étudiants, qui lui reprochent l’#antisémitisme polonais. De retour en Pologne, il sera au contraire critiqué et menacé à cause de son intérêt pour l’histoire juive de Bransk. Devenu maire-adjoint de la petite ville, il finira par occulter cet aspect du passé.

    http://www.film-documentaire.fr/4DACTION/w_fiche_film/7160_0
    #traces #histoire #mémoire #film #film_documentaire #documentaire

  • More than 1,000 unmarked graves discovered along EU migration routes

    Bodies also piling up in morgues across continent as countries accused of failing to meet human rights obligations.

    Refugees and migrants are being buried in unmarked graves across the European Union at a scale that is unprecedented outside of war.

    The Guardian can reveal that at least 1,015 men, women and children who died at the borders of Europe in the past decade were buried before they were identified.

    They lie in stark, often blank graves along the borders – rough white stones overgrown with weeds in Sidiro cemetery in Greece; crude wooden crosses on Lampedusa in Italy; in northern France faceless slabs marked simply “Monsieur X”; in Poland and Croatia plaques reading “NN” for name unknown.

    On the Spanish island of Gran Canaria, one grave states: “Migrant boat number 4. 25/09/2022.”

    The European parliament passed a resolution in 2021 that called for people who die on migration routes to be identified and recognised the need for a coordinated database to collect details of the bodies.

    But across European countries the issue remains a legislative void, with no centralised data, nor any uniform process for dealing with the bodies.

    Working with forensic scientists from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and other researchers, NGOs and pathologists, the Guardian and a consortium of reporters pieced together for the first time the number of migrants and refugees who died in the past decade along the EU’s borders whose names remain unknown. At least 2,162 bodies have still not been identified.

    Some of these bodies are piling up in morgues, funeral parlours and even shipping containers across the continent. Visiting 24 cemeteries and working with researchers, the team found more than 1,000 nameless graves.

    These, however, are the tip of the iceberg. More than 29,000 people died on European migration routes in this period, the majority of whom remain missing.

    –—

    What is the border graves project?
    Hide

    About the investigation

    The Guardian teamed up with Süddeutsche Zeitung and eight reporters from the Border Graves Investigation who received funding from Investigative Journalism for Europe and Journalismfund Europe.

    We worked with researchers at the International Committee of the Red Cross who shared exclusively their most up-to-date findings on migrant and refugee deaths registered in Spain, Malta, Greece and Italy between 2014 and 2021.

    Other partners included Marijana Hameršak of the European Irregularized Migration Regime at the Periphery of the EU (ERIM) project in Croatia, Grupa Granica and Podlaskie Humanitarian Emergency Service (POPH) in Poland and Sienos Grupė in Lithuania. The journalist Maël Galisson provided data for France.

    Reporters and researchers also checked death registers, interviewed prosecutors and spoke to local authorities and morgue directors, as well as visiting two dozen cemeteries to track the number of unidentified migrants and refugees who have died trying to cross into the EU in the past decade and find their graves.

    –—

    The problem is “utterly neglected”, according to Europe’s commissioner for human rights, Dunja Mijatović, who has said EU countries are failing in their obligations under international human rights law.

    “The tools are there. We have the agencies and the forensic experts, but they need to be engaged [by governments],” she said. The rise of the hard right and a lack of political will were likely to further impede the development of a proper system to address “the tragedy of missing migrants”, she added.

    Instead, pockets of work happen at a local level. Pathologists, for example, collect DNA samples and the few personal items found on the bodies. The clues to lives lost are meagre: loose change in foreign currency, prayer beads, a Manchester United souvenir badge.

    The lack of coordination leaves bewildered families struggling to navigate localised, often foreign bureaucracy in the search for lost relatives.

    Supporting them falls to aid organisations such as the ICRC, which has recorded 16,500 requests since 2013 for information to its programme for restoring family links from people looking for relatives who went missing en route to Europe. The largest number of requests have come from Afghans, Iraqis, Somalians, Guineans and people from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea and Syria. Only 285 successful matches have been achieved.

    And now even some of this support is about to disappear. As governments cut their aid budgets, the ICRC has been forced to refocus its reduced resources. National Red Cross agencies will continue the family links programme but much of the ICRC’s work training police and local authorities is being cut.
    A race against time

    The mini set of scissors and comb worn on a chain were unique to 24-year-old Oussama Tayeb, a small talisman that reflected his job as a barber. For his cousin Abdallah, they were the hope that he had been found.

    Tayeb set sail last year from the north-west of Algeria just before 8pm on Christmas Day. Onboard with him were 22 neighbours who had clubbed together to pay for the boat they had hoped would take them to Spain.

    His family has been searching for him since. Abdallah, who lives in France, fears it is a race against time.

    Spanish police introduced a database in 2007 in which data and genetic samples from unidentified remains are meant to be logged. In practice, the system breaks down when it comes to families searching for missing relatives, who have no clear information about how to access it.

    The family had provided a DNA sample soon after Tayeb’s disappearance. With no news by February, they travelled to southern Spain for a second time to search for him. At the morgue in Almería, a forensic doctor reacted to Tayeb’s photo, saying he looked familiar. She recalled a necklace, but said the man she was thinking of was believed to have died in a jet ski accident.

    “It was a really intense moment because we knew that Oussama was wearing a jet ski lifejacket,” Abdallah said.

    Even with the knowledge that Tayeb’s body may have been found, his cousin was unable to see the corpse lying in the morgue without a police officer. Abdallah remembered the shocking callousness with which he was greeted at one of the many police stations he tried. “One policeman told us that if ‘they don’t want to disappear, they shouldn’t have taken a boat to Spain’.”

    Looming over Abdallah’s continuing search is a practical pressure mentioned by the Spanish pathologist: bodies in the morgue are usually kept for a year and then buried, whether identified or not. “We only want an answer. If we see the chain, this would be like a death certificate. It’s so heartbreaking. It’s like we’re leaving Oussama in the fridge and we can’t do anything about it,” he said.
    ‘Here lies a brother who lost his life’

    The local authorities that receive the most bodies are often on small islands and are increasingly saying they cannot cope.

    They warn that an already inadequate system is going backwards. Spain’s Canary Islands have reported a record 35,410 men, women and children reaching the archipelago by boat this year. In recent months, most of these vessels have sought to land on the tiny, remote island of El Hierro. In the past six weeks alone, seven unidentified people were buried on the island.

    The burial vaults of 15 unidentified people who were found dead on a rickety wooden vessel in 2020, in the town of Agüimes on Gran Canaria, bear identical plaques that read simply: “Here lies a brother who lost his life trying to reach our shores.”

    In the Muslim section of Lanzarote’s Teguise cemetery, the graves of children are marked with circles of stones. They include the grave of a baby believed to have been stillborn on a deadly crossing from Morocco in 2020. Alhassane Bangoura’s body was separated from his mother during the rescue and was buried in an unmarked grave. His name is only recorded informally, engraved on a bowl by locals moved by his plight.

    It is the same story in the other countries at the edge of the EU; unmarked graves dotted along their frontiers standing testament to the crisis. Along the land borders, in Croatia, Poland, Lithuania, the numbers of unmarked graves are fewer but still they are there, blank stones or sometimes an NN marked on plaques.

    In France, the anonymous inscription “X” stands out in cemeteries in Calais. The numbers seem low compared with those found along the southern coastal borders: 35 out of 242 migrants and refugees who died on the Franco-British border since 2014 remain unidentified. The high proportion of the dead identified reflects the fact that people spend time waiting before attempting the Channel crossing so there are often contacts still in France able to name those who die.
    Fragments of hope

    Leaked footage of Polish border guards laughing at a young man hanging upside down, trapped by his foot, stuck in the razor wire on the top of the 180km (110-mile) steel border fence separating Belarus from Poland caused a brief social media storm.

    But the moment he is caught in the searchlights, his frightened face briefly frozen, has haunted 50-year-old Kafya Rachid for the past year. She is sure the man is her missing child, Mohammed Sabah, who was 22 when she last saw him alive.

    Sabah had flown from his home in Iraqi Kurdistan in the autumn of 2021 to Belarus, for which he had a visa. He was successfully taken across the EU border by smugglers but was detained about 50km (30 miles) into Poland and deported back to Belarus.

    Waiting to cross again, his messages suddenly stopped. The family had been coming to terms with the fact he was probably dead. Then the video surfaced. With little else to go on, fragments such as this give families hope.

    Sabah’s parents, as so often happens, were unable to get visas to travel to the EU. Instead, Rekaut Rachid, an uncle of Sabah who has lived in London since 1999, has made three trips to Poland to try to find him.

    Rachid believes the Polish authorities lied to him when they told him the man in the video was Egyptian, and this keeps him searching. “They are hiding something. Five per cent of me thinks maybe he died. But 95% of me thinks he is in prison somewhere in Poland,” he said, adding: “My sister calls every day to ask if I think he is still alive. I don’t know how to answer.”
    Shipping container morgues

    In a corner of the hospital car park in the Greek city of Alexandroupolis, two battered refrigerated shipping containers stand next to some rubbish bins. Inside are the bodies of 40 people.

    The border from Turkey into Greece over the Evros River nearby is only a 10- to 20-minute crossing, but people cross at night when their small rubber boats can easily hit a tree and capsize. Corpses decompose quickly in the riverbed mud, so that facial characteristics, clothing and any documents that might help identify them are rapidly destroyed.

    Twenty of the corpses in the containers are the charred remains of migrants who died in wildfires that consumed this part of Greece during the summer’s heatwave. Identification has proved exceptionally difficult, with only four of the dead named to date.

    Prof Pavlos Pavlidis, the forensic pathologist for the area, works to determine the cause of death, to collect DNA samples and to catalogue any personal effects that might help relatives identify their loved ones at a later date.

    The temporary container morgues in Alexandroupolis are on loan from the ICRC. The humanitarian agency has loaned another container to the island of Lesbos, another migration hotspot, for the same purpose.

    Lampedusa does not have that luxury. “There are no morgues and no refrigerated units,” said Salvatore Vella, the Sicilian head prosecutor who leads investigations into shipwrecks off its coast. “Once placed in body bags, the bodies of migrants are transferred to Sicily. Burial is managed by individual towns. It has happened that migrants have sometimes been buried in sort of mass graves within cemeteries.”

    The scale of the problem was becoming so acute, said Filippo Furri, an anthropologist and an associate researcher at Mecmi, a group that examines deaths during migration, that “there have been cases of coffins abandoned in cemetery warehouses due to lack of space, or bodies that remain in hospital morgues”.
    ‘It’s not only a technical difficulty but also a political one’

    “If you count the relatives of those who are missing, hundreds of thousands of people are impacted. They don’t know where their loved ones are. Were they well treated, were they respected when they were buried? That’s what preys on families’ minds,” said Laurel Clegg, the ICRC forensic coordinator for migration in Europe. “We have an obligation to provide the dead with a dignified burial; and [to address] the other side, providing answers to families through identification of the dead.”

    She said keeping track of the dead relied on lots of parts working well together: a legal framework that protected the unidentified dead, consistent postmortems, morgues, registries, dignified transport and cemeteries.

    The systems are inadequate, however, despite the EU parliament resolution. There are still no common rules about what information should be collected, nor a centralised place to store this information. The political focus is on catching the smugglers rather than finding out who their victims are.

    A spokesperson for the European Commission said the rights and dignity of refugees and migrants had to be addressed alongside tackling people smuggling. They said each member state was responsible individually for how it dealt with those who died on its borders, but that the commission was working to improve coordination and protocols and “regrets the loss of every human life” .

    In Italy, significant efforts have been made to identify the dead from a couple of well-reported, large-scale disasters. Cristina Cattaneo, the head of the laboratory of forensic anthropology and odontology (Labanof) at the University of Milan, has spent years working to identify the dead from a shipwreck in 2015 in which more than 1,000 people lost their lives.

    Raising the wreck to retrieve the bodies has cost €9.5m (£8.1m) already. Organising the 30,000 mixed bones into identifiable remains of 528 bodies has been a herculean task. Only six victims have so far been issued official death certificates.

    As political positions on irregular migration have hardened, experts are finding official enthusiasm for their complex work has diminished. “It’s not only a technical difficulty but also a political one,” Cattaneo said.

    In Sicily, Vella has been investigating a fishing boat that sank in October 2019. It was carrying 49 people, mostly from Tunisia. Just a few miles off shore, a group onboard filmed themselves celebrating their imminent arrival in Europe before the boat ran out of fuel and capsized. The Italian coastguard rescued 22 people but 27 others lost their lives.

    Coastguard divers, using robots, captured images of bodies floating near the vessel, but were unable to recover all of them. The footage circulated around the world. A group of Tunisian women who had been searching for their sons contacted the Italian authorities and were given permits to travel to meet the prosecutor, who showed them more footage.

    One mother, Zakia Hamidi, recognised her 18-year-old son, Fheker. It was a searing experience for both her and Vella: “At that moment, I realised the difference between a mother, torn apart by grief, but who at least will return home with her child’s body, and those mothers who will not have a body to mourn. It is something heartbreaking.”
    The torture of not knowing

    The grief that people feel when they have no certainty about the fate of their missing relatives has a very particular intensity.

    Dr Pauline Boss, professor emeritus of psychology at the University of Minnesota in the US, was the first to describe this “ambiguous loss”. “You are stuck, immobilised, you feel guilty if you begin again because that would mean accepting the person is dead. Grieving is frozen, your decision-making is frozen, you can’t work out the facts, can’t answer the questions,” she said.

    Not knowing often has severe practical consequences too. Spouses may not be able to exercise their parental rights, inherit assets or claim welfare support or pensions without a death certificate. Orphans cannot be adopted by extended family without one either.

    Sometimes relatives are left in the dark for years. A decade on from a shipwreck disaster in 2013, bereaved families continue to gather in Lampedusa every year, still searching for answers. Among them this year was a Syrian woman, Sabah al-Joury, whose son Abdulqader was on the boat. She said that not knowing where he ended up was like having “an open wound”.

    Sabah’s family said the torture of not being able to find out what happened to him was “like dying everyday”. Abdallah thinks he must make another trip from Paris to southern Spain before the end of the year. “What is difficult is not to have the body, not to be able to bury him,” he said.

    Rituals around death were indicative of a deep human need, said Boss. “The most important thing is for the name to be marked somewhere, so the family can visit, and the missing can be remembered. A name means you were on this Earth, not forgotten.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2023/dec/08/revealed-more-than-1000-unmarked-graves-discovered-along-eu-migration-r

    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #mourir_aux_frontières #tombes #fosses_communes #Europe #morts_aux_frontières #enterrement #cimetières #morgues #chiffres

    • The Border Graves Investigation

      More than 1,000 migrants who died trying to enter Europe lie buried in nameless graves. EU migration policy has failed the dead and the living.

      A cross-border team of eight journalists has confirmed the existence of 1,015 unmarked graves of migrants buried in 65 cemeteries over the past decade across Spain, Italy, Greece, Malta, Poland, Lithuania, France, and Croatia. The reporters visited more than half of them.

      Unidentified migrants lay to rest in cemeteries in olive groves, on hilltops, in dense forests, and along remote highways. Each unmarked grave represents a person who lost their life en route to Europe, and a fate that will remain forever unknown to their loved ones.

      This months-long investigation underlines that Europe’s migration policies have failed more than a thousand people who have died in transit and the families who survive them.

      In 2021, the European Parliament passed a resolution recognsing the need for a “coordinated European approach” for “prompt and effective identification processes” for bodies found on EU borders. Yet in 2022, the Council of Europe called this area a “legislative void”.

      These failures mean that the responsibility of memorialising unidentified victims often ends up falling to individual municipalities, cemetery keepers and local good Samaritans, with many victims buried without any attempt at identification.

      https://twitter.com/Techjournalisto/status/1733100115781386448

      In the absence of official data from European and national governments, the Border Graves Investigation collaborated with The Guardian and Suddeutsche Zeitung to count 2,162 unidentified deaths of migrants across eight countries in Europe between 2014 and 2023.

      The cross-border team conducted over 60 interviews in six languages. They spoke with families of the missing and deceased, whose loved ones left for Europe from Syria, Afghanistan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Iraqi Kurdistan, Algeria and Sri Lanka.

      They revealed the institutional and bureaucratic hurdles of searching for bodies and burying the remains of those that are found. One mother compared her unresolved grief to an “open wound,” and an uncle said it was like “dying every day”.

      To understand the complex legal, medical and political landscape of death in each country, the journalists spoke with coroners, grave keepers, forensic doctors, international and local humanitarian groups, government officials, a European MEP and the Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner.

      The in-depth investigation reveals that the European Union is violating migrants’ last rights. The stories below show how.
      The team

      The Border Graves Investigation team consists of Barbara Matejčić, Daphne Tolis, Danai Maragoudaki, Eoghan Gilmartin, Gabriela Ramirez, Gabriele Cruciata, Leah Pattem, and is coordinated by Tina Xu. The project was supported by the IJ4EU fund and JournalismFund Europe.

      Gabriele Cruciata is a Rome-based award-winning journalist specialising in podcasts and investigative and narrative journalism. He also works as a fixer, producer, journalism consultant, and trainer.

      Gabriele Cruciata IG @gab_cruciata

      Leah Pattem is a Spain-based journalist and photographer specialising in politics, migration and community stories. Leah is also the founder and editor of the popular local media platform Madrid No Frills.

      X @leahpattem
      IG @madridnofrills

      Eoghan Gilmartin is a Spain-based freelance journalist specialising in news, politics and migration. His work has appeared in Jacobin Magazine, The Guardian, Tribune and Open Democracy.

      X @EoghanGilmartin
      Muck Rack: Eoghan Gilmartin

      Gabriela Ramirez is an award-winning multimedia journalist specialising in migration, human rights, ocean conservation, and climate issues, always through a gender-focused lens. Currently serving as the Multimedia & Engagement Editor at Unbias The News.

      X @higabyramirez
      Linkedin Gabriela Ramirez
      Instagram @higabyramirez

      Barbara Matejčić is a Croatian award-winning freelance journalist, non-fiction writer and audio producer focused on social affairs and human rights

      Website: http://barbaramatejcic.com
      FB: https://www.facebook.com/barbara.matejcic.1
      Instagram: @barbaramatejcic

      Danai Maragoudaki is a Greek journalist based in Athens. She works for independent media outlet Solomon and is a member of their investigative team. Her reporting focuses on transparency, finance, and digital threats.

      FB: https://www.facebook.com/danai.maragoudaki
      X: @d_maragoudaki
      IG: @danai_maragoudaki

      Daphne Tolis is an award-winning documentary producer/filmmaker and multimedia journalist based in Athens. She has produced and hosted timely documentaries for VICE Greece and has directed TV documentaries for the EBU and documentaries for the MSF and IFRC. Since 2014 she has been working as a freelance producer and journalist in Greece for the BBC, Newsnight, VICE News Tonight, ABC News, PBS Newshour, SRF, NPR, Channel 4, The New York Times Magazine, ARTE, DW, ZDF, SVT, VPRO and others. She has reported live for DW News, BBC News, CBC News, ABC Australia, and has been a guest contributor on various BBC radio programs, Times Radio, Morning Ireland, RTE, NPR’s ‘Morning Edition’, and others.

      X: https://twitter.com/daphnetoli
      Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/daphne_tolis/?hl=en
      Linkedin: www.linkedin.com/in/daphne-tolis

      Tina Xu is a multimedia journalist and filmmaker working at the intersection of migration, mental health, socially engaged arts, and civil society. Her stories often interrogate the three-way street between people, policy, and power. She received the Excellence in Environmental Reporting Award from Society of Publishers in Asia in 2021, was a laureate of the European Press Prize Innovation Award in 2021 and 2022, and shortlisted for the One World Media Refugee Reporting Award in 2022.

      X: @tinayingxu
      IG: @tinayingxu

      https://www.investigativejournalismforeu.net/projects/border-graves

    • 1000 Lives, 0 Names: The Border Graves Investigation. How the EU is failing migrants’ last rights

      What happens to those who die in their attempts to reach the European Union? How are their lives marked, how can their families honor them? How do governments recognize their existence and their basic rights as human beings?

      Our cross-border team confirmed 1,015 unmarked graves of migrants in 65 cemeteries buried over the last 10 years across Spain, Italy, Greece, Malta, Poland, Lithuania, France, and Croatia. We visited over half of them.

      Each unmarked grave represents a person who lost their life en route to Europe, and a fate that remains painfully unknown to their loved ones.

      In 2021, the European Parliament passed a resolution recognizing the need for a “coordinated European approach” for “prompt and effective identification processes” for bodies found on EU borders. Yet last year, the Council of Europe called this area a “legislative void.”

      In the absence of official data from European and national governments, the Border Graves Investigation counted 2,162 unidentified deaths of migrants across eight countries in Europe from 2014-2023.

      Our cross-border team conducted over 60 interviews in six languages. We spoke with families of the missing and deceased, whose loved ones left for Europe from Syria, Afghanistan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Iraqi Kurdistan, Algeria, and Sri Lanka. They spoke about the institutional and bureaucratic hurdles of searching for, and if found, burying a body.

      One mother compared the unresolved grief to an “open wound,” and an uncle said it was like “dying every day.”
      Here is how Europe violates the “last rights” of migrants.

      https://unbiasthenews.org/border-graves-investigation

    • Widowed by Europe’s borders

      “No water, I think I’ll die, I love you.” This is the last text Sanooja received from her husband, who disappeared after a pushback into the dense forest that stretches between Belarus, Lithuania, and Poland. For families searching for missing loved ones, the EU inflicts a second death of identity and acknowledgment.

      Samrin and Sanooja were high school classmates. Both born in 1990, they grew up together in Kalpitiya, a town of 80,000 on the tip of a small peninsula in Sri Lanka. When Samrin first asked Sanooja out in the ninth grade, she said no. But years later, when her roommates snuck through her diary, they asked about the boy in all her stories.

      When they turned 20, Sanooja was studying to be a teacher, while Samrin left town for work. After six years of video calls and heart emoji-laden selfies, Samrin returned home in 2017 and they got married, her in a white headscarf and indigo-sleeved dress, him in a matching indigo suit. Their son Haashim was born a year later. They called each other “thangam,” or gold.

      She hoped the birth of their son meant that Samrin would stay close by from now on. They took their son to the beach, to the zoo. Then the 2019 economic crisis hit, the worst since the country’s independence in 1948. There were daily blackouts, a shortage of fuel, and runaway inflation. In 2022, protests rocked the country, and the government claimed bankruptcy.

      Samrin was a difficult person to fall in love with, says Sanooja, because he was so ambitious. Sanooja smiles bitterly over a video call from her home in Kalpitiya. The sun filters through the mango tree in the yard, where the two often sat together and made plans for their future.

      But part of loving him, she explains, meant supporting him even in his hardest decisions. One of these decisions was to take a plane to Moscow, then to travel to Europe and send money home. “He went to keep us happy, to make us good.”

      Their last day together, Sanooja surprised him with a cake: Sky blue icing, an airplane made of fondant, ascending from an earth made of chocolate sprinkles. In big letters: “Love you and will miss you. Have a safe journey, Thangam.” In their last photos together, Haashim sits laughing on Samrin’s lap as he cuts the cake. That night, Samrin squeezed his son and wept. The next day he put on a pair of blue Converse All-Stars, packed a black backpack, and set out. It was June 26, 2022. He had just turned 32 years old.

      Things did not go according to plan. He boarded a bus from St. Petersburg to Helsinki, but the fake Schengen visa they paid so much for was rejected at the Finnish border. Sanooja told him he could always come home. But in order to finance the journey, they had sold a plot of Samrin’s land and Sanooja’s jewelry, and borrowed money from friends. Samrin decided there was no turning back. He pivoted to plan B: He could go to Belarus, where he didn’t need a visa, and cross the border to Lithuania, in the Schengen zone.

      When Samrin checked into the Old Town Trio Hotel in Vilnius on August 16, 2022, the first thing he did was call home: He had survived the forest. Sanooja was relieved to hear his voice. He told her about the eight days crossing the forest between Belarus and Lithuania, the mud up to his knees. Days without food, drinking dirty water. He told her especially about the pains in his stomach as he walked in the forest, due to his recent surgery to remove kidney stones. Sometimes he would urinate blood.

      But he was in the European Union. He bought a plane ticket for a departure to Paris in four days, the city where he hoped to make his new life. What happened next is unclear. This is what Sanooja knows:

      On the third day, Samrin walked into the hotel lobby, and the manager called security. Plainclothes officers shuttled him into a car and whisked him 50 kilometers back once more to the Belarusian border. In less than 72 hours, Samrin found himself trapped again in the forest he had fought to escape.

      It was already dark when Samrin was left alone in the woods. He had no backpack, sleeping bag, or food. His phone was running out of battery. The next morning, Samrin came online briefly to send Sanooja a final message on WhatsApp: “No water, I think I’ll die. Trangam, I love you.”

      That was the beginning of a deafening silence that stretched four and a half months. When she gets to this part of the story, Sanooja, ever talkative and articulate, apologizes that she simply cannot describe it. Her eyes glaze and flit upward.

      The Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Dunja Mijatović asserts that families have a “right to truth” surrounding the fates of their loved ones who disappear en route to Europe. In 2021, the European Parliament passed a resolution calling for “prompt and effective identification processes” to connect the bodies of those who perished to those searching for them. Two years on, Mijatović tells us not much has been done, and the issue is a “legislative void.”

      As part of the Border Graves Investigation, conducted with a cross-border team of eight freelance journalists across Europe in collaboration with Unbias the News, The Guardian and Sueddeutche Zeitung, we followed the stories of those who have disappeared in the forest that covers the borders in Eastern Europe, between Belarus and the EU (Lithuania, Poland, Latvia).

      We spoke with their families, as well as over a dozen humanitarian workers, lawyers, and policymakers from organizations in Poland, Lithuania, and Belarus, to piece together the question of what happens after something goes fatally wrong on Europe’s eastern border—and who is responsible.
      Who counts the dead?

      The forest along the Belarussian border is a dense landscape of underbrush, moss and swamps, and encompasses one of the largest ancient forest areas left in Europe.

      Spanning hundreds of square kilometers across the borders with Lithuania and Poland, the forest became an unexpected hotspot when Belarus began issuing visas and opening direct flights to Minsk in the summer of 2021. This power play between Belarussian President Lukashenko and his EU neighbors has been called a “political game” in which migrants are the pawns.

      Since 2021, thousands of people, mostly from the Middle East and Africa, have sought to enter the EU from Belarus via its borders in Poland and Lithuania. Hundreds of people have been caught in a one-kilometer no man’s land between Belarusian territory and the EU border fence, chased back and forth by border guards on both sides under threat of violence. Belarusian guards reportedly threatened to release dogs, and photographs emerged of bite wounds.

      Since 2021, Poland and Lithuania have ramped up on “pushbacks,” in which border guards deport people immediately without the opportunity to ask for asylum, a process that is growing in popularity across Europe despite violating international law. Poland reports having conducted 78,010 pushbacks since the start of the crisis, and Lithuania 21,857. Samrin was apparently one of these cases.

      While these two countries publish precise daily statistics for pushbacks, they do not publish data for deaths at the border, nor people reported missing.

      “National states want to do this job secretly,” explains Tomas Tomilinas, a member of the Lithuanian Parliament. “We are on the margins of the law and constitution here, any government pushing people back is trying to avoid publicity on this topic.”

      Official data is an intentional void. Both the Polish and Lithuanian Border Guards declined to share any numbers with us. However, there are organizations striving to keep count: Humanitarian groups in Poland, including Grupa Granica (“Border Group” in Polish) and Podlaskie Humanitarian Emergency Service (POPH), have documented 52 deaths on the Poland-Belarus border since 2021, and are tracking 16 unidentified bodies.

      In Lithuania, the humanitarian group Sienos Grupė (“Border Group” in Lithuanian) has documented 10 deaths, including three minors who died while in detention centers, and three others who died in car accidents when chased by local authorities after crossing the border region. In Belarus, the NGO Human Constanta reports that 33 have died according to government data shared with them, but it was not recorded whether these bodies have been identified, and whether or where they are buried.

      On the borders between Poland, Lithuania and Belarus, humanitarian groups have compiled a list of more than 300 people reported missing. The organizations emphasize that their numbers are incomplete, as they have neither the access nor the capacity to monitor the full extent of the problem.

      Where to turn?

      It was already past midnight in Sri Lanka when Samrin stopped responding to messages. From 8,000 km away, Sanooja tried to call for help. She found his last known coordinates on Find My iPhone, a blue dot in Trokenikskiy, Grodno region, just across the Belarus side of the border, and tried to report him missing.

      The Lithuanian and Belarussian border guards picked up the phone. She begged them to find him, even if it meant arresting or deporting him. They responded that he had to call himself. It was baffling: How can a missing person call to report themselves?

      She called the migrant detention camps, where people are often detained without access to a phone for months. Maybe he was locked up somewhere. As soon as she said “hello,” they responded, “no English,” and hung up. She emailed them instead, no response. She emailed UNHCR and the Red Cross Society. Both institutions said they had no information about the case. She emailed the police, who responded a week later that they had no information.

      Sanooja had run into the rude reality that there is no authority responsible for nor prepared to respond to such inquiries. Even organizations dedicated to working with migrants, such as the migrant detention camp staff, would or could not respond to basic queries in English.

      International humanitarian organizations, too, are almost absent in the region. Compared to the Mediterranean countries of Spain, Italy, and Greece, which have had a decade to organize to respond to mass deaths on their border, the presence of formal aid in Eastern Europe is much smaller.

      Weeks passed, and in the terrible silence, every possibility behind her husband’s disappearance invaded Sanooja’s mind. Four-year-old Haashim began to cry out for his father every night, who used to wake him up with kisses. When they lost contact, Haashim often wet the bed and refused to go to school. “He must have had some intuition about his father,” said Sanooja.

      Then Sanooja began to wonder if he could be in another country in the region: Latvia? Poland? She broadened her search to all four countries. There was no Sri Lankan Embassy in Lithuania, Poland, Belarus, or Latvia, so she emailed the closest one in Sweden. Then, she went on Facebook. That’s how she found the account of Sienos Grupė, and sent them a message.

      Like many local humanitarian groups across the region, Sienos Grupė is a small team of four part-time staff and around 30 volunteers. The group banded together in 2021 to respond to calls for help through WhatsApp and Facebook and drop off vital supplies in the forest, such as food, water, power banks, and dry clothes.
      “There is a body, please go”

      Local volunteer groups were doing their best to aid the living, but it wasn’t long before they were being contacted to find the missing or the dead.

      On the Polish border, everyone has heard of Piotr Czaban. A local journalist and activist, his contact is shared among migrants attempting to cross the border. He is known as the man who can help find the bodies of people left behind in the woods, a reputation he has lived up to many times. The demands of the work have led him to leave his full-time job.

      He sits on the edge of a weathered log in a forest near Sokolka, a city near the Poland-Belarus border region where he lives. Navigating the thick undergrowth with ease in jeans and trekking boots, he recounts the first search he coordinated back in February 2022. He received a message on Facebook from a Syrian man in Belarus: “There is a body in the forest, here is the place, please go.”

      Piotr was taken off guard. He asked his friends in the police what to do, and they told him the best way was to go himself, take photos, and then call the police. However, the border guards had closed the border region to all non-residents, including journalists and humanitarian workers, so he couldn’t pass the police checkpoints for the area where the body lay.

      So Piotr made another call. This time to Rafal Kowalczyk, the 53-year-old director of the Mammal Research Institute, who has worked in the Bialowieza Forest for three decades. (“In my previous TV job, I interviewed him about bison, and thought he was a good man,” said Piotr by way of introduction).

      Rafal was up for the task. As a wildlife expert, he had access to the restricted forest area, and now he ventured into the woods not to track bison, but to follow the clues sent by a despairing Syrian man.

      In the swamp, Rafal found 26-year-old Ahmed Al-Shawafi from Yemen, barefoot and half-submerged in the water, one shoe in the mud nearby.

      It was difficult for Rafal to point his camera at the face of a dead man, but he did, and this image still haunts him. Piotr forwarded the photos Rafal had taken to the police, with a straightforward message: “We know there’s a body there. Now you have to go.”

      But what if Ahmed could have been found earlier, even alive?

      “The police have no competence”

      Until there is a photo of a dead body, police and border guards have often declined to search for missing or dead migrants.

      Ahmed’s traveling companions, including the man who contacted Piotr, had personally begged Polish border guards for emergency medical aid for Ahmed. They had left Ahmed by the river in the throes of hypothermia to ask for help. Instead of calling paramedics, or searching for Ahmed at all, the border guards pushed the group back to Belarus, leaving Ahmed to die alone in the forest.

      In our investigation, we heard of at least three other deaths that are eerily similar to Ahmed’s: Ethiopian woman Mahlet Kassa, 28; Syrian man Mohammed Yasim, 32; and Yemeni man Dr. Ibrahim Jaber Ahmed Dihiya, 33. In all three cases, traveling companions approached Polish officers for emergency medical attention, but instead got pushed back themselves. Help never arrived.

      Each time the activists receive a report of a missing or dead person, they first share this information with the police. Piotr says he has received responses from the police, including, “We’re busy,” or “Not our problem.”

      After police were provided with the photos and exact GPS location of Ahmed’s body, they called back to say they still couldn’t find him. When Rafal turned his car around to personally lead the police to his body, he found out why: The police had ventured into the swamp without waterproof boots or even a GPS to navigate in a forest where there is often no cell connection.

      “The police are unequipped,” said Rafal, full of disbelief. Two years on from the crisis, the police still do not have the proper basic equipment nor training to conduct searches for people missing or dead in the forest. He recounts that in one trip to retrieve a body with police, they could only walk 300 meters in one hour, and one officer had lost the sole of his shoes in the mud.

      The Polish police responded to our email, “The police is not a force with the competence to deal with persons illegally crossing borders.” As a result, eight of 22 bodies found this year on the Polish side of the border were discovered by volunteers like Piotr and Rafal.

      On the Lithuanian side, Sienos Grupė says there are no such searches. “We are afraid there are many bodies in Lithuanian forests and the area between the fence and Belarus, but we are not allowed there,” says Aušrinė, a 23-year-old medicine student and Sienos Grupė volunteer in Lithuania. “Nobody is looking for them.”
      “In two weeks, there is nothing there”

      Rafal sits down in a wooden lodge on the edge of the forest and orders tea for himself while his two young children play on a tablet. It was his turn with the kids, he explains in a deep voice. His wife came home at four in the morning, after spending the whole night volunteering with POPH on a search for a man with diabetes in the forest.

      He feared that time was running out. We met with Rafal on Thursday evening. The man was found on Saturday morning, already dead. He is the 51st death recorded in Poland this year.

      In the forest, each search is a race against both time and wild animals.

      The winter may preserve a body for two months, but in the summer, the time frame is much shorter. A few times, Rafal has come across mere skeletons. He explains, “When there is a smell, the scavengers go immediately. When you’ve got summer and flies, probably in two weeks, it’s done, there’s nothing there.”

      In such advanced stages of decomposition, the body is exponentially more difficult to identify. However, DNA can be collected from bone fragments, in case families come searching. If they’re lucky, there are objects found close by: glasses, clothes, or jewelry. In one case, a family portrait found near the body was the key to identification.

      However, the Suwałki Prosecutor’s Office in Poland explained to us that the Prosecutor’s Offices keep no central register of data on deceased migrants, such as DNA, personal belongings, or photographs.
      “As a wife, I know his eyes”

      Four and a half months after Samrin disappeared, Sanooja’s phone rang. It was January 5, 2023. She will never forget the voice of the man that spoke. He was calling from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Sri Lanka, and informed her that her husband’s DNA had been matched to a body found in the Lithuanian forest. Interpol had drawn Samrin’s biometric data from the UK.

      She considers it fate that the dots came together this way. When they were 20 years old, Samrin’s father passed away, and Samrin left for London on a student visa. Instead of studying, he washed dishes at McDonald’s and KFC, and stocked shelves at Aldi, Lidl, and Iceland. When his visa expired, he lived a clandestine existence, evading the authorities. At age 26, the Home Office arrested him, took his DNA, and deported him. This infraction turned out to be an unexpected lifeline for his identification.

      “Getting the message that my husband was no more, that was nothing compared to those four and a half months,” said Sanooja. She had begun to fear that she would have to live with “lifelong doubt” around Samrin’s fate. Now she knew that four days after Samrin sent his goodbye message, his body was pulled from a river on the Lithuanian side of the border.

      Sanooja has read the police report countless times now: On August 21, 2022, witness Saulius Zakarevičius went for a morning swim in the Neris River. After bathing, he saw something floating. Through binoculars, he was able to decipher human clothes. The river bank is covered with tall grass. At the end of the patch there was a male corpse lying face down. The surface of the skin was swollen, pale, chaotically covered with pink lines, resembling the surface of marble. The skin was peeling from the palms of the corpse…

      She was asked to identify the corpse.

      “As a wife, I know him. I know his eyes. To see them on a dead body, that was terrible.”
      Sanooja

      In photos of his personal items, she instantly recognized Samrin’s shoes: a muddy pair of blue Converse All-Stars, with the laces looped just the way he always did.

      To be able to transport a dead body from Europe to any other part of the world, families must face the financial challenge of costs up to 10,000 euros. But the decision was not only about money for Sanooja. It was about time and dreams.

      For one, she believed that he had suffered enough. “As Muslims, we believe that even dead bodies can feel pain,” she says softly. “I felt broken that he was in the mortuary, feeling the cold for four and a half months.”

      And perhaps most of all, she recites what Samrin had told her before he left: “If I go, this time I’m not coming back.” In the end, Sanooja relied on her husband’s last will. “His dream was to be in Europe. So, at least his body will rest in Europe.”
      “Graves without a plate”

      Samrin’s death was the first border death publicly recognized by the Lithuanian government. Despite being the first, he did not receive any distinctive attention, and his resting place remained an unmarked mound of earth for more than eight months.

      On a hot summer day in July, co-founder of Sienos Grupė, Mantautas Šulskus brings a green watering can and measuring tape to our visit to the Vilnius cemetery where Samrin was buried in February. Green grass is sprouting all over Samrin’s grave. But it is not the only one.

      There are three smaller graves lined in a row. Among them, an eleven-year-old, a five-year-old, and a newborn baby rest side by side, their lives cut short in 2021. “These are three minors who died in detention centers in Lithuania,” Mantautas points out somberly.

      These cases have not been officially acknowledged by Lithuanian authorities, and none of the graves of the minors bear a name, even though their identities were also known to authorities. This lack of recognition paints a haunting picture, suggesting a second, silent death—a death of identity and acknowledgment.

      Bodies are sent to municipal or village governments to bury, and if they do not receive explicit instructions to create a plate, they often opt not to. As a result, the nameless graves of migrants are scattered across cemeteries in the region.

      Yet Mantautas is here in the scorching heat to measure a stone plate nearby in the Muslim corner of the cemetery. Sanooja saw it during a video call with Sienos Grupė volunteers, so that she could pray virtually at her husband’s grave. She asked for a plate with Samrin’s name on it—“just exactly like that one there,” she pointed.

      After some months, Sienos Grupė crowdfunded around 1,500 euros to buy and place stone plates for all four graves. The graves of Samrin and the three children now have names: Yusof Ibrahim Ali, Asma Jawadi, and Fatima Manazarova.

      Resting at the feet of the grave is a plate made of stone bearing the inscription “M.S.M.M. Samrin, 1990-2022, Sri Lanka,” precisely as Sanooja has requested. She explains that, according to Islamic beliefs, this will ensure that her husband will rise when the last days come.

      Hidden graves, unknown bodies

      The chilling thing, Mantautas explains, is nobody knows how many graves of migrants there might be, except for the government, which buries them quietly, often in remote villages.

      Organizations like Sienos Grupė find themselves grasping in the dark for leads. Last month, volunteers came across the grave of Lakshmisundar Sukumaran, an Indian man reported dead in April “quite by accident,” says Mantautas. The revelation came on the Eve of All Saint’s Day, when activists preparing for a control ran into a local returning from a visit to his mother’s grave: “There is a migrant buried in town.”

      Indeed, Sukumaran’s grave stands alone in an isolated corner of a small cemetery in Rameikos, a village of 25 people on the Lithuanian-Belarus border. Set apart from crosses of various sizes, a vertical piece of wood bears the inscription: “Lakshmisundar Sukumaran 1983.06.05 – 2023.04.04.” The border fence is visible from his grave. The earth is decorated by the colorful leaves of Lithuanian autumn.

      Sienos Grupė maintains a list of at least 40 people reported missing on the Lithuania-Belarus border, information the government does not record. When bodies are found, they strive to connect the dots: Location, gender, age, ethnicity, possessions, birthmarks, anything. But if authorities do not report when a body is found, the chances of locating anybody on this list are small.

      Emiljia Śvobaitė, a lawyer and volunteer from Sienos Grupė, explains that the Lithuanian government will only confirm whether something they already know is correct. “It seems like they are hiding these kinds of stories and information unless somebody exposes it. They would only confirm the deaths after activists have said something about it.”
      “No political will”

      The Lithuanian Parliament building, known as the Seimas Palace, is an imposing glass-and-concrete building in downtown Vilnius. It is where the Lithuanians declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. From an office with a view over the square, Member of Parliament Tomas Tomilinas wryly explains that their government has legalized pushbacks essentially because Europe has not established that it’s illegal.

      “I would say Europe has no political will to make pushbacks illegal. If there were a European law, the European Commission would put a ban on it. It would put a fine on Lithuania. But nobody’s doing that.”
      Member of Lithuanian Parliament, Tomas Tomilinas

      The Polish parliament legalized pushbacks in October 2021, and the Lithuanian parliament followed suit by legalizing pushbacks in April this year.

      Emiljia raises concerns about the violence of pushbacks her clients have seen. “The government keeps telling us they do everything really nicely. They give people food, and even wave goodbye to them, in the daytime. But when we look at specific cases, where people end up without their limbs on them, those pushbacks are performed at night.”

      She also raises concerns about legalized pushbacks in Lithuania, and whether border guards should be given the right to assess and deny asylum claims on the spot. “It’s funny because border guards should decide right away on the border whether a person is running from persecution, meaning a border guard should identify the conflict in the country of origin, and do all the work that the migration department is doing.”

      “It’s naive to believe that the system would work.”
      Fighting back in court

      With the help of Sienos Grupė’s support for legal expenses, Sanooja took the case to court. If the Lithuanian officials wouldn’t speak with her, perhaps they would speak to lawyers.

      Yet last month, Sanooja’s case was closed for the final time by the Vilnius Regional Prosecutor’s Office after seven appeals. The case never made it to trial.

      The Vilnius court claims there is no basis for a criminal investigation. Emiljia, who was on the team representing Sanooja in the case, responds that the pre-trial investigation didn’t investigate the cause of death properly, nor how the acts of the border police might have caused or contributed to the death of the applicant’s husband.

      Rytis Satkauskas, law professor, managing partner of ReLex law firm, and the lead attorney on Sanooja’s case, questions whether the Lithuanian courts are trying to hide something greater: he points to a series of inconsistencies in Samrin’s autopsy report.

      Autopsies should be conducted immediately to determine the cause of death. However, Samrin’s autopsy report claims that the cause of death cannot be established because the body was in an advanced state of decomposition of up to five months.

      Five months after Samrin’s death is the same time around which Sanooja got in touch to pursue the truth of the matter. Satkauskas does not think this is a coincidence: “I believe they left the body in the repository, then when they established the identity of the person, they had to do this autopsy.”

      The autopsy report explains the advanced state of decomposition by referencing the marshy area in which it was found, claiming the heat of the marsh had accelerated decomposition by up to five months within a matter of days.

      Satkauskas asks further: If Samrin simply drowned, then why do other measurements not add up? He references a table of measurements in the autopsy report, in which the weight and algae content of the lungs are normal. However, Satkauskas says, in cases of drowning, both weight and algae content should be much higher. “I’m convinced they have invented all those measurements,” Satkauskas puts simply.

      As Sanooja’s case has exhausted all legal avenues in Lithuania, it is now eligible for appeal to the European Court of Human Rights.

      Emilija points to a promising parallel: in Alhowais v. Hungary, the European Court of Human Rights ruled this February that a Hungarian border guard’s violent pushback ending in the drowning of a Syrian man violated Articles 2 and 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights, which protects the “right to life” and against “torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”

      The decision came in February this year, seven years after the death of the defendant’s brother. Yet for Sanooja and her team, the case provides hope that there is a growing legal precedent for victims of pushbacks.

      A battle in court for Sanooja could be a long and expensive one. The case in Vilnius courts had cost 600 euros for each of the seven appeals, and after Sanooja ran out of funds after the first case, Sienos Grupė stepped in to shoulder the costs of the appeals.

      For the ECHR, it will cost 1500 euros to submit the proposal. Sanooja is exploring the possibility of raising money through NGOs or other means to continue the long quest for truth.

      The window of eligibility to appeal will close in February 2024.
      “Wherever I go, I have memories”

      Day by day, Sanooja’s son grows to look more like Samrin.

      She has tried not to cry in front of him. “It makes him upset. I am the only person now for my son, so I should be strong enough to face these things,” says the 32-year-old widow. “But wherever I go, I have memories. And everything my son does reminds me of him.”

      Before Samrin’s body was found, she told her son “false stories,” but with his body now interred, she has opened up to her son about her father’s death. He understands it the way a child might—he runs around telling neighbors his father is in heaven, and it’s a great place. It will be years before he can point to where Lithuania is on a map.

      Thanks to the cooperation of the Sri Lankan embassy in Sweden, Sanooja is one of the few families who have been able to receive a death certificate. She notes this will be crucial when her son enrolls for school and if they decide to sell or expand their property. However, to correct the misspelling on the document, she needs to travel to Colombo, the capital of Sri Lanka, which takes ten hours and nearly 10,000 rupees.

      Meanwhile, Samrin’s death has ruptured the family into those who can accept the reality of his death, and those who cannot. Sanooja’s mother-in-law has ceased contact with her, unable to wrap her head around the fact that her boy is gone. When Samrin had left, he promised his mother to send money so that she would no longer have to wake up early to make pastries to sell in the morning. On the day of Samrin’s funeral, she told the family, “That is not my son.”

      “What difference does it make, finding the body and burying it?” asks Pauline Boss, the Psychology Professor emeritus at the University of Minnesota who coined the term “ambiguous loss,” which encompasses the unique stress of not knowing whether someone you love is alive or dead.

      Professor Boss states that burying someone is a distinct human need—not just for the dead, but for the living. “In all cases, a human being has to see their loved one transform from breathing to not breathing, and have the power and control to deal with the remains in their particular cultural way. It’s a human need, and it has been for eons.”

      Yet few families are able to attend the funerals of their loved ones in Europe, for the same reason their loved ones tried to travel to Europe on such a dangerous road in the first place: inability to obtain a visa, or lack of funds.

      “I hope one day I will visit, and I will show our son his father’s grave,” Sanooja declares.

      When Samrin was interred into the snow-covered February earth of Liepynės cemetery in Vilnius on Valentine’s Day this year, a volunteer present at the burial offered to video call Sanooja through FaceTime.

      In the grainy constellation of pixels of the phone screen in her palm, from 8,000 kilometers away, she watched her husband disappear forever into the cold European soil.

      https://unbiasthenews.org/widowed-by-europes-borders

      #Lituanie #Biélorussie #forêt #Pologne #Bialowieza

    • Missing data, missing souls in Italy

      How Italy’s failing system makes it almost impossible for families to identify their relatives who passed away while reaching the EU.

      Before the Syrian civil war erupted, Refaat Hazima was a barber in Damascus. His father, grandfather, and great-grandfather had also been barbers. Thanks to his craftsmanship, flair, and a reputation built over four generations, Refaat was a wealthy man. Together with his wife – a doctor for the national service – he could afford to have his three children study instead of sending them to work at a young age.

      “They were always the top of the class,” he recalls in a nostalgic voice as he sits alone in a seaside restaurant on Lampedusa, a small Sicilian island halfway between Malta and the eastern coast of Tunisia. The rocky shores along which he now slowly enjoys eggplant served with fresh tuna were the scene of the most traumatic episode of his life.

      “President Bashar al-Assad had centralized all power in his hands, and our daily life in Syria had become complicated.” Refaat was also temporarily imprisoned for political reasons. But the point of no return for him and his wife was the outbreak of civil war in 2011. It became clear that not only their children’s educational future was in jeopardy, but even the survival of their entire family.

      So they decided to leave.

      The couple paid smugglers more than fifty thousand dollars to attempt to reach Germany, where their children could continue their education. But amid rejections, hurdles, and hesitations that forced the family into months-long stages in different countries, Refaat and his family had to wait until 2013 to finally set sail to the European shores of Lampedusa.

      Although it was autumn, the sea was calm that night. Initial concerns related to the sea conditions and the wooden boat that was all too heavily laden with humans now dissipated. In the darkness of the night sea, the shorelines and the flickering lights of street lamps and restaurants were in sight. But suddenly the boat in which they were traveling capsized.

      “Everyone was screaming as we ended up in the sea,” Rafaat recalls. “I grabbed one of my children, my wife grabbed another child. But in the commotion and screaming of the nighttime shipwreck, two of my children disappeared.”
      \

      The couple were rescued by Italian authorities and brought to the mainland along with one of their children. The other two, however, disappeared. “One of them told me Dad, give me a kiss on the forehead, and then I never saw him ever again.”

      From 2013 to the present, Refaat has searched everywhere for their children. For 10 years he has been traveling, asking, and searching. He has even appeared on TV hoping one day to be reunited with them. But to this day he still does not know if his children were saved or if they are two of the 268 victims of the October 11, 2013 shipwreck, one of the worst Mediterranean disasters in the last three decades.

      Uncertain and partial numbers

      For more than two decades, Italy has been one of the main gateways for migrants wanting to reach the European Union. Between thirty and forty thousand people have died trying to reach Italy since 2000. But despite this strategic location, authorities have never created a comprehensive register to census the dead returned from the sea, and thus sources are confusing and approximate.

      In any case, the figure of bodies found is only a percentage of the people who lost their lives while attempting to cross over to Europe. In fact, the bodies of those who die at sea are rarely recovered. When this happens, they are even more rarely identified by Italian authorities.

      A study conducted by the International Committee of the Red Cross tried to map the anonymous graves of migrants in various European countries and count the number of deaths recovered at sea. According to the report, between 2014 and 2019, 964 bodies of people – presumed migrants – were found in Italy, of which only 27 percent were identified. In most of the cases analyzed, identification occurred through immediate visual recognition by their fellow travelers, while those traveling without friends or relatives almost always remained anonymous.

      Overall, 73 percent of the bodies recovered in Italy between 2014 and 2019 remain unknown.

      A DNA test for everyone

      “The vast majority of bodies end up at the bottom of the sea and are never recovered, becoming fish food,” explains Tareke Bhrane, founder of the October 3 Committee, an NGO established to protect the rights of those who die trying to reach Europe. “The Committee was born in the aftermath of the two disastrous shipwrecks on October 3 and 11, 2013 to make Italy understand that even those who die have dignity and that respecting that dignity is important not only for those who die, but also for those who survive,” Bhrane recounts.

      On October 3, 2023, the Committee organized a large event on the island of Lampedusa to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the shipwreck. Dozens of families of people who died or disappeared gathered on the island, traveling from many European and Middle Eastern countries.

      On the island were also forensic geneticists from Labanof, a leading forensic medicine laboratory at the University of Milan that has been working with prosecutors and law enforcement agencies for decades now to solve cases and identify unnamed bodies. Relatives of missing persons were thus able to undergo a free DNA test to find out more about their loved ones.

      One of the committee’s main activities in recent years has been to lobby Sicilian municipalities for better management of anonymous graves. Thanks in part to the NGO, today almost all Sicilian provinces now house some victims of migration, often anonymous, in their cemeteries.

      “Among the essential points of our mission,” Bhrane explains, “is to create a European DNA database for the recognition of victims, so that anyone who wants to can take a DNA test anywhere in Europe and find out if a loved one has lost their life trying to get here.”
      Resigned and hopeful

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1RhbqUACTv8&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Funbiasthenews.org%2

      While Refaat has not yet resigned himself to the idea that his children may have died at sea, other relatives have become more aware and would like to know where Italy buried their loved ones. But this is often impossible because the graves are anonymous and there is a lack of national records that they can consult to find their loved ones.

      This is the case for Asmeret Amanuel and Desbele Asfaha, two Eritrean nationals who are respectively the nephew and brother of one of the people aboard the boat that capsized in 2013.

      “We heard from the radio that the boat he was traveling on had sunk. We never heard from him again,” Asmeret says. The two traveled all the way to Lampedusa to undergo DNA testing, hoping to match their loved one’s name for the first time with one of the many acronyms that have appeared on migrants’ anonymous graves and find out where he rests.

      “I remember as children we used to play together,” says Desbele. “And instead today I don’t even know where to mourn him. Yet it would take so little.”

      An organizational failure

      Many Italian cemeteries hold anonymous graves of people who died while migrating, especially in the South. It is difficult to map them all and provide an exact number, just as it is nearly impossible to quantify the number of anonymous graves. Again, there is no centralized, national database, and even at the municipal level information is scarce and partial.

      But thanks to an international investigation project called the “The Border Graves Investigation” and promoted by IJ4EU and Journalism Fund of which Unbias the News is one of the partners, it is now possible to shed light on what resembles a large European mass grave.

      From the Italian side of the investigation, large gaps emerge on Italy’s part in the construction of a national cemetery archive. According to protocol, data on anonymous graves are supposed to be sent every three months from individual cemeteries and work their way up a long bureaucratic chain until they reach the desk of the government’s Special Commissioner for Missing Persons, an office created by the Italian government in 2007 precisely to create a single national database.

      But sources from the Special Commissioner told the Border Graves Investigation team that unidentified bodies are not within their jurisdiction because in cases where there is an alleged crime (e.g., illegal immigration) the jurisdiction passes to the local magistrate. Thus, the source confirmed that no office systematically collects this data and that figures areeverything is scattered in individual prosecutors’ offices.

      However, the documentary traces of migrants’ anonymous graves are often already lost in the records of the cemeteries themselves or municipal records, that is, at the first step in the chain. For example, in Agrigento, it is possible to visit the graves of men and women who died at sea marked by numbers, but in the paper registers consulted by our team of journalists there is no trace of them.

      Yet the records are deposited a few meters from the graves themselves.

      In Sciacca, Agrigento province, the municipal administration moved some anonymous graves of migrants inside a mass grave to make room for new burials. However, it did not follow the prescribed regulations and did not notify the relatives of the few victims who had been identified and whose names were listed on the grave. The matter was discovered at the time when a woman went to the cemetery to pray at her sister’s grave and did not find her in her usual place.

      In other cases, anonymous graves have been moved from one cemetery to another due to the need for space, but without alerting the population.
      The bureaucratic snag

      Finding out the fate of a loved one is so complicated for several reasons. First, the identification of the body, which the Italian authorities do not generally consider a priority. Then there is the difficulty of recognition itself, especially when relatives are abroad or have difficulty contacting Italian authorities.

      In addition, there is the problem of traceability of the bodies, which often remain on the seabed and, in the few cases where they are found, enter a bureaucratic machine in which it is arduous to recover their traces. Researcher and anthropologist Giorgia Mirto explained this to our investigative team: “The corpses should be registered in the registrar’s office where the body is found. But then the body is often moved within the same cemetery, from one cemetery to another or from one municipality to another, and so there is documentation that travels along with the body. Moves that are difficult to track.”

      “Moreover,” Mirto adds, “adding to the difficulty is the absence of unified procedures. “With the Human Cost of Border Control project, we have seen that the only way to count these people and their graves is to do a blanket search of all the municipalities, all the cemetery offices, all the registrars’ offices and all the cemeteries, possibly adding the funeral homes as well.”

      Thus, there is a problem with centralization and transparency of data that is often also linked to the huge austerity cuts that have forced municipalities to work understaffed. Emblematic is the Commissioner’s Office for Missing Persons, which would be responsible for compiling a list of unidentified bodies found on Italian soil, but has been left without a portfolio.

      “As anthropologist Didier Fassin says,” the researcher concludes, “missing data is not the result of carelessness but is an administrative and political choice. It should be understood how much this choice is conscious and how much is the result of disinterest in the good work of municipal archives (an essential resource for historical memory and for the peace of victims’ families) or in understanding the cost of borders in terms of human lives.”

      EU responsibilities

      Forensic scientist Cristina Cattaneo – a professor at the University of Milan and director of the Labanof forensic laboratory – explained to our team that from a forensic point of view, the most important procedure for identifying a body is to collect both post-mortem (from tattoos to DNA, through cadaveric inspections and autopsies) and antemortem medical forensic information, that is, that which comes from family members regarding the missing person.

      However, in many countries, including Italy, no law makes this procedure mandatory. In the case of people who die while migrating, this is done only in egregious cases, such as large shipwrecks that become news. “These cases have shown that a broad and widespread effort to identify the bodies of those who die at sea is possible,” says Cattaneo. “However, most people lose their lives in very small shipwrecks that don’t make too much news. And because there is no protocol to make data collection systematic, many family members are left in doubt as to whether their loved ones are alive or dead.”

      All this happens despite the great efforts made over the years by the government’s Extraordinary Commissioner for Missing Persons, which, despite being the only national institution of its kind at the European level, has to manage a huge amount of data from all Italian municipalities. Data that are often disorganized, reported late, and collected without adhering to common and strict procedures.

      This is why Cattaneo is among the signatories of an appeal calling for the enactment of a European law that would once and for all oblige member states to identify the bodies of migrants.

      “Yet a European solution would exist and from a technical point of view it is already feasible,” Cattaneo adds. It involves data exchange systems such as Interpol, which at the European level already collects, organizes, and can share information and organically to member countries.

      “It would be enough to expand the analysis to include missing migrants and thus make it possible to search and identify them on a European scale. But this is not being done because of a lack of political will on the part of Brussels,” Cattaneo concludes.
      “The art of patience”

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PlDtBRg02aU&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Funbiasthenews.org%2

      Identifying the bodies of people who lose their lives coming to Europe is an important issue on several levels.

      First and foremost, international humanitarian law protects the right to identity for both those who are alive and those who have died. But identifying is also an essential issue for those who remain alive. Indeed, without a death certificate, it is almost impossible for a spouse to marry again or to access survivor’s pensions, just as it is impossible for a minor relative to leave their country with an adult without running into a blockade by the authorities, who cannot rule out the possibility of child abduction.

      Then there is the issue of suspended grief, namely the condition of those who do not know whether to search for a loved one or mourn his or her death.

      This is the case for Asmeret and Desbele, but also for many relatives interviewed by our team.

      Sabah and Ahmed, for example, are a Syrian couple. One of their sons disappeared in 2013 after a shipwreck in Italian waters. For 10 years, Ahmed retraced the same land and sea route followed by his son, hoping to find his body or at least get more information. But the efforts were in vain and to this day the family still does not know what happened to him.

      “His children are still with us and often ask, ‘where is Dad? Where is Dad?’ but without a grave and a body, we still don’t know what to answer.”

      Both Sabah and Ahmed are very religious and today rely on Allah to give them the comfort they have not found in the work of institutions. “The greatest gift from Allah,” they recount, “was the patience with which to be able to move forward in the face of such unnatural grief for a parent.”

      A similar lesson was learned by Refaat, who like Ahmed and Sabah has been living in ignorance for ten years. Today he has opened a barber store in Hamburg and realized his dream of having his surviving son study in Germany.

      “I have been searching for my children for ten years, and Allah knows I will search for them until the end of my days, should I find their dead bodies, or should I find them alive who knows where in the world. But I want to die knowing that I did everything I could to find them.”
      Refaat Hazima

      Sometimes his voice trembles. “I often talk to them in my sleep, I feel that they are still alive. But even if I were to find out they are dead, in all these years I would still have learned how to deal with frustration and pain, how to live with emptiness. And most importantly,” he concludes, “I would have learned the art of patience.”


      https://unbiasthenews.org/missing-data-missing-souls

      #Italie #Tareke_Brhane #comitato_3_ottobre #3_octobre_2013 #Lampedusa

    • Unmarked monuments of EU’s shame in Croatia and Bosnia

      Amid pushbacks and torture, many of the victims of the treacherous Balkan route are laid to an anonymous final resting place in Croatian and Bosnian cemetaries.

      In the village of Siče in eastern Croatia, there are more inhabitants in the cemetery than among the living. The village has 230 living residents, and 250 dead. To be more precise, the cemetery is home to 247 locals and three unknown persons. There would be more people six feet under if Siče hadn’t gotten its own cemetery only in the 1970s. There would also be even more of the living if they hadn’t, like many from that region, gone to bigger cities in search of a better life. Abroad as well, mainly to Germany.

      The graves of Siče’s inhabitants briefly tell the visitor who these people were, where they belong, and whether their loved ones care for them. That’s the thing with graves, they summarise the basic information of our life.

      If the grave bears only the inscription “NN”, that summarises a tragedy.

      Who are these three people whose names are unknown? How come their last resting place is a plain grave in Siče?

      Even if you didn’t know, it’s clear that those three people don’t belong there.

      They have been buried completely separated from the rest of the cemetery. Three wooden crosses with NN inscriptions, stuck in the ground at the edge of the cemetery. NN, an abbreviation of the Latin nomen nescio, literally means, “I do not know the name.” The official explanation from the public burial ground operator is that space has been left for more possible burials of those whose names are not known. However, the explanation that springs to mind when you get there is that they were buried separately so they wouldn’t mix with the locals. Or as the mayor of another town, where NN migrants have also been buried at the edge of the cemetery, let slip in a telephone conversation, “So that they’re not in the way.”

      At the cemetery in Siče, these are the only three graves that no one takes care of. In about five years, all trace of them could disappear. The public burial ground operator is obliged to bury unidentified bodies, but not to maintain graves unless the grave belongs to a person of “special historical and social significance.”

      NN1, NN2 and NN3 are of special significance only to their loved ones, who probably don’t even know where they are. Maybe they are waiting to finally hear from them from Western Europe. Maybe they’re looking for them. Maybe they mourn them.

      Identities known but buried as unknown

      If you do dig a little deeper, you will learn a thing or two about those who rest here nameless.

      In the early, cold morning of December 23, 2022, the police found two bodies on the banks of the Sava, the river that separates Croatia from Bosnia and Herzegovina. It separates the European Union from the rest of Europe. According to the police report, they also found a group of twenty foreign citizens who illegally entered Croatia via the river. The group was missing one more person. After an extensive search, a third body was found in the afternoon. The pathologist of the General Hospital in the town of Nova Gradiška established the time of death for all three people as 2:45 A.M. Two died of hypothermia, one drowned.

      Identity cards from a refugee camp in Bosnia and Herzegovina were found on them. We learned that, according to their IDs, all three were from Afghanistan: Ahmedi Abozari was 17 years old, Basir Naseri was 21 years old and Shakir Atoin was 25 years old. NN1, NN2 and NN3.

      Other migrants from the group also confirmed the identity of two of them, as the Brodsko-Posavska County police administration told us. Then why were they buried as NN? If it was known that they were from Afghanistan, why were they buried under crosses? If families are looking for them, how will they find them?

      The cemetery management was kind and said that they perform burials according to what is written in the burial permit signed by the pathologist – and it said NN.

      The pathologist said that he enters the data based on the information he receives from the police.

      The competent police department told us that the person is buried according to the rules of the local municipality.

      Siče cemetery belongs to the municipality of Nova Kapela, whose mayor, Ivan Šmit, discontentedly listed all the costs that his municipality incurred for those burials and said that whoever is willing to pay for it can change the NN inscription into names.

      We came across a series of similar administrative ambiguities while investigating how authorities deal with the deceased people they recover at EU borders as a part of the Border Graves Investigation carried out by a team of eight freelancers from across Europe together with Unbias the News, The Guardian and Süddeutsche Zeitung.

      There is no centralised European database on the number of migrants’ graves in Europe.

      But the team managed to confirm the existence of at least 1,931 migrants’ graves in Greece, Italy, Spain, Croatia, Malta, Poland and France, dating from 2014 to 2023. Of these, 1,015 were unidentified. More than half of the unidentified graves are in Greece, 551, in Italy 248, and in Spain 109. The data were obtained based on the databases of international organizations, non-governmental organizations, scientists, local authorities and cemeteries, and field visits.

      The team visited 24 cemeteries in Greece, Spain, Italy, Croatia, Poland and Lithuania, where there are a total of 555 graves of unidentified migrants in the last decade, from 2014 to 2023.

      These are only those whose bodies have been found. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) estimates that more than 93% of those who go missing on Europe’s borders are never found.
      Families lost in bureaucracy

      December 2022, when the three young Afghans died, was rainier than usual and the Sava River swelled. It is big and fast to begin with.

      In that area, just three days earlier, five Turkish citizens went missing after their boat overturned on the Sava. Among them were a two-year-old girl, a twelve-year-old boy and their parents. The brother of the missing father came from Germany to Croatia to find out what happened to the family. From the documentation, which we have in our possession, it is evident that with the help of translator Nina Rajković, he tried to get information about his missing relatives from several police stations. Even months later, he hasn’t received any updates.

      The two had wanted to file a missing person’s report, but the police told them that there was no point in doing so if the person had not previously been registered in the territory of Croatia or Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      We encountered a number of similar examples. A young man had come to Croatia and reported to the police in both Croatia and Slovenia that his brother had drowned in the Kupa River that separates the two countries. However, his brother’s disappearance was not recorded in the Croatian national database of missing persons, which is publicly available. The police did not contact him after several unidentified bodies were found in the Kupa in the following days.

      In another example, an Afghan man waited six months for the body of his brother, who drowned when they tried to cross the Sava together, also in December 2022, to be transferred from Croatia to Bosnia and Herzegovina so that he could bury him. Although he had confirmed that it was his brother, the identification process was lengthy and complicated.

      There are numerous families who tried from afar to track down their loved ones who had disappeared in the territory of Croatia, only to finally give up in discouragement.

      There are many questions and few clear answers when it comes to the issue of missing and dead migrants on the so-called Balkan Route, of which Croatia is a part. There are no clear protocols and procedures defining to whom and how to report a missing person. It is not known whether missing migrants are actively searched for, as tourists are when they disappear in the summer. It is not clear how much and which information is needed for identification.

      “The circulation of information between institutions and individual departments seems almost non-existent to me."

      “In one case, it took me more than two months and dozens of phone calls and emails to different addresses, police stations, police departments, hospitals, and the state attorney’s office, just to prompt the initiation of identification, which to this day, more than a year later, has not been completed,” says Marijana Hameršak, activist and head of the project “European Regime of Irregular Migration on the Periphery of the EU” of the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research in Zagreb, which collects knowledge and data on missing and dead migrants.

      Searches for missing migrants and attempts to identify the dead in Croatia, as well as in neighbouring Bosnia and Herzegovina, most often rely on the efforts of volunteers and activists, who, like Marijana, untiringly search for information in the chaotic administration because families who do not know the language find this task practically insurmountable.
      “Die or make your dream come true”

      The Facebook group “Dead and Missing in the Balkans” became the central place to exchange photos and information about the missing and the dead between families and activists.

      The competent Ministry of the Interior does not have a website in English with an address where one can write from Afghanistan or Syria and inquire about the fate of loved ones, leave information about them, and report them missing. There is also no regional database on missing and dead migrants on which the police administrations would cooperate, not even the ones from the countries where the most crossings are recorded – from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia.

      In an interview with our team, Dunja Mijatović, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, emphasised that the creation of a centralised European database of missing and dead migrants is extremely important. If such a database combined ante-mortem and post-mortem data on the deceased, the chances of identification would greatly increase.

      “Families have a right to know the truth about the fate of their loved ones.”
      Dunja Mijatović, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights

      Yet, police cooperation in keeping the EU’s external border impervious is effective.

      Previously, people attempting to migrate did not try to cross the Sava so often. They knew it was too dangerous. They share information with each other and do not venture across such a river in children’s inflatable boats or inner tubes. Unless they are utterly desperate. With pushbacks and the use of force, which many organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have been warning about for years, the Croatian police made it difficult to cross at other, less dangerous points along the Croatian border, which is the longest external land border in the European Union. As a young Moroccan in Bosnia and Herzegovina who tried to cross the border to Croatia 11 times but was pushed back by the Croatian police each time told us, “You have two choices: die or make your dream come true.”

      It is difficult to determine how many died on the Balkan Route in an attempt to fulfil their dream. The most comprehensive data for ex-Yugoslav countries is collected by the researchers of the “European Regime of Irregular Migration on the Periphery of the EU (ERIM)” project. It records 346 victims from 2014 to 2023 in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Slovenia, North Macedonia and Kosovo. Each entry in ERIM’s database is individual and contains as much data as the researchers managed to collect, and they use all available sources – media reports, witnesses, official statistics, activist channels. But the figure is certainly significantly higher. Some who went missing were never even registered anywhere.

      Many bodies were never found. For example, another common border crossing, the Stara Planina mountain range between Bulgaria and Serbia, is a rough and inaccessible terrain. Only those who have been driven to this route by the same fate will come across the bodies, and they will not risk encountering authorities to report it.

      If people die in the minefields remaining from the wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, there will not be much left of their bodies. Most bodies were found drowned in rivers, but there is no estimate of how many who drowned were never reported missing, or were never found.

      The Croatian Ministry of the Interior provided us with data on migrants who have died in Croatia since 2015, when records began to be kept, until the end of November 2023: according to the data, a total of 87 migrants died on the territory of the Republic of Croatia. To put it more precisely: that’s how many bodies were found in Croatia. Not a single official body in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia keeps records of migrants buried in that territory.

      However, we managed to obtain data for Croatia, thanks to inquiries sent to over 500 addresses of cities, municipalities and municipal companies that manage cemeteries. According to the data obtained, there are 59 graves of migrants in 32 cemeteries in Croatia who were buried in the last decade, namely from 2014 until September 2023. Of these, 45 have not been identified. The Ministry of the Interior says that since 2001, DNA samples have been taken from all unidentified bodies. We asked the Ministry to allow us to talk with experts who work on the identification of migrants, but we were not approved.

      Some of the buried were exhumed and returned to their families in their country of origin, although this is a demanding and extremely expensive process for the families.
      The burden of not knowing

      Among the NN graves is a stillborn baby from Syria buried in 2015 in the town of Slavonski Brod. A five-year-old girl who drowned in the Danube was buried in Dalje in 2021. Last summer, a young man died of exhaustion in the highlands in the Dubrovnik area. Some were hit by a train. Many died of hypothermia. Some die because they were not provided medical help early enough. Some don’t believe anything can help them, so they committed suicide.

      According to the law, they are buried closest to the place of death, which are mostly small cemeteries, such as the one in Siče. Often, just like in that village, their graves are separated from the rest of the cemetery. In some places, like in Otok, one of the tender-hearted local women has given herself the task of taking care of the NN grave. In others, like the cemetery in Prilišće, the NN wooden cross from 2019 has already rotted.

      Each of these NN graves leaves behind loved ones who bear the burden of not knowing what happened. In psychology, this is called ambiguous loss, which means that as long as relatives do not have confirmation that their loved ones are dead, and as long as they do not know where their bodies are, they cannot mourn them.

      If they go on with their lives, they feel guilty. And so they remain frozen in a state between despair and hope. American psychologist Dr. Pauline Boss is the author of the concept and theory of “ambiguous loss.”

      “A grave is so important because it helps to say goodbye,“ she said in an interview for our investigation.

      There are also practical consequences of this frozen state: succession rights cannot be carried out, bank accounts cannot be accessed, family pensions cannot be obtained, the partner cannot remarry, and custody of children is complicated.

      Many families in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina know ambiguous loss very well. Both countries went through war in the 1990s that left thousands of people missing.

      Both countries have special laws on the missing in those wars and well-developed mechanisms of search, identification, data storage and mutual cooperation. But this does not apply to migrants who vanish and die among the thousands who are on the move along the Balkan Route.
      Croatia responsible for death of a child

      Croatia became an important point of entry into the European Union after Hungary closed its borders in September 2015. From then until March 2016, it is estimated that around 660,000 refugees passed through the Croatian section of the Balkan corridor – the interstate, organised route. This corridor allowed them to get from Greece to Western Europe in two or three days. Most importantly, their journey was safe.

      Of these hundreds of thousands of people on the move, the Croatian Ministry of the Interior did not record a single death in 2015 and 2016.

      The corridor was established to prevent casualties after a large number of refugees died on the railway in Macedonia in the spring of 2015. However, with the conclusion of the EU-Turkey refugee agreement in March 2016, the corridor closed. The EU committed to generously funding Turkey to keep refugees on its territory, so that they do not come to the European Union. And so the perilous, informal Balkan Route remained the only option. Many take it. In the first ten months of 2023 alone, the Croatian police recorded 62,452 actions related to illegal border crossings.

      Both the Croatian Ombudswoman Tena Šimonović Einwalter and Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Dunja Mijatović warn of the same thing: border and migration policies have a clear impact on the risk of migrants going missing or die. It is necessary to establish legal and safe migration routes in the EU.

      However, the EU expects Croatia to protect its external border, and Croatia is doing so wholeheartedly. Croatian Minister of the Interior Davor Božinović calls such practices “techniques of discouragement” and says they are fully in line with the EU Schengen Border Code.

      The result of such practices is, for example, the death of Madina Hussiny. The six-year-old girl from Afghanistan was struck by a train and killed after Croatian police “discouraged” her and her family away from the Croatian border and told them to follow train tracks back to Serbia in the middle of the night in 2017. The European Court of Human Rights ruled in November 2021 that Croatia was responsible for Madina’s death.

      In a typical “discouragement,” Croatian police transport people to points along the border and order them to cross. In the testimonies we heard, as well as in many reports of non-governmental organisations, people described having to wade or swim across rivers, climb over rocks or make their way through dense forest. They often cross at night, sometimes stripped naked, and without knowing the way because the police usually take away their mobile phones.

      Up to 80% of all pushbacks by Croatian police may be impacted by one or more forms of torture, indicates data collected by Border Violence Monitoring Network in 2019. That means that thousands were victims of border torture.

      According to data collected by the Danish Refugee Council, in the two-year period from the beginning of 2020 to the end of 2022, at least 30,000 people were pushed back to Bosnia and Herzegovina.
      “While trying to reach Europe”

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=112&v=SFLYVVtsjGc&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fu

      Among them is Arat Semiullah from Afghanistan. In November 2022, he intended to cross the Sava River and enter Croatia from Bosnia. He was 20 years old. He drowned and was buried at the Orthodox cemetery in Banja Luka. His family in Afghanistan did not know what happened to him. He had sent his mom a selfie with a fresh haircut for entering the European Union and then he stopped answering.

      The mother begged her nephew Payman Sediqi, who lives in Germany, to try to find him. Payman got in touch with the activist Nihad Suljić, who voluntarily helps families find out what happened to their loved ones in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They spent weeks trying to get information. Payman travelled to Bosnia and managed to find his relative thanks to the helpfulness of a policewoman who showed him forensic photographs. Arat’s mom confirmed by phone that it was her son.

      Arat’s obituary published in Bosnia and Herzegovina said that “Croatian police sank the boat using firearms, and he tragically drowned.” With the help of the Muslim community, and at the request of the family, his body was transferred to the Muslim cemetery in the village of Kamičani. The family wanted to bury him in Afghanistan, but it was too expensive and bureaucratically complicated.

      In September 2023, we met with Nihad and Payman when a large tombstone was erected for Arat. It says, “Drowned in the Sava River while trying to reach Europe.” Payman told us that Arat was crossing the Sava with a group of others trying to enter Europe. Some of them managed to cross over to the Croatian side, but then the Croatian police shot at the rubber boat Arat was in. The boat sank and Arat drowned. That’s what a survivor who crossed over to the Croatian bank of the Sava told Payman. Payman says that Arat’s family is in great pain, but at least they know where their son is and that he was buried according to their religious customs. It is important to Payman that his relative’s grave says he died as a migrant.

      “People die every day in Europe, fleeing countries where there is no life for them. Their dreams are buried in Europe. No one cares about them, not even when European policemen shoot at them,” Payman says.

      Payman knows what kind of dreams he’s talking about. He himself came to Germany illegally at the age of 16. He says he was lucky.

      Nihad advocates that other graves of migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina also be permanently marked as such. He takes us to the cemetery in the town of Zvornik, where 17 NN migrants are buried. Nihad says he was informed that some of them had their passport on them when they were found. From the cemetery, you can see the river Drina, which separates Serbia from Bosnia and where many lives have been lost during crossing attempts. About 30 bodies were found in the Drina this year alone. Nihad says that they are lucky if they wash up on the Bosnian riverbanks, because in Serbia the authorities often do not perform autopsies nor take DNA samples. This was confirmed to us by activists from Serbia. In those cases, they are forever and completely lost to their families.

      The earthen NN graves in Zvornik are overgrown and not demarcated, so you wouldn’t know if you are stepping on them. Nihad managed to convince the Town of Zvornik to replace the wooden signs with black stone. It is important to him that they are buried with dignity, but he also finds it important that they stand there as a memorial.

      “My wish is that even 100 years from now these graves stand as monuments of the EU’s shame. Because it was not the river that killed these people, but the EU border regime,” Nihad says.

      https://unbiasthenews.org/unmarked-monuments-of-eus-shame-croatia-bosnia

      #Bosnie #Croatie #Zvornik #Madina_Hussiny

    • Counting the invisible victims of Spain’s EU borders

      Investigation finds hundreds of victims of migration to the EU lie in unmarked graves along Spain’s borders, with government taking no coordinated action to guarantee “last rights.”

      In January 2020, Alhassane Bangoura was buried in an unmarked grave in the Muslim area of Teguise municipal cemetery in Lanzarote as city officials and members of the local Muslim community watched on. He had been born only a couple of weeks earlier onboard a cramped patera migrant boat on which his mother, who is from Guinea, and 42 others were trying to reach the Spanish Canary Islands. Their boat was adrift on the Atlantic ocean after its motor had failed two days earlier, and Alhassane’s mother had gone into labour at sea. Her child only lived for a few hours before dying just off the coast of Lanzarote.

      Alhassane’s case shocked the island and made national news. Yet as mourners paid their respects, his mother was 200 kilometres away in a migrant reception centre on the neighbouring island of Gran Canaria, having been unable to get permission from authorities to remain on Lanzarote for the funeral.

      “She’d been allowed to see the body of her son one more time before being transferred, and I accompanied her to the funeral home,” says Mamadou Sy, a representative of the local Muslim community. “It was very emotional as she was leaving. All we could do was promise her that her son would not be alone; that like any Muslim, he’d be brought to the Mosque where his body would be washed by other mothers; that we would pray for him and that afterwards we’d send her a video of the burial.”

      Nearly four years later, Alhassane’s final resting place remains without a formal headstone. It lies next to more than three dozen graves of unidentified migrants – whose names are completely unknown but who, like Alhassane, are also victims of Europe’s brutal border regime.

      Border Graves

      Such a scene is no anomaly along Spain’s vast coastline. Border graves like these can be found in cemeteries stretching from Alicante on the country’s eastern Mediterranean coast to Cádiz on the Atlantic seaboard and south to the Canaries. Some have names but, more often than not, the inscription reads some variation of “unidentified migrant,” “unknown Moroccan,” or “victim of the Strait [of Gibraltar],” or there is simply a hand-painted cross.

      In Barbate cemetery in Cádiz, where the deceased are sealed into niches in traditional brick-walled stacks around two metres in height, groundskeeper Germán points out over 30 different migrant graves, the earliest of which date from 2002 and the most recent are from a shipwreck in 2019.

      "No one ever comes to visit, but on days when there are funerals here and flowers are about to be thrown out, I place them on the tombs containing the unknown migrants,” he explains. “In some of the older graves, you have the remains of up to five or six migrants together, each placed in separate sacks within the same niche to save space.”

      Along the coast, in Tarifa, Spain’s earliest mass grave of unidentified migrants, containing 11 victims from a 1988 shipwreck, overlooks the northern reaches of the African continent, which can be seen on a clear day. Meanwhile, around 400 kilometres west of the African coast, on the remote Canarian island of El Hierro, seven unidentified migrants have been buried in the last two months, along with the remains of 30-year old Mamadou Marea. “Locals joined us to accompany the remains of each of these people to their last resting place,” explains Amado Carballo, a councillor on El Hierro. “What upset all of us was not being able to put a name on the tombstone and simply having to leave the person identified by a police code.”

      Such concern was less evident in Arrecife, Lanzarote where two unidentified graves from February this year have been left sealed with a covering that still bears a corporate logo.

      There is no comprehensive data on how many identified and unidentified migrant graves exist in Spain, and the country’s Interior Ministry has never released figures for the total number of bodies recovered across the various maritime migration routes. But in exclusive data from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Unbias The News can reveal that the bodies of an estimated 530 people who died at Spain’s borders were recovered between 2014 and 2021 – of which 292 remain unidentified.

      In the six month Europe-wide Border Graves Investigation, undertaken in conjunction with Unbias the News, The Guardian and Süddeutsche Zeitung, 109 unidentified migrant graves from 2014-21 were confirmed in Spain across 18 locations. According to a study by the University of Amsterdam, a further 434 unidentified graves stem from 2000-2013 in at least 65 cemeteries.

      These graves are symbols of a much wider humanitarian tragedy. The ICRC estimates that just 6.89% of those who go missing on Europe’s borders are found, while the Spanish NGO Walking Borders gives an even lower figure for the West African Atlantic route to the Canaries, estimating that only 4.2 percent of the bodies of those who die are ever recovered.

      Guaranteeing “last rights”

      The unvisited and anonymous graves are also a reflection of the fact that the rights to both identification and a dignified burial for those who have died on migration routes have been consistently neglected by national authorities in Spain. As in other European countries, successive Spanish governments have failed to develop legal mechanisms and state protocols to guarantee these “last rights” of victims, as well as their families’ corresponding “right to know” and to mourn their loved ones.

      The problem is “utterly neglected,” says Dunja Mijatović, the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, who insists that EU countries are failing in their obligations under international human rights law to secure families’ “right to truth”. In 2021, the European Parliament passed a resolution calling for “prompt and effective identification processes” to inform families about the fate of their loved ones. Yet last year, the Council of Europe called the area a “legislative void.”

      “People are always calling the office and asking us how to search for a family member, but you have to be honest and say there’s no clear official channel they can turn to,” explains Juan Carlos Lorenzo, director of the Spanish Refugee Council (CEAR) on the Canary Islands. “You can put them in touch with the Red Cross, but there’s no government-led programme of identification. Nor is there the type of dedicated office needed to coordinate with families and centralise information and data on missing migrants.”

      This year alone we are working with over 600 families whose loved ones have disappeared. These families, who are from Morocco, Algeria, Senegal, Guinea and as far afield as Sri Lanka are very much alone and are poorly protected by public administrations. In turn, this means that there are criminal networks and fraudsters seeking to extract money from them.”
      Helena Maleno, director of Walking Borders

      Even in the case of a victim’s identification, a recent report from the Human Rights Association of Andalucia lays out the legal and financial barriers families face in terms of repatriating their loved ones. In 2020/21, ICRC figures show that 284 bodies were recovered but that, of the 116 identified, only 53 were repatriated. The Andalusian Association for Human Rights (APDHA) report also notes, with respect to border graves, that “many people end up buried in a manner contrary to their beliefs.” Just half of Spain’s 50 provinces have Muslim cemeteries, not all of which are on the Spanish coast.

      For Maleno, these state failures are no accident: “Spain and other European states have a policy of making the victims, as well as the border itself, invisible. You have policies of denying the number of dead and of concealing data, but for the families this means obstacles in terms of accessing information and burial rights, as well as endless bureaucratic hurdles.”
      “I dream of Oussama”

      Abdallah Tayeb has gained first-hand experience of the dysfunctionality of the Spanish system in his attempts to confirm whether a body recovered almost a year ago is that of his cousin Oussama, a young barber from Algeria who dreamed of joining Tayeb in France.

      The unnamed corpse, which Tayeb strongly believes is his cousin, is currently in a morgue in Almería and looks set to be buried in an unmarked grave in the new year – unless he can achieve a last minute breakthrough.

      “The feeling is one of powerlessness,” he admits. “Nothing is transparent.”

      Abdallah Tayeb was born in Paris to Algerian parents but spends every summer in Algeria with his family. “As Oussama and I were pretty much the same age, we were really close. He was obsessed with the idea of coming to Europe, as two of his brothers were already living in France. But I didn’t know he had actually arranged to leave on a patera last December.”

      Oussama was among 23 people (including seven children) who vanished after setting out from Mostaganem, Algeria, on a motor boat on Christmas Day 2022. Soon after the patera went missing, his brother Sofiane travelled from France to Cartagena in southern Spain – the destination the vessel had hoped to reach. With the help of the Red Cross, Sofiane was able to file a missing persons report with the Spanish authorities and submit a DNA sample, which he hopes will result in a match with a body held in a morgue. However, so far, he has been unable to piece together any concrete information regarding his brother’s fate.

      A second trip to Spain in February did lead to a breakthrough, however. After driving down the Mediterranean coast together, Tayeb and his cousin Sofiane managed to speak to a forensic pathologist working in the Almería morgue, who seemed to recognise a photo of Oussama. “She kept saying ‘This face looks familiar’ and also mentioned a necklace – something he’d been wearing when he left.” According to the pathologist, there was a potential match with an unidentified body recovered by the coastguard on 27 December 2022.

      Feeling that they were finally close to getting some answers, they were informed at the police headquarters in Almería that, in order to view the body for a visual identification, they would need permission from the police station where the corpse had initially been registered. “This was when the real nightmare began,” Tayeb remembers. Handed a list of five police stations from across the wider region where the corpse could have been registered, they spent the next two days driving from station to station along the Murcian coast.

      “The first police station we visited wouldn’t even let us in the door when we told them we were asking about a missing migrant, and after that it was always the same script: this is not the right place; we don’t have a body; you have to go there instead.” When the pair returned to the first station in Huércal de Almeria after being repeatedly told it was the right place to ask, impatient officers refused to engage, citing privacy laws, and even told them to warn other families searching for missing migrants not to keep coming to inquire.

      “In the end,” Tayeb explains, “we came to the reality that they will never let us have any information. It was very heartbreaking, especially going back to France. It felt like we were leaving him [there] in the fridge.”

      As the subsequent months passed, the frustration and anxiety built for the family. “In May we were told that the DNA sample we gave five months earlier had only just arrived in Madrid and had still not been processed and sent to the database.” No further information has been forthcoming, and Spanish authorities have a policy of only getting in touch with families when there is a positive match and not if the test comes back negative.

      Tayeb is contemplating one final visit to Spain to try and retrieve his cousin Oussama, partly to be certain for his own sake that he’s done everything in his power to find him, but he’s worried that the journey could reopen his trauma of ambiguous loss. “The effort of going is not painful, but what is painful is coming back with nothing,” he says. “This lack of information is the worst thing.”

      “All the people on board were from the same neighbourhood in Mostaganem. I have had a chance to talk to many of their families, and they are destroyed. There is such grief but also no answers. There are only rumours, and some of the mothers believe their sons are in prisons in Morocco and Spain. We all have dreams [about the missing]. In the end, you trust what you will see in your dreams, like cosmic reality telling you he is coming. I dream of Oussama.”

      Dr Pauline Boss, professor emeritus of psychology at the University of Minnesota, USA, explains the concept of ambiguous loss: “It looks like complicated grief, intrusive thoughts,” she says. “There’s nothing else on your mind but the fact that your loved one is missing. You can’t grieve because that would mean the person is dead, and you don’t know for sure.”
      A defective system

      Of all the families of those who went missing on Oussama’s patera, only Tayeb and four other families have been able to file a missing persons report with the Spanish authorities, and only two have been able to give a DNA sample. According to a 2021 study from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), one of the major complications families face in their searches is that in order to register someone as a missing person in Spain, you have to file a report with police in the country itself, which for many families is “a virtually impossible feat” as there are no visas to travel for this purpose.

      The IOM report also notes that, while many families file missing person reports in their home countries, they are “aware of the almost symbolic nature of their efforts” and that “it will never result in any kind of investigation being launched in Spain.”

      Along with the IOM, there have been efforts by domestic NGOs, including APDHA and more than a hundred grassroots organisations, to call out Spain’s failure to adapt existing missing person procedures to the transnational challenges of cases of people who disappeared while migrating. These organisations have repeatedly argued that the country’s legal framework regarding missing persons must be adapted to ensure families can file missing person cases from abroad.

      They have also pushed for the development of specific protocols for police handling cases of disappeared migrants, as well as the creation of a missing-migrant database so as to centralise information and allow it to be exchanged with authorities in other countries. The latter would include a full range of both post-mortem data (from tattoos to DNA, through cadaveric inspections and autopsies) and antemortem medical forensic information, that is, that which comes from family members regarding the missing person.

      “The reality is that the situation across Europe is consistently poor,” explains Julia Black, an analyst with IOM’s Missing Migrant Project. “Despite our research showing these pressing needs of families, neither Spain nor any other European country has significantly changed policy or practice to help this neglected group [in recent years]. Support for families is available only on a very ad hoc basis, mostly in response to mass casualty events that are in the public eye, which leaves many thousands of people without meaningful support.”

      Non-state actors such as the Red Cross and Walking Borders, as well as a network of independent activists, try to fill this void. “It’s a terrible job that we shouldn’t be doing, because states should be responding to families and guaranteeing the rights of victims across borders,” Maleno explains. In the case of the Mostaganem patera, Walking Borders is now planning to visit Algeria next year to take DNA samples from family members and bring them back to Spain. But Maleno also acknowledges that her NGO often has to then “apply a lot of pressure” to get authorities to accept these samples.

      This is something left-wing MP Jon Iñarritu from the Basque EH Bildu party also confirms: “As I sit on the Spanish parliament’s Interior Committee, I’ve had to intervene on a number of occasions to help families seeking to register DNA samples, talking with the foreign ministry or the interior ministry to get them to accept the samples. But it shouldn’t require action from an MP to get this to happen. The whole process needs to be standardised with clear and automatic protocols [for submission]. Right now, there’s no one clear way to do it.”

      Even when IOM recommendations have become the subject of parliamentary debate in Spain, they have tended not to translate into government action. In 2021, for example, a resolution was passed by the Spanish Congress calling on the government to establish a dedicated state office for the families of disappeared migrants. “It’s clear we need to ease the administrative and bureaucratic ordeal for families by offering them a single point of contact [with state authorities],” explains Iñarritu, who sponsored the motion.

      Yet while even government parties voted in favour of the resolution, the countries’ current centre-left administration has failed to act on it in the 18 months since. “From my point of view, the government has no intention of implementing the proposal,” Iñarritu argues. “They were only offering symbolic support.”

      When the above points were put to Spain’s Interior ministry, the reply was that: “The treatment of unidentified corpses arriving on the Spanish coast is identical to that of any other corpse. In Spain, for the identification of corpses, the law enforcement agencies apply the INTERPOL Disaster Victim Identification Guide. Although this guide is especially indicated for events with multiple victims, it is also used as a reference for the identification of an isolated corpse.”

      NGOs and campaigners insist, however, that the application of the INTERPOL guide is no substitute for a specific protocol tailored to the demands of missing migrant cases or for the creation of particular mechanisms to allow for the exchange of information with families and authorities in other jurisdictions.

      Close connections with the people they have helped compensate for strained social interactions and online hate. “They call me brother, sister, and even father,” Rybak shares.
      Burial rights

      APDHA migration director Carlos Arce argues that, within a European framework that views irregular migration predominantly “through the prism of serious crime and border security, […] not even death or disappearance puts an end to the repeated assault on the dignity of migrant people.” Iñarritu also points to the EU’s wider border regime: “Many issues that don’t fit into this dominant policy framework, such as the right to identification, are simply left unmanaged on a day-to-day basis. They are simply not a priority.”

      This is also clear with respect to the Spanish government’s inaction on guaranteeing a dignified burial to those whose bodies are recovered. As noted by a 2023 report from APDHA, “while repatriation is the most desired option for families […,] the cost is very high (thousands of euros) and very few of their [home countries’] embassies help [to cover it].” The NGO recommends that Spain establish repatriation agreements with the countries where migrants come from so as to create “mortuary safe passages” guaranteeing their return at a reduced cost.

      Furthermore, Spain’s central government has also failed to put in place mechanisms to ensure the right of unidentified migrants to a dignified burial within the country, instead maintaining that local councils are responsible for all charitable burials. This has meant that very specific municipalities where coastguard rescue boats are stationed are left legally responsible for the bulk of the interments – and most of these municipalities lack local cemeteries able to cater for traditional Muslim burials.

      The potential for this issue to become a flashpoint for anti-immigration sentiment was made clear this September when the mayor of Mogán in Gran Canaria, Onalia Bueno, insisted that her municipality would no longer pay for such burials, as she did not want to “detract the costs from the taxes of my neighbours.”

      CEAR’s Juan Carlos Lorenzo condemns such “divisive language, which frames the issue in terms of wasting my ‘neighbours’ money’ on someone who is not a neighbour,” and points instead to the actions of municipalities in El Hierro as a positive counterexample.

      Carballo notes that “over 10,000 people have arrived in El Hierro since September, the same as the island’s population. These are quite long trips, between six and nine days at sea, and right now people are arriving in a terrible state of health. With those who have died in recent months, we’ve tried to offer them a dignified burial within the means at our disposal. We’ve had an imam present, with Islamic prayers said before the remains were laid to rest.”

      Currently, the responsibility of memorialising unidentified victims comes down to individual municipalities and even cemetery keepers. Like Gérman at the cemetery in Barbate, who tries to dignify the unmarked tombs by placing flowers on top of them, the cemetery of Motril has adorned tombs with poems. In Teguise, the council has an initiative encouraging locals to leave flowers on the migrant graves when they come to visit the remains of their own families.

      In another memorial, a collection of around 50 discarded fishing boats has become a distinctive feature of Barbate port. These small wooden boats with Arabic script on their hulls were used by migrants attempting to cross the Strait of Gibraltar. Instead of the boats’ being scrapped, APDHA was able to convert the scrapyard into a memorial site and to place plaques on boats stating how many migrants were travelling on them and where and when they were found.

      In the case of little Alhassane Bangoura, residents routinely come to leave fresh flowers and tokens of affection, among which is a small granite bowl with his first name inscribed on it. But many victims are buried without any attempt at identification – and as countless NGOs, politicians and activists demand, it should not be simply left to good-willed residents, grave keepers or local councillors to ensure the last rights of the victims of Fortress Europe.

      https://unbiasthenews.org/counting-the-invisible-victims-of-spains-eu-borders

      #Espagne #Lanzarote #îles_Canaries #route_Atlantique #Teguise #Barbate #Cádiz #Tarifa #Arrecife

    • The unidentified: Unmarked refugee graves on the Greek borders

      Graves marked only with a stick, graves covered with weeds: a cross-border investigation documents official indifference surrounding the dignified burial of refugees who lose their lives at the Greek border.

      The phone rang on a morning in October 2022 at work, in Finland, where 35-year-old Mohamed Samim has been living for the last ten years or so.

      His nephew did not have good news: his brother Samim, Tarin Mohamad, along with his son and two daughters, was on a boat that sank near a Greek island, having sailed from the Turkish coast to Italy.

      When Samim arrived in Kythera the next day, he learned that – although weak after not eating for three days – his brother had managed to save his family before a wave took him away. He immediately went to the site of the wreck. In the water he saw bodies floating – he couldn’t see his brother’s face, but he recognized his back.

      The Coast Guard said that the bad weather had to pass before they could pull the dead from the sea. The first day passed, the second day passed, until on the third day it was finally possible. The coastguard confirmed that 8 Beaufort winds and the morphology of the area made it impossible to retrieve the bodies. Samim will never forget the sight of his brother at sea.

      In Kalamata, it took four days of shifting responsibility between the hospital and the Coast Guard, and the help of a local lawyer who “came and yelled at them” to allow him to follow the identification process of his brother.

      He was warned that it would be a soul-crushing procedure, and that he would have to wear a triple mask because of the smell. Samim says that due to a lack of space in the morgue’s refrigerators, some of the wreck victims were kept in the chamber outside the refrigerator.

      “The stress and the smell. Our knees were shaking”, recalls Samim when we meet him in Kythera a year later.

      They started showing him decomposing bodies. First the ones outside the refrigerator. He didn’t recognize him among them. They went out and changed the masks they wore, returned, opened the refrigerators in turn, reaching the last one.

      “He was lying there, calm. The man you love. We were kind of happy that, after days, we could see him,” Samim said.

      Unclaimed dead

      The number of people dying at Europe’s borders is growing. In addition to the difficulty of recording the deaths, there is also the challenge of identifying the bodies, a traumatic process for the relatives. In some cases, however, there are bodies that remain unidentified, hundreds of men, women and children buried in unidentified graves.

      In July 2023, the European Parliament adopted a resolution recognising the right to identification of people who lose their lives trying to reach Europe, but to date there is no centralised registration system at a pan-European level. Nor is there a single procedure for the handling of bodies that end up in mortuaries, funeral homes – even refrigerated containers.

      The problem is “utterly neglected”, European Commissioner for Human Rights Dunja Mijatovic told Solomon, and added that EU countries are failing in their obligations under international human rights law”. The tragedy of the missing migrants has reached horrifying proportions. The issue requires immediate action,” she added.

      The International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) Missing Migrants platform, which acknowledges that its data is not a comprehensive record, reports more than 1,090 missing refugees and migrants in Europe since 2014.

      As part of the Border Graves investigation, eight European journalists, together with Unbias the News, the Guardian, Süddeutsche Zeitung, and Solomon, have spent seven months investigating what happens to the thousands of unidentified bodies of those who die at European borders, and for the first time they have recorded almost double that number: according to the data collected, more than 2,162 people died between 2014 and 2023.

      We studied documents and interviewed state coroners, prosecutors and funeral home workers; residents and relatives of the deceased and missing; and gained exclusive access to unpublished data from the International Committee of the Red Cross.

      In 65 cemeteries along the European border - Greece, Spain, Italy, Malta, Poland, Lithuania, France, Spain, Italy, Malta, Lithuania, France and Croatia - we have recorded more than 1,000 unidentified graves from the last decade.

      The investigation documents how state indifference to the dignified burial of people who die at the border is pervasive in European countries.

      In Greece, we recorded more than 540 unidentified refugee graves, 54% of the total recorded by the European survey. We travelled to the Aegean islands and Evros, and found graves in fields sometimes covered by weeds, and marble slabs with dates of death erased, while in other cases a piece of wood with a number is the only marking.

      The data from our survey, combined with the data from the International Committee of the Red Cross, is not an exhaustive account of the issue. However, they do capture for the first time the gaps and difficulties of a system that leads to thousands of families not knowing where their relatives are buried.

      Lesvos: 167 unidentified refugee graves

      A long dirt road surrounded by olive trees leads to the gate of the cemetery of Kato Tritos, which is usually locked with a padlock.

      The “graveyard of refugees,” as they call it on the island, is located about 15 kilometers west of Mytilene. It is the only burial site exclusively for refugees and migrants in Greece.

      During one of our visits, the funeral of four children was taking place. They lost their lives on August 28, 2023, when the boat they were on with 18 other people sank southeast of Lesvos.

      The grieving mother and several women, including family members, sat under a tree, while the men prayed near the shed used for the burial process, according to Islamic tradition.

      In Kato Tritos and Agios Panteleimonas, the cemetery on Mytilene where people who died while migrating had been buried until then, we counted a total of 167 unidentified graves from between 2014-2023.

      Local journalist and former member of the North Aegean Regional Council Nikos Manavis explains that the cemetery was created in 2015 in an olive grove belonging to the municipality of Mytilene due to an emergency: a deadly shipwreck in the north of the island on October 28 of that year resulted in at least 60 dead, for whom the island’s cemeteries were not sufficient.

      Many shipwreck victims remain buried in unidentified graves. Gravestones are marked with the estimated age of the deceased and the date of burial, sometimes only a number. Other times, a piece of wood and surrounding stones mark the grave.

      “What we see is a field, not a graveyard. It shows no respect for the people who were buried here.”
      Nikos Manavis

      This lack of respect for the Lower Third Cemetery mobilized the Earth Medicine organization. As Dimitris Patounis, a member of the NGO, explains, in January 2022 they made a proposal to the municipality of Mytilene for the restoration of the cemetery. Their plan is to create a place of rest with respect and dignity, where refugees and asylum seekers can satisfy the most sacred human need, mourning for their loved ones.

      Although the city council approved the proposal in the spring of 2023, the October municipal elections delayed the project. Patounis says he is positive that the graves will soon be inventoried and the area fenced.

      Christos Mavrachilis, an undertaker at the Agios Panteleimon cemetery, recalls that in 2015 Muslim refugees were buried in a specific area of the cemetery.

      “If someone was unidentified, I would write ‘Unknown’ on their grave,” he says. If there were no relatives who could cover the cost, Mavrachilis would cut a marble himself and write as much information as he could on the death certificate. “They were people too,” he says, “I did what I could.”

      For his part, Thomas Vanavakis, a former owner of a funeral parlour that offered services in Lesvos until 2020, also says that they often had to cover burials without receiving payment. “Do you know how many times we went into the sea and paid workers out of our own pockets to pull out the bodies and didn’t get a penny?” he says.

      Efi Latsoudi, who lives in Lesvos and works for Refugee Support Aegean (RSA), says that in 2015 there were burials that the municipality of Mytilene could not cover, and sometimes “the people who participated in the ceremony paid for them. We were trying to give a dignity to the process. But it was not enough,” she says.

      Latsoudi recalls something a refugee had mentioned to her in 2015: ’The worst thing that can happen to us is to die somewhere far away and have no one at our funeral’.

      The municipality of Mytilene did not answer our questions regarding the dignified burial of refugees in the cemeteries under its responsibility.

      Chios and Samos: graves covered by weeds

      According to Greek legislation, the local government (and in case of its inability, the region) covers the cost of the burial of both unidentified people who die at the border and those who are in financial difficulty.

      For its part, the Municipal Authority of Chios stated that funding is provided for the relevant costs, and that “within the framework of its responsibilities for the cemeteries, it maintains and cares for all the sites, without discrimination and with the required respect for all the dead.”

      But during our visit in August to the cemetery in Mersinidi, a few kilometers north of Chios town, where refugees are buried next to the graves of the locals, it was not difficult to spot the separation: the five unidentified graves of refugees were marked simply by a marble, usually covered by vegetation.

      Natasha Strachini, an RSA lawyer living in Chios, has taken part in several funerals of refugees both in Chios and Lesvos. For her, the importance of the local community and presence at such a difficult human moment is very important.

      Regarding burials, he explains that “only a good registration system could help relatives to locate the grave of a person they have lost, as usually in cemeteries after three to five years exhumations take place.” He says that sometimes a grave remains unidentified even though the body has been identified, either because the identification process was delayed or because the relatives could not afford to change the grave.

      In Heraion of Samos, next to the municipal cemetery, on a plot of land owned by the Metropolis and used as a burial site for refugees, we recorded dozens of graves dating between 2014-2023. The plaques – some broken – placed on the ground, hidden by branches, pine needles and pine cones, simply inscribe a number and the date of burial.

      Lawyer Dimitris Choulis, who lives in Samos and handles cases related to the refugee issue, commented: ‘It is a shameful image to see such graves. It is unjustifiable for a modern society like Greece.”
      Searching for data

      The International Committee of the Red Cross is one of the few international organisations working to identify the dead refugees. Among other things, they have conducted several training sessions in Greece for members of the Coast Guard and the Greek Police.

      “We have an obligation to provide the dead with a dignified burial; and the other side, providing answers to families through identification of the dead. If you count the relatives of those who are missing, hundreds of thousands of people are impacted. They don’t know where their loved ones are. Were they well treated, were they respected when they were buried? That’s what preys on families’ minds,” says Laurel Clegg, ICRC forensic Coordinator for Migration to Europe.

      She explains that keeping track of the dead “consists of lots of parts working well together – a legal framework that protects the unidentified dead, consistent post-mortems, morgues, registries, dignified transport, cemeteries”

      However, countries’ “medical and legal systems are proving inadequate to deal with the scale of the problem,” she says.

      Since 2013, as part of its programme to restore family links, the Red Cross has registered 16,500 requests in Europe from people looking for their missing relatives. According to the international organisation, only 285 successful matches (1.7%) have been made.

      These matches are made by the local forensic experts.

      “We always collect DNA samples from unidentified bodies. It is standard practice and may be the only feasible means of identification,” says Panagiotis Kotretsos, a forensic pathologist in Rhodes. The samples are sent to the DNA laboratory of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Greek Police, according to an INTERPOL protocol.

      According to the Red Cross, difficulties usually arise when families are outside the EU, and are due to a number of factors, such as differences in the legal framework or medical systems of the countries. For example, some EU countries cannot ‘open’ a case and take DNA samples from families without a mandate from the authorities of the country where the body of the relative being sought has been recovered.

      The most difficult part of the DNA identification process is that there needs to be a second sample to be compared with the one collected by the forensic experts, which has to be sent by the families of the missing persons. “For a refugee who started his journey from a country in central Africa, travelled for months, and died in Greece, there will be genetic material in the morgue. But it will remain unmatched until a first-degree relative sends a DNA sample,” says Kotretsos.

      He explains that this is not always possible. “We have received calls from relatives who were in Syria, looking for missing family members, and could not send samples precisely because they were in Syria.”

      Outside the university hospital of Alexandroupolis, two refrigerated containers provided by the Red Cross as temporary mortuaries house the bodies of 40 refugees.

      Pavlos Pavlidis, Professor of Forensic Medicine at the Democritus University of Thrace, has since 2000 performed autopsies on at least 800 bodies of people on the move, with the main causes of death being drowning in the waters of Evros and hypothermia.

      The forensic scientist goes beyond the necessary DNA collection: he or she records data such as birthmarks or tattoos and objects (like wallets, rings, glasses), which could be the missing link for a relative looking for a loved one.

      He says a total of 313 bodies found in Evros since 2014 remain unidentified. Those that cannot be identified are buried in a special cemetery in Sidiro, which is managed by the municipality of Soufli, while 15-20 unidentified bodies were buried in Orestiada while the Sidiro cemetery was being expanded.

      The bodies of Muslim refugees who are identified are buried in the Muslim cemetery in Messouni Komotini or repatriated when relatives can cover the cost of repatriation.

      “This is not decent”

      In response to questions, the Ministry of Immigration and Asylum said that the issue of identification and burial procedures for refugees does not fall within its competence. A Commission spokesman said that no funds were foreseen for Greece, but that such expenditure “could be supported under the National Programme of the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund”, which is managed by the Migration Ministry.

      Theodoros Nousias is the chief forensic pathologist of the North Aegean Forensic Service, responsible for the islands of Lesvos, Samos, Chios and Lemnos. According to the coroner, the DNA identification procedure has improved a lot compared to a few years ago.

      Nusias says he was always available when asked to identify someone. “You have to serve people, that’s why you’re there. To serve people so they can find their family,” he adds.

      The coroner lives in Lesvos, but says he has never been to the cemetery in Kato Tritos. “I don’t want to go. It will be difficult for me because most of these people have passed through my hands.”

      In October 2022, 32-year-old Suja Ahmadi and his sister Marina also travelled to Kythera and then to Kalamata to identify the body of their father, Abdul Ghasi.

      The 65-year-old had started the journey to Italy with his wife Hatige – she survived. The two brothers visited the hospital, where they were shown all eight bodies, male and female, although they had explained from the start that the man they were looking for was a man.

      Their father’s body was among those outside the freezer.

      “My sister was crying and screaming at them to get our father out of the refrigerator container because he smelled,” Suja recalls. “It was not a decent place for a man.”

      https://unbiasthenews.org/the-unidentified-unmarked-refugee-graves-in-the-greek-borders

      #Grèce #Chios #Evros #Samos #Alexandroupolis #Lesbos #Kato_Tritos #Sidiro #Mersinidi #Mersinidi #Pavlos_Pavlidis

    • Enterrar a más de mil personas sin nombre: las trabas de la UE y España para identificar los cuerpos de migrantes

      Cientos de personas fallecidas en la última década yacen en tumbas sin nombre en España, sin que el Gobierno tome medidas coordinadas para garantizar su identificación

      En enero de 2020, Alhassane Bangoura fue enterrado en una tumba sin nombre en la zona musulmana del cementerio municipal de Teguise, en Lanzarote, ante la presencia de funcionarios municipales y miembros de la comunidad musulmana local. El pequeño había nacido apenas un par de semanas antes a bordo de una patera abarrotada en la que su madre, originaria de Guinea, y otras 42 personas intentaban llegar a las Islas Canarias. La embarcación llevaba dos días a la deriva en el océano Atlántico, tras averiarse el motor, y la madre de Alhassane se puso de parto en el mar. Su hijo sólo alcanzó a vivir unas pocas horas antes de morir frente a la costa de Lanzarote.

      El caso de Alhassane conmocionó a la isla y saltó a las noticias de todo el país. Sin embargo, mientras los asistentes al entierro ofrecían sus condolencias, la madre del bebé fallecido se encontraba a 200 kilómetros de distancia, en un centro de acogida de migrantes de la vecina isla de Gran Canaria, al no haber podido obtener permiso de las autoridades para permanecer en Lanzarote durante el funeral.

      “Le habían permitido ver el cuerpo de su hijo una vez más antes de ser trasladada, y yo la acompañé a la funeraria”, cuenta Mamadou Sy, representante de la comunidad musulmana local. “Fue muy emotivo cuando se tuvo que marchar. Lo único que pudimos hacer fue prometerle que su hijo no estaría solo; que, como cualquier musulmán, sería llevado a la mezquita, donde su cuerpo sería lavado por otras madres; que rezaríamos por él y que después le enviaríamos un vídeo del entierro”.

      Casi cuatro años después, el lugar donde reposan los restos de Alhassane sigue sin tener una lápida formal. La tumba se encuentra junto a los restos de más de tres docenas de personas migrantes no identificadas, cuyos nombres se desconocen por completo pero que, como Alhassane, también son víctimas del brutal régimen fronterizo de Europa.
      Las tumbas de la frontera

      A lo largo de las fronteras de la Unión Europea, miles de personas están siendo enterradas de forma precipitada en tumbas sin nombre. El equipo de investigación de Border Graves (Las Tumbas de la Frontera) ha contabilizado que, en los últimos 10 años, al menos 2.162 cadáveres de migrantes han sido encontrados en las fronteras europeas sin identificar.

      El equipo de investigación también ha confirmado la existencia de 1.015 tumbas de inmigrantes sin identificar entre 2014 y 2021 en 103 cementerios, todas ellas pertenecientes a personas que intentaban emigrar a Europa.

      El problema está “absolutamente abandonado”, afirma Dunja Mijatović, Comisaria de Derechos Humanos del Consejo de Europa, que insiste en que los países de la UE incumplen sus obligaciones en virtud de la legislación internacional sobre derechos humanos. “La tragedia de los migrantes desaparecidos ha alcanzado una magnitud espantosa. El asunto exige una actuación inmediata”.

      Las condiciones de sepultura de estos migrantes varían en todo el continente. En la última década, en la isla griega de Lesbos, un olivar se ha convertido en un cementerio informal para refugiados. Al menos 147 tumbas sin identificar se pueden encontrar en el pequeño pueblo de Kato Tritos, que según explica el periodista Nikos Manavis brotaron tras la gran oleada de refugiados de 2015. “Los otros cementerios de la isla eran inapropiados y no podían cubrir el número de muertos que había que enterrar en Lesbos”, afirma. “Pero no es un cementerio. Es sólo un campo. No se muestra ningún respeto por la gente enterrada aquí”.

      En Siče, una población al este de Croacia, se hallan las tumbas de tres refugiados afganos al borde del cementerio del pueblo, separadas de las de los residentes locales. Los tres hombres no identificados, que se ahogaron intentando cruzar el río Sava desde Bosnia a Croacia, están enterrados bajo sencillas cruces de madera en las que se lee “NN” (desconocido).

      En la frontera entre Lituania y Bielorrusia, un pequeño cementerio de la tranquila localidad de Rameikos alberga la tumba de un emigrante indio. El lugar está marcado por un trozo de madera vertical, a pocos metros de la valla fronteriza. En el cementerio de Piano Gatta, en Agrigento (Sicilia), están enterrados decenas de cadáveres sin identificar del naufragio de Lampedusa en 2013, en el que perdieron la vida 368 personas de Eritrea y Somalia al hundirse el pesquero en el que viajaban.

      En cuanto a la extensa costa española, pueden encontrarse tumbas de inmigrantes desde Alicante hasta Cádiz, y hacia el sur hasta las Canarias. Algunas tienen nombre, pero lo más frecuente es que las inscripciones sean del estilo de “inmigrante no identificado”, “marroquí desconocido” o “víctima del Estrecho [de Gibraltar]”. O, simplemente, una cruz pintada a mano.

      En el cementerio de Barbate, en Cádiz, donde los difuntos están sepultados en nichos, el jardinero Germán señala más de 30 tumbas de inmigrantes: las más antiguas datan de 2002 y las más recientes son de un naufragio de 2019. “Nunca viene nadie a visitarlos, pero los días que hay funerales aquí y se van a tirar las flores antiguas, las coloco en las tumbas de los migrantes desconocidos”, explica. “En algunas de las más antiguas hay restos de hasta cinco o seis emigrantes juntos, cada uno colocado en bolsas separadas dentro del mismo nicho para ahorrar espacio”.

      Tal preocupación era menos evidente en Arrecife, Lanzarote, donde dos tumbas no identificadas de febrero de este año se han dejado selladas con una cubierta que aún lleva el logotipo de una empresa.

      No existen datos exhaustivos sobre cuántas fosas de inmigrantes identificadas y no identificadas existen en España, y el Ministerio del Interior nunca ha dado a conocer cifras sobre el número total de cadáveres recuperados en las distintas rutas migratorias marítimas. Pero los datos del Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja (CICR) revelan que entre 2014 y 2021 se recuperaron los cuerpos de alrededor de 530 personas fallecidas en las fronteras españolas, de las cuales 292 permanecen sin identificar.

      En los diez meses que ha durado la investigación europea Border Graves, llevada a cabo de manera conjunta entre un grupo de periodistas independientes y los medios Unbias the News, The Guardian y Süddeutsche Zeitung y publicada en exclusiva en España por elDiario.es, se ha confirmado la existencia de 109 tumbas de migrantes no identificados entre 2014 y 2021 en 18 lugares de España. Según un estudio de la Universidad de Ámsterdam, otras 434 tumbas sin identificar se remontan al periodo 2000-2013 en al menos 65 cementerios del territorio nacional.

      Estas tumbas son símbolos de una tragedia humanitaria mucho mayor. El CICR calcula que sólo el 6,89% de los restos mortales de las personas que desaparecen a lo largo de las fronteras europeas son recuperados, mientras que la ONG española Caminando Fronteras da una cifra aún más baja para la ruta atlántica de África Occidental a Canarias, estimando que sólo se recupera el 4,2% de los cuerpos de los fallecidos.
      Garantizar los “últimos derechos”

      Las tumbas anónimas y sin visitar reflejan también el hecho de que el derecho a la identificación y a un entierro digno de los fallecidos en las rutas migratorias ha sido sistemáticamente desatendido por las autoridades nacionales españolas. En 2021, el Parlamento Europeo aprobó una resolución que reconoce el derecho a la identificación de los fallecidos en las rutas migratorias, y la necesidad de una base de datos coordinada que recoja los datos de la frontera. Pero, al igual que en otros países europeos, los sucesivos gobiernos han sido incapaces de desarrollar mecanismos legales y protocolos estatales para garantizar estos “últimos derechos” de las víctimas, así como el “derecho a saber” y a llorar a sus seres queridos que corresponde a las familias.

      “La gente siempre llama a la oficina y nos pregunta cómo buscar a un familiar, pero hay que ser sincero y decir que no hay un canal oficial claro al que puedan dirigirse”, explica Juan Carlos Lorenzo, coordinador del Consejo Español para los Refugiados (CEAR) en Canarias. “Se les puede poner en contacto con la Cruz Roja, pero no hay un programa de identificación liderado por el Gobierno. Tampoco existe el tipo de recurso especializado necesario para coordinarse con las familias y centralizar la información y los datos sobre los migrantes desaparecidos”.

      Helena Maleno, directora de Caminando Fronteras, afirma: “Sólo este año estamos trabajando con más de 600 familias cuyos seres queridos han desaparecido. Estas familias, procedentes de Marruecos, Argelia, Senegal, Guinea y países tan lejanos como Sri Lanka, están muy solas y poco protegidas por las administraciones públicas. A su vez, esto significa que hay redes criminales y estafadores que buscan sacarles dinero”.

      Incluso en el caso de la identificación de una víctima, un reciente informe de la Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos de Andalucía (APDHA) expone las barreras legales y financieras a las que se enfrentan las familias para repatriar a sus seres queridos. En 2020/21, las cifras del CICR muestran que se recuperaron 284 cuerpos pero que, de los 116 identificados, sólo 53 fueron repatriados. El informe de la APDHA también señala, respecto a las tumbas fronterizas, que “muchas personas acaban enterradas de manera contraria a sus creencias”. Apenas la mitad de las 50 provincias españolas cuentan con cementerios musulmanes, y no todos están en la costa española.

      Para Maleno, estos fallos del Estado no son casualidad: “España y otros Estados europeos mantienen una política de invisibilización de las víctimas y de la propia frontera. Tienen políticas de negación del número de muertos y de ocultación de datos, pero para las familias esto significa obstáculos en cuanto al acceso a la información y a los derechos de sepultura, así como interminables trabas burocráticas”.
      “Sueño con Oussama”

      Abdallah Tayeb ha sufrido en primera persona las deficiencias del sistema español en sus intentos por confirmar si un cadáver recuperado en diciembre de 2022 es el de su primo Oussama, un joven barbero argelino que soñaba con reunirse con Tayeb en Francia.

      Tayeb está convencido de que el cuerpo sin identificar, que se cree que está en un depósito de cadáveres de Almería, es el de su primo. Está previsto que los restos sean enterrados a comienzos del próximo año en una tumba sin nombre, a menos que se consiga algún avance de última hora. “La sensación es de impotencia”, admite. “No hay nada de transparencia”.

      Tayeb nació en París, de padres argelinos, pero pasa todos los veranos en Argelia con su familia. “Como Oussama y yo teníamos más o menos la misma edad, estábamos muy unidos. Le obsesionaba la idea de venir a Europa, pues dos de sus hermanos ya vivían en Francia. Pero yo no sabía que en realidad ya había organizado su viaje en una patera a finales del año pasado”.

      Oussama formaba parte de un grupo de 23 personas (entre ellas siete niños) que desaparecieron tras zarpar de Mostaganem, Argelia, en una lancha motora el día de Navidad de 2022. Poco después de la desaparición de la patera, su hermano Sofiane viajó de Francia a Cartagena, el destino al que esperaba llegar la embarcación. Con la ayuda de la Cruz Roja, Sofiane pudo presentar una denuncia por desaparición y dar una muestra de ADN, pero no pudo reunir ninguna información concreta sobre la suerte de su hermano.

      Sin embargo, un segundo viaje a España en febrero condujo a un gran avance. Tras recorrer juntos la costa mediterránea, Tayeb y su primo Sofiane consiguieron hablar con una patóloga forense que trabaja en la morgue de Almería, quien pareció reconocer una foto de Oussama. “No paraba de decir ’esta cara me suena’ y también mencionó un collar, algo que llevaba cuando se fue”. Según la forense, había una posible coincidencia con un cuerpo sin identificar recuperado por los guardacostas el 27 de diciembre de 2022.
      El laberinto burocrático

      Con la sensación de que por fin estaban cerca de obtener alguna respuesta, en la comisaría de Almería les informaron de que, para poder ver el cadáver –o incluso las pertenencias– y proceder a su identificación visual, necesitarían el permiso de la comisaría donde se había registrado inicialmente el cadáver. “Fue entonces cuando empezó la verdadera pesadilla”, recuerda Tayeb. Les entregaron una lista de cinco comisarías de toda la región en las que se podría haber registrado el cadáver, y se pasaron los dos días siguientes conduciendo de comisaría en comisaría a lo largo de la costa murciana.

      “En la primera comisaría que visitamos ni siquiera nos dejaron entrar cuando les dijimos que estábamos buscando a un inmigrante desaparecido, y después siempre fue la misma consigna: éste no es el lugar adecuado; no tenemos ningún cadáver; tenéis que ir a este otro lugar…”, continúa. Cuando ambos regresaron a la primera comisaría de Huércal de Almería, después de que les dijeran repetidamente que era el lugar adecuado para preguntar, los agentes, impacientes, se negaron a atenderlos, alegando leyes de protección de la intimidad, e incluso les dijeron que advirtieran a otras familias que buscaban a migrantes desaparecidos que no siguieran viniendo a preguntar.

      “Al final”, explica Tayeb, “nos dimos cuenta de que nunca nos darían ninguna información. Fue muy desgarrador, sobre todo volver a Francia. Fue como si le dejáramos [allí] en la nevera”.
      Incertidumbre

      A medida que pasaban los meses, la frustración y la ansiedad aumentaban para la familia. “En mayo nos dijeron que la muestra de ADN que habíamos dado cinco meses antes acababa de llegar a Madrid y aún no había sido procesada ni enviada a la base de datos”. No se les ha facilitado más información, y las autoridades españolas tienen la política de ponerse en contacto con las familias sólo cuando hay una coincidencia positiva, pero no si la prueba da negativo.

      Tayeb se plantea una última visita a España para intentar recuperar a su primo Oussama, en parte para estar seguro de que ha hecho todo lo posible por encontrarlo, pero le preocupa que el viaje pueda reabrir su trauma de “pérdida ambigua”. “El esfuerzo de ir no es doloroso, lo doloroso es volver sin nada”, dice. “Esta falta de información es lo peor”.

      La Dra. Pauline Boss, catedrática emérita de Psicología de la Universidad de Minnesota (EE.UU.), explica el concepto de pérdida ambigua: “Se parece a un duelo complejo, con pensamientos intrusivos”, dice. “No tienes otra cosa en la cabeza más que el hecho de que tu ser querido ha desaparecido. No puedes afrontar el duelo, porque eso significaría que la persona está muerta, y no lo sabes con certeza”.

      Tayeb lo explica con sus propias palabras: “Todas las personas que iban a bordo eran del mismo barrio de Mostaganem. He podido hablar con muchas de sus familias y están destrozadas. Hay mucho dolor, pero tampoco hay respuestas. Sólo hay rumores, y algunas de las madres creen que sus hijos están en cárceles de Marruecos y España. Todos tenemos sueños [sobre los desaparecidos]. Al final, confías en lo que ves en tus sueños, como si la realidad cósmica te dijera que va a venir. Sueño con Oussama”.
      Un sistema defectuoso

      De todas las familias de los desaparecidos en la patera de Oussama, sólo Tayeb y otras tres familias han podido presentar denuncias de desaparición ante las autoridades españolas, y únicamente en dos casos se han podido entregar muestras de ADN. Según un informe de 2021 de la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM), una de las mayores complicaciones a las que se enfrentan las familias en sus búsquedas es que, para registrar a alguien como desaparecido en España, hay que presentar una denuncia ante la policía del propio país, lo que para muchas familias es “una hazaña prácticamente imposible”, ya que no existen visados para viajar con este fin.

      El informe de la OIM también señala que, aunque muchas familias presentan denuncias de personas desaparecidas en sus países de origen, son “conscientes del carácter casi simbólico de sus esfuerzos” y de que “nunca darán lugar a que se inicie ningún tipo de investigación en España.”

      Junto con la OIM, algunas ONG nacionales, como la APDHA y más de un centenar de organizaciones comunitarias, han denunciado la incapacidad de España para adaptar los procedimientos vigentes en materia de personas desaparecidas a los retos transnacionales que plantean los casos de migrantes desaparecidos. Estas organizaciones han defendido en repetidas ocasiones que el marco jurídico del país en materia de personas desaparecidas debe adaptarse para garantizar que las familias puedan presentar denuncias desde el extranjero por casos de personas desaparecidas.

      También han presionado para que se elaboren protocolos específicos para la policía al tratar casos de migrantes desaparecidos, así como para que se cree una base de datos de migrantes desaparecidos que permita centralizar la información y haga posible el intercambio con autoridades de otros países. Esta incluiría todos los datos disponibles post mortem (desde tatuajes hasta ADN, pasando por inspecciones de cadáveres y autopsias) como de información médica forense ante mortem, es decir, la que procede de los familiares en relación con la persona desaparecida.

      “La realidad es que la situación en toda Europa es sistemáticamente deficiente”, explica Julia Black, analista del Proyecto Migrantes Desaparecidos de la OIM. “A pesar de que nuestras investigaciones muestran estas necesidades acuciantes de las familias, ni España ni ningún otro país europeo ha cambiado [en los últimos años] de forma significativa sus políticas, ni tampoco han mejorado las prácticas para ayudar a este grupo desatendido. El apoyo a las familias sólo está disponible de forma muy puntual, sobre todo en respuesta a sucesos con víctimas masivas que están en el punto de mira de la opinión pública, lo que deja a muchos miles de personas sin un apoyo adecuado”.

      Actores no estatales como la Cruz Roja y Caminando Fronteras, así como una red de activistas independientes, intentan llenar este vacío. “Es un trabajo terrible que no deberíamos estar haciendo, porque los Estados deberían responder a las familias y garantizar los derechos de las víctimas más allá de las fronteras”, explica Maleno. En el caso de la patera de Mostaganem, Caminando Fronteras tiene previsto viajar a Argelia el año que viene para tomar muestras de ADN de los familiares y traerlas a España. Pero Maleno también reconoce que su ONG a menudo tiene que “ejercer mucha presión” para que las autoridades acepten estas muestras.

      Es algo que también confirma Jon Iñarritu, diputado de EH Bildu: “Como miembro de la Comisión de Interior del Congreso de los Diputados, he tenido que intervenir en varias ocasiones para ayudar a las familias que querían registrar muestras de ADN, hablando con el Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores o con el Ministerio del Interior para que aceptaran las muestras. Pero no debería ser necesaria la intervención de un diputado para conseguirlo. Es necesario normalizar todo el proceso con protocolos claros y automáticos [para la presentación de las muestras]. Ahora mismo, no hay una forma clara de hacerlo”.

      Incluso cuando las recomendaciones de la OIM han sido objeto de debate parlamentario en España, no han tendido a traducirse en medidas gubernamentales. En 2021, por ejemplo, el Congreso de los Diputados aprobó una Proposición no de Ley en la que se instaba al Gobierno a crear una oficina estatal específica para las familias de migrantes desaparecidos. “Está claro que necesitamos aliviar el calvario administrativo y burocrático para las familias ofreciéndoles un único punto de contacto [con las autoridades estatales]”, explica Iñárritu, impulsor de la moción.

      Sin embargo, aunque los partidos en el gobierno votaron a favor de la resolución, no se ha tomado ninguna medida al respecto en los 18 meses transcurridos desde la aprobación de la resolución. “Desde mi punto de vista, el Gobierno no tiene ninguna intención de aplicar la propuesta”, argumenta Iñárritu. “Sólo ofrecían un apoyo simbólico”.

      Cuando se expusieron las cuestiones anteriores al Ministerio del Interior, la respuesta fue la siguiente: “El tratamiento de los cadáveres sin identificar que llegan a las costas de España es idéntico al hallazgo de cualquier otro cadáver. En España, para la identificación de cadáveres, las Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad del Estado aplican la Guía de INTERPOL para la Identificación de Víctimas de Catástrofes. Esta Guía, aunque está especialmente indicada para los sucesos con víctimas múltiples, también es aplicada como referencia para la identificación de un cadáver aislado”.
      Derechos de sepultura

      El director de migraciones de APDHA, Carlos Arce, escribe que, en un marco europeo que contempla la migración irregular predominantemente a través del prisma de la criminalidad grave y la seguridad fronteriza, “ni siquiera la muerte o desaparición de las personas migrantes pone freno a la concatenación de ataques a su dignidad”. Por su parte, Iñárritu también apunta al régimen fronterizo más amplio de la UE: “Muchas cuestiones que no encajan en este marco político dominante, como el derecho de identificación, simplemente se dejan sin gestionar en el día a día. Sencillamente, no son una prioridad”.

      Esto también queda claro en lo que respecta a la inacción del gobierno español a la hora de garantizar un entierro digno a las personas cuyos cuerpos son recuperados. Como señala un informe de 2023 de APDHA, “aunque la repatriación es la opción más deseada por las familias [...] el coste es muy elevado (miles de euros) y muy pocas de sus embajadas ayudan [a sufragarlo]”. La ONG recomienda a España que establezca acuerdos de repatriación con los países de procedencia de los inmigrantes para crear “salvoconductos mortuorios” que garanticen su retorno a un coste reducido.

      A esto se suma que el gobierno central tampoco ha establecido mecanismos para garantizar el derecho de los inmigrantes no identificados a un entierro digno dentro del territorio español, sino que sostiene que los ayuntamientos son responsables de todos los entierros de carácter benéfico. Esto ha supuesto que municipios muy concretos, en los que están estacionadas las embarcaciones de salvamento marítimo, sean legalmente responsables de la mayor parte de los entierros, y la mayoría de estos municipios carecen de cementerios locales capaces de acoger entierros musulmanes tradicionales.

      La posibilidad de que este asunto se convierta en un caldo de cultivo para el rechazo a la inmigración quedó patente el pasado mes de septiembre, cuando la alcaldesa de Mogán (Gran Canaria), Onalia Bueno, insistió en que su municipio dejaría de sufragar estos entierros, ya que no quería “detraer los costes de los impuestos de mis vecinos”. Juan Carlos Lorenzo, de CEAR, condena ese “lenguaje divisivo, que enmarca la cuestión en términos de malgastar el dinero de mis ’vecinos’ en alguien que no es un vecino”, y señala en cambio la actuación de los municipios de El Hierro como contraejemplo positivo.

      En esta isla poco poblada, en los últimos dos meses han sido enterrados siete inmigrantes no identificados, junto con los restos de Mamadou Marea, de 30 años. “Los habitantes de la isla se unieron a nosotros para acompañar los restos de cada una de estas personas hasta su lugar de descanso”, explica Amado Carballo, concejal de El Hierro. “Lo que nos entristeció a todos fue no poder poner un nombre en la lápida y simplemente tener que dejar a las personas identificadas con un código policial”.

      Carballo señala que “más de 10.000 personas han llegado a El Hierro desde septiembre, lo mismo que la población de la isla. Son viajes muy largos, de entre seis y nueve días en el mar, y ahora mismo la gente llega en un pésimo estado de salud. A los que han muerto en los últimos meses hemos intentado ofrecerles un entierro digno dentro de los medios de que disponemos. Hemos contado con la presencia de un imán, que ha rezado oraciones del Islam antes de depositar los restos”.

      En la actualidad, la responsabilidad de conmemorar a las víctimas no identificadas recae en los municipios e incluso en los responsables de los cementerios. Al igual que Germán en el cementerio de Barbate, que intenta dignificar las tumbas sin nombre colocando flores sobre ellas, el cementerio de Motril ha adornado las tumbas con poemas. En Teguise, el Ayuntamiento ha puesto en marcha una iniciativa que anima a los vecinos a dejar flores en las tumbas de los inmigrantes cuando vienen a visitar los restos de sus familiares.

      En otro gesto conmemorativo, una colección de unas 50 barcas de pesca desechadas se ha convertido en un rasgo distintivo del puerto de Barbate. Estas pequeñas embarcaciones de madera con escritura árabe en el casco eran utilizadas por los emigrantes que intentaban cruzar el Estrecho de Gibraltar. En lugar de ser desguazadas, APDHA pudo convertir el astillero en un lugar conmemorativo y colocar placas en las embarcaciones en las que se indicaba cuántas personas viajaban en ellas y dónde y cuándo fueron encontradas.

      En el caso del pequeño Alhassane Bangoura, los vecinos acuden habitualmente a dejar flores frescas y otras muestras de afecto, entre ellas un pequeño cuenco de granito con su nombre de pila inscrito. Pero muchas víctimas son enterradas sin ningún intento de identificación y, tal y como exigen innumerables ONG, políticos y activistas, no debería dejarse en manos de la buena voluntad de residentes, trabajadores de cementerios o concejales el garantizar los últimos derechos de las víctimas de la Fortaleza Europa.

      https://www.eldiario.es/desalambre/enterrar-mil-personas-nombre-trabas-ue-espana-identificar-cuerpos-migrantes

    • « Αγνώστων στοιχείων » : Πάνω από 1.000 αταυτοποίητοι τάφοι στα ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα

      Τάφοι με μόνη σήμανση ένα ξύλο, μνήματα που καλύπτονται από αγριόχορτα : μια διασυνοριακή έρευνα οκτώ δημοσιογράφων σε συνεργασία με Solomon, Guardian και Süddeutsche Zeitung καταγράφει την αδιαφορία γύρω από την αξιοπρεπή ταφή των προσφύγων που χάνουν τη ζωή τους στα ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα.

      Το τηλέφωνο χτύπησε ένα πρωινό του Οκτωβρίου 2022 στη δουλειά, στη Φινλανδία όπου ο 35χρονος Μοχάμεντ Σαμίμ ζει τα τελευταία δέκα περίπου χρόνια.

      Ο ανιψιός του δεν είχε καλά νέα : ο αδερφός του Σαμίμ, Ταρίν Μοχαμάντ, μαζί με τον γιο και τις δύο κόρες του, βρισκόταν σε ένα σκάφος που βυθίστηκε κοντά σε ένα ελληνικό νησί, έχοντας αποπλεύσει από τα τουρκικά παράλια για την Ιταλία.

      Όταν ο Σαμίμ έφτασε την επομένη στα Κύθηρα, έμαθε πως —παρότι αδύναμος αφού δεν είχε φάει επί τρεις μέρες— ο αδερφός του είχε καταφέρει να σώσει την οικογένειά του πριν ένα κύμα τον πάρει μακριά. Πήγε αμέσως στο σημείο του ναυαγίου. Μέσα στο νερό είδε σώματα να επιπλέουν — δεν μπορούσε να δει το πρόσωπο του αδερφού του, αλλά αναγνώρισε την πλάτη του.

      Το Λιμενικό είπε πως έπρεπε να περάσει η κακοκαιρία για να μπορέσουν να βγάλουν τους νεκρούς από τη θάλασσα. Πέρασε η πρώτη μέρα, πέρασε και δεύτερη, ώσπου την τρίτη ημέρα κατέστη τελικά δυνατό. Το Λιμενικό επιβεβαίωσε στο Solomon πως άνεμοι έντασης 8 μποφόρ και η μορφολογία της περιοχής καθιστούσαν την ανάσυρση των σορών αδύνατη. Ο Σαμίμ δεν θα ξεχάσει ποτέ την εικόνα του αδερφού του στη θάλασσα.

      Στην Καλαμάτα, χρειάστηκε να περάσουν τέσσερις ημέρες μετακύλισης της ευθύνης μεταξύ νοσοκομείου και Λιμενικού, και η βοήθεια μιας ντόπιας δικηγόρου που « ήρθε και τους έβαλε τις φωνές », προκειμένου να του επιτραπεί να ακολουθήσει τη διαδικασία ταυτοποίησης του αδερφού του.

      Τον προειδοποίησαν πως θα ήταν μια ψυχοφθόρα διαδικασία, και πως θα έπρεπε να φορέσει τριπλή μάσκα λόγω της μυρωδιάς. Ο Σαμίμ λέει πως, λόγω έλλειψης χώρου στα ψυγεία του νεκροτομείου, ορισμένα από τα θύματα του ναυαγίου βρίσκονταν στον θάλαμο εκτός ψυγείου.

      « Το άγχος και η μυρωδιά. Τα γόνατά μας έτρεμαν », θυμάται ο Σαμίμ όταν τον συναντάμε στα Κύθηρα ένα χρόνο μετά.

      Ξεκίνησαν να του δείχνουν σώματα σε αποσύνθεση. Πρώτα αυτά εκτός ψυγείου. Δεν τον αναγνώρισε ανάμεσά τους. Βγήκαν έξω και άλλαξαν τις μάσκες που φορούσαν, επέστρεψαν, άνοιξαν με τη σειρά τα ψυγεία φτάνοντας στο τελευταίο.

      « Βρισκόταν εκεί, ήρεμος. Ο άνθρωπος που αγαπάς. Ήμασταν κάπως χαρούμενοι που, μετά από μέρες, μπορούσαμε να τον δούμε », είπε ο Σαμίμ.
      Νεκροί πρόσφυγες στα αζήτητα

      Ο αριθμός των προσφύγων που πεθαίνουν στα σύνορα της Ευρώπης ολοένα και μεγαλώνει. Πέρα από τη δυσκολία καταγραφής των θανάτων, υπάρχει και η πρόκληση της ταυτοποίησης των σορών, μια διαδικασία ψυχοφθόρα για τους συγγενείς. Σε κάποιες περιπτώσεις, ωστόσο, υπάρχουν σοροί που μένουν αταυτοποίητες, εκατοντάδες άνδρες, γυναίκες και παιδιά που θάβονται σε τάφους αγνώστων στοιχείων.

      Τον Ιούλιο του 2023, το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο υιοθέτησε ψήφισμα που αναγνωρίζει το δικαίωμα στην ταυτοποίηση των ανθρώπων που χάνουν τη ζωή τους στην προσπάθεια να φτάσουν στην Ευρώπη, έως σήμερα ωστόσο δεν υπάρχει κεντρικό σύστημα καταγραφής σε πανευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο. Ούτε ενιαία διαδικασία για τη διαχείριση των σορών που καταλήγουν σε νεκροτομεία, γραφεία κηδειών — ακόμη και κοντέινερ ψύξης.

      Το πρόβλημα είναι « εντελώς παραμελημένο », είπε στο Solomon η Ευρωπαία Επίτροπος Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων, Dunja Mijatović, η οποία αναφέρει ότι οι χώρες της ΕΕ δεν εκπληρώνουν τις υποχρεώσεις τους βάσει του διεθνούς δικαίου των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. « Η τραγωδία των αγνοούμενων μεταναστών έχει λάβει τρομακτικές διαστάσεις. Το ζήτημα απαιτεί άμεση δράση », πρόσθεσε.

      Η πλατφόρμα Missing Migrants του Διεθνούς Οργανισμού Μετανάστευσης (ΔΟΜ), που αναγνωρίζει πως τα στοιχεία της δεν αποτελούν ολοκληρωμένη καταγραφή, κάνει λόγο για πάνω από 1.090 αγνοούμενους πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες στην Ευρώπη από το 2014.

      Στο πλαίσιο της έρευνας Border Graves, οκτώ Ευρωπαίοι δημοσιογράφοι, από κοινού με την βρετανική εφημερίδα Guardian, την γερμανική εφημερίδα Süddeutsche Zeitung, και το Solomon για την Ελλάδα, ερεύνησαν επί επτά μήνες τι συμβαίνει με τις χιλιάδες αταυτοποίητες σορούς όσων χάνουν τη ζωή τους στα ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα, και καταγράφουν για πρώτη φορά έναν σχεδόν διπλάσιο αριθμό : σύμφωνα με τα στοιχεία που συγκεντρώθηκαν, περισσότεροι από 2.162 άνθρωποι πέθαναν την περίοδο 2014-2023.

      Μελετήσαμε έγγραφα και πήραμε συνεντεύξεις από κρατικούς ιατροδικαστές, εισαγγελείς και εργαζομένους σε γραφεία τελετών· από κατοίκους και συγγενείς θανόντων και αγνοουμένων· και αποκτήσαμε αποκλειστική πρόσβαση σε αδημοσίευτα στοιχεία της Διεθνούς Επιτροπής του Ερυθρού Σταυρού.

      Σε 65 νεκροταφεία κατά μήκος των ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων –Ελλάδα, Ισπανία, Ιταλία, Μάλτα, Πολωνία, Λιθουανία, Γαλλία και Κροατία– καταγράψαμε περισσότερους από 1.000 τάφους αγνώστων στοιχείων κατά την τελευταία δεκαετία.

      Η έρευνα καταγράφει τον τρόπο με τον οποίο η κρατική αδιαφορία γύρω από την αξιοπρεπή ταφή των ανθρώπων που χάνουν τη ζωή τους στα σύνορα διαπερνά τις ευρωπαϊκές χώρες. Στην Ιταλία, συναντήσαμε ξύλινους σταυρούς. Στην Κροατία και τη Βοσνία, συναντήσαμε δεκάδες τάφους με την ένδειξη « ΝΝ » (αγνώστων στοιχείων), στη Γαλλία απλώς με ένα « Χ ».

      Στα ισπανικά Γκραν Κανάρια, εντοπίσαμε πλάκες που δεν αναφέρουν την ταυτότητα των θανόντων, αλλά σε ποιο ναυάγιο πέθαναν : « Βάρκα μεταναστών νούμερο 4. 25/09/2022 ».

      Στην Ελλάδα, καταγράψαμε περισσότερους από 540 αταυτοποίητους τάφους προσφύγων, το 54% όσων συνολικά κατέγραψε η ευρωπαϊκή έρευνα. Ταξιδέψαμε στα νησιά του Αιγαίου και τον Έβρο, και εντοπίσαμε τάφους σε χωράφια που ενίοτε καλύπτονται από αγριόχορτα, και μαρμάρινες πλάκες με ημερομηνίες θανάτου που έχουν σβηστεί, ενώ σε άλλες περιπτώσεις ένα κομμάτι ξύλο μαζί με έναν αριθμό αποτελεί τη μόνη σήμανσή τους.

      Τα στοιχεία της έρευνάς μας, σε συνδυασμό με τα στοιχεία της Διεθνούς Επιτροπής του Ερυθρού Σταυρού, δεν αποτελούν εξαντλητική καταγραφή του ζητήματος. Ωστόσο, αποτυπώνουν για πρώτη φορά τα κενά και τις δυσκολίες ενός συστήματος, που οδηγεί χιλιάδες οικογένειες να μην γνωρίζουν πού είναι θαμμένοι οι συγγενείς τους.

      Λέσβος : 167 αταυτοποίητοι τάφοι προσφύγων

      Ένας μακρύς χωματόδρομος, που τριγυρίζεται από ελαιόδεντρα, οδηγεί στην πύλη του νεκροταφείου του Κάτω Τρίτου, που συνήθως παραμένει κλειδωμένη με λουκέτο.

      Το « νεκροταφείο των προσφύγων », όπως το αποκαλούν στο νησί, βρίσκεται περίπου 15χλμ δυτικά της Μυτιλήνης. Αποτελεί τον μοναδικό χώρο ταφής αποκλειστικά για πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες στην Ελλάδα.

      Κατά τη διάρκεια μίας από τις επισκέψεις μας, λάμβανε χώρα η κηδεία τεσσάρων παιδιών. Έχασαν τη ζωή τους στις 28 Αυγούστου 2023, όταν η βάρκα στην οποία επέβαιναν μαζί με 18 ακόμη ανθρώπους βυθίστηκε νοτιοανατολικά της Λέσβου.

      Η πενθούσα μητέρα και αρκετές γυναίκες, μεταξύ των οποίων μέλη της οικογένειας, κάθονταν κάτω από ένα δέντρο, ενώ οι άνδρες προσεύχονταν κοντά στο υπόστεγο που χρησιμοποιείται για τη διαδικασία της ταφής σύμφωνα με την ισλαμική παράδοση.

      Στον Κάτω Τρίτο και τον Άγιο Παντελεήμονα, το νεκροταφείο της Μυτιλήνης όπου θάβονταν οι πρόσφυγες έως τότε, μετρήσαμε συνολικά 167 τάφους αγνώστων στοιχείων μεταξύ 2014-2023.

      Ο τοπικός δημοσιογράφος, και πρώην μέλος του Περιφερειακού Συμβουλίου Βορείου Αιγαίου Νίκος Μανάβης, εξηγεί πως το νεκροταφείο δημιουργήθηκε το 2015 σε έναν ελαιώνα που ανήκει στο δήμο Μυτιλήνης λόγω ανάγκης : ένα πολύνεκρο ναυάγιο στα βόρεια του νησιού, στις 28 Οκτωβρίου του έτους, είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τουλάχιστον 60 νεκρούς, για τους οποίους τα νεκροταφεία του νησιού δεν επαρκούσαν.

      Πολλά θύματα ναυαγίων παραμένουν θαμμένα σε τάφους αγνώστων στοιχείων. Στις ταφόπλακες αναγράφεται η εκτιμώμενη ηλικία των θανόντων και η ημερομηνία ταφής, ενίοτε μόνο ένας αριθμός. Άλλες φορές, ένα κομμάτι ξύλο και περιμετρικά τοποθετημένες πέτρες σηματοδοτούν τον τάφο.

      « Αυτό που βλέπουμε είναι ένα χωράφι, όχι ένα νεκροταφείο. Δεν δείχνει σεβασμό στους ανθρώπους που τάφηκαν εδώ », λέει ο Μανάβης.

      Αυτή η έλλειψη σεβασμού στο νεκροταφείο του Κάτω Τρίτου κινητοποίησε την οργάνωση Earth Medicine. Όπως εξηγεί ο Δημήτρης Πατούνης, μέλος της ΜΚΟ, τον Ιανουάριο του 2022 έκαναν πρόταση στο δήμο Μυτιλήνης για την αποκατάσταση του νεκροταφείου. Το σχέδιό τους είναι να δημιουργήσουν ένα χώρο ανάπαυσης με σεβασμό και αξιοπρέπεια, όπου οι πρόσφυγες και οι αιτούντες άσυλο θα μπορούν να ικανοποιήσουν την πιο ιερή ανθρώπινη ανάγκη, το πένθος για τους αγαπημένους τους.

      Παρόλο που το δημοτικό συμβούλιο ενέκρινε την πρόταση την άνοιξη του 2023, οι δημοτικές εκλογές του Οκτωβρίου καθυστέρησαν το έργο. Ο Πατούνης δηλώνει θετικός ότι σύντομα θα γίνει καταγραφή των τάφων και περίφραξη της περιοχής.

      Ο Χρήστος Μαυραχείλης, νεκροθάφτης στο νεκροταφείο του Αγίου Παντελεήμονα, θυμάται ότι το 2015 οι μουσουλμάνοι πρόσφυγες θάβονταν σε συγκεκριμένη περιοχή του νεκροταφείου.

      « Αν κάποιος ήταν αγνώστου ταυτότητας έγραφα στον τάφο του “Άγνωστος” », λέει. Εάν δεν υπήρχαν συγγενείς, που θα μπορούσαν να καλύψουν το κόστος, ο Μαυραχείλης έκοβε ο ίδιος ένα μάρμαρο και έγραφε όσα στοιχεία μπορούσε από το πιστοποιητικό θανάτου. « Άνθρωποι ήταν κι αυτοί », λέει, « έκανα ό,τι μπορούσα ».

      Από την πλευρά του, ο Θωμάς Βαναβάκης, πρώην ιδιοκτήτης γραφείου τελετών που πρόσφερε υπηρεσίες στη Λέσβο έως το 2020, λέει επίσης πως συχνά χρειάστηκε να καλύψουν ταφές δίχως να λάβουν αμοιβή. « Ξέρετε πόσες φορές μπήκαμε στη θάλασσα και πληρώσαμε εργάτες από την τσέπη μας για να τραβήξουμε τα πτώματα και δεν παίρναμε φράγκο ; », λέει.

      « Το να βλέπεις τόσα μωρά, να τα μαζεύεις και να τα πετάς σε ένα κουτί… Πώς μπορείς να πας σπίτι και να κοιμηθείς μετά από αυτό ; », λέει ο Βαναβάκης.

      Η Έφη Λατσούδη, που ζει στη Λέσβο και εργάζεται στην οργάνωση Refugee Support Aegean (RSA), λέει πως το 2015 υπήρχαν ταφές που δεν μπορούσε να καλύψει ο δήμος Μυτιλήνης, και ορισμένες φορές τις « πληρώναν οι άνθρωποι που συμμετείχαν στην τελετή. Προσπαθούσαμε να δώσουμε μια αξιοπρέπεια στη διαδικασία. Αλλά δεν ήταν αρκετό », λέει.

      Η Λατσούδη θυμάται κάτι που της είχε αναφέρει μια προσφύγισσα το 2015 : « Το χειρότερο που μπορεί να μας συμβεί είναι να πεθάνουμε κάπου μακριά και να μην είναι κανείς στην κηδεία μας ».

      Ο δήμος Μυτιλήνης δεν απάντησε στα ερωτήματά μας σχετικά με την αξιοπρεπή ταφή των προσφύγων στα νεκροταφεία ευθύνης του.
      Χίος και Σάμος : τάφοι καλύπτονται από αγριόχορτα

      Σύμφωνα με την ελληνική νομοθεσία, η τοπική αυτοδιοίκηση (και σε περίπτωση αδυναμίας της η περιφέρεια) καλύπτει το κόστος για την ταφή τόσο των αταυτοποίητων προσφύγων που πεθαίνουν στα σύνορα, όσο και εκείνων που βρίσκονται σε οικονομική αδυναμία.

      Από πλευράς της, η δημοτική Αρχή Χίου δήλωσε πως προβλέπεται χρηματοδότηση για τις σχετικές δαπάνες, καθώς και ότι « στο πλαίσιο των αρμοδιοτήτων της για τα νεκροταφεία, συντηρεί και φροντίζει όλους τους χώρους, χωρίς διακρίσεις και με τον απαιτούμενο σεβασμό, για όλους τους νεκρούς ».

      Αλλά κατά την επίσκεψή μας τον Αύγουστο στο νεκροταφείο του Μερσινιδίου, λίγα χιλιόμετρα βόρεια της πόλης της Χίου, όπου πρόσφυγες βρίσκονται θαμμένοι πλάι στα μνήματα των ντόπιων, δεν ήταν δύσκολο να εντοπίσει κανείς τον διαχωρισμό : οι πέντε τάφοι αταυτοποίητων προσφύγων σηματοδοτούνταν απλώς από ένα μάρμαρο, το οποίο έτεινε να υπερκαλύψει η βλάστηση.

      Η Νατάσα Στραχίνη, δικηγόρος του RSA που ζει στη Χίο, έχει λάβει μέρος σε αρκετές κηδείες προσφύγων τόσο στη Χίο όσο και στη Λέσβο. Για εκείνη, είναι πολύ μεγάλη η σημασία της τοπικής κοινότητας και η παρουσία σε μια τόσο δύσκολη ανθρώπινη στιγμή.

      Σχετικά με τις ταφές, εξηγεί πως « μόνο ένα καλό σύστημα καταγραφής θα μπορούσε να βοηθήσει τους συγγενείς να εντοπίσουν τον τάφο ενός ανθρώπου που έχασαν, καθώς συνήθως στα νεκροταφεία μετά από 3-5 χρόνια γίνονται εκταφές ». Αναφέρει πως ενίοτε ένας τάφος παραμένει αγνώστων στοιχείων παρότι η σορός έχει ταυτοποιηθεί, είτε γιατί καθυστέρησε η διαδικασία ταυτοποίησης, είτε γιατί οι συγγενείς δεν είχαν την οικονομική δυνατότητα να αλλάξουν το μνήμα.

      Στο Ηραίο Σάμου, δίπλα στο δημοτικό νεκροταφείο, σε ένα οικόπεδο που ανήκει στη Μητρόπολη και χρησιμοποιείται ως χώρος ταφής προσφύγων, καταγράψαμε δεκάδες μνήματα που χρονολογούνται μεταξύ 2014-2023. Οι πλάκες –ορισμένες σπασμένες– που έχουν τοποθετηθεί στο έδαφος, « κρυμμένες » από κλαδιά, πευκοβελόνες και κουκουνάρια, αναγράφουν απλώς έναν αριθμό και τη χρονολογία της ταφής.

      Ο δικηγόρος Δημήτρης Χούλης, που ζει στη Σάμο και χειρίζεται υποθέσεις γύρω από το προσφυγικό, σχολίασε σχετικά : « Είναι ντροπιαστική εικόνα να βλέπεις τέτοιους τάφους. Είναι αδικαιολόγητο για μια σύγχρονη κοινωνία όπως η Ελλάδα ».

      Αναζητώντας στοιχεία

      Η Διεθνής Επιτροπή του Ερυθρού Σταυρού είναι από τις λίγες διεθνείς οργανώσεις που εργάζονται για την ταυτοποίηση των νεκρών πρσοφύγων. Μεταξύ άλλων, και στην Ελλάδα έχουν πραγματοποιήσει αρκετές σχετικές εκπαιδεύσεις σε στελέχη του Λιμενικού και της Ελληνικής Αστυνομίας.

      « Είναι υποχρέωσή μας να παρέχουμε στους νεκρούς μια αξιοπρεπή ταφή. Παράλληλα, οφείλουμε να δίνουμε απαντήσεις στις οικογένειες μέσω της ταυτοποίησης των νεκρών. Αν υπολογίσουμε τους συγγενείς των αγνοουμένων, αυτή η διαδικασία επηρεάζει εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες ανθρώπους. Δεν γνωρίζουν πού βρίσκονται οι αγαπημένοι τους. Τους φέρθηκαν καλά ; Τους σεβάστηκαν όταν τους έθαψαν ; », αναφέρει η Laurel Clegg, συντονίστρια ιατροδικαστής για τη μετανάστευση στην Ευρώπη.

      Εξηγεί πως η καταγραφή των νεκρών αποτελεί διαδικασία που « απαιτεί την καλή συνεργασία μεταξύ πολλών μερών : ένα νομικό πλαίσιο που να προστατεύει τους αταυτοποίητους νεκρούς, συστηματικές νεκροψίες (consistent post-mortems), νεκροτομεία, ληξιαρχεία, αξιοπρεπή μεταφορά, νεκροταφεία ».

      Ωστόσο, τα ιατρικά και νομικά συστήματα των χωρών αποδεικνύονται ανεπαρκή για να αντιμετωπίσουν τη διάσταση του προβλήματος, προσθέτει.

      Από το 2013, στο πλαίσιο του προγράμματος για την αποκατάσταση οικογενειακών δεσμών, ο Ερυθρός Σταυρός έχει καταγράψει στην Ευρώπη 16.500 αιτήματα από ανθρώπους που αναζητούν αγνοούμενους συγγενείς τους. Σύμφωνα με τον διεθνή οργανισμό έχουν επιτευχθεί μόλις 285 επιτυχείς αντιστοιχίσεις (1,7%).

      Τις αντιστοιχίσεις αυτές αναλαμβάνουν οι κατά τόπους ιατροδικαστές.

      « Συλλέγουμε πάντα δείγματα DNA από τις σορούς αγνώστων στοιχείων. Είναι συνήθης πρακτική και μπορεί να είναι το μόνο εφικτό μέσο ταυτοποίησης », αναφέρει ο Παναγιώτης Κοτρέτσος, ιατροδικαστής στη Ρόδο. Τα δείγματα αποστέλλονται στο εργαστήριο DNA της Διεύθυνσης Εγκληματολογικών Ερευνών της Ελληνικής Αστυνομίας, σύμφωνα με πρωτόκολλο της INTERPOL.

      Σύμφωνα με τον Ερυθρό Σταυρό, οι δυσκολίες συνήθως προκύπτουν όταν οι οικογένειες βρίσκονται εκτός ΕΕ, και οφείλονται σε διάφορους παράγοντες, όπως τυχόν διαφορές στο νομικό πλαίσιο ή στα ιατρικά συστήματα των χωρών. Για παράδειγμα, ορισμένες χώρες της ΕΕ δεν μπορούν να « ανοίξουν » υπόθεση και να πάρουν δείγματα DNA από οικογένειες, χωρίς εντολή από τις Aρχές της χώρας στην οποία έχει ανασυρθεί η σορός του συγγενή που αναζητάται.

      Το πιο δύσκολο μέρος στη διαδικασία ταυτοποίησης μέσω DNA είναι ότι χρειάζεται να υπάρχει κι ένα δεύτερο δείγμα που θα συγκριθεί με εκείνο που συνέλεξαν οι ιατροδικαστές, το οποίο πρέπει να σταλεί από τις οικογένειες των αγνοουμένων. « Για έναν πρόσφυγα που ξεκίνησε το ταξίδι του από μια χώρα της κεντρικής Αφρικής, ταξίδεψε για μήνες, και πέθανε στην Ελλάδα, θα υπάρχει το γενετικό υλικό στο νεκροτομείο. Αλλά θα παραμείνει αταίριαστο μέχρι κάποιος συγγενής πρώτου βαθμού να στείλει δείγμα DNA », λέει ο Κοτρέτσος.

      Εξηγεί πως αυτό δεν είναι πάντα εφικτό. « Έχουμε δεχτεί τηλεφωνήματα από συγγενείς που βρίσκονταν στη στη Συρία, και αναζητούσαν αγνοούμενα μέλη της οικογένειάς τους, και δεν μπορούσαν να στείλουν δείγματα ακριβώς επειδή βρίσκονταν στη Συρία ».

      Έξω από το πανεπιστημιακό νοσοκομείο της Αλεξανδρούπολης, δύο κοντέινερ ψυγεία που έχουν παραχωρηθεί από τον Ερυθρό Σταυρό ως προσωρινοί νεκροθάλαμοι φιλοξενούν τα σώματα 40 προσφύγων.

      Ο καθηγητής Ιατροδικαστικής στο Δημοκρίτειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θράκης, Παύλος Παυλίδης, έχει από το 2000 πραγματοποιήσει αυτοψίες σε τουλάχιστον 800 σώματα ανθρώπων σε κίνηση, με βασικές αιτίες θανάτου τον πνιγμό στα νερά του Έβρου και την υποθερμία.

      Ο ιατροδικαστής δεν αρκείται στην απαραίτητη συλλογή DNA : καταγράφει δεδομένα όπως σημάδια γέννησης ή τατουάζ και αντικείμενα (π.χ. πορτοφόλια, δαχτυλίδια, γυαλιά), τα οποία θα μπορούσαν να αποτελέσουν τον συνδετικό κρίκο για έναν συγγενή που αναζητά το αγαπημένο του πρόσωπο.

      Λέει πως συνολικά 313 σοροί που βρέθηκαν στον Έβρο από το 2014 παραμένουν αγνώστων στοιχείων. Όσες δεν μπορούν να ταυτοποιηθούν θάβονται σε ειδικό νεκροταφείο στο Σιδηρώ, το οποίο διαχειρίζεται ο δήμος Σουφλίου, ενώ 15-20 αταυτοποίητες σοροί τάφηκαν στην Ορεστιάδα όσο γινόταν η επέκταση του νεκροταφείου Σιδηρού.

      Οι σοροί των μουσουλμάνων προσφύγων που ταυτοποιούνται ενταφιάζονται στο μουσουλμανικό νεκροταφείο στη Μεσσούνη Κομοτηνής ή επαναπατρίζονται, όταν οι συγγενείς μπορούν να καλύψουν το κόστος επαναπατρισμού.

      « Αυτό δεν είναι αξιοπρεπές »

      Απαντώντας σε σχετικά ερωτήματα, το υπουργείο Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου είπε πως το ζήτημα των διαδικασιών ταυτοποίησης και ταφής προσφύγων δεν εμπίπτει στις αρμοδιότητές του. Εκπρόσωπος της Κομισιόν δήλωσε πως σχετικά κονδύλια προς την Ελλάδα δεν προβλέπονται, ωστόσο εν λόγω δαπάνες « θα μπορούσαν να υποστηριχθούν στο πλαίσιο του Εθνικού Προγράμματος του Ταμείου Ασύλου, Μετανάστευσης και Ένταξης », το οποίο διαχειρίζεται το υπουργείο Μετανάστευσης.

      Ο Θεόδωρος Νούσιας είναι επικεφαλής ιατροδικαστής της Ιατροδικαστικής Υπηρεσίας Βορείου Αιγαίου, δηλαδή υπεύθυνος για τα νησιά Λέσβο, Σάμο, Χίο, και Λήμνο. Σύμφωνα με τον ιατροδικαστή, η διαδικασία ταυτοποίησης μέσω DNA έχει βελτιωθεί πολύ σε σχέση με πριν από μερικά χρόνια.

      Ο Νούσιας λέει ότι πάντα ήταν διαθέσιμος, όταν του ζητήθηκε να αναγνωρίσει κάποιον. « Πρέπει να εξυπηρετείς τους ανθρώπους, γι’ αυτό βρίσκεσαι εκεί. Να εξυπηρετείς τους ανθρώπους για να μπορούν να βρουν την οικογένειά τους », προσθέτει.

      Ο ιατροδικαστής ζει στη Λέσβο, αλλά λέει πως δεν έχει πάει ποτέ στο νεκροταφείο στον Κάτω Τρίτο. « Δεν θέλω να πάω. Θα είναι δύσκολο για μένα γιατί οι περισσότεροι από αυτούς τους ανθρώπους έχουν περάσει από τα χέρια μου ».

      Τον Οκτώβριο του 2022, ο 32χρονος Σουτζά Αχμαντί και η αδελφή του Μαρίνα ταξίδεψαν επίσης στα Κύθηρα και, στη συνέχεια, στην Καλαμάτα προκειμένου να αναγνωρίσουν τη σορό του πατέρα τους, Αμπντούλ Γασί.

      Ο 65χρονος είχε ξεκινήσει το ταξίδι για την Ιταλία μαζί με τη γυναίκα του Χατίτζε — εκείνη επέζησε. Τα δύο αδέλφια επισκέφθηκαν το νοσοκομείο, όπου τους έδειξαν και τα οκτώ πτώματα, άνδρες και γυναίκες, παρότι είχαν εξαρχής εξηγήσει πως ο άνθρωπος που αναζητούσαν ήταν άνδρας.

      Το σώμα του πατέρα τους ήταν μεταξύ εκείνων που βρίσκονταν εκτός ψυγείου.

      « Η αδελφή μου έκλαιγε και τους φώναζε να πάρουν τον πατέρα μας από το κοντέινερ ψυγείο γιατί μύριζε », θυμάται ο Σουτζά. « Δεν ήταν αξιοπρεπές μέρος για έναν άνθρωπο ».

      Για την έρευνα συνεργάστηκαν οι : Gabriele Cruciata, Eoghan Gilmartin, Danai Maragoudaki, Barbara Matejčić, Leah Pattem, Gabriela Ramírez, Daphne Tolis and Tina Xu (συντονίστρια).

      Η έρευνα υποστηρίχθηκε από το Investigative Journalism for Europe (IJ4EU) και Journalismfund Europe.

      https://wearesolomon.com/el/mag/format-el/erevnes/agnoston-stoixeion-pano-apo-1000-ataftopoihtoi-tafoi-sta-evropaika-syn

    • U Hrvatskoj pronađeno 45 neimenovanih grobova migranata, među njima je bila i 5-godišnja curica: ‘Policija ih često tjera u rijeku’

      Telegram ekskluzivno donosi veliku priču Barbare Matejčić koja je, kao jedina novinarka iz Hrvatske, sudjelovala u međunarodnoj novinarskoj istrazi s kolegama iz uglednih medija poput britanskog Guardiana i njemačkog Süddeutsche Zeitunga. Otkrili su kako završavaju tijela onih koji su stradali pokušavajući ući u Europsku uniju

      U selu Siče u istočnoj Hrvatskoj više je Sičana na groblju nego među živima: živih je 230, a umrlih 250. Točnije, na groblju je 247 Sičana i tri nepoznate osobe. Bilo bi ih još više pod zemljom da Siče svoje groblje nema tek od 1970-ih. Bilo bi još više i živih da nisu, kao mnogi iz tog kraja, odlazili u veće gradove ili u inozemstvo u potrazi za boljim životom. Grobovi Sičana, ukratko, posjetitelju kažu tko su ti ljudi bili, gdje pripadaju i posjećuju li ih bližnji. Tako to biva s grobovima, sažimaju osnovne informacije naših života. Ako na grobu stoji samo NN, to sažima tragediju.

      Tko su te tri osobe kojima se ne zna ime? Kako im je posljednja adresa skromni humak u Siču? Migranti, utopili su se u obližnjoj rijeci, reći će vam mještani. Malo je mjesto, malo je groblje, sve se zna. I da ne znate ništa, jasno vam je da te tri osobe tu ne pripadaju. Ukopani su sasvim izdvojeno od ostatka groblja. Tri drvena križa s NN natpisima, zabodena u zemlju na rubu groblja. NN, kao skraćenica od latinskog nomen nescio, doslovno znači: ne znam ime.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iQAGqiWBB78&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.telegram.hr%2F&

      Službeno objašnjenje komunalnog poduzeća koje upravlja grobljem je da je ostavljeno mjesta za još mogućih ukopa onih kojima se ne zna ime. A objašnjenje na koje pomislite kad tamo dođete jest da su ukopani izdvojeno kako se ne bi miješali s mještanima. Ili, kako nam se u telefonskom razgovoru izlanuo načelnik jednog drugog mjesta gdje su također na margini groblja NN migrantski grobovi: “Da nam ne smetaju.”

      Afganistanci pod križem

      Na groblju u Sičama to su jedina tri groba o kojima nitko ne vodi računa. Za nekih pet godina mogao bi im nestati svaki trag. Komunalna poduzeća su dužna ukopati neidentificirana tijela, ali ne i održavati grobove osim ako grob nije od “osobe od posebnog povijesnog i društvenog značaja”, kako zakon nalaže. NN1, NN2 i NN3 su od posebnog značaja samo svojim bližnjima, koji vjerojatno ni ne znaju gdje su. Možda čekaju da im se konačno jave iz zapadne Europe. Možda ih traže. Možda ih oplakuju. No, ako zakopate malo dublje, saznat ćete ponešto o onima koji tu počivaju bez imena.

      U rano i hladno jutro 23. prosinca 2022. policija je pronašla dva tijela na obali Save, koja je u tom području odvaja Hrvatsku od Bosne i Hercegovine. Odvaja Europsku uniju od ostatka Europe. Prema policijskom izvještaju, pronašli su i skupinu od dvadeset stranih državljana koji su tim putem nezakonito ušli u Hrvatsku. Skupini je nedostajala još jedna osoba. Nakon opsežne potrage u popodnevnim satima je pronađeno i treće tijelo. Patolog Opće bolnice u Novoj Gradiški ustanovio je da je smrt za sve troje nastupila u 2.45 u noći. Dvojica su umrla od pothlađenosti, jedan se utopio.

      Kod njih su pronađene iskaznice iz izbjegličkog kampa u Bosni i Hercegovini. Saznali smo da su, prema iskaznicama, sva trojica bila iz Afganistana: Ahmedi Abozari imao je 17 godina, Basir Naseri imao je 21 godinu i Shakir Atoin je imao 25 godina. NN1, NN2 i NN3. Za dvojicu od njih su i drugi iz skupine migranata potvrdili identitet, rekli su nam iz Policijske uprave brodsko-posavske. Zašto su onda pokopani kao NN? Ako se znalo da su iz Afganistana, zašto su pokopani pod križem? Ako ih traže obitelji, kako će ih naći?
      ‘Neka plate za ime na grobu’

      U upravi groblja su bili ljubazni i rekli da pokapaju prema tome kako stoji u dozvoli za ukop koju potpisuje patolog. A stajalo je NN. Patolog je rekao da podatke ispisuje na temelju informacija dobivenih od policije i mrtvozornika. Iz nadležne policije su nam rekli da se osoba sahranjuje po pravilima lokalne uprave. Groblje Siče pripada Općini Nova Kapela, čiji nam je načelnik Ivan Šmit nezadovoljno nabrojao sve troškove koje je njegova općina snosila za te ukope i poručio da ako će netko za to platiti, onda može promijeniti oznaku NN u imena.

      Na niz smo takvih administrativnih nejasnoća naišli istražujući kako nadležna tijela postupaju s tijelima onih koji su stradali pokušavajući ući u Europsku uniju, kao dio Border Graves Investigation koje je proveo tim od osam slobodnih novinara u zemljama na migrantskim rutama, zajedno s britanskim Guardianom i njemačkim Süddeutsche Zeitungom.

      Nema jedinstvene europske baze podataka o broju migranata koji su pokopani u Europi. No tim je uspio potvrditi najmanje 1.931 takav grob u Grčkoj, Italiji, Španjolskoj, Hrvatskoj, Malti, Poljskoj i Francuskoj u zadnjem desetljeću, dakle od 2014. do 2023. Od toga je 1.015 NN grobova. Više od polovice neidentificiranih grobova je, očekivano, u Grčkoj – 551, u Italiji 248 i u Španjolskoj 109. U Hrvatskoj smo utvrdili 59 grobova migranata koji su ukopani posljednjeg desetljeća, od čega ih 45 nije identificirano. Podaci su temeljeni na različitim bazama podataka koje u pojedinačnim zemljama prikupljaju međunarodne organizacije, nevladine udruge, znanstvenici i istraživači, kao i od lokalnih vlasti te terenskim radom.

      Tim novinara je posjetio 24 groblja u Grčkoj, Italiji, Španjolskoj, Hrvatskoj, Poljskoj i Litvi, gdje je ukupno 555 grobova neidentificiranih migranata od 2014. do 2023. To su oni čija su tijela pronađena i pokopana. Međunarodni odbor Crvenog križa procjenjuje da se 87 posto onih koji nestanu na europskim južnim granicama nikad ne pronađe. Za kopnene migrantske rute nema procjena.
      Traže li migrante kao što traže turiste?

      Prosinac 2022. kad su umrla trojica mladih Afganistanaca je bio kišniji nego inače i Sava je nabujala. No ionako je velika i brza. Na tom je području samo tri dana ranije nestalo petero turskih državljana nakon što im se na Savi prevrnuo čamac. Među njima su bili dvogodišnja curica, dvanaestogodišnji dečko i njihovi roditelji. Brat nestalog oca je došao iz Njemačke u Hrvatsku kako bi saznao što se dogodilo s obitelji. Iz dokumentacije koju posjedujemo, vidljivo je da je uz pomoć turkologinje Nine Rajković pokušavao od više policijskih postaja doći do informacija u vezi nestalih. Nije ih dobio ni mjesecima kasnije. Htjeli su prijaviti nestanak, no u policiji im je rečeno da prijavu nema smisla pisati ako osobe nisu prethodno registrirane na području Hrvatske ili Bosne i Hercegovine.

      Na niz smo sličnih primjera naišli baveći se ovom temom. Mladić je došao u Hrvatsku i prijavio policiji i u Hrvatskoj i u Sloveniji da mu se brat utopio u Kupi. No njegov nestanak nije evidentiran u hrvatskoj nacionalnoj bazi nestalih osoba koja je javno dostupna. Policija brata nije kontaktirala nakon što je u narednim danima u Kupi nađeno više neidentificiranih tijela. Afganistanac je šest mjeseci čekao da se tijelo njegova brata, koji se utopio kad su zajedno pokušali prijeći Savu također u prosincu 2022., prebaci iz Hrvatske u Bosnu i Hercegovinu da ga može pokopati. Iako je potvrdio da je riječ o njegovu bratu, proces identifikacije je bio spor i kompliciran.

      Naišli smo i na primjere obitelji koje nemaju nekoga u Europi tko može doputovati i uporno tragati za informacijama, već izdaleka pokušavaju ući u trag bližnjima koji se gube na području Hrvatske i na kraju su obeshrabreno odustali. Puno je pitanja i malo jasnih odgovora na temu nestalih i umrlih migranata na tzv. Balkanskoj ruti, čiji je Hrvatska dio. Ne postoje jasni protokoli i procedure oko toga kome i kako se prijavljuje nestanak. Ne zna se traži li se nestale migrante aktivno, kao što se ljeti traži nestale turiste. Nije jasno koliko je informacija, i kojih, potrebno za identifikaciju.
      Obitelji se nemaju kome javiti

      “Kruženje informacije između institucija i pojedinih odjela mi se čini gotovo nepostojeća. U jednom slučaju mi je trebalo više od dva mjeseca i deseci telefonskih poziva i mailova upućenih na različite adrese, policijske postaje, policijske uprave, bolnice, državno odvjetništvo, samo da potaknem pokretanje identifikacije koja do danas, više od godinu dana kasnije, još nije završena”, kaže Marijana Hameršak s Instituta za etnologiju i folkloristiku u Zagrebu. Ona vodi znanstveni projekt “Europski režim iregulariziranih migracija na periferiji EU” u kojem se prikuplja znanje i podaci o nestalim i umrlim migrantima. Na kraju sve ovisi o susretljivim i posvećenim pojedincima u institucijama, kaže Hamrešak, no oni ne mogu nositi cijeli teret disfunkcionalnog sustava.

      Potrage za nestalim i pokušaji identifikacije umrlih migranata u Hrvatskoj, kao i susjednoj Bosni i Hercegovini, najčešće počivaju na trudu volontera i aktivista, koji poput Marijane tragaju za informacijama u kaotičnoj administraciji jer je obiteljima koje ne poznaju jezik taj zadatak praktički nesavladiv. Tako je Facebook grupa Dead and Missing in the Balkans postala glavno mjesto razmjene fotografija i podataka o nestalima i umrlima između obitelji i aktivista. Ne postoj internetska stranica na engleskom nadležnog Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova na koju se mogu javiti iz Afganistana ili Sirije i raspitati se za sudbinu svojih bližnjih, ostaviti podatke o njima i prijaviti nestanak.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PldA9Pa3LJc&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.telegram.hr%2F&

      Nema ni regionalne baze podataka o nestalim i umrlim migrantima na kojoj bi surađivale policije makar iz zemalja među kojima se bilježi najviše prelazaka – iz Bosne i Hercegovine u Hrvatsku. Povjerenica Vijeća Europe za ljudska prava Dunja Mijatović je u razgovoru s našim timom naglasila da je iznimno važno uspostaviti centraliziranu europsku bazu podataka o nestalim i umrlim migrantima. Kad bi takva baza podataka objedinjavala ante-mortem (podaci o osobi koji se prikupljaju od rodbine i poznanika, poput fizičkih karakteristika i opisa odjeće koju je nosila posljednji put, koje je predmete imala uz sebe itd.) i post-mortem (kao DNK uzorak i fotografije) podatke o umrlima, uvelike bi se povećale šanse za identifikaciju.
      Poginuti ili ostvariti san

      “Obitelji imaju pravo znati istinu o tome što se dogodilo njihovim najbližima”, kaže Mijatović. No suradnja policija susjednih zemalja u održavanju vanjske granice EU nepropusnom je učinkovita. Ranije migranti nisu tako često pokušavali prijeći Savu. Znali su da je previše opasna. Dijele informacije jedni s drugima i ne upuštaju se u prelazak takve rijeke u dječjim čamcima na napuhavanje ili u zračnicama kotača. Ako nisu sasvim očajni.

      Hrvatska policija je push-backovima i upotrebom sile – na što već godinama upozoravaju Amnesty International i Human Rights Watch – otežala prelazak drugim, manje opasnim prijelazima duž zelene granice s Bosnom i Hercegovinom. Kako nam je rekao mladi Marokanac u Bosni i Hercegovini, koji je 11 puta pokušao preći u Hrvatsku ali ga je hrvatska policija svaki put vratila: “Imaš dva izbora: poginuti ili ostvariti san.” Koliko ih je poginulo na Balkanskoj ruti u pokušaju ostvarenja sna, teško je utvrditi. Najsveobuhvatniji podaci za zemlje bivše Jugoslavije su oni koje prikupljaju istraživači projekta “Europski režim iregulariziranih migracija na periferiji EU”, i broje 346 stradalih od 2014. do 2023. u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini, Srbiji, Sloveniji, Sjevernoj Makedoniji i na Kosovu.

      ERIM-ova baza pojedinačno navodi svakog stradalog i sadrži onoliko podataka koliko su istraživači mogli prikupiti iz raznih izvora – medija, svjedoka stradanja, od institucija, iz aktivističkih kanala. No brojka je zasigurno bitno veća. Nestanak nekih nije ni evidentiran. Tijela mnogih nikad nisu pronađena. Stara planina između Bugarske i Srbije težak je i nedostupan teren. Tu će na preminule naići samo oni koji su istom sudbinom nagnani na taj put i neće riskirati prijavu. Ako stradaju u minskim poljima zaostalim iza ratova u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini, od tijela im neće ostati mnogo. Najviše je pronađeno tijela utopljenih u rijekama, no nema procjena koliko utopljenih nije nikad pronađeno.
      U Hrvatskoj 45 neidentificiranih

      Hrvatsko Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova nam je dostavilo podatke o stradalim migrantima od 2015., otkad vode evidenciju, do kraja studenog 2023.: ukupno 87 stradalih migranata na području Republike Hrvatske. Ni jedno službeno tijelo u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini i Srbiji ne vodi evidenciju o pokopanim migrantima na tom teritoriju. No za Hrvatsku smo uspjeli doći do podataka, zahvaljujući upitima poslanima na preko 500 adresa gradova, općina i komunalnih poduzeća koja upravljaju grobljima. Prema dobivenim podacima, u Hrvatskoj se na 32 groblja nalazi 59 grobova migranata, koji su ukopani posljednjeg desetljeća, dakle od 2014. do danas. Od toga ih 45 nije identificirano.

      Neki pokopani migranti su ekshumirani i vraćeni obiteljima u zemlju porijekla, premda je to za obitelji zahtjevan i iznimno skup proces. U MUP-u navode da se od 2001. DNK uzorci uzimaju od svih neidentificiranih tijela, a obradu provodi Centar za forenzična ispitivanja, istraživanja i vještačenja Ivan Vučetić. Tražili smo od MUP-a razgovor sa stručnjacima koji rade na identifikaciji migranata, ali nam nije udovoljeno.

      Među NN grobovima u Hrvatskoj je mrtvorođena beba iz Sirije pokopana 2015. u Slavonskom Brodu. Petogodišnja djevojčica koja se utopila u Dunavu i pokopana je 2021. u Dalju. Prošlo ljeto je mladić u brdovitom predjelu na dubrovačkom području umro od iscrpljenosti. Neke je udario vlak. Mnogi su umrli od pothlađenosti. Neki umru jer im nije na vrijeme pružena pomoć. Neki ne vjeruju da im išta više može pomoći pa se ubiju.
      Nerazriješeni gubitak

      Prema zakonu, sahranjuju se najbliže mjestu stradavanja tako da su uglavnom na malim grobljima poput onog u Sičama. Često su, baš kao tamo, njihovi grobovi izdvojeni od ostatka groblja. Ponegdje je, kao u Otoku, netko od mještanki mekog srca dao sebi u zadatak da brine o NN grobu. Negdje je, kao na groblju u Prilišću, NN drveni križ iz 2019. već istrunuo.

      Iza svakog tog NN groba ostaju bližnji koji se nose s teretom neznanja što se dogodilo. Psiholozi to zovu nerazriješenim gubitkom, jer toliko dugo koliko bližnji nemaju potvrdu da su njihovi voljeni mrtvi i ne znaju gdje su im tijela, ne mogu žalovati za njima. Ako nastave sa životom, osjećaju krivnju. I tako su zamrznuti u stanju između očaja i nade. Američka psihologinja dr. Pauline Boss autorica je termina i teorije o nerazriješenom gubitku. “Znati gdje je grob bližnje osobe je jako važno jer pomaže da se oprostite”, rekla je dr. Boss u razgovoru za naš tim.

      Postoji i praktična strana te zamrznutosti: ako osoba nije proglašena mrtvom, ne može se provesti nasljeđivanje, ne može se pristupiti bankovnom računu, ne može se dobiti obiteljska mirovina, partner ili partnerica se ne mogu ponovno vjenčati, komplicira se skrbništvo nad djecom. Mnoge obitelj i u Hrvatskoj i u Bosni i Hercegovini dobro poznaju nerazriješeni gubitak; ratovi u devedesetima ostavili su tisuće nestalih. Obje zemlje imaju posebne zakone o nestalima u tim ratovima i dobro razrađene mehanizme potrage, identifikacije, pohranjivanja podataka i međusobne suradnje. No to se ne primjenjuje na migrante koji se gube i pogibaju među tisućama koji se kreću Balkanskom rutom.
      Uređeni koridor – nula mrtvih

      Hrvatska je postala važna točka ulaska u Europsku uniju nakon što je Mađarska zatvorila granice u rujnu 2015. Od tada pa do ožujka 2016. preko hrvatske dionice Balkanskog koridora – dakle, međudržavnog, organiziranog puta – prema procjenama, prošlo je oko 660.000 izbjeglica. Taj koridor im je omogućio da od Grčke pa do zapadne Europe dođu u dva ili tri dana. I dolazili su sigurno. Od tih stotina tisuća ljudi u pokretu, hrvatski MUP ne bilježi niti jednu smrt 2015. i 2016. Koridor je i uspostavljen da bi se spriječila stradavanja nakon što je veći broj izbjeglica u proljeće 2015. poginuo na željezničkoj pruzi u Makedoniji.

      No sa sklapanjem europsko-turskog sporazuma o izbjeglicama u ožujku 2016. godine, koridor je zatvoren. EU se obavezala izdašno financirati Tursku da izbjeglice drži na svom teritoriju kako ne bi dolazili u Europsku uniju. I tako je migrantima ostala pogibeljna Balkanska ruta. Mnogi njom idu. Samo u deset mjeseci 2023. hrvatska je policija evidentirala 62.452 postupanja vezano za nezakonite prelaske granice.

      I Ured pučke pravobraniteljice u Hrvatskoj i povjerenica Vijeća Europe za ljudska prava upozoravaju na isto: granične i migracijske politike utječu na povećanje rizika od nestajanja migranata. I da je potrebno da se u EU uspostave legalni i sigurni putevi migracija. No, EU očekuje od Hrvatske da štiti zajedničku vanjsku granicu. I Hrvatska to zdušno radi. Takvu praksu ministar Davor Božinović naziva “obeshrabrivanjem” migranata da uđu u Hrvatsku.
      ‘Obeshrabreni’ pod vlak

      Rezultat takve prakse je, primjerice, smrt Madine Hussiny. Šestogodišnju afganistansku djevojčicu je ubio vlak nakon što je njenu obitelj hrvatska policija “obeshrabrila” i usred noći 2017. potjerala nazad u Srbiju uz uputu da prate tračnice. Europski sud za ljudska prava u studenom 2021. je presudio da je Hrvatska odgovorna za Madininu smrt. U svjedočanstvima koja smo čuli, kao i u mnogim izvještajima nevladinih organizacija, migranti opisuju da im je hrvatska policija na granici naredila da pregaze ili preplivaju rijeku kako bi se vratili u Bosnu ili Srbiju, da se penju preko stijena, idu kroz šumu, nekad i svučeni dogola i ne znajući put jer im policija u pravilu oduzme mobitele.

      Prema podacima koje prikuplja Dansko vijeće za izbjeglice, od početka 2020. do kraja 2022. najmanje je 30.000 ljudi prisilno vraćeno iz Hrvatske u Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Među njima je bio i Afganistanac Arat Semiullah. U studenom 2022. je namjeravao prijeći Savu i ući iz Bosne u Hrvatsku. Utopio se. Imao je 20 godina. Pokopan je na pravoslavnom groblju u Banja Luci. Njegova obitelj u Afganistanu nije znala što mu se dogodilo. Dan ranije je poslao mami fotografiju na kojoj je svježe ošišan za ulazak u Europsku uniju. I onda se prestao javljati.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_2nVP5AL1x0&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.telegram.hr%2F&

      Majka je molila nećaka Paymana Sediqija, koji živi u Njemačkoj, da ga pokuša pronaći. Payman je stupio u kontakt s aktivistom Nihadom Suljićem, koji u Bosni i Hercegovini samostalno pomaže obiteljima da doznaju što je s njihovim bližnjima. Tjednima su pokušavali doći do informacija. Payman je otputovao u Bosnu i uspio pronaći tijelo rođaka zahvaljujući susretljivosti policajke koja mu je pokazala forenzičke fotografije. Aratova mama je telefonski potvrdila da je to njezin sin.
      U Europi sahranili snove

      Na Aratovoj osmrtnici objavljenoj u Bosni i Hercegovini piše da je “hrvatska policija vatrenim oružjem potopila čamac te se on tragično utopio”. Uz pomoć muslimanske zajednice, a na želju obitelji, uspjeli su tijelo prebaciti iz Banja Luke na muslimansko groblje u Kamičanima. Htjeli su ga pokopati u Afganistanu, ali im je bilo previše skupo i birokratski komplicirano. U rujnu 2023. susreli smo se s Nihadom i Paymanom kad je Aratu postavljen velik kameni nadgrobni spomenik. Na njemu piše: “U pokušaju dolaska do Europe utopio se u rijeci Savi.”

      Payman nam je ispričao da je Arat prelazio Savu u skupini migranata. Dio njih je uspio doći do hrvatske obale, no onda je hrvatska policija pucala u gumeni čamac u kojem je bio Arat. Čamac se potopio i Arat se utopio. Tako je Paymanu ispričao preživjeli koji je prešao na hrvatsku obalu Save. Payman kaže da je Aratova obitelj u velikoj boli, ali da makar znaju gdje im je sin i da je pokopan po religijskim običajima. Paymanu je važno da na grobu piše da je Arat stradao kao migrant.

      “Svakodnevno u Europi umiru ljudi koji bježe iz zemalja u kojima im nema života. U Europi se sahranjuju njihovi snovi. Nikoga nije briga za njih, čak ni kad europski policajci pucaju na njih”, kaže Payman. Zna o kakvim snovima govori; i sam je ilegalno došao u Njemačku sa 16 godina. Kaže da je imao sreće. Nihad se zalaže da se i drugi grobovi migranata u Bosni i Hercegovini trajno obilježe. Vodi nas na groblje u Zvorniku gdje je pokopano 17 NN migranata. Kaže kako za neke od njih ima informaciju da su imali pasoš sa sobom kad su pronađeni.
      ‘Ove ljude nije ubila rijeka’

      S groblja se vidi Drina, koja dijeli Srbiju od Bosne i u kojoj mnogi izgube život pokušavajući je preći. Samo je ove godine u Drini pronađeno tridesetak tijela. Nihad kaže da imaju sreće ako ih rijeka izbaci na bosansku stranu jer se u Srbiji često ne radi ni obdukcija niti uzimaju DNK uzorci. To su nam potvrdili i aktivisti iz Srbije. U tom slučaju su i u smrti sasvim izgubljeni za svoje obitelji. Zemljani NN grobovi u Zvorniku su zarasli i nisu omeđeni, tako da ne znate gazite li po njima.

      Nihad je uspio uvjeriti Grad Zvornik da drvena obilježja zamijene crnim kamenom. Važno mu je da su pokopani dostojanstveno, ali mu je još važnije da ostanu svjedočiti. “Želja mi je da i za sto godina ovi grobovi budu spomenici srama EU. Jer, nije ove ljude ubila rijeka, nego granični režim EU”, kaže Nihad.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UJkS3qHfA54&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.telegram.hr%2F&

      https://www.telegram.hr/preview/1905158

    • An obscure island grave: fate of deadly EU migration route’s youngest victim

      Case of #Alhassane_Bangoura in #Lanzarote highlights Europe-wide failure as authorities struggle to cope with scale of deaths

      Stretching less than a metre in length and covered in the ochre-coloured soil that dots the Canary island of Lanzarote, large stones encircle the tiny mound. There is no tombstone or plaque; nothing official to signal that this is the final resting site of the infant believed to be the youngest victim of one of the world’s deadliest migration routes.

      Instead, two bouquets of plastic daisies adorn the grave, along with a granite bowl engraved with his name, Alhassane Bangoura, hinting at the impact his story had on many across the island.

      His mother, originally from Guinea, was among three pregnant women who joined 40 others in an inflatable raft that left Morocco in early January 2020. After running out of fuel, the flimsy raft was left to the mercy of Atlantic currents for three days.

      “They were driven by desperation,” said Mamadou Sy, a municipal councillor for the Socialist party in Lanzarote. “Nobody would get into one of these vessels if they had even a little bit of hope in their own country. Nobody would do it.”

      So far this year, a record 35,410 migrants and refugees have arrived on the shores of the Canary Islands – a 135% increase over last year. More than 11,000 of them landed at the tiny island of El Hierro, home to just 9,000 people.

      The surge in those risking the perilous route has transformed the archipelago into a microcosm of the wider strain playing out across the EU as authorities struggle to deal with the bodies of those that die on their way. A Guardian investigation in collaboration with a consortium of reporters has found that refugees and migrants are being buried in unmarked graves across the EU at a scale that is unprecedented outside of war.

      In September, the mayor of Mogán, a municipality on the island of Gran Canaria, gave voice to the tensions that have at times surfaced as officials across the EU confront this issue, announcing she would no longer use her budget to cover the cost of burying refugees and migrants who are found along the shores that buttress the municipality.

      “When they die on the high seas, it is the responsibility of the state,” Onalia Bueno told reporters, in rejection of a Spanish law that requires municipalities to foot the bills for people who die within their jurisdiction and who are either unidentified or whose families cannot cover the costs.

      At the Teguise municipal cemetery on the island of Lanzarote, more than 25 unmarked graves sit among a plot containing about 60 graves in total. It was here that baby Alhassane was buried. His mother had delivered him as the rickety vessel pitched against the fierce Atlantic swells; those onboard later told media they never heard the baby cry.

      His body was cold when the vessel was rescued, an emergency services spokesperson said. He was taken to the nearest hospital but was declared dead on arrival. His body was taken to judicial authorities as is the standard practice in Spain for migrants and refugees who perish at sea or on arrival.

      Alhassane’s mother, who was unconscious when she was rescued, was later sent to Gran Canaria, about 200km (125 miles) away, where an NGO had agreed to take her into its care. But the Spanish judicial system had yet to release her son’s body – a process that can take up to eight months in Lanzarote.

      The funeral took place on 25 January. “She wasn’t able to attend the funeral,” said Laetitia Marthe, who was among those who unsuccessfully battled for Alhassane’s mother to be allowed to attend. “Basically they’re treated like numbers.”

      Instead, Marthe was among the handful of people who attended the funeral in her name.

      Judicial officials had liaised with the mother to check the baby’s name, said Eugenio Robayna Díaz, the municipal councillor responsible for cemeteries in the city of Teguise. But he did not know why the name had not made it on to the grave.

      Julie Campagne, an anthropologist based in Lanzarote, called for the baby’s grave to be marked with a plaque. “We’re witnessing the process of forgetting in real time. And this loss of memory comes with a shirking of our responsibility for what is happening.”

      Generally speaking, all over the world, there is always a small fraction of people who die and are never identified, she added. “But that is not what is happening here. This is happening for specific reasons. This is happening because of the policy decisions of our governments.”

      While Alhassane’s mother was not able to attend the funeral, what did eventually make it to his gravesite was a smooth stone, painted by her in yellow and red and brought there by those travelling from Gran Canaria shortly after the burial. Written on the stone was a message for her son.

      More than three years of rain has washed away much of what was there but Marthe copied down the message, hoping to one day add it to a formal marker of the site. “I will miss you a lot my baby,” it reads. “I love you.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/08/an-obscure-island-grave-fate-of-deadly-eu-migration-routes-youngest-vic

      #Teguise

    • Dead refugees in the Balkans: bribes to find missing relatives

      In comparison to 2015, today more asylum seekers are dying on the Balkan route. While relatives are forced to overcome state indifference to identify their loved ones, they are also forced to bribe authorities, even border guards, in the hope of finding them.

      He had hoped to find his son in a refugee camp. And after spending three weeks looking for him, he had prepared himself for the possibility of finding him in a hospital.

      But he didn’t expect to find him in the graveyard.

      When the policeman with Bulgarian insignia on his uniform showed him the picture of his son lying lifeless in the grass, he lost the ground under his feet. “I wish I could at least have been able to see Majd one last time. My mind still can’t believe that the person in this grave is my son,” says Husam Adin Bibars.

      The 56-year-old Syrian refugee, a father of four other children, had spent 22 days searching for his son from afar when he decided to spend his meager savings to travel from Denmark to Bulgaria to look for him – but it was too late.

      In Bulgaria, he learned that 27-year-old Majd’s body had been buried within just four days of its discovery. Majd had been buried as an unidentified person; there was nothing to indicate that the person buried under that pile of dirt, which Bibars later visited, was his son.

      “We hear that Europe is the land of freedom, democracy, and human rights,” says Bibars soberly. “Where are human rights if I am not able to see my son before his burial?”

      Dead without identification

      Majd had crossed from Turkey to Bulgaria with a group of about 20 other people, hoping to reunite with his parents and siblings in Europe. Once he arrived, his pregnant wife and their daughter, Hannah, would follow.

      Toward the end of September, he stopped returning calls and texts. The smuggler told Bibars that Majd had fallen ill and they needed to leave him behind. Authorities told Bibars his son died of thirst, exhaustion, and exposure.

      In recent years, with the support of EU funds and the increased involvement of the European border agency Frontex, Balkan countries have stepped up border controls, constructing fences, deploying drones and surveillance mechanisms. But this doesn’t deter asylum seekers – it causes them to take longer and more dangerous routes to avoid authorities.

      An investigation by Solomon in collaboration with investigative newsroom Lighthouse Reports, the German magazine Der Spiegel and German public television ARD, the British newspaper i, and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, found that the hostility people face at the borders of Europe in life continues even in death.

      We found that since the start of 2022, the lifeless bodies of 155 people presumed to be migrants have ended up in morgues close to borders along a route that includes Serbia, Bulgaria, and Bosnia.

      According to the data, for 2023 there is already a 46% increase in deaths compared to the whole of 2022.

      In the Balkans, people making the journey have to cope with harsh weather conditions, but also with pushbacks, increased brutality by border guards and smugglers, theft by border forces – even detention in secret prisons.

      For their part, the families of those who go missing or die in the region have to search for their loved ones in morgues, hospitals, and special Facebook and WhatsApp groups, and to cope with an equally arduous effort facing the indifference of the authorities.

      In Bulgaria, this investigation reveals, they often also need to pay bribes in the hope of learning more about their missing loved ones.
      The 10 key findings of the investigation:

      - In 2022, the number of people travelling irregularly through the Balkans to Western Europe reached its highest point since 2015, with Frontex recording 144,118 irregular border crossings.

      – The corresponding figure for 2023 is lower (79,609 by September), but remains a multiple of 2019 (15,127) and 2018 (5,844).

      – The Balkan route is more dangerous than ever: in the absence of a centralised relevant registration system, the International Organization for Migration’s (IOM) Missing Migrants platform suggests that more people died or went missing in 2022 than in 2015.

      - According to data gathered for this investigation, at least 155 unidentified bodies ended up in six selected morgues along a section of the Balkan route that includes Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia. The majority of the bodies (92) were found this year.

      - For 2023, the number is already showing a 46% increase compared to 2022, and is exploding in some morgues.

      – Some morgues in Bulgaria (Burgas, Yambol) are having difficulty finding space for the bodies of refugees. Others in Serbia (Loznina) have no space at all.

      - This contributes to unidentified bodies being buried within days, in ‘No Name’ graves. This means that families are left without the opportunity to search for their loved ones.

      - In Bulgaria, families told us that they had to bribe staff at hospitals and morgues, but border guards too, when searching for their loved ones. Sources in the field confirm the practice, which is also recorded in an audio file in our possession.

      – In Bosnia, at least 28 people presumed to be asylum seekers have already died in the Drina River this year, compared to just five in 2022 and three in 2021.

      - Bureaucracy and lack of state interest are recorded as hampering efforts to identify dead asylum seekers.

      Dead but cause of death unknown

      What do you do when your little brother is missing, and because of your status in the country you live in, you can’t travel to look for him?

      Asmatullah Sediqi, a 29-year-old asylum seeker, was in his asylum accommodation in Warrington, UK, when his brother’s travel companions informed him that 22-year-old Rahmatullah was likely dead.

      Due to his status as an asylum seeker, the UK Home Office did not allow Asmatullah to return to Bulgaria, which he had also crossed on his journey, to look for his brother.

      When a friend was able to go on his behalf, the Bulgarian police refused to give any information. And the morgue staff asked for 300 euros to let him see some bodies, Sediqi said in this investigation.

      “In such a situation, a person should help a person,” he added. “They only know money. They are not interested in human life.”

      He managed to borrow the amount they asked for. In July 2022, 55 days after his brother’s disappearance, the Burgas hospital confirmed that one of the bodies in the morgue belonged to Rahmatullah. With another 3,000 euros borrowed, a company repatriated the remains to their parents in Afghanistan.

      But to this day, Sediqi is consumed by one thought: he doesn’t know how, he hasn’t been told why, his brother died.

      The Bulgarian authorities have not given him the results of the autopsy “because I don’t have a visa to travel there,” he says. “I’m sure that when the police found him in the forest, they must have taken some photos. It’s very painful not knowing what happened to my brother. It’s devastating.”
      “Not a single complaint”

      As part of this investigation by Solomon, Lighthouse Reports, RFE/RL, inews, ARD και Der Spiegel, several relatives told us they had also been forced to bribe workers at the Burgas hospital’s morgue to find out if their family members were among the dead.

      When we asked the hospital administration whether they were aware of such practices, Galina Mileva, head of the forensic medicine department at Burgas hospital, said that they had not received “a single report or complaint about such a case. The identification of the bodies is done only in the presence of a police officer conducting the investigation and a forensic expert.”

      The administration also replied that there is no legal provision under which employees could claim money from relatives for this procedure.

      “We appeal to these complaints to be addressed through official channels to us and to the investigating authorities. If such practices are found to exist, the workers will be held accountable,” they added.
      “Money is requested at every step of the process”

      Another relative, whose family also travelled to Bulgaria in late 2022 to search for a family member, told us that after they paid staff at the morgue 300 euros to be allowed to look at the dead bodies, they also had to pay border guards.

      It was the only way they could be taken seriously, the relative explained.

      When they asked the border guards to show them photos of people who had been found dead, the border guards said they didn’t have time, but when the family agreed to pay 20 euros for each photo shown to them, time was found.

      Georgi Voynov, a lawyer for the Bulgarian Committee Helsinki Refugee and Migrant Programme, confirmed that families of deceased persons have approached the Committee about cases in which hospitals asked for large sums of money to confirm that the bodies of their loved ones were there.

      “They complain that they are being asked for money at every step of the process,” he said.

      International organisations, including the Bulgarian Red Cross, confirmed that they had such experiences from persons they had supported, who said they had been forced to pay money to hospitals and morgues.

      A Bulgarian Red Cross official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, commented:

      “We understand that these people are very overwhelmed and have to be paid extra for all the extra work they do. But this should be done in a legal way.”

      https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/dead-refugees-in-the-balkans

      #Bulgarie #Drina #Galina_Mileva

  • L’augmentation du #chiffre_d’affaires issu des ventes d’#armes du Top 100 du #SIPRI impactée par des défis de production et des carnets de commandes remplis

    Le chiffre d’affaires issu des #ventes_d’armes et de services à caractère militaire par les 100 plus grandes entreprises d’#armement s’élève à 597 milliards de dollars en 2022, soit 3,5 % de moins qu’en 2021 en termes réels, alors même que la demande a fortement augmenté. C’est ce que révèlent les nouvelles données publiées aujourd’hui par le Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

    Cette diminution s’explique principalement par la baisse du chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes des plus grandes entreprises américaines. Le chiffre d’affaires a augmenté de manière significative en Asie, Océanie et au Moyen-Orient. Les commandes en cours et la multiplication de nouveaux contrats laissent présager que le chiffre d’affaires mondial issu des ventes d’armes pourrait augmenter de manière significative au cours des prochaines années.

    La demande en armement augmente mais la #production reste à la traîne

    L’invasion à grande échelle de l’Ukraine par la Russie et les tensions géopolitiques dans le monde ont provoqué une forte augmentation de la demande d’armes et d’équipements militaires en 2022. Cependant, malgré de nouvelles commandes, de nombreuses entreprises d’armement américaines et européennes n’ont pas pu augmenter de manière significative leur capacité de production en raison de difficultés de recrutement, de flambée des coûts et de perturbations dans les chaînes d’approvisionnement exacerbées par la #guerre_en_Ukraine. En outre, les pays ont passé de nouvelles commandes en fin d’année et en raison du décalage entre les commandes et la production, l’augmentation de la demande ne s’est pas reflétée dans le chiffre d’affaires de ces entreprises en 2022.

    « De nombreuses entreprises d’armement ont été confrontées à des obstacles pour adapter leur production en vue d’une guerre de haute intensité », souligne Dr Lucie Béraud-Sudreau, directrice du programme Dépenses militaires et Production d’armes du SIPRI. « Toutefois, de nouveaux contrats ont été signés notamment pour des #munitions, ce qui devrait se traduire par une hausse du chiffre d’affaires en 2023 et au-delà. » Contrairement aux plus grands fournisseurs américains et européens, les entreprises d’Asie, d’Océanie et du Moyen-Orient ont vu leur chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes augmenter de manière significative en 2022, démontrant ainsi leur capacité à répondre à une demande accrue dans des délais plus courts. Cela est particulièrement vrai dans les pays où les entreprises disposent de capacités de fabrication réactives et compétitives, comme #Israël et la #Corée_du_Sud, et dans ceux où les entreprises ont tendance à s’appuyer sur des chaînes d’approvisionnement courtes.

    Aux États-Unis, le chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes chute en raison de problèmes de production

    Le chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes des 42 entreprises américaines du Top 100 a chuté de 7,9 % pour atteindre 302 milliards de dollars en 2022. Il représente 51 % du chiffre d’affaires total issu des ventes d’armes du Top 100. Sur les 42 entreprises américaines, 32 ont enregistré une baisse de leur chiffre d’affaires sur un an, citant le plus souvent des problèmes persistants dans la chaîne d’approvisionnement et des pénuries de main-d’œuvre résultant de la pandémie de Covid-19.

    « On constate un afflux de nouvelles commandes liées à la guerre en Ukraine et certaines grandes entreprises américaines, dont #Lockheed_Martin et #Raytheon_Technologies, ont reçu de nouvelles commandes en conséquence », précise Dr Nan Tian, chercheur principal au SIPRI. « Cependant, en raison des carnets de commandes déjà existants de ces entreprises et des difficultés à augmenter leur capacité de production, les revenus générés par ces nouvelles commandes ne se refléteront dans les comptes de l’entreprise probablement que d’ici deux à trois ans. »

    L’#Asie surpasse l’#Europe tirée par un phénomène de #modernisation_militaire

    Le chiffre d’affaire issu des ventes d’armes des 22 entreprises d’Asie et d’Océanie répertoriées dans le classement a augmenté de 3,1 % pour atteindre 134 milliards de dollars en 2022. Il s’agit de la deuxième année consécutive où le chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes des entreprises du Top 100 situées en Asie et en Océanie est supérieur à celui des entreprises situées en Europe.

    « La demande intérieure et l’appui sur des fournisseurs locaux ont protégé les entreprises d’armement asiatiques des perturbations dans la chaîne d’approvisionnement en 2022 », explique Xiao Liang, chercheur au programme Dépenses militaires et Production d’armes du SIPRI. « Les entreprises en #Chine, en #Inde, au #Japon et à Taïwan ont toutes bénéficié d’investissements gouvernementaux soutenus dans le cadre des programmes de modernisation militaire. »

    Le #chiffre_d’affaires combiné des quatre entreprises sud-coréennes du Top 100 a chuté de 0,9 %, principalement en raison d’une baisse de 8,5 % enregistrée par le plus grand producteur d’armes du pays, #Hanwha_Aerospace. Deux entreprises sud-coréennes ont enregistré une augmentation de leur chiffre d’affaires, notamment #LIG_Nex1. Les entreprises sud-coréennes devraient connaître un accroissement de leur chiffre d’affaires dans les années à venir en raison d’une augmentation des commandes enregistrées après la signature d’importants contrats d’armement avec la Pologne et les Émirats arabes unis.

    Augmentation modeste du chiffre d’affaires en Europe alors que la demande liée à l’Ukraine commence à affluer

    Le chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes des 26 entreprises du Top 100 basées en Europe a augmenté de 0,9 % pour atteindre 121 milliards de dollars en 2022.

    « La guerre en Ukraine a entraîné une demande de matériel adapté à une guerre d’usure, comme les munitions et les véhicules blindés. De nombreux producteurs européens ont vu leur chiffre d’affaires augmenter », souligne Lorenzo Scarazzato, chercheur au programme Dépenses militaires et Production d’armes du SIPRI. « Il s’agit notamment d’entreprises basées en #Allemagne, en #Norvège et en #Pologne. Par exemple, la société polonaise #PGZ a augmenté son chiffre d’affaires de 14 %, bénéficiant du programme accéléré de modernisation militaire que le pays poursuit. »

    Les sociétés transeuropéennes #Airbus et #KNDS comptent parmi les principales sources d’augmentation du chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes en Europe, en grande partie grâce aux livraisons effectuées sur des commandes de longue date.

    Les entreprises turques mènent une augmentation significative du chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes au Moyen-Orient

    Le Moyen-Orient a connu la plus forte augmentation en pourcentage du chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes de toutes les régions en 2022. Les sept entreprises basées au Moyen-Orient figurant dans le Top 100 ont enregistré une augmentation substantielle. Leur chiffre d’affaires combiné de 17,9 milliards de dollars représente une augmentation de 11 % sur un an. Le chiffre d’affaires combiné des quatre entreprises turques a atteint 5,5 milliards de dollars, soit 22 % de plus qu’en 2021. Le chiffre d’affaires combiné des trois entreprises israéliennes du Top 100 a atteint 12,4 milliards de dollars en 2022, soit une augmentation de 6,5 % par rapport à 2021.

    « Les entreprises du Moyen-Orient spécialisées dans des produits moins sophistiqués sur le plan technologique ont pu augmenter leur production plus rapidement afin de répondre à l’augmentation de la demande », précise Dr Diego Lopes da Silva, chercheur principal au SIPRI. « L’exemple le plus frappant est celui de #Baykar, en Turquie, producteur du #drone #Bayraktar_TB-2. Baykar est entré dans le Top 100 pour la première fois en raison de l’augmentation de son chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes de 94 %, soit le taux d’augmentation le plus rapide de toutes les entreprises du classement. »

    Autres développements notables

    - En 2022, la Chine représente la deuxième plus grande part du chiffre d’affaires par pays du Top 100, soit 18 %. Le chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes combiné des huit entreprises d’armement chinoises du Top 100 a augmenté de 2,7 % pour atteindre 108 milliards de dollars.
    - Le chiffre d’affaires issus des ventes d’armes des sept entreprises britanniques dans le Top 100 ont augmenté de 2,6 % pour atteindre 41,8 milliards de dollars, soit 7,0 % du total.
    - En raison du manque de données, seules deux entreprises russes ont été incluses dans le Top 100 pour 2022. Leur chiffre d’affaires combiné a chuté de 12 %, à 20,8 milliards de dollars. La transparence des entreprises russes continue de régresser. Bien qu’il s’agisse d’une holding, sans capacité de production directe, #Rostec est incluse dans le Top 100 de 2022 en tant que mandataire des entreprises qu’elle contrôle.
    - La seule entreprise ukrainienne figurant dans le Top 100, #UkrOboronProm, a vu son chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes chuter de 10 % en termes réels, à 1,3 milliard de dollars. Bien que son chiffre d’affaires ait augmenté en termes nominaux, cela a été compensé par la forte inflation du pays.

    À l’attention des rédacteurs

    À propos de la base de données du SIPRI sur l’industrie de l’armement

    La base de données du SIPRI sur l’industrie de l’armement a été créée en 1989. À cette époque, elle excluait les données des entreprises installées en Chine, en Union soviétique et en Europe de l’Est. La version actuelle contient des données pour 2002-2022, y compris des données sur les entreprises russes. Les entreprises chinoises sont incluses à partir de 2015.
    Le « chiffre d’affaires issu des ventes d’armes » fait référence au chiffre d’affaires généré par la vente de biens et de services à caractère militaire à des clients militaires nationaux et étrangers. Sauf indication contraire, tous les changements sont exprimés en termes réels et tous les chiffres sont donnés en dollars américains constants de 2022. Les comparaisons entre 2021 et 2022 sont basées sur la liste des entreprises du classement 2022 (c’est-à-dire que la comparaison annuelle s’effectue entre le même ensemble d’entreprises). Les comparaisons à plus long terme sont basées sur des ensembles d’entreprises listées au cours de l’année respective (c’est-à-dire que la comparaison porte sur des listes différentes d’entreprises).

    La base de données du SIPRI sur l’industrie de l’armement, qui présente un ensemble de données plus détaillées pour les années 2002 à 2022, est disponible sur le site Web du SIPRI : https://www.sipri.org/databases/armsindustry

    https://www.obsarm.info/spip.php?article631

    #industrie_de_l'armement #rapport #chiffres #statistiques #USA #Etats-Unis #business #Turquie

    voir aussi :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1029978

  •  »Vor Mauern und hinter Gittern« 

    Kinderrechte werden an den Außengrenzen der Europäischen Union mit Füßen getreten


    Kinder und Jugendliche werden an den Außengrenzen der EU gewaltsam zurückgeschoben (»Pushbacks«) und nach Ankunft in der EU inhaftiert – eine systematisch angewandte Praxis in mehreren Außengrenzstaaten der EU. Anlässlich des Treffens der EU-Innenminister*innen nächste Woche zeigt terre des hommes mit dem aktuellen Bericht »Vor Mauern und hinter Gittern« am Beispiel von Ungarn, Griechenland, Bulgarien und Polen die kinderrechtswidrigen Praktiken genauer auf. Der Bericht bezieht sich vor allem auf die Erfahrungen und Hinweise zivilgesellschaftlicher Projektpartnerorganisationen und verweist auch auf die Mitverantwortung der EU, deren Institutionen das Verhalten der Mitgliedsstaaten billigen und stützen.

    »Migrationshaft bei Kindern und Jugendlichen ist trotz ihrer Unvereinbarkeit mit der UN-Kinderrechtskonvention Realität in drei der vier untersuchten Mitgliedstaaten« sagt Teresa Wilmes, Programmreferentin für Deutschland und Europa bei terre des hommes. »In Ungarn, dem vierten untersuchten Mitgliedsstaat, wurde die Inhaftierung von geflüchteten Minderjährigen nur deswegen beendet, weil Pushbacks den Zugang zu einem Asylverfahren bereits nahezu vollständig verhindern.«

    Die Folgen für Betroffene sind gravierend: Infolge einer Inhaftierung leiden Kinder und Jugendliche häufig an Depressionen, posttraumatischen Belastungsstörungen und Angstzu­ständen. Auch die Erfahrung von Gewalt gegen sie selbst oder Verwandte und Freunde ist für Kinder und Jugendliche traumatisierend und begleitet sie oft ein Leben lang.

    Rückendeckung erhalten die Mitgliedsstaaten dabei von der EU und ihren Institutionen: »Die Europäische Union, allen voran die EU-Kommission, macht sich für die Verletzung von Kinderrechten an den europäischen Außengrenzen mitverantwortlich. Zahlreiche Beispiele dafür finden sich im Bericht: vom europäischen Pilotprojekt zum Grenzschutz in Bulgarien über die EU-Finanzierung haftähnlicher Einrichtungen auf Griechenland bis hin zur Rolle der EU-Agentur FRONTEX,« erklärt Sophia Eckert, rechtspolitische Referentin bei terre des hommes. »Unser Bericht zeigt, dass die europäische Gemeinschaft maßgebliche Einflussmöglichkeiten darauf hat, ob der Schutz, das Wohl und die Rechte geflüchteter Kinder und Jugendlicher in der EU gelten oder einer ausgeklügelten Abschottungspolitik der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten zum Opfer fallen sollen.«

    Mit Blick auf das Treffen der europäischen Innenminister*innen in der kommenden Woche fordert terre des hommes eine Kehrtwende der Reform des Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems. Dazu Sophia Eckert: »Dass die geplanten Reformvorschläge die im Bericht beschrieben Problemlagen beenden werden, ist illusorisch. Vielmehr ist zu befürchten, dass die Reform die Missstände an den europäischen Außengrenzen weiter verschärft, indem sie den Rechtsverletzungen einen europäischen Rahmen gibt. Wir fordern daher die Entscheidungsträger*innen in der EU auf, diese unsäglichen Reformpläne zu stoppen. Von einem menschenwürdigen europäischen Asylsystem erwarten wir den Zugang zu Asyl statt rechtswidriger Abschiebung, Kindeswohl statt Lagerhaft und faire Asylverfahren statt beschleunigter Grenzverfahren.«

    Pour télécharger le rapport :
    https://www.tdh.de/fileadmin/user_upload/inhalte/04_Was_wir_tun/Themen/Weitere_Themen/Fluechtlingskinder/tdh_Bericht_Kinderrechtsverletzungen-an-EU-Aussengrenzen.pdf

    https://www.tdh.de/was-wir-tun/arbeitsfelder/fluechtlingskinder/meldungen/vor-mauern-und-hinter-gittern-kinderrechte-an-den-eu-aussengrenzen

    #enfants #enfance #frontières #migrations #asile #réfugiés #rapport #terre_des_hommes #enfermement #push-backs #refoulements #Hongrie #Grèce #Bulgarie #Pologne #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #droit_d'asile #traumatisme #santé #santé_mentale

  • L’erosione di Schengen, sempre più area di libertà per pochi a danno di molti

    I Paesi che hanno aderito all’area di libera circolazione strumentalizzano il concetto di minaccia per la sicurezza interna per poter ripristinare i controlli alle frontiere e impedire così l’ingresso ai migranti indesiderati. Una forzatura, praticata anche dall’Italia, che scatena riammissioni informali e violazioni dei diritti. L’analisi dell’Asgi

    Lo spazio Schengen sta venendo progressivamente eroso e ridotto dagli Stati membri dell’Unione europea che, con il pretesto della sicurezza interna o di “minacce” esterne, ne sospendono l’applicazione. Ed è così che da spazio di libera circolazione, Schengen si starebbe trasformando sempre più in un labirinto creato per isolare e respingere le persone in transito e i cittadini stranieri.

    Per l’Associazione per gli studi giuridici sull’immigrazione (Asgi) la sospensione della libera circolazione, che dovrebbe essere una pratica emergenziale da attivarsi solo nel caso di minacce gravi per la sicurezza di un Paese, rischia infatti di diventare una prassi ricorrente nella gestione dei flussi migratori.

    A fine ottobre di quest’anno il governo italiano ha riattivato i controlli al confine con la Slovenia, giustificando l’iniziativa con l’aumento del rischio interno a seguito della guerra in atto a Gaza e da possibili infiltrazioni terroristiche. La decisione è stata anche proposta come reazione alla pressione migratoria a cui è soggetto il Paese. Lo stesso giorno in cui l’Italia ha annunciato la sospensione della libera circolazione -misura prorogata- la stessa scelta è stata presa anche da Slovenia, Austria, Repubblica Ceca, Slovacchia, Polonia e Germania. Una prassi che rischia di agevolare le violazioni dei diritti delle persone in transito. “Questa pratica, così come l’uso degli accordi bilaterali di riammissione, ha di fatto consentito alle autorità di frontiera dei vari Stati membri di impedire l’ingresso nel territorio e di applicare respingimenti ai danni di persone migranti e richiedenti asilo, in violazione di numerose norme nazionali e sovranazionali”, scrive l’Asgi.

    Il “Codice frontiere Schengen” prevede che i confini interni possano essere attraversati in un qualsiasi punto senza controlli sulle persone, in modo indipendente dalla loro nazionalità. Secondo i dati del Consiglio dell’Unione europea, circa 3,5 milioni di persone attraverserebbero questi confini ogni giorno mentre in 1,7 milioni lavorerebbero in un Paese diverso da quello di residenza, attraversando così una frontiera interna. In caso di minaccia grave per l’ordine pubblico o la sicurezza interna in uno Stato membro, però, quest’ultimo è autorizzato a ripristinare i controlli “in tutte o in alcune parti delle sue frontiere interne per un periodo limitato non superiore a 30 giorni o per la durata prevedibile della minaccia grave”. Tuttavia, lo stesso Codice afferma che “la migrazione e l’attraversamento delle frontiere esterne di un gran numero di cittadini di Paesi terzi non dovrebbero in sé essere considerate una minaccia per l’ordine pubblico o la sicurezza”.

    Inoltre, anche nel caso in cui vengano introdotte restrizioni alla libera circolazione, queste vanno applicate in accordo con il diritto delle persone in transito. “La reintroduzione temporanea dei controlli non può giustificare alcuna deroga al rispetto dei diritti fondamentali delle persone straniere che fanno ingresso nel territorio degli Stati membri e, nel caso specifico dell’Italia, attraverso il confine italo-sloveno -ribadisce l’Asgi-. In particolare, il controllo non può esentare le autorità di frontiera dalla verifica delle situazioni individuali delle persone straniere che intendano accedere nel territorio dello Stato e che intendano presentare domanda di asilo”. In particolare, la sicurezza dei confini non può impedire l’accesso alle procedure di protezione internazionale per chi ne fa richieste e di riceve informazioni sulla possibilità di farlo. Infine, i controlli non possono portare a una violazione del diritto di non respingimento, che impedisce l’espulsione di una persona verso Paese dove potrebbe subire trattamenti inumani o degradanti o dove possa essere soggetta a respingimenti “a catena” verso Stati che si macchiano di queste pratiche.

    Le operazioni di pattugliamento lungo il confine tra Italia e Slovenia presentano criticità proprio in tal senso. Secondo le notizie riportate dai media e le recenti dichiarazioni del ministro dell’Interno Matteo Piantedosi, l’Italia avrebbe applicato ulteriori misure che hanno l’evidente effetto di impedire alla persona straniera l’accesso al territorio nazionale e ai diritti che ne conseguono. Già a settembre del 2023 il ministro aveva dichiarato, in risposta a un’interrogazione parlamentare, la ripresa dell’attività congiunta tra le forze di polizia di Italia e Slovenia a partire dal 2022. Sottolineando come grazie all’accordo fosse stato possibile impedire, per tutto il 2023, l’ingresso sul territorio nazionale di circa 1.900 “migranti irregolari”. “Preoccupa, inoltre, l’opacità operativa che caratterizza questi interventi di polizia: le modalità, infatti, con le quali vengono condotti sono poco chiare e difficilmente osservabili ma celano evidenti profili di criticità e potenziali lesioni di diritti”.

    Le azioni di polizia, infatti, avrebbero avuto luogo già in territorio italiano oltre il confine: una simile procedura appare in linea con quanto previsto dalle procedure di riammissione bilaterale, ma in contrasto con il Codice frontiere Schengen, che presuppone che i controlli possano essere svolti solo presso i valichi di frontiera comunicati alle istituzioni competenti. Una prassi simile è stata riscontrata lungo il confine italo-francese, dove l’Asgi ha identificato la coesistenza di pratiche legate alla sospensione della libera circolazione con procedure di riammissione informale.

    “La libera circolazione nello spazio europeo è una delle conquiste più importanti dei nostri tempi -è la conclusione dell’Asgi-. Il suo progressivo smantellamento dovrebbe essere dettato da una effettiva emergenza e contingenza, entrambe condizioni che sembrano non rinvenibili nelle motivazioni addotte dall’Italia e dagli altri Stati membri alla Commissione europea. La libertà di circolazione, pilastro fondamentale dell’area Schengen, rivela forse a tutt’oggi la sua vera natura: un’area di libertà per pochi a danno di molti”.

    https://altreconomia.it/lerosione-di-schengen-sempre-piu-area-di-liberta-per-pochi-a-danno-di-m

    #Schengen #contrôles_frontaliers #contrôles_systématiques_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Europe #frontières_intérieures #espace_Schengen #sécurité #libre_circulation #Italie #Slovénie #terrorisme #Gaza #Slovénie #Autriche #République_Tchèque #Slovaquie #Pologne #Allemagne #accords_bilatéraux #code_frontières #droits_humains #droits_fondamentaux #droit_d'asile #refoulements_en_chaîne #patrouilles_mixtes #réadmissions_informelles #France #frontière_sud-alpine

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    ajouté au fil de discussion sur la réintroduction des contrôles systématiques à la frontière entre Italie et Slovénie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1021994