• EU net migration continues to decline as UK heads towards the general election, but impact of manifesto promises on migration can’t be predicted

    Today’s data from the Office for National Statistics (ONS) (https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internationalmigration/bulletins/migrationstatisticsquarterlyreport/november2019) show that EU net migration had continued to decline, reaching the lowest level since before EU enlargement, as the UK heads towards the general election, the Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford said today.

    Today’s data suggest that net migration of EU citizens in the year ending June 2019 was 48,000, 78% below the pre-referendum peak of 218,000 in 2015. In separate population estimates also published today, Poland lost its place as the top country of birth for migrants living in the UK (although the difference between Poland, at 827,000 residents in YE June 2019, was not statistically different for figures from India, at 837,000).

    Non-EU net migration was broadly stable at 229,000 in the year ending June 2019, after steady increases since 2013. This makes non-EU considerably higher than EU net migration, although the precise contribution of EU vs. non-EU to the total remains uncertain due to problems identified in the data (see editor’s notes, below).

    Madeleine Sumption, Director of the Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford said: “EU net migration has fallen dramatically since before the referendum, and is now at its lowest level since before EU enlargement. The reasons for this will include things like the lower value of the pound making the UK less attractive, improving economic prospects in EU countries of origin, and potentially the political uncertainty of the prolonged Brexit process.”

    There has been much discussion of migration policies outlined by the main political parties as the general election approaches. The Conservatives and the Brexit party have committed to ending free movement and introducing an “Australian style” points based system, the features of which are yet to be announced; Labour has signalled that it would consider free movement as part of a negotiations on the future UK-EU relationship, while the Liberal Democrats have promised to end the Brexit process and maintain free movement.

    Sumption added: “What will happen to migration in the coming years is highly uncertain, regardless of which party is power. It’s easy to imagine that migration policies are the only things that affect migration, but in reality, policies act more like a filter than a tap. The state of the economy, demand for workers by UK employers, conditions in countries of origin can have a big impact on migration, in some cases even more than changes in policy. That’s one reason why we’ve seen such a big drop in EU migration since 2016, despite the fact that policy has not yet changed at all.”

    Currently, the relatively low levels of EU net migration mean that restricting free movement now would be expected to have a much smaller impact on overall migration levels than it would have done in the past. However, this will not always be the case. EU migration has fluctuated up and down over time, and there is no reason to assume this would not continue to happen if the UK were to maintain free movement in the future. Recently revised ONS figures suggest that EU net migration made up a majority of the total from YE June 2013 to YE June 2016.

    #migrations #Brexit #UK #Angleterre #statistiques #chiffres #citoyens_européens #migrants_européens

  • The Conversation | Contrairement aux idées reçues, l’accueil des réfugiés a suscité un élan citoyen en Europe

    Dans cet article, The Conversation, démontre que l’accueil des réfugiés a suscité un élan citoyen en Europe, et ce, contrairement aux idées reçues et que des actions collectives spontanées initiées par des volontaires non-politisés peuvent aboutir à des actions ayant un impact sur les structures politiques et les opinions publiques. Dans son ouvrage à paraitre, […]

  • ’Where do I go ?’ EU citizens face legal limbo after decades in Britain

    Anna Amato was just two when she moved to Britain from Italy with her parents 55 years ago.

    She has lived in Britain ever since, attending school and university, working in a variety of jobs, and paying taxes. She has always lived in the city of Bristol in the west of England, marrying a British husband and raising two British children.

    Like thousands of European Union nationals who have made Britain their home after living in the country for decades, Amato always assumed she had earned the legal right to settle permanently.

    But the government didn’t agree. The interior ministry rejected her request for permanent residency last year, saying she did not have enough evidence to document her status.

    She was devastated.

    “You are in your country, it is a democracy, all of a sudden you are told after this time no one knows what is going to happen to you,” Amato, 57, told Reuters. “Where do I go? It is really, really scary.”

    Amato is one of a growing number of EU nationals denied the right to live indefinitely in Britain ahead of the country’s departure from the bloc, currently scheduled for October 31.

    For decades, Britain’s membership of the EU has guaranteed the bloc’s citizens the right to live and work in the country. But as Britain prepares to sever ties with Brussels after 46 years, EU citizens must apply for a new legal lifeline to remain, known as settled status.

    Under the government’s plans, EU citizens who can prove they have lived continuously in Britain for five years will be granted settled status, giving them the same rights to work, study and benefits they currently hold.

    But Reuters has spoken to six EU nationals, including a top French chef, who have been refused settled status, even though they should automatically qualify through continuous residency.

    Many EU nationals are concerned they could lose the right to free healthcare or employment. Others are worried about how they will prove they have the right to return if they travel abroad.

    The fate of EU migrants has been thrown further into confusion by the government’s announcement this month that their automatic right to live and work in Britain will end abruptly - and sooner than expected - in the event of a no-deal Brexit.

    The problems facing EU nationals asked to suddenly prove their status mirrors the Windrush scandal, in which British citizens of Caribbean origin were denied rights despite living lawfully in the country for decades. Some lost jobs, others were wrongly deported.

    Virendra Sharma, a lawmaker in the opposition Labour Party and a supporter of the pro-EU Best for Britain campaign group, said Amato’s case was a sign the government is ill-prepared for such a drastic overhaul of the immigration system.

    “Anna’s story is a tragic one,” he said. “How can somebody who has given so much of their life to the UK, who went to school here and got married here, have their existence in this country wiped? I think most people would say that can’t be right.”

    Amato, who speaks with a soft Bristol accent, began trying to unravel her immigration status in 2017. It was a year after Britain voted to leave the EU and the government was promising to tighten immigration rules for the bloc’s citizens. She spent about three months compiling documents to apply for settled status. They included tax returns, bank statements, her qualifications and social security number, known in Britain as a national insurance number.

    In a career spanning almost 40 years, Amato ran a pizza takeaway for almost 20 years and also worked as a personal assistant and counsellor. Amato, who says she’s apolitical, estimates she has paid more than half a million pounds ($615,000) in taxes.

    By the time she had finished collecting documents she filled a box, which was so heavy it cost her 35 pounds to post.

    But the interior ministry refused her application saying she had “failed to show you have a permanent right of residence in the UK,” according to a letter seen by Reuters.

    Amato then made a series of frantic calls to the ministry and sent almost a dozen emails complaining there had been a mistake. The government so far refused to change its decision.

    In one email which particularly riles Amato, a government official told her she had failed to prove herself as, “a qualified person either as a worker, a self-employed person, a student, a jobseeker, or a self-sufficient person”. “It is so insulting,” she said, wiping away tears. “You know we all need a basic need to feel a sense of belonging, wherever we are.”

    “All of a sudden, they snatch it away from you. You become unstable. It gives you anxiety, stress, you know it affects every aspect of your life. It is so upsetting,” she said.

    The interior ministry said Amato had not reapplied under its EU Settlement Scheme and that it had told her where to get assistance with the process.

    The government launched its EU Settlement Scheme for registering EU citizens in January this year.

    The status of British and EU nationals living in each other’s territories has been one of the most important issues in Brexit talks, which have dragged on for the past three years.

    Both sides have promised to ensure settled citizens do not lose any rights.

    In his first statement to parliament after becoming prime minister in July, Boris Johnson said he wanted to thank EU citizens living in Britain for their contribution and promised to ensure they could remain after Brexit.

    But Daniel Hannan, a prominent Brexit supporter and Conservative lawmaker in the European Parliament, has called on the government to do more, saying he had been contacted by EU nationals in his constituency denied long-term residency.

    “This is a breach of the assurances I and other Leavers gave during the referendum,” he said. “Please help sort this out.”

    Until recently, the government had been advising the estimated 3.5 million EU citizens living in Britain that they had until December 2020 to register to retain their rights. So far, only about 1 million people have applied.

    Richard Bertinet, a renowned French chef who has lived in Britain for the past 31 years, was denied settled status after applying earlier this month with the help of his British wife, a former lawyer.

    Bertinet, who has written two award-winning cookbooks, appeared on cookery television programmes and set up a bakery that supplies upmarket supermarket chain Waitrose, said he had only been granted pre-settled status.

    The ministry gave him the right to stay until 2024, when he will need to reapply for settled status.

    “It is painful and embarrassing,” he told Reuters. “I have spent more time in my life in this country than in France.”

    Bertinet said he fears more for vulnerable people, such as those who speak poor English or the elderly.

    “There are going to be a lot of tears for a lot of people.”

    The interior ministry said in response to a request for comment that it has been in touch with Bertinet to help him provide evidence to be granted settled status.But others may not be so fortunate. It can be particularly difficult to prove residency for stay-at-home parents or carers even if they have lived in Britain for years.

    Amato says she is not sure she will apply again to confirm her residency status - and will just deal with the consequences.

    She could apply for citizenship through her British husband. But she’s offended by the idea of having to sit an English and history test and paying more than a thousand pounds to get citizenship after living in Britain for over half a century.

    “I resent the fact I have to apply for settlement in my own country. If I apply again, I am enabling the system,” she said. “What is next? A badge, branding?”

    Amato says her Italian father, who had dementia in later life and died in March, would be upset at how EU migrants are being treated. He moved his family to Britain to work in a factory making washing machines in 1964, a time when Britain was looking abroad for workers.

    “He loved the UK because he thought it was a fair and decent nation. He was proud to be here,” she said. “I feel betrayed.”

    #citoyens_européens #UK #Angleterre #limbe #limbe_législatif #brexit

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur les conséquences du Brexit sur les citoyens européens vivant en UK :

    • How EU families in Britain are coping with Brexit uncertainty

      Mirela left Croatia in 1991 because of the civil war in Yugoslavia. Her husband Frank grew up in the Republic of Ireland. Both are worried Brexit has left a deep scar through British society, one that it will take years to heal. They also worry about the impact of Brexit on their mixed-nationality families and how to mitigate it.

      “It is a smart option to get as many passports as you can,” Mirela, who holds a passport from the newest EU member state, Croatia, told our team. For Frank, an Irish national, his Republic of Ireland passport is the best to have under current circumstances due to the additional arrangements between the Republic of Ireland and the UK regarding the status of their citizens.

      Mirela, who has seen how quickly a country can implode and how rapidly the value of a passport can change, is not persuaded. “Things can change quickly,” She says.

      These comments are a snapshot of the many, often animated and tense, conversations EU families have had since June 2016.

      Boris Johnson, the British prime minister, recently said the chances of a Brexit deal are now “touch and go”, having previously said the odds of a no-deal Brexit were “a million to one”. This has reopened the debate around the protections provided by the “EU settled status” arrangement, further igniting EU citizens’ anxieties and moving more people towards applying for a British passport via naturalisation.

      The latest Home Office immigration statistics released in August show that since March 2019, when the scheme was officially launched after a pilot phase, more than a million EU nationals have applied for “EU settled status” which allows them to continue living in the UK after Brexit.

      Data also reveal that the share of British citizenship applications by EU nationals has increased from 4% in 2007 to 30% in June 2019. At the time of the 2016 EU referendum, applications by EU citizens accounted for 12% of the total.

      Our study – EU families and Eurochildren in Brexiting Britain – shows that for some EU citizens, the result of the EU referendum has meant a sudden and even shocking realisation of the fragility of their legal position in the UK. Others, instead, had already encountered the UK government’s “hostile environment” and experienced being at the receiving end of the virulent anti-immigration rhetoric of some British newspapers.

      Indeed, research shows that Polish and other Central and Eastern EU nationals in the UK have felt negatively targeted by British populist media since much before the June 2016 EU referendum. This might explain why, similarly to Romanian citizens, they began to apply in sizeable numbers for British citizenship even before the referendum and are currently the two main countries of origin of citizenship applicants, followed by Italians, Germans and French.

      Given the above, it’s unsurprising, therefore, that while the increase in applications for British citizenship from citizens of so-called “old member states” (EU14) (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Republic of Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain and Sweden) has been steeper since June 2016, the increase among citizens of “new member states” – divided into EU8 (Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia) and EU2 (Romania, Bulgaria), according to their date of accession to the EU – began earlier.

      In 2013, 47% of all British citizenship applications by EU citizens came from EU8 nationals, 27% from EU2 nationals, and 25% from EU14 nationals. By contrast, in 2019, EU14 citizens accounted for 51% of all EU applications, with the EU8 accounting for 30%, and the EU2 18%.

      Newspaper reports often take this as evidence of EU nationals racing to secure their status in the UK. But there are an estimated 3.7m EU nationals in the UK, and only one third has so far applied for settled status and 130,000 for citizenship since the EU referendum.

      Our findings have highlighted how some EU citizens, particularly children, risk falling through the cracks of the settled status registration process and, as a consequence, may encounter insurmountable obstacles to later accessing citizenship.
      A hard decision

      There are a range of economic, social and legal considerations, including fees, eligibility restrictions, and the right to dual nationality that may preclude EU nationals from applying for citizenship. We also found that for those in the position to do it, it is rarely a decision that is taken lightly. Many going through the process feel like the decision has been forced upon them by circumstances, and ultimately decided to apply with family and the future of their children at the forefront of their minds.

      Family composition, in terms of the countries of birth of both parents and children, also plays a role in the decision-making process. We found that in mixed nationality families, including those with a UK-born partner, leaving the UK and “going home” is a rarely a realistic option and that naturalisation becomes the only viable way of keeping the family safe and together.

      We also found that attitudes towards naturalisation vary significantly among EU nationals. Better off and more educated EU nationals, for example, are more reluctant to apply to become British, on ideological and political grounds. Among EU14 nationals this response to naturalisation was more frequent.

      Others, like Mirela, take a more pragmatic approach to acquiring a British passport, particularly those who have previously experienced the constraints and difficulties of visa restrictions and come from countries with lower trust in state institutions and the rule of law (for example, Romania and Bulgaria).

      The outcome of the EU referendum is tearing some EU families apart, uprooting children and parents, spreading them across borders, and forcing families to reconsider their future in the UK. Under these circumstances, becoming a British citizen is often a defensive move – for those who can afford the £1,349 per person application fee – and a way for them to “take back control” over their lives after years of uncertainty.


  • #Grève dans les #92 - Le #facteur n’est pas passé | FUMIGENE MAG
    #PTT #postes #poste #la_poste

    texte partagé par collectif oeil sur FB :

    Ce dimanche 16 juin 2019 à 6h, 7 policiers ont sonné à la porte de chez Leo Ks, #photographe et #vidéaste, membre du Collectif OEIL, pour l’interpeller.

    Il a été menotté et emmené en garde à vue au commissariat du XVe arrondissement de Paris. Lors de son interrogatoire, la police lui a reproché des faits de « dégradations au siège de la Poste ». il a été libéré le jour même, un peu avant 20h.

    Vendredi 14 juin, les grévistes de la Poste, en grève depuis 15 mois dans les Hauts-de-Seine, ont occupé le siège de leur entreprise. Par cette action, les postier.es en grève voulaient une nouvelle fois interpeller les cadres de l’entreprise afin de mettre en place de vraies négociations et faire signer le protocole de fin de conflit.

    Leo Ks et NnoMan ont suivi l’action, pour la documenter de l’intérieur, afin de réaliser un reportage photo et vidéo.

    Ils n’ont commis et n’ont été témoins d’aucune dégradation de la part des grévistes.

    Lors de cette action, la police a tenté à plusieurs reprises d’empêcher Leo Ks et NnoMan de filmer ; avant de les retenir plus d’une heure à l’écart, surveillés par deux agents de la #BAC.

    Pendant ce temps, une unité d’intervention procédait à l’évacuation des grévistes, en fracassant la porte à coups de bélier et de masse.

    Ce dimanche matin, le syndicaliste Gaël Quirante, a été lui aussi réveillé par la police puis placé en garde à vue, à la sûreté territoriale.

    La police s’est également rendue chez deux autres postiers (qui n’étaient pas chez eux) et ont placé une sympathisante en garde à vue, elle aussi dans le commissariat du XVe.

    Ces #arrestations, au petit matin, avec de nombreux effectifs de police, chez des grévistes, chez une citoyenne, chez un photographe qui donne la parole à cette lutte, est une nouvelle attaque contre le #mouvement_social, contre celles et ceux qui se révoltent pour leurs droits, et contre la presse indépendante.

    Par ces attaques, ce sont non seulement les #journalistes qui sont visés ; c’est l’ensemble du mouvement qui est pris pour cible avec une volonté claire de criminaliser les luttes sociales et syndicales.

    Nous condamnons ces arrestations, que ce soit à l’encontre de notre collègue et ami, ou à l’encontre de tous les autres, de ceux qui luttent pour leurs droits et pour le maintien de #services_publics pour tous les #citoyens de ce pays.

    Nous espérons la libération immédiate de #Gaël_Quirante ainsi que l’arrêt des #poursuites contre les #grévistes.

    Nous ne baisserons ni les yeux, ni les objectifs de nos appareils photo !


    Leo Ks
    Maxwell Aurélien James

  • Des « gilets jaunes » s’essayent à la démocratie délibérative, pour sortir de la nasse

    Depuis la mi-juin, des assemblées délibératives rassemblent « gilets jaunes » et sympathisants du mouvement, de manière simultanée, dans plusieurs villes de France. Ils réfléchissent ensemble à la rédaction de « propositions de loi citoyennes ». Une manière d’entretenir « un petit bouillonnement » démocratique et de réunir les multiples groupes locaux encore vaillants, isolés par la décrue des manifestations.

    #INSTITUTIONS #citoyens,_gilets_jaunes,_démocratie,_assemblées

  • Écoutons encore une fois Servan* :

    “(...) Quand vous aurez ainsi formé la chaîne des #idées dans la tête de vos #citoyens, vous pourrez alors vous vanter de les conduire et d’être leurs #maîtres. Un #despote #imbécile peut contraindre des #esclaves avec des #chaînes de fer ; mais un vrai #politique les lie bien plus fortement par la chaîne de leurs propres idées ; c’est au plan fixe de la #raison qu’il en attache le premier bout ; lien d’autant plus fort que nous en ignorons la texture et que nous le croyons notre ouvrage ; le désespoir et le temps rongent les liens de fer et d’acier, mais il ne peut rien contre l’union habituelle des idées, il ne fait que la resserrer davantage ; et sur les molles fibres du cerveau est fondée la base inébranlable des plus fermes #Empires”.

    * JM Servan, Discours sur l’administration et la justice criminelle 1767, p. 35.

    #MICHEL_FOUCAULT (Surveiller et punir, p. 105, collection Bibliothèque des histoires, Gallimard, 1975)

    • J’aime bien comment la ville de Lyon, premier pollueur lumineux, qui a cru bon de « décorer » son centre ville avec de la lumière et d’en faire en fête, retourne sa veste en se hissant lanceur d’alerte anti pollution lumineuse.

      La règle du "juste ce dont tu as besoin" n’est pas encore dans tous les esprits.
      Alors de là à passer en dessous des besoins, on est loin.

      Et je signe des permis de construire le long des voies vertes et bleues.
      Et je m’installe un projecteur ou un globe d’éclairage public…
      Franchement, portez des lunettes de vision nocturne, vous tuerez moins d’oiseaux.

  • En finir avec « l’autre #Europe »

    Dans cette tribune publiée par Le Média Presse, Ramzi Kebaïli, membre du collectif « Citoyens Souverains » et auteur de l’ouvrage « Quittons l’Europe ! Pour une souveraineté populaire et inclusive », pointe les failles de l’idéal européen et se fait l’avocat d’une démarche véritablement internationaliste.

    #Citoyens_Souverains #Frexit #UE #Union_Européenne

  • Débat : « L’emmurement du monde disloque de l’intérieur les #sociétés »

    ... la #murophilie actuelle revêt trois #dangers inédits. Elle introduit une disjonction potentiellement explosive entre, d’une part, une intégration forcenée de la planète dans les domaines de la #finance, du commerce, de la technologie, du sport, des loisirs, de la culture matérielle ou spirituelle, et, d’autre part, le #cloisonnement de plus en plus coercitif, voire militarisé, du marché international de la force de #travail et de la circulation des personnes.

    S’imaginer que la majorité de l’humanité va rester sur le seuil du magasin de la #globalisation, qu’on lui interdit de franchir, sans défoncer sa porte et faire voler en éclat sa vitrine relève de l’irénisme.

    En deuxième lieu, l’#endiguement des #barbares corrompt de l’intérieur la #cité qu’il prétend protéger. Il implique des régimes juridiques dérogatoires au détriment des étrangers, assimilés à des #ennemis. Ces législations progressivement s’étendent aux #citoyens eux-mêmes, instaurent des états d’exception qui deviennent des États d’exception, et banalisent une abjection d’État, laquelle s’institutionnalise en États d’#abjection.

    Au nom de la lutte contre le #terrorisme et l’#immigration clandestine, les #libertés publiques sont de plus en plus menacées dans les pays occidentaux ; le #droit d’asile et le droit de la mer sont bafoués ; la #politique de refoulement de l’#Union_européenne provoque chaque année plus de morts en #Méditerranée et dans le #Sahara que trois décennies de guerre civile en Irlande du Nord ; les #États-Unis séparent les enfants de leurs parents en attendant la construction de la barrière anti-latinos sur leur frontière avec le #Mexique ; #Israël a perdu toute mesure dans le containment des Palestiniens ou l’expulsion des Africains. Or, cet État d’abjection reçoit l’onction du suffrage universel et peut se réclamer d’une #légitimité démocratique. Avec et derrière les #murs prospère la « #servitude_volontaire ».

    Enfin, l’emmurement du monde disloque de l’intérieur les sociétés. Il privatise l’espace public et la ville elle-même. Il externalise les frontières des États les plus puissants au sein d’autres États dépendants, à l’instar de l’Union européenne au Sahel, et éventre leur #souveraineté.

    Il recourt à la #biométrie qui le rend invisible, et son immatérialité segmente à l’infini la cité. Dans la Chine orwellienne d’aujourd’hui, par rapport à laquelle le totalitarisme maoïste prend des airs de passoire, chaque escalier mécanique, chaque carrefour, chaque place, surveillé électroniquement, est un mur qui reconnaît en vous le bon ou le mauvais citoyen, et peut vous empêcher de monter dans l’avion ou le train. Il est à craindre que les marchands de #peur et de biométrie n’appliquent vite la recette aux #démocraties libérales. Murs de tous les pays, unissez-vous !

  • Indignés par les conditions d’expulsion de sans-papiers, des passagers d’Air France devant la justice - Bondy Blog

    Les procès s’enchaînent. Celui de Caroline est directement suivi par le procès de Jean-Luc* et Armand* qui s’avancent à leur tour à la barre. Ils ne se connaissaient pas avant d’embarquer dans le même avion Air France à destination de Dakar, le 31 décembre 2017. Pour leur avocat, Maître Teffo, ces affaires sont liées, il décrit un « mécanisme » : « La personne reconduite à la frontière apparaît, un tissu dans la bouche, un casque sur la tête, les pieds et mains liés, elle est bâillonnée, hurle et se débat, les gens vont réagir et l’administration va choisir des personnes au hasard dans le but de frapper les esprits, et de leur dire : vous ne pouvez plus vous indigner dans ce pays. ».

    Les similitudes entre les deux affaires sont effectivement déroutantes. Tous les trois ont été expulsés de leur vol à cause de leurs protestations. A bord du Paris-Erevan, Caroline interroge les policiers sur l’homme, bâillonné et casqué, qui se débat dans l’avion, un policier affirme qu’il a violé une mineure. Cette affirmation sera par la suite contredite par le dossier de l’homme en question, auquel Me Marcus a eu accès. Comme Caroline l’imaginait dès lors, il est reconduit en Arménie pour sa « situation irrégulière » mais n’a jamais été condamné.

    De la même façon, dans le vol Paris-Dakar, l’homme, maintenu de force sur son siège, est présenté comme « un dangereux criminel » aux passagers, qui ont pour consigne de rester silencieux. La consigne n’a visiblement pas été respectée. Un témoin, qui s’avère être la compagne de Jean-Luc, est appelée à la barre : « Les gens n’ont pas trouvé ça normal, tous les passagers de la cabine se sont levés. » Jean-Luc s’indigne, la tension monte. Sa compagne affirme avoir ensuite été violemment giflée par une policière. Elle perd connaissance et ne peut pas assister à la suite de la scène.

    Ému, Armand se lance face à la juge dans un récit poignant : « Il y avait un homme derrière moi, en chemise molletonnée à carreaux avec un casque, il se débattait, il criait et quand, parfois, il ne faisait plus aucun bruit, il fallait deux neurones pour comprendre qu’il était en train d’être étouffé ! ». En colère, il s’indigne contre un « traitement inhumain », se plaint d’Air France et refuse de prendre cet avion. La même policière de l’escorte lui rétorque : « Eh bien pourquoi vous n’avez pas pris la compagnie de votre pays ? ». C’est la voix chargée d’émotions qu’Armand reprend son récit. « Ça fait mal, affirme-t-il. Est-ce qu’elle savait ce qu’était mon pays ? » Me Teffo, son avocat, souligne devant le tribunal que le dossier comporte également un rapport d’Air France dans lequel une cheffe de cabine dit avoir l’habitude de ce type de vols et conseille aux hôtesses de « ne pas se laisser impressionner par des Sénégalais qui ont la manie de parler fort. »

  • #Decreto_salvini, liste de villes dans lesquelles les #associations et les #citoyens descendent en masse pour dire NON au decrét. Mais aussi résistance des institutions ecclésiastiques et judiciaires, etc. :

    – Lucca (les paroisses)

    #résistance #associations #citoyens #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Italie

    Et une #carte, que je vais essayer de mettre à jour régulièrement :

    En rouge : les maires qui disent NON
    En orange : des oppositions citoyennes et de la société civile
    #cartographie #visualisation

    A voir aussi, la métaliste :

  • Gérard Noiriel : « Les “#gilets_jaunes” replacent la question sociale au centre du jeu politique »

    Historien et directeur d’études à l’EHESS, Gérard Noiriel a travaillé sur l’#histoire de l’immigration en France

    les « #professionnels_de_la_parole_publique » ont été particulièrement nombreux à s’exprimer sur le sujet.

    Je pense que le mouvement des « gilets jaunes » peut être rapproché de la manière dont Emmanuel Macron a été élu président de la République, lui aussi par surprise et sans parti politique. Ce sont deux illustrations du nouvel âge de la démocratie dans lequel nous sommes entrés, et que Bernard Manin appelle la « démocratie du public » dans son livre Principe du gouvernement représentatif, Calmann-Lévy, 1995).

    Les « gilets jaunes » qui bloquent les routes en refusant toute forme de récupération politique s’inscrivent confusément dans le prolongement du combat des #sans_culottes en 1792-1794, des #citoyens_combattants de février 1848, des #communards de 1870-1871 et des #anarcho_syndicalistes de la #Belle_Epoque.

    Ce qui frappe, dans le mouvement des « gilets jaunes », c’est la diversité de leurs profils, et notamment le grand nombre de femmes, alors qu’auparavant la fonction de porte-parole était le plus souvent réservée aux hommes. La facilité avec laquelle ces leaders populaires s’expriment aujourd’hui devant les caméras est une conséquence d’une double démocratisation : l’élévation du niveau scolaire et la pénétration des techniques de communication audiovisuelle dans toutes les couches de la société.

    Les luttes antifiscales ont toujours joué un rôle extrêmement important dans l’histoire populaire de la France. L’Etat français s’est définitivement consolidé au début du XVe siècle, quand #Charles_VII a instauré l’impôt royal permanent sur l’ensemble du royaume. Dès cette époque, le rejet de l’impôt a été une dimension essentielle des luttes populaires. Mais il faut préciser que ce rejet de l’impôt était fortement motivé par le sentiment d’injustice qui animait les classes populaires, étant donné qu’avant la Révolution française, les « privilégiés » (noblesse et clergé), qui étaient aussi les plus riches, en étaient dispensés. Ce refus des injustices fiscales est à nouveau très puissant aujourd’hui, car une majorité de Français sont convaincus qu’ils payent des impôts pour enrichir encore un peu plus la petite caste des ultra-riches, qui échappent à l’impôt en plaçant leurs capitaux dans les paradis fiscaux.

    « L’autre fois, il a dit qu’on était des #poujadistes. J’ai été voir dans le dico, mais c’est qui ce blaireau pour nous insulter comme ça ? » Ce témoignage d’un chauffeur de bus, publié par Mediapart le 17 novembre, illustre bien ce #rejet_populaire.

    J’ai analysé, dans la conclusion de mon livre, l’usage que le candidat Macron avait fait de l’histoire dans son programme présidentiel. Il est frappant de constater que les classes populaires en sont totalement absentes. Dans le panthéon des grands hommes à la suite desquels il affirme se situer, on trouve Napoléon, Clémenceau, de Gaulle, mais pas Jean Jaurès ni Léon Blum. Certes, la plupart de nos dirigeants sont issus des classes supérieures, mais jusque-là, ils avaient tous accumulé une longue expérience politique avant d’accéder aux plus hautes charges de l’Etat ; ce qui leur avait permis de se frotter aux réalités populaires.

    J’ai publié un livre sur le massacre des Italiens à Aigues-Mortes, en 1893, qui montre comment le mouvement spontané des ouvriers français sans travail (qu’on appelait les « trimards ») a dégénéré au point de se transformer en pogrom contre les saisonniers piémontais qui étaient embauchés dans les salins. Je suis convaincu que si les chaînes d’information en continu et les smartphones avaient existé en 1936, les journalistes auraient pu aussi enregistrer des propos xénophobes ou racistes pendant les grèves. Il ne faut pas oublier qu’une partie importante des ouvriers qui avaient voté pour le Front populaire en mai-juin 1936 ont soutenu ensuite le Parti populaire français de Jacques Doriot, qui était une formation d’extrême droite.

    Issus des milieux populaires, ils sont brutalement sortis de l’ombre. Leur vie a été bouleversée et ils ont été valorisés par les nombreux journalistes qui les ont interviewés ou filmés. Beaucoup d’entre eux vont retomber dans l’anonymat si le mouvement se donne des porte-parole permanents. Ce qui risque d’affaiblir la dimension populaire de la lutte, car il y a de grandes chances que ces représentants soient issus de la classe moyenne, c’est-à-dire des milieux sociaux ayant plus de facilité pour s’exprimer en public, pour structurer des #actions_collectives.

  • Comme une prière : à la mémoire de Zak Kostopoulos par Dimitris Alexakis

    Le vendredi 21 septembre 2018, Zak Kostopoulos, activiste #LGBTQI+, séropositif et drag queen (Zackie Oh), a été assassiné dans des circonstances atroces et à la vue de tous dans le centre d’#Athènes. Ce lynchage est le fait de « bons citoyens » qui ont agi sous la protection et avec le concours de la #police grecque. Ces faits ont été suivis d’une entreprise sans précédent de désinformation de l’opinion publique et de culpabilisation de la victime, notamment accusée par les assassins puis une grande partie de la presse d’avoir essayé de commettre un cambriolage, avant que cette version ne s’effondre à l’épreuve des témoignages et des vidéos recueillis depuis lors.

    « Je suis terrifiée par le fascisme qui monte, écrit C., sa vitesse. » « Je suis terrifiée par la pensée que nous ne saurons peut-être jamais ce qui t’est arrivé. » « Je suis terrifiée à la pensée que nous nous étions promis de nous retrouver bientôt pour que tu me maquilles et que nous avons fini par nous retrouver à tes obsèques. » « Je suis terrifiée à l’idée que tu t’es retrouvé seul, entièrement seul face au démon que tu redoutais tant, la haine. » « Je suis terrifiée quand je pense, je n’arrête pas d’y penser, que tu as laissé échapper ton dernier souffle entouré d’assassins qui voyaient en toi quelqu’un de dangereux ; dangereux, toi !? » « Je suis terrifiée par leur haine mais me souviens que tu arrivais à convertir tout ce qui te terrorisait en motif d’action. Et je te promets que tes assassins seront condamnés. Je t’en donne ma parole, notre parole à tou.te.s. La société que tu voulais, c’est nous qui allons la construire, même si c’est la dernière des choses que nous ferons jamais. »


    #Grèce #fascisme #paraétatique #citoyens #minorités #LGBT #gay #trans #lesbiennes #queer #assassinat #violence #désinformation #résilience #résistances #mouvement

  • Éveiller des consciences sous #état_d’urgence

    Autour de la Méditerranée, après les printemps arabes et l’élévation de la menace terroriste, ou après une phase de déstabilisation politique, les mesures sécuritaires fleurissent, avec dans certains pays, la proclamation de l’état d’urgence. C’est le cas en #Turquie, mais aussi en #Egypte et en #France, même si officiellement l’état d’urgence a pris fin le 1er novembre 2017. Le but n’est pas de comparer ces mesures, ni de mettre sur un plan d’égalité ces différents pays, mais de montrer comment les #sociétés_civiles, et les #citoyens réagissent et quelles actions ils mettent en place face à une escalade sécuritaire qui met à mal les #libertés individuelles et collectives.


  • https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ih5HnS395Hs

    Dans un #gouvernement_représentatif, l’idéal, c’est que les #élus représentent les #citoyens. Or aujourd’hui, on en est encore loin. Forte #abstention, faible représentation des #classes_ouvrières, #parité loin d’être atteinte, etc. Et au centre de la crise : le système de #vote. Alors, n’est-ce pas le moment d’imaginer de nouveaux fonctionnements pour remettre en marche notre #démocratie ?

    • Struggling UK universities warn staff of possible job cuts

      Deteriorating balance sheets and political uncertainty blamed for redundancy threats.

      Universities are warning staff to prepare for redundancies in the new year as a result of deteriorating balance sheets and lowered forecasts for student recruitment, coupled with the uncertainty of Brexit and sudden shifts in government policy.

      In recent days more than half a dozen universities have told staff there could be job cuts in 2019, including members of the research-intensive Russell Group such as Cardiff University, while others are privately bracing for cuts later in the year.

      Universities are in the midst of reporting their financial results for 2017-18 and are monitoring student applications coming in for next year. Several have been alarmed by the projections they are seeing before a 15 January deadline for undergraduates.

      Insiders say universities are more likely to cut staff because of a number of other threats in the next 12 months, including the potential effect on international students of a no-deal Brexit, as well as cuts to tuition fees in England as a result of a review of funding ordered by Theresa May that will report early next year.

      “Knee-jerk cuts to staff will harm universities’ ability to deliver high-quality teaching and research and provide the support students need. Staff are already overstretched and asking those who remain to do even more is not a sustainable strategy,” said Matt Waddup, head of policy for the University and College Union (UCU).

      “Students repeatedly say they want greater investment in their staff as a top priority, yet the proportion of expenditure spent on staff has fallen. Cutting staff will send out entirely the wrong signal to potential students. Axing educators is obscene at any time, let alone during the current uncertainty when we need our universities firing on all cylinders.”
      Guardian Today: the headlines, the analysis, the debate - sent direct to you
      Read more

      Among the group of universities that have gone public, the University of Reading told staff in an email on Monday evening that a voluntary redundancy scheme was being drawn up and would open in January.

      “I want to emphasise that voluntary redundancies are only one tool available to us,” wrote Prof Robert Van de Noort, the acting vice-chancellor, suggesting that staff should consider early retirement, reduced hours or changes to contracts to help to avoid compulsory redundancies.

      Reading’s accounts, published a few days ago, reveal that the university made a £20m loss for the financial year, including a £27m loss on its subsidiary in Malaysia. Reading’s balance sheet was brought into the black only by £36m of pension “remeasurements”.

      Van de Noort told staff: “There is no doubt that the year ahead will be difficult at times, but I am confident that as a university community we can address these difficulties and remain a leader in teaching and research in the UK and globally.”

      Despite Reading’s deficit, the previous vice-chancellor, Sir David Bell, saw his total pay rise by £10,000 to £329,000. Bell announced his departure this year and is now vice-chancellor of the University of Sunderland.

      At Cardiff, the vice-chancellor, Colin Riordan, has also written to staff telling them they will be offered voluntary redundancy from January. The university has said compulsory staff cuts “cannot be ruled out”.

      In a joint statement the Cardiff University branches of the Unite, Unison and UCU unions said: “We are astonished that Cardiff University staff are facing their third voluntary severance scheme in six years, and we are very worried that the vice-chancellor still refuses to rule out further compulsory redundancies.”

      At the University of Gloucestershire, based in Cheltenham, unions say they have been advised of more than 100 job cuts and other redundancies as a result of what the university called a “rebalancing” in challenging conditions.

      “There is a demographic fall in the number of 18-year-olds in the population, which is affecting demand for higher education, the level of tuition fees universities are permitted to charge home undergraduate students is capped by the government, and there is increasing competition for recruitment,” the university said.

      “At the same time, we are facing large increases in some of our costs, particularly external increases in what we are required to spend on staff pensions. The combined effect of these factors is that, in common with many other universities, our costs are rising faster than our income. That is not a situation we can allow to continue.”

      In Scotland, union members at Queen Margaret University in Musselburgh begin voting on Wednesday on strike action over the possibility of 40 job cuts – about 10% of its staff – although the university says it hopes to meet the number through voluntary redundancies.

      Other universities considering redundancies include Birkbeck, University of London and Bangor University in Wales.

      The university financial reporting season also reveals that some universities continue to thrive. The University of Oxford said its income topped £1.5bn for the first time in 2017-18, with an overall surplus of £150m.

      Oxford’s investments grew by £286m, which was £68m more than the previous year, while the Oxford University Press contributed a further £205m.

      The financial statements suggest the public controversy over vice-chancellors’ high rates of pay has had some effect, with many leading universities showing little or no growth in pay for their leaders.

      At the University of Manchester, where revenue topped £1bn for the first time, the total earnings of the vice-chancellor, Nancy Rothwell, fell from £306,000 to £276,000 owing to lower pension contributions.


    • Bitter sweet citizenship: how European families in the UK cope with Brexit

      About 80,000 EU nationals have applied for British citizenship since the UK voted to leave the European Union. The decision has rarely been easy. On the contrary, it has often been perceived as “forced” or as an attempt to “take back control” of life amid the Brexit uncertainty, a new research has revealed.

      The contrasting feelings were highlighted in a study by “EU families and Eurochildren in Brexiting Britain”, a project by the University of Birmingham in cooperation with civil rights group the3million, Migrant Voice, and immigration barrister Colin Yeo.

      Researchers interviewed 103 families in the UK in which at least one of the partners is a non-British EU national. They wanted to understand how Brexit is impacting the decisions they make about their legal status.

      The study shows that while many are applying for naturalization, many more are still uncertain and “considering their options.” Better off and educated EU nationals from Western European countries are the most resistant to the idea of becoming British citizens as a solution to Brexit. This is especially true for Germans, “who feel like they somehow betray the European ideal in doing so,” says the report.

      Others, particularly from Eastern Europe, take a more pragmatic approach. Those who apply often do it to protect their children. But instead of being seen as “the culmination of a path to integration”, naturalisation often generates “feelings of un-belonging and of disintegration”.

      Lead author Nando Sigona, deputy director of the Institute of Research into Superdiversity at the University of Birmingham, discusses the research findings with Europe Street News.

      Why a research on families rather than individuals?

      We focused on families in which at least one of the partners is a non-British EU national because Brexit has legal implications for their rights and social implications for their choices. We wanted to explore the dilemmas these families face. For example, in a mix family ‘going back home’ is a complex issue: if you are a Polish-German couple who has met in the UK and speak English as main language, where is home? Probably in the UK.

      We also thought about their children, the next generation. Even pro-migration groups have been very utilitarian in their approach to European migrants. They say they are needed because they work hard, they are young and they contribute to the economy. I personally hate this narrative because I do not like to have a price tag on my head. And for children the situation is even more complicated: they are not productive, they use schools and services, and yet they are in the UK as legitimate residents. According to Migration Observatory, there are more than 900,000 children of EU parents (Ireland excluded) in the UK. How will British society look like in 20 or 30 years, when these children will be adult? What will be the impact of the way they have been treated? These are the questions we wanted to examine.

      Is this why the project refers to ‘Eurochildren’?

      Yes, but let’s not forget that in these families there are British nationals too. We could have called the project “British families with European heritage” and probably we would have got more attention from politicians who have a responsibility towards their citizens, those they do not treat as “others”.

      We usually refer to the 3.8 million EU nationals in the UK, according to the latest Eurostat data. But, as you say, many of them have British partners and children. How many people are really impacted by Brexit?

      It is almost impossible to know because of the way official data are collected. In case of dual nationality, the Office for National Statistics prioritises the British one so people disappear from the statistics on EU nationals. Our research also looked at the census data of the past 40 years, with children of earlier migrants now registered as British. The legacy of EU’s free movement in the UK is much larger that what people think.

      This means that no one knows how many people might or might not be protected by the withdrawal agreement – if there is one – or by the “settled status” scheme.

      The situation is so complicated. Within the same family different members may have different rights. The problem with European families is also that, when they moved to the UK, this was not part of the deal. Their legal status was not something they had to worry about. The government is now ignoring or underestimating this situation by imposing a retroactive bureaucratic monstrosity like the “settled status”. The risk is that many will be left out. The only solution would be to turn the process into a registration rather than an application, and to leave it open. Some people will be inevitably left out, but at least they won’t become unlawful.

      Based on your interviews, what has changed for these families since the Brexit vote?

      Most people feel unsettled because they failed to see Brexit coming. They did not think a majority would vote against the EU and they were not prepared for it. Secondly, they feel forced to consider their options and to make important decisions such as applying for British citizenship or leaving. The configuration of the family, for example whether or not the partners are from the same EU country, can make a difference for their opportunities. There is also a sense of being forced to define themselves. Previously mix families could reconcile their identities under a European umbrella, but Brexit is changing that. However, it is important to acknowledge that people have different feelings about the situation and to not monopolise their voices.

      Are the responses you received uniform across the UK?

      There are places where people feel more secure. London feels safer, respondents said, as a majority voted to stay in the EU, the environment does not feel hostile and there are long standing EU communities. In Scotland, the positive narrative coming from the government helped too. In contrast, people in areas with a strong leave vote felt very isolated. Outside big cities, where immigration is a fairly new phenomenon, Polish and Eastern Europeans in particular did not have established communities and social networks to support them in this hostile transition.

      Many of the people we interviewed were reflecting on neighbours and family members who voted for Brexit. It felt very personal. We heard of families avoiding Christmas meals and, in the most tragic situations, splitting up because the additional tension brought by Brexit pushed them beyond the tipping point. We have also seen tensions between parents and children, for example children asking parents not to speak their mother tongue in public or parents not speaking with their children in the native language because they do not feel safe. The Home Office and migration policies do not consider the reverberations within families of big geopolitical shifts.

      What is the approach of these families to naturalisation?

      Part of our respondents showed a lot of resistance to naturalisation. Especially those with higher social stardards do not want to be forced into it. Some who never felt the urge to become British eventually applied. Among the people who did so, there were often feelings of anger and frustration but this was seen as a strategy to secure the future of children, a sort of parental duty.

      A number of people said they have lost trust in the British government, they are sceptical about the settled status and they think naturalization is the safest option. Others want to retain the right to move freely in and out of the country: becoming British for them does not necessarily mean wanting to stay but keeping all options open for themselves and their children. A minority also said they want to be able to vote. But there are large groups who are not applying. Some cannot because their countries do not allow dual citizenship. The cost attached to the process is also a factor. There are strict eligibility criteria and the test is not easy. Citizenship is not a right: it is something you have to earn, pay for and deserve.

      What do you think of Michael Gove’s proposal to grant citizenship for free to EU nationals, if he becomes the leader of the Conservative Party and Prime Minister?

      Great, but I’d feel uncomfortable if this applies only to Europeans. Fees are unfair for everyone and the government makes a large profit from them. Fees should be cut and the process simplified in general, especially for children. It would guarantee their future status and it would be good for the country.

      Are there groups of EU nationals applying more than others?

      Central and Eastern Europeans started to apply for British citizenship early, before the EU referendum. They were already victim of the hostile environment and they felt negatively targeted by populist media, so they tried to secure their rights earlier on. Free movement is also fairly recent for them [the country joined the EU in 2004].

      For French, Spanish, Italian and German nationals there has been a 250-300% increase in applications since the referendum, but this is mostly because few were applying before June 2016. Before the Brexit vote they felt their position in Britain was fully secured.

      Who is not applying?

      There are people who cannot apply because they do not have regular jobs, they are from minorities, for example the Roma, they struggle with the procedure or cannot afford it. We heard of parents who had to prioritize which one of their children could apply for naturalisation, as they could not afford to pay for all. There were people at the margins before Brexit and they will be even more so when they will lose the protections of EU law.

      How do children feel about these changes?

      It depends on the age. Children up to 3 years old are usually shielded by their parents. The 5-6 years old are aware that something is going on and ask questions. Teenagers are aware and sometimes join the conversation, for example participating in demonstrations. Maybe they are more conflicted about family decisions. But kids are the ones normalising the situation trying to be like others.

      Is the European identity of these families at risk?

      Not necessarily. For the first time in Britain we see large numbers of European flags. In a sense, the European identity has become a topic of conversation. For many British citizens and policy makers the EU has only just been an economic project, but now it is a political one and this can further develop. The European heritage is not going to disappear. If anything, some of the people we interviewed started teaching their language to the kids or sending them to language schools. What is clear is that the EU is a topic we will have to confront for years to come. The issue of belonging will have repercussions that can go in many directions, depending on how things will settle. One of the challenges of this research is precisely that it is happening while event are unfolding.


  • Gers / Le Marine show à la rencontre d’une France en souffrance | Politic Region Plateforme #citoyens #elus #Occitanie
    Voilà, voilà, cela traduit très exactement ce que je vois autour de moi depuis quelques années.

    Paul a 53 ans, il est agriculteur de père en fils, et a toujours voté socialiste. En 2017, son choix est fait, pour la première fois il glissera un bulletin de vote « Marine » dans l’isoloir. Pourquoi ? Comment ? L’homme attend l’ouverture des portes pour le meeting d’un soir, et se confie à nous : « Ils ont fait quoi les socialistes pour ma famille ? Rien ! Ici dans le Gers, tout ferme !! Les écoles, les commerces, les bureaux de poste ou du Trésor public … Hollande comme Sarko nous ont mis dans la m.... !! Je ne veux pas remettre le couvert, je veux leur dire stop ! Alors pourquoi pas Marine ? »


  • Citoyens solidaires du 06 | Pour que la solidarité ne soit plus un délit

    En réponse à l’interpellation et aux poursuites judiciaires de citoyens ayant porté secours de manière désintéressée à des personnes réfugiées en provenance d’Italie, un comité de soutien aux citoyens solidaires des Alpes-Maritimes s’est constitué en ce début d’année 2017. Le manifeste du Comité de Soutien aux Citoyens Solidaires du 06 est à lire ci-dessous.