Jadaliyya

/index

  • حوار موسّع مع فواز طرابلسي عن الثورة السورية
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/10447/حوار-موسّع-مع-فواز-طرابلسي-عن-الثورة-السورية

    واز طرابلسي: من البداهة القول أن الأزمة السورية الدموية شديدة التعقيد. لكن التعقيد لا يعني استحالة التفكير فيها وتفكيكها إلى عناصرها الأولية ومحاولة رصد اتجاهات تطورها. في العام المنصرم، الذي لم يختلف كثيراً عن العام الذي سبقه، وتحديداً منذ اندلاع الاحتجاجات السلمية التي طالبت بإصلاحات محدودة، أبرزها إلغاء حالة الطوارىء، كانت إجابة النظام ومنذ البدء هي نفسها. بدايةً رفض النظام الاعتراف بوجود قضايا داخلية يجب علاجها. جاءت المقاربة الأمنية الأولى صريحة ومباشرة. استُبدلت حالة الطوارىء بقانون مكافحة الإرهاب، قبل أن تُتوج المقاربة الأمنية بمجزرة ساحة الساعة في حمص، في نية واضحة لمنع تكرار ما حصل في تونس ومصر وحتى اليمن من احتلال حركات الاحتجاج للساحات العامة.

  • GCC and the Sacred Right to Punish
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/10404/gcc-and-the-sacred-right-to-punish

    Intriqués aux marchés mondiaux et ancrés dans des réseaux qui rassemblent certains des États les plus puissants de la terre, les régimes du CCG peuvent violer les droits les plus fondamentaux de leurs citoyens-sujets, en toute impunité. Ils possèdent suffisamment de puissance financière et militaire pour apaiser, coopter, acheter, et / ou bloquer- mais pas indéfiniment- une opposition locale croissante et une chute imminente. Même si un sérieux revers n’est pas à portée de vue, des mesures aussi sévères face à la dissidence- que ce soit sous la forme d’un poème, d’un tweet, d’un film, ou d’une désobéissance civile organisée pacifique-sont à la fois le signe de la forme des choses à venir et du mouvement grandissant contre diverses formes d’exploitation.

  • HOLLYWOOD ET LES IRANIENS : Ben Affleck’s “Argo”: A Movie about a Movie
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/10150/ben-afflecks-argo_a-movie-about-a-movien

    Affleck’s film sets out to bring the CIA’s role in the operation out of its obscurity. There’s a deep irony in this project that no major reviewer of the film seems to have noticed. Iran experts broadly agree that there is a direct line between the CIA’s overthrow of the progressive, nationalist, anti-colonial, and pro-democracy Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh in 1953—replaced by the ruthless dictatorial Shah, who remained in power until the 1979 revolution—and the storming of the US Embassy shortly after the Shah was deposed.

    Media studies experts have also documented that t his link was systematically erased in the American public sphere’s packaging of the story. (In this vein, Argo begins with an historical montage referring to the Mossadegh coup as precursor so briefly that no one with the bad luck of encountering a long popcorn line will catch it).

    The immediate cause of the storming of the US Embassy in late 1979 was overwrought protesters’ anger over the Shah being given refuge in the United States after the revolution, but for the many Iranians who would not have agreed with the violation of the diplomatic sovereignty of the Embassy, there no doubt remained a creeping sense that the Embassy represented a threat to Iranian sovereignty and that the CIA would try once again to reinstate the Shah as it had done a quarter of a century earlier.

    Argo not only thrills its American viewers, it also proves that these Iranian suspicions were at least partially correct in that the CIA was active in Iran before, during, and after the revolution.

    • je viens de le voir et je trouve que cette critique relève de la mauvaise foi, en tout cas pour ce qui concerne ce passage :

      Argo begins with an historical montage referring to the Mossadegh coup as precursor so briefly that no one with the bad luck of encountering a long popcorn line will catch it

      tout au long du #film en effet on voit des Iranien(ne)s à la télévision qui expliquent pourquoi ils gardent les otages, qui rappellent les #tortures, à plusieurs reprises des agents de la CIA évoquent les atrocités commises par [leur] « ami »

      ensuite on peut regretter plein de choses, notamment le fait que « la rue » est uniformément hostile, passant son temps à brailler, etc (même si, là encore, les personnages iraniens ne sont pas tous caricaturaux, on retrouve le bon gros tropisme habituel).

  • Why Did Bulgaria Link Hizballah To The Burgas Bus Blast? http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/10153/why-did-bulgaria-link-hizballah-to-the-burgas-bus-

    Bulgaria – A Smokescreen for US-Israel?

    The statement released by the Bulgarian government has sparked a great deal of speculation. It marks the end of a hectic three-months in which Tsvetanov, the Prime Minister Boyko Borisov and Mladenov spent a considerable amount of time shuttling between the US and Israel. The high-level visits included meetings with the US President Barack Obama, his chief counterterrorism advisor John Brennan and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

    This all makes it easy to speculate that the US and Israel have been heavily involved in the investigation and invested in any possible outcome that sought to hasten blame on Hizballah.

    The US Congress adopted a declaration in December urging the EU to denounce Hizballah as a terrorist organization and asking Obama to provide all necessary support to Bulgaria to conduct its investigation. As the Bulgarian opposition suspected, it is highly possible that government officials were under considerable pressure from the US and Israel, which are trying to use the bombing as a smokescreen to further complicate the intricacies in the Middle East in view of the current situation in Syria and Lebanon.

  • Was There A January 25 Revolution ?
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/9766/was-there-a-january-25-revolution

    Pas vraiment long and worth it ! Par Joel Beinin, « la révolution du 25 janvier [en Egypte] n’est pas finie. » En fait, elle n’a pas encore eu lieu. Très décoiffante lecture en écho à 1919 et 1952 du 25 janvier 2011.

    The January 25 Revolution is not over. Rather, it has not yet occurred. There was a popular revolutionary upsurge that until now has been outmaneuvered by the military and the Muslim Brothers. There have been repeated popular upsurges – most recently the massive protests against President Mohamed Morsi’s anti-democratic constitutional declaration of 22 November 2012 and the new constitution – that have registered some successes and limited or rolled back regressive measures favored by the Brothers and the army.

    #egypt, #révolution

  • Meet AbdelRahman Mansour Who Made 25 January A Date to Remember
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/9772/meet-abdelrahman-mansou

    Suite de la « découverte » de Abdelrahman Mansour, avec cette présentation dans Jadaliyya (où je retiens que le jeune homme a fait ses premiers pas dans les groupes d’action sociale (appelons-les comme ça !) de ’Amr Khaled et qu’il vient d’un milieu de militants Frères musulmans : preuve de la porosité des frontières politiques). A la fin une petite vidéo sous-titrée en anglais.

    Since the age of seventeen AbdelRahman Mansour has been involved in some of the most pioneering and popular Arabic new media initiatives of the times. He lives online and says, “For me, the internet, technology, is like water. It is part of anything I do in my life.” His first professional job in 2004 was working with the website and television show of the wildly popular televangelist, Amr Khaled. He then went on to be one of the founders of Wikileaks Arabic. At the same time he was an active blogger and a contributor to “Kulina Layla,” an annual feminist event. He also worked as an online reporter with Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya.

    #égypte_révo, #égypte_tic

  • Visualizing Human Rights for Migrant Workers in Lebanon

    Five decades after the development of the kefala [sponsorship] system, Lebanon’s 200,000 migrant domestic workers continue to be denied their inalienable rights, including freedom of movement, just conditions of work, the right to marry and to found a family, the right to legal recognition, and freedom from inhuman or degrading treatment. In recognition of International Migrants Day on 18 December, Migrant Workers’ Task Force, AltCity.me, and graphic designer Joumana Ibrahim worked with a group of young graphic designers to visualize migrant workers’ rights and hardships. The result is a series of images that illustrate the human rights abuses brought about by the sponsorship system.

    The sponsorship system was developed in the 1950s to provide temporary labor during economic booms that could then be expelled during periods of economic downturn. Yet, rather than providing temporary labor, migrant workers remain in Lebanon for years in vulnerable conditions with the threat of detention, unpaid wages, arrest, and deportation should they demand their rights.

    The root of the problem is that migrant domestic workers’ immigration status is bound to their sponsor. Migrant domestic workers cannot enter the country, transfer employment, travel within the country, or leave the country without permission from their sponsor. The sponsor almost always confiscates the passport and travel documents of the worker, restricts their contacts outside the home, and often prevents them from leaving the home entirely. Migrant domestic workers are thus completely dependent on their sponsor for food, housing, healthcare, wages, leisure, communications, and other basic freedoms.

    This system violates basic human rights as guaranteed by Lebanese ratification of various human rights treaties. Under Lebanese and international human rights law, individuals cannot be held in conditions of slavery or servitude, cannot be subjected to inhuman or degrading treatment, have the right to work, the right to free choice of employment, the right to just conditions of work, and the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limits on working hours and holidays with pay. In recognition of International Migrants Day, we call for migrant domestic workers to be covered under the Lebanese labor law, to have their immigration status decoupled from their employer, and to be given the same rights and protection as Lebanese citizens.

    The workshops are a part of AltCity’s “Media for Human Rights” program that is supported by the Netherlands Embassy in Lebanon.

    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/9214/visualizing-human-rights-for-migrant-workers-in-le

    #Lebanon #migration #migrant_workers #human_rights
    @reka

  • Visualizing Human Rights for Migrant Workers in Lebanon
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/9214/visualizing-human-rights-for-migrant-workers-in-le

    Five decades after the development of the kefala [sponsorship] system, Lebanon’s 200,000 migrant domestic workers continue to be denied their inalienable rights, including freedom of movement, just conditions of work, the right to marry and to found a family, the right to legal recognition, and freedom from inhuman or degrading treatment. In recognition of International Migrants Day on 18 December, Migrant Workers’ Task Force, AltCity.me, and graphic designer Joumana Ibrahim worked with a group of young graphic designers to visualize migrant workers’ rights and hardships. The result is a series of images that illustrate the human rights abuses brought about by the sponsorship system.

    The sponsorship system was developed in the 1950s to provide temporary labor during economic booms that could then be expelled during periods of economic downturn. Yet, rather than providing temporary labor, migrant workers remain in Lebanon for years in vulnerable conditions with the threat of detention, unpaid wages, arrest, and deportation should they demand their rights.

    The root of the problem is that migrant domestic workers’ immigration status is bound to their sponsor. Migrant domestic workers cannot enter the country, transfer employment, travel within the country, or leave the country without permission from their sponsor. The sponsor almost always confiscates the passport and travel documents of the worker, restricts their contacts outside the home, and often prevents them from leaving the home entirely. Migrant domestic workers are thus completely dependent on their sponsor for food, housing, healthcare, wages, leisure, communications, and other basic freedoms.

    This system violates basic human rights as guaranteed by Lebanese ratification of various human rights treaties. Under Lebanese and international human rights law, individuals cannot be held in conditions of slavery or servitude, cannot be subjected to inhuman or degrading treatment, have the right to work, the right to free choice of employment, the right to just conditions of work, and the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limits on working hours and holidays with pay. In recognition of International Migrants Day, we call for migrant domestic workers to be covered under the Lebanese labor law, to have their immigration status decoupled from their employer, and to be given the same rights and protection as Lebanese citizens.

  • Why Chuck Hagel Is Irrelevant
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/9233/why-chuck-hagel-is-irrelevant

    The latest non-scandal scandalizing the American commentariat is whether Barack Obama will be able to nominate former Republican Senator Chuck Hagel as his new Secretary of Defense. The narrative is that the Zionist lobby is eager to scuttle Hagel’s nomination because he has uttered one too many words “critical” of Israel, and displayed too many sentiments suspected of being contrary to the agenda of the lobby: namely, destroying Iran.

    The narrative is true enough.

    That the lobby does not want Hagel is clear, and his nomination would be a defeat for the lobby’s right wing.

    Still, it is barely a scandal, except in the sense that it is scandalous how narrow the parameters of debate are in this country such that leftists think that an aggressive nationalist like Hagel merits their defense.

  • http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/8819/the-muslim-brotherhoods-militias-in-action_a-first

    Muslim Brotherhood supporters were attacking using rocks, shotguns, blanks, live ammunition, and teargas. Their push split the crowd into three main fronts, one on each side of three intersections, namely al-Khalifa al-Ma’moun Street, Mansheyet El Bakry Street and Roxy Square. Clashes continued in various places. I moved toward al-Khalifa Al-Ma’moun Street. The clashes continued on all fronts with Brotherhood supporters outnumbering protesters, showing signs of strong organization in their attacks, and possession of superior fire power. The Molotov cocktails prepared by anti-Morsi protesters to counter the weaponry used by Muslim Brotherhood supporters were highly ineffective.

    Many protesters were injured with birdshot pellets. Human rights activists who had talked to doctors at Mansheyet El-Bakry hospital told me that two people had died by live bullets.

    According to the eyewitness, rumors were spreading among the Muslim Brotherhood’s supporters that the church had sent in people to fight them.

    The show of force, the disregard to opposition and the people, and the strong insistence on monopolizing power are strong indications that Muslim Brotherhood leaders do not intend to lend their ear to anyone but their own.

    #egypt #brotherhood #revolution

  • http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/8870/al-masry-al-youm-goes-inside-the-brotherhoods-tort

    Opposing protesters were brought to the chambers after being detained by Brotherhood members, who beat them and tore their clothes. The chambers were informal and it was unclear how many there were; when someone was detained, a chamber would be established anywhere near a building.

    The kidnappers would take the detained person’s ID card, mobile phone and money before beginning “investigations,” which included intervals of beating to force the confession that he or she is a “thug.”

    #egypt #revolution #brotherhood #tahrir #morsi

  • Quick Thoughts on the Significance of the November 2012 Palestine UN Bid
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/8674/quick-thoughts-on-the-significance-of-the-november

    The bid will not, however, work to salvage the two-state solution, which has long been declared dead. Israel has civilian and military control over sixty-two percent of the West Bank; the Apartheid Wall has further confiscated another thirteen percent of the West Bank; and the Jewish-Israeli settler population now numbers six hundred thousand. East Jerusalem, which is part of the West Bank, has been the site of rapid ethnic cleansing where Israel is explicitly pursuing a Judaization campaign. Meanwhile, Gaza is territorially separated, isolated, and besieged. The World Health Organization says it will be unlivable by 2020. 

    The next steps forward include dealing with the one-state reality. There exists one political entity between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea home to an inextricable Jewish-Israeli and Muslim and Christian-Palestinian population whom the Israeli state distinguishes based on religion regardless of their territorial location within Israel or the OPT.

  • Passionnante interview de George Azar, qui a photographié la guerre du Liban :
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/8670/beirut-photographer_interview-with-george-azar

    I was very reticent to return to Beirut this year with the photos I had taken in Lebanon 30 years ago. I expected the subjects to be angry with me for photographing them at such vulnerable, horrible moments. I was conscious that I’d frozen that moment forever, and I didn’t imagine it would be anything like giving them a gift. So I was really wary of coming face to face with the Takkoush family on Rue Jean d’Arc in Hamra for example. It was hard for me to step through the door to their shop. To make matters worse, one of the first things Badr said to me was “Oh yes, that was the day my son died.” I felt the same reticence meeting the family of the young Palestinian fighter Samir Salamon, who was killed days after I took his picture. However, they were all very pleased to have the photos. Each held them in a tender way, and you could see they were being transported back to the moment of the photo. Watching them regard the photos so deeply as physical objects reignited my appreciation of still photography.

    #photographie

  • http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/8073/civil-society-in-revolt_from-the-arab-spring-to-oc

    It has become commonplace to say that the Arab revolts and OWS have failed because they did not manage to transform political institutions. This is the wrong stick with which to measure their achievements. By occupying public squares, these protests have occupied the space of democracy and thus taught us that democracy does not begin with the ballot box, but rather with us.

    #egypt #occupy #arab #tunisia

  • Il fallait entendre la délectation de Bruno Duvic lisant l’intro de l’article de Mona Eltahawy dans la revue de presse de France Inter, vendredi :
    http://www.franceinter.fr/emission-la-revue-de-presse-l-exercice-du-pouvoir

    FEMMES ARABES • Pourquoi ils nous haïssent | Courrier international
    http://www.courrierinternational.com/article/2012/10/25/pourquoi-ils-nous-haissent

    Au début de Distant View of a Minaret [éd. Heinemann, 1983, non traduit en français], Alifa Rifaat, auteure égyptienne largement ignorée et aujourd’hui disparue, nous raconte l’histoire d’une femme tellement indifférente au coït que son mari lui impose, concentré sur son seul plaisir, qu’elle remarque la présence d’une toile d’araignée à nettoyer au plafond. Elle médite sur l’attitude de son mari, qui refuse toujours de poursuivre leurs ébats pour la faire jouir elle aussi, “comme s’il tenait à la priver [de quelque chose]”. De même qu’il lui refuse un orgasme, l’appel à la prière interrompt soudain le sien. Le mari sort. Après s’être lavée, la femme s’absorbe dans la prière – un acte tellement plus satisfaisant qu’elle attend avec impatience la prochaine – et regarde la rue depuis son balcon. Elle interrompt sa rêverie pour aller consciencieusement préparer du café pour son mari après sa sieste. Alors qu’elle apporte la boisson dans la chambre pour la verser sous les yeux de son mari – il préfère –, elle remarque qu’il est mort. Elle ordonne à son fils d’aller chercher un médecin. “Elle retourna au salon et se versa une tasse de café. Elle était elle-même surprise par son calme”, écrit Alifa Rifaat.

    « Courrier International » republie cet article en français sans évoquer la polémique qu’il a soulevée lors de sa parution dans « Foreign Policy » en avril. Quelques liens :

    Mona El Tahawy or native neo-orientalism - Ibn Kafka’s obiter dicta
    http://ibnkafkasobiterdicta.wordpress.com/2012/04/28/mona-el-tahawy-or-native-neo-orientalism

    It’s of course not the need to dramatically improve the condition of women in the Arab world in order to achieve a long overdue parity that is at fault – on the contrary, witness the recent statement by Saudi Arabia’s grand mufti Sheikh Abdulaziz al Sheikh according to which girls are ripe for marriage at 12. It’s rather the tone and lexical and discursive resources which El Tahawy taps into: essentialism, reduction of social and political phenomena to simple psychological factors (fear, hate), and even more so the lumping together of all men into a vague and threatening « they » – the kind of manicheism she resented when it came to the Israeli-Palestinian dispute, but I suppose one has to distinguish between good manicheism and bad manicheism. That piece could have been written by David Pryce-Jones, Fouad Ajami or the staggeringly inane Lee Smith, a US journalist who wrote a 2010 book called « The strong horse » aiming to show that Arabs only understood and bowed to force and violence – unfortunately for him, 2011 came after 2010.

    An American journalist writing exclusively for European, US and Israeli media outlets, Mona El Tahawy is not interested in helping Middle Eastern activists to bring about the legislative and social changes required, or to identify the practical ways this might be achieved. No easy clues here: there’s only hate to confront. How does one confront hate – by drone attacks, invasion or forced conversion? She does not say. More importantly still, Arab men and women are not really her main target – her piece is written in the tone of a native informer bringing the White (Wo)Man her exclusive insights about the twisted minds of her fellow natives. That article is more a career move, à la Irshad Manji or Ayaan Hirsi Ali (but without the latter’s islamophobia), than a sincere contribution to a fight for equality that is both morally necessary and socially unavoidable, as Youssef Courbage and Emmanuel Todd have shown.

    Les Arabes haïssent-ils les femmes ? Mona Eltahawy face à la tempête - Global Voices
    http://fr.globalvoicesonline.org/2012/04/29/106756

    Nous ne sommes pas faibles, Mona, et les révolutions arabes nous ont prouvé que nous étions plus fortes que nous le pensions, les héroïnes des révolutions arabes n’ont pas besoin d’être pointées du doigt.

    Je ne pense pas que nous ayons besoin d’être sauvées par des tiers de la haine ou de la vengeance de nos hommes, spécialement depuis que ces révolutions ont prouvé que nous étions plus que capables de nous dresser épaules contre épaules avec les hommes pour obtenir le progrès de nos sociétés.

    Votre article, en accord avec les photos l’illustrant, dépeint la société arabe noire, sombre, déprimante, un corps peint en noir. Vous avez réduit le problème de la femme arabe aux sentiments des hommes ; réduisant parallèlement cette dernière aux pathétiques images parfaitement conforme à la vision que l’Orient a d’elle.

    (…) La société arabe n’est pas aussi barbare que vous la dépeignez dans votre article, ce dernier renforce dans l’esprit du lecteur une vision stéréotypée de nous, stéréotype effroyablement répandu qui contribue à élargir le clivage culturel entre notre société et les autres et accroît le racisme envers nous.

    On « Why do they hate us ? » and its critics - The Arabist
    http://www.arabist.net/blog/2012/4/29/on-why-do-they-hate-us-and-its-critics.html

    http://www.arabist.net/storage/post-images/120418_Cover_193_web290.jpeg

    It is impossible to look at the situation of women across the Middle East and other Muslim countries and not see how increasing militarization strengthens patriarchal and heteronormative ideologies that have mutually reinforcing effects on the increased subordination of women and the propagation of masculinities. One cannot ignore the impact of globalization on economic, social and cultural rights as well as restrictions on civil and political rights. The continued growth in the power and influence of the private sector, bolstered by states pursuing neoliberal economic policies has pushed many women (and men) into the margins of society, and into irregular migration networks where they are exploited. After all, the uprisings in the Arab world have been a cry for socio-economic justice. They have also been a cry against authoritarian regimes, which also reinforce gender and other social hierarchies. Religious fundamentalism, which across all religions, is premised on absolute monolithic approaches, is just one the factors which also strengthens patriarchy.

    And let’s not forget that patriarchy, which I, like many feminists define as the privileging of male power in all forms of social relations, is a system in which men and women participate. Some of the responses to Mona El Tahawy have raised the issue that women participate in some of the practices which she criticizes, for example Female Genital Mutilation. Or, as one commentator noted, women, just as much as men, have voted Islamists into power. But women’s participation in these activities does not make them any less patriarchal.

    Some of the other criticisms of El Tahawy’s piece illustrate the dilemma of the “double bind” that African-American and other feminists have also faced. For instance, when they write about their experiences, African-American feminists often find themselves caught between confronting the patriarchy within African-American communities, and defending their African-American brothers from the broader racism that exists in American society.

    Similarly, women who identify as Islamic feminists often find themselves in this bind, as they try to reconcile their feminism and religious identity, and also defend their religion from Islamophobia.

    Feminists like El Tahawy who write about women’s subordination in the Middle East, and the critics responding to her also fall into this double bind if they are not careful in how they phrase their message. On the one hand, El Tahawy is accused of playing into Western imperialist agendas. On the other hand, her critics are in danger of becoming apologists who are pawns of their native country’s patriarchy.

    Muslimah Media Watch a proposé une revue de presse des réponses à l’article ici :
    http://www.patheos.com/blogs/mmw/2012/04/some-issues-with-foreign-policys-sex-issue-part-one

    ... et organisé une table ronde avec ses contributrices :
    http://www.patheos.com/blogs/mmw/2012/04/some-issues-with-foreign-policys-sex-issue-part-two-mmw-responds

    Sharrae: What I think is interesting is that all the writers of the “sex issue” agree that women’s bodies are the world’s battleground. And to be honest, I don’t disagree with that statement either. However, what I find remarkable is that the writers fail to realize the ways that they, themselves, end up waging war on the Muslim woman body. As they (particularly Sadjadpour) condemn Middle Eastern men for making women the symbol of purity in society, they are making Muslim women the symbols of oppression – and liberation. A woman who wears less equals liberation; a sign of a closed gap between men and women, and thus a higher GDP, as those supposedly cloaked under “suffocating cloth” are the symbols of the deep-seeded patriarchy of both Islam and those evil Muslim men. Authors such as Eltahawy or Sadjadpour seem to be caught between two sides. They want to speak to the various problems in their ancestral homeland, but they manage to feed and reproduce images of imperialist notions of those living in the Middle East. “Name me an Arab country, and I’ll recite a litany of abuses fueled by a toxic mix of culture and religion that few seem willing or able to disentangle lest they blaspheme or offend,” Eltahawy commands, after requesting that readers put aside what the United States does or doesn’t do to women.

    Krista: Like many others, I was really turned off by the framing of the piece. I’m not sure that “hatred” is really the issue; patriarchy and sexist violence in all societies are rooted in more than just men who hate women. Moreover, “Why do they hate us?” was a rallying cry post-September 11, used to point to “them” as irrational and hateful, and “us” as the good ones. While the “us” is different in Eltahawy’s piece, the “they” is largely the same: violent, irrational, hateful Muslim and/or Arab men. So it’s not just that the title is inaccurate or melodramatic; it’s also very clearly part of the same rhetoric that has drummed up support for wars in the not-so-distant past.

    Let’s Talk About Sex - Jadaliyya
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/5233/lets-talk-about-sex

    Then there is the visual. A naked and beautiful woman’s flawless body unfolds a niqab of black paint. She stares at us afraid and alluring. We are invited to sexualize and rescue her at once. The images reproduce what Gayatri Spivak critiqued as the masculine and imperial urge to save sexualized (and racialized) others. The photo spread is reminiscent of Theo van Gogh’s film Submission, based on Ayyan Hirsli Ali’s writings, in which a woman with verses of the Quran painted on her naked body and wearing a transparent chador writhes around a dimly lit room. Foreign Policy’s “Sex Issue” montage is inspired by the same logic that fuels Submission: we selectively highlight the plight of women in Islam using the naked female body as currency. The female body is to be consumed, not covered!

    #femmes #islam #racisme

  • Dia al-Azzawi’s «Sabra and Shatila Massacre»
    http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/8056/dia-al-azzawis-sabra-and-shatila-massacre-

    Earlier this year, London’s Tate Modern acquired “Sabra and Shatila Massacre” (1982-83), an epic mural-sized drawing by pioneering Iraqi artist Dia al-Azzawi. Sprawling as it is towering and engulfing, the artist began the massive work after news surfaced that between two and three thousand Palestinian and Lebanese civilians were strategically murdered in and around the refugee camps of southern Beirut in 1982. While creating “Sabra and Shatila Massacre,” al-Azzawi was also moved by Jean Genet’s “Four Hours in Shatila,” a written dispatch of the hell on earth that was the site of this civil-war era carnage, the violent details of which are impossible to take in without periodically searching for respite by turning away from the page.