• « Mais alors, vous êtes pour la traduction automatique ? »

    Réponse à quelques arguments courants en faveur de l’intelligence artificielle générative (9)

    Le 1er décembre 2025, l’Atelier d’écologie politique de Toulouse lançait un manifeste, aussitôt signé massivement par des membres de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche (ESR) et de l’éducation nationale (EN) déclarant adopter une posture d’objection de conscience face au déploiement des technologies d’IA générative (IAg) dans leurs institutions. Le manifeste, que nous vous incitons à signer, justifie cette position par trois considérations majeures : le gouffre énergétique et matériel qu’implique le développement de l’IA, et dans le contexte de crise climatique, son caractère écocidaire ; les désastres sociaux, géopolitiques, économiques qu’engendre cet accélérateur des infrastructures industrielles ; enfin le futur dystopique (désinformation, dépendance, attaques contre la démocratie…) que nous promettent les mégafirmes aux commandes du développement de l’IA. Depuis le lancement de ce manifeste, l’Atecopol (Atelier d’Écologie Politique de Toulouse) s’est lancé dans un travail politique et pédagogique non seulement remarquable mais absolument indispensable. Nous n’entrevoyons qu’une minime partie des conséquences que pourrait avoir l’éclatement de la bulle financière liée à l’IA, mais les manifestations du réchauffement climatique – qu’accélèrent à une vitesse inouïe les data centers nécessaires à l’IA – sont, cet été, d’ores et déjà très concrètes. C’est ce qui nous amène à reproduire, avec son autorisation, l’argumentaire détaillé produit par l’Atecopol. Comprenant 12 réponses à des objections entendues régulièrement (au-delà de la cantine ou de la salle des profs), il constitue un outil précieux pour mener le combat contre l’adhésion à toutes sortes de mythes et de mensonges. Il contribue aussi et surtout à construire un autre imaginaire politique, à dessiner un monde différent que celui que nous promet l’IA : entreprise à laquelle le Collectif Les mots sont importants s’associe pleinement.

    Ce qu’en pensent les traducteurs et traductrices professionnelles.

    Plusieurs traducteur·ices nous ont interpellé·es sur la phrase suivante du manifeste : « Nous sommes par ailleurs conscient·es que le terme « IAg » recouvre des applications très diverses, dont certaines sont déjà largement intégrées à nos pratiques, telles que la traduction ou la transcription automatique. » Cette phrase ne visait pas à cautionner ces pratiques en soi (des « exceptions » qui seraient légitimes), mais prenait acte du fait que certains usages d’IAg avaient déjà produit une sorte d’effet de cliquet dans nos institutions. Il s’agit notamment de trois usages : i) le peaufinage de textes en anglais rédigés par des scientifiques avant publication, ii) la traduction de pages web dans des langues complètement inconnues de nous, pour pouvoir les lire, et iii) la transcription automatique d’entretiens en sociologie, qui semble s’être imposée comme norme dans certains laboratoires. Nous ne pensons pas que les individus puissent à eux seuls défaire les verrouillages technologiques, et nous voulions signifier que l’objection de conscience face à l’IAg n’implique pas de se défaire personnellement de tous les attachements qui ont été produits dans ces institutions ou qui le seront. Cela étant dit, les usages de traduction et transcription par IAg posent des problèmes profonds dont nous n’avions pas forcément conscience en écrivant cette phrase. Les traducteur·ices qui nous ont interpellé·es considèrent ainsi que les trois usages cités sont problématiques. Nous souhaitons relayer ici leurs arguments, qui nous semblent justes et méritent d’être connus. Leur texte ci-dessous décrit également plus largement la problématique liée à la traduction face à la vague de l’IAg. Il a été écrit par des traducteur·ices des collectifs En Chair et En Os et IA-lerte générale.

    Faut-il faire des exceptions ?

    Le passage du manifeste sur la traduction peut être compris comme la suggestion que certains usages de l’IAg seraient « moins graves » que d’autres et que des « exceptions » pourraient leur être accordées dans l’objection de conscience. Contre cette idée, et d’autant plus peut-être que le manifeste prend les limites planétaires comme point de départ, il nous semble difficile de ménager des exceptions à l’usage quotidien de l’IA, comme si la traduction ou la transcription vocale constituaient moins un « gouffre énergétique et matériel » (nous reprenons les termes du manifeste) que les autres usages de l’IA. Au « caractère écocidaire » de l’IA doit aussi s’ajouter son coût social (des travailleureuses des mines à celleux des data centers). Si l’on doit absolument prévoir des « exceptions », cela ne doit-il pas se faire à l’aune d’une étude bénéfices-risques pour l’humain et pour la planète ?

    La question de l’emploi

    Le caractère « moins grave » de l’usage de la traduction automatique est parfois défendu au motif que celle-ci n’intervient généralement pas en remplacement d’un·e traducteurice de métier mais pour des situations ponctuelles et bénignes. Or, même dans un tel cas, l’entraînement des modèles de langage repose sur des données produites par des personnes. On sait qu’une partie de ces données ont été volées (par exemple, Meta a admis avoir entraîné son modèle sur une base de données de livres piratés, et c’est probablement le cas pour Mistral aussi. Mais même lorsque les données ont été acquises « légalement », leur exploitation repose sur une exception au droit d’auteur (« exception TDM » de 2019) dont la légitimité et la cohérence avec la Convention de Berne (qui régit le droit d’auteur) sont remises en cause. TOUTE sortie machine, qu’il s’agisse de « traduction » ou plus largement de génération de texte, repose donc sur l’exploitation illégitime et possiblement illégale de données sous droit d’auteur. Par ailleurs, toute utilisation de la traduction automatique donne de la légitimité à cet outil, et participe donc à la disqualification des traducteur·ices et à la dégradation de leurs conditions de travail et de rémunération. Cela rend caduc l’argument selon lequel « ça ne vole le travail de personne ».

    Les cas i) et ii) (peaufinage d’un texte écrit en anglais, et traduction de pages web) posent la question de la capacité des chercheur·euses à analyser de manière critique la traduction ou correction produites. On peut supposer qu’ils ont recours à l’IA parce qu’ils n’ont pas confiance en leurs compétences linguistiques, sont structurellement débordés et espèrent gagner du temps. Dans ces conditions, ils seront tentés de « croire » aveuglément au texte produit par l’IA et ne seront pas en mesure d’en déceler les problèmes – qui existent. D’ailleurs, sans cette foi accordée à la sortie machine, il n’y a pas de raison d’y recourir puisque c’est extrêmement fatiguant de repasser derrière. Rien ne garantit donc que la sortie machine, en particulier sur le travail spécialiste et très ciblé des collègues, soit plus satisfaisante que la rédaction d’un·e collègue plus ou moins à l’aise dans la langue cible. Pourquoi ne pas admettre qu’un texte écrit dans une langue qui n’est pas la langue maternelle du chercheur n’a pas à être parfait (et qu’on n’a pas forcément besoin que tout soit en « anglais international », d’ailleurs) ?

    Le cas ii) pose également la question des langues « minorisées ». Si elles sont toutes « traduites » en anglais, elles cesseront alors inéluctablement d’être des langues d’expression scientifique, et la légitimité de la recherche dans ces langues « rares » en souffre. Or le multilinguisme (des scientifiques et en général), et la traduction humaine de l’état de l’art, est bien plus désirable que l’illusion de la transparence des langues que permettrait la traduction-machine.

    Pour le cas iii) (transcription des entretiens), nous ne sommes pas sociologues et nous garderons donc de répondre sur cette question. Un très bon interlocuteur en la matière serait le sociologue Juan Sebastian Carbonell, qui vient de sortir un livre sur l’IA (Un taylorisme augmenté, Amsterdam). Une transcriptrice décrit ici son travail et explique en quoi il se différencie d’une transcription automatique. De manière générale, il faut se méfier de l’idée que l’IA a « tout changé » : ce qu’elle a changé, c’est surtout l’acceptabilité sociale de l’automatisation totale de certaines tâches.

    L’argument du gain de temps

    En général, il faut s’interroger sur l’impression de gain de temps, l’illusion d’optique qui consiste à croire qu’il est moins chronophage de corriger un texte existant que de faire le travail soi-même. Cette impression vient beaucoup du côté « rassurant » d’avoir un texte devant soi plutôt que de partir d’une page blanche. Et c’est d’autant plus rassurant qu’on est par ailleurs fatigués, angoissés… Cela vaut pour les collègues comme pour les étudiants. Pour ce qui est de la traduction, la profession est unanime quant au fait que la post-édition (correction de sorties machines) ne représente aucun gain de temps significatif, mais une grande perte de sens et de bien-être au travail.

    Dans un contexte universitaire, si le recours aux IAg dans nos professions semble si séduisant malgré tout, c’est parce que nous n’avons plus le temps de faire correctement notre métier. Nous croulons sous les tâches annexes et, pour des choses qui relèvent de notre cœur de métier, nous devons aller plus vite, parce que nous avons une exigence de rentabilité. La question n’est pas de « gagner » du temps (en lâchant sur la qualité), mais de réfléchir à quoi serait occupé ce temps prétendument « gagné » : à répondre à plus de mails et d’appels à projets (rédigés et évalués par IA), à corriger plus de copies, à faire des heures sup de cours payées en-dessous du SMIC, à publier ET périr à petit feu ? Nos désirs de concession à l’IAg ne sont qu’une conséquence du publish or perish et de la dégradation de nos conditions de travail.

    Repenser la communauté universitaire ?

    Plutôt que de céder aux sirènes de l’IAg, peut-être faudrait-il repenser l’esprit de coopération au sein de la communauté universitaire, et nous entraider davantage en mutualisant nos compétences (par exemple linguistiques), notamment au sein des labos. Cela demande du temps, ainsi qu’une reconnaissance et une valorisation de cet effort collaboratif. Là où l’IAg a pour but de détricoter les liens sociaux, accepter notre dépendance vis-à-vis des autres (collègues qui nous aident, professionnels qu’on rémunère…) nous semble un modèle plus sain, plus propre aussi à la diffusion des compétences (comme le plurilinguisme) — un modèle pluriel, incarné, qui n’efface pas toutes les compétences et limites individuelles derrière la puissance algorithmique.

    https://lmsi.net/Mais-alors-vous-etes-pour-la-traduction-automatique
    #IA #AI #intelligence_artificielle #traduction #objection_de_conscience #transcription #ESR #recherche #université #IAg #écocide #coût_social #emploi #travail #exploitation #langues_minorisées #multilinguisme #efficacité #temps
    via @fil

  • 33 Tage, kein freier Tag: Polin verdient 3633 Euro mit Erdbeerpflücken in Deutschland

    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/article/33-tage-kein-freier-tag-polin-verdient-3633-euro-mit-erdbeerpflueck

    Erdbeerernte im Akkord: Rund 243.000 Saisonarbeitskräfte arbeiten in der deutschen Landwirtschaft, die meisten aus Rumänien und Polen. (Symbolbild) Foto Rainer Unkel

    Depuis cent ans l’exploitation du prolétariat agricole polonais en Allemagme ’a pas changé. Pourtant le midèle d’affaires des propriétyired de terred agrivoles touch à sa fin à cause de l’amélioration des conditions de vie en Pologne.

    23.8.2026 von Oliver Weinlein - Eine Polin pflückte 33 Tage Erdbeeren in Deutschland: 310 Stunden, 13,90 Euro Mindestlohn, 3633 Euro Verdienst nach Abzug der Kosten.

    Agata Witoń hat ihre Erdbeersaison in Deutschland auf TikTok abgerechnet, Posten für Posten. 33 Tage am Stück, kein Wochenende, am Ende 3633 Euro.

    Seitdem streitet Polens Netz darüber, ob sich das gelohnt hat. Die Warschauer Tageszeitung Rzeczpospolita hat den Fall aufgegriffen, das Portal Wirtualna Polska hatte ihn zuerst beschrieben.
    Erdbeeren pflücken in Deutschland: 310 Stunden in 33 Tagen

    Witoń arbeitete auf einer deutschen Plantage, meist neun bis zehn Stunden täglich. Macht 310 Stunden zu einem Stundenlohn von 13,90 Euro brutto, nach Angaben des Blattes 4309 Euro.

    Davon gingen ab: 330 Euro Unterkunft, also zehn Euro pro Nacht. Ein Vorschuss von 200 Euro für Essen und laufende Ausgaben. Dazu 96 Euro Sprit und 58 Zloty Autobahngebühr für die Fahrt.

    Übrig bleiben 3633 Euro, umgerechnet rund 15.336 Zloty.

    Die Abrechnung hat eine kleine Lücke

    Wer nachrechnet, stolpert. Zieht man die genannten Posten vom Bruttolohn ab, landet man bei gut 3680 Euro. Die Zeitung nennt eine Zwischensumme von 3729 Euro, ohne alle Positionen aufzuschlüsseln. Rund 50 Euro bleiben unerklärt.

    Der zweite Punkt wiegt schwerer. In der Rechnung taucht keine Lohnsteuer auf. Sozialabgaben fallen bei einer kurzfristigen Beschäftigung tatsächlich weg, Steuern nicht.

    Bei typischen Erntearbeiten in einem land- oder forstwirtschaftlichen Betrieb kann der Arbeitgeber pauschal mit fünf Prozent abrechnen und die Steuer selbst tragen. Die 3633 Euro sind damit ein Brutto-minus-Kosten-Wert. Ein sauberes Netto ergibt sich daraus nicht.

    13,90 Euro sind der deutsche Mindestlohn

    Der Betrag, über den Polen diskutiert, ist keine Verhandlungsleistung. 13,90 Euro sind seit dem 1. Januar 2026 exakt der gesetzliche Mindestlohn in Deutschland. Zum 1. Januar 2027 steigt er auf 14,60 Euro.

    Rechnet man ihre Kosten gegen, landet Witoń effektiv bei 11,72 Euro pro Stunde.

    Der Vergleich, der die Debatte eigentlich entscheidet, steht auf der deutschen Seite: Eine Vollzeitkraft zum Mindestlohn kommt auf rund 2343 Euro brutto im Monat. Witoń hat in 33 Tagen fast zwei solcher Monatslöhne erarbeitet. Sie hat nicht besser verdient als eine deutsche Vollzeitkraft, sie hat länger gearbeitet – 310 Stunden statt der üblichen 173 pro Monat.
    Was in Polen an dem Betrag hängt

    Der polnische Mindeststundenlohn liegt 2026 bei 31,40 Zloty brutto, umgerechnet gut sieben Euro. Die 15.336 Zloty entsprechen etwa drei polnischen Brutto-Monatsmindestlöhnen.

    Genau daran entzündet sich die Diskussion unter dem Video. Eine Nutzerin schrieb, auf Dauer lasse sich so nicht leben, für einen Monat seien 15.000 Zloty aber eine coole Sache. Andere verwiesen auf Wohnverhältnisse und Wetter und zollten trotzdem Respekt.

    Ein Kommentar fiel knapper aus: Für so viele Stunden körperlicher Arbeit sei das nicht besonders viel.

    90-Tage-Regel: Warum 33 Tage am Stück gehen

    Seit Januar 2026 dürfen Saisonkräfte in der Landwirtschaft 90 Tage oder 15 Wochen sozialversicherungsfrei arbeiten, vorher waren es 70 Tage. Die schwarz-rote Koalition wollte damit Obst- und Gemüsebetriebe entlasten.

    Die Gewerkschaft IG BAU hält dagegen. Ohne Sozialversicherung fehle den Erntehelfern der Zugang zur gesetzlichen Krankenkasse, die stattdessen üblichen Gruppenversicherungen deckten Vorsorge und chronische Erkrankungen oft nicht ab.

    Und die 33 Tage ohne freien Tag? Das Arbeitszeitgesetz erlaubt Sonntagsarbeit in der Landwirtschaft ausdrücklich, verlangt aber innerhalb von zwei Wochen einen Ersatzruhetag. Ob es den gab, sagt Witońs Abrechnung nicht. Auch ihren Arbeitsort nennt sie nicht.

    Erdbeerernte 2026: niedrigster Wert seit 1995

    Ihre Saison fällt in eine Branche auf dem Rückzug. Das Statistische Bundesamt erwartet für 2026 nur noch 71.300 Tonnen Freiland-Erdbeeren, 11,3 Prozent weniger als 2025 und der niedrigste Wert seit 1995. Die Anbaufläche schrumpfte auf 7830 Hektar.

    Rund 243.000 Saisonarbeitskräfte waren zuletzt in der deutschen Landwirtschaft im Einsatz, der weit überwiegende Teil aus Rumänien und Polen.

    Brandenburg fällt aus dem Trend: Dort legte die Freilandernte laut Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg um 43 Prozent auf 940 Tonnen zu, wie die Bilanz der Spargel- und Erdbeerernte 2026 zeigt. Beim Spargel nannte die Behörde neben der Trockenheit ausdrücklich fehlende Erntehelfer als Grund für das Minus.
    Polen erntet mehr Erdbeeren als Deutschland

    Die Geografie liefert die Pointe. Polen ist mit rund 30.000 Hektar das größte Erdbeeranbauland Europas, Deutschland folgt mit deutlichem Abstand.

    Eine Polin fährt also in ein Land mit weniger Erdbeeren, um dort Erdbeeren zu pflücken. Es geht um den Stundensatz.
    Was die Rechnung wirklich zeigt

    Die spannendere Zahl steht nicht in Witońs Abrechnung, sondern in der Erntestatistik. Deutschland zahlt inzwischen den dritthöchsten Mindestlohn der EU und bekommt seine Felder trotzdem nicht mehr voll.

    Wenn 13,90 Euro nicht reichen, um 33 Tage Bücken attraktiv zu machen, werden 14,60 Euro es auch nicht richten. Der Streit unter dem TikTok-Video ist damit weniger eine polnische Angelegenheit als eine Vorschau darauf, wo die deutsche Erdbeere in fünf Jahren wächst.

    #Allemagne #exploitation #agriculture #travaill_saisonnier

  • En Martinique et en Guadeloupe, la mer met au jour les cimetières d’esclaves et menace ce patrimoine - RFI
    https://www.rfi.fr/fr/france/20260815-samedi-7h-en-martinique-et-en-guadeloupe-la-mer-met-au-jour-les-cimeti%

    Sur les plages des Antilles françaises, la montée des eaux et l’érosion causées par le changement climatique font parfois remonter les cimetières d’esclaves. Si cela permet d’enrichir les connaissances sur les personnes esclavisées, ce phénomène menace un patrimoine archéologique et mémoriel sensible.

    À Saint-François, en Guadeloupe, les ossements affleurent à la plage des Raisins-Clairs depuis maintenant plusieurs années. Ce lieu apprécié des touristes abrite un cimetière de personnes esclavisées. L’Institut national de recherches archéologiques préventives (Inrap) y a déjà identifié 48 sépultures lors de fouilles préventives menées en 2013 et 2014 et le cimetière pourrait conserver encore des centaines de sépultures allant environ du XVIIe au XIXe siècle.

    Mais le cimetière a sans doute été plus vaste qu’à l’heure actuelle à cause de l’avancée de la mer. « Sur des images aériennes des années 1950, on voit que le cimetière était dans la forêt. Et maintenant, il part à l’eau. On a vraiment un recul très important […]. On a du mal à quantifier la quantité de sépultures perdues », décrit Jérôme Rouquet, archéo-anthropologue à l’Inrap.
    Une érosion qui s’accélère

    Lorsque la mer grignote le littoral, « elle constitue un petit talus qui va venir entamer les sépultures enfouies, détaille Patrice Courtaud, archéo-anthropologue à la retraite et référent scientifique du documentaire Mémoires enfouies. Si l’érosion arrive par l’Est, on va avoir d’abord les pieds qui vont partir à la mer et puis ça va remonter jusqu’au crâne. Ça nous fait perdre le squelette, le matériel et puis toutes les observations liées aux sépultures. »

    L’érosion détruit alors des informations précieuses pour la recherche. Mais Thomas Romon, archéologue à l’Inrap, ajoute : « Pour la population locale, ça concerne d’autres aspects, parce que ça concerne en fait la mémoire de ces individus […]. Il y a des enjeux qui sont archéologiques et puis il y a des enjeux qui sont mémoriels. »

    Ce sont souvent les cyclones qui ont mis à jour ces cimetières oubliés. Patrice Courtaud a commencé à travailler sur ces sites à la fin des années 1990 après le passage du cyclone Luis qui a révélé des ossements et des sépultures potentielles dans l’Anse Sainte-Marguerite dans la commune du Moule en Guadeloupe. La découverte du cimetière de l’Anse-Bellay en Martinique a eu lieu en 2007 après le cyclone Dean.

    Et ce phénomène ne se limite pas aux Antilles françaises. À La Réunion, le cyclone Gamède, en 2007, a dégagé des ossements sur le littoral de Saint-Paul. Les fouilles ont ensuite permis de les relier à un ancien cimetière d’esclaves, lui aussi fragilisé par la houle et les tempêtes.

    Cette pression du littoral sur ces sépultures n’est pas nouvelle, mais elle s’accélère. Jérôme Rouquet souligne que dans les Antilles, « cette accélération de l’érosion des côtes conduit à la destruction irrémédiable de tous ces sites ». Elle est liée à la « montée des eaux et puis les tempêtes tropicales qui sont de plus en plus violentes » et font « reculer le trait de côte à une vitesse assez affolante ».

    Les données des observatoires côtiers vont dans le même sens ; à savoir une accélération de l’érosion dans ces territoires. En Guadeloupe, une part significative des plages et côtes basses sableuses recule désormais de plusieurs dizaines de centimètres par an, avec des épisodes de recul de 3 à 5 mètres après des tempêtes. En Martinique, l’ensemble de la côte n’est pas concerné, mais sur 40% des plages suivies le recul du trait de côte est supérieur à 50 centimètres par an.

    Si l’érosion met une contrainte forte pour les archéologues et tous ceux cherchant à préserver la mémoire locale, elle a aussi permis d’en apprendre plus. Les plages des Antilles, longtemps vues comme de simples lieux touristiques, ont été des lieux d’inhumation privilégiés par les propriétaires d’esclaves. « Les plages étaient des espaces marginaux qui n’étaient pas cultivables. C’est pour ça qu’une partie des esclaves y ont été enterrés », résume Patrice Courtaud. « On n’avait pas d’indication historique comme quoi les esclaves étaient enterrés sur les plages. C’est vraiment l’archéologie après l’érosion marine qui a pu le déterminer », poursuit-il.

    Malgré la salinité, les perturbations de la houle et des êtres vivants, les sépultures continuent de livrer des informations précieuses. Jérôme Rouquet rappelle que lors des fouilles préventives, ils ont pu trouver « des restes de cercueils. On avait le bois des cercueils et les clous qui étaient conservés sur des tombes qui ont peut-être entre 250 et 300 ans. » Les restes humains « relativement bien conservés » ont permis de documenter « les pratiques funéraires et la biologie des individus », tandis que des analyses génétiques et isotopiques en cours permettront de préciser leurs origines et conditions de vie dans les plantations.

    Pour protéger ce patrimoine archéologique, plusieurs solutions peuvent se dessiner. Depuis mai 2026, la mairie de Saint-François a installé des balises pour informer les touristes et éviter le piétinement des sépultures. « Ce balisage ici présent permet d’informer toute personne qui va arriver devant du fait qu’on accède à une zone archéologique protégée », explique Barbara Camier à nos confrères de la 1ère Guadeloupe. Dans le même temps, des projets d’infrastructures comme des digues sont en réflexion pour limiter l’impact de la houle.

    En Martinique, sur le site funéraire de l’Anse-Bellay où des restes d’esclaves ont aussi été retrouvés, une solution proposée par le collectif citoyen Kolektif Anse-Bellay a pu voir le jour. « Ce sont des gens qui venaient voir les fouilles archéologiques et qui ont mesuré la véritable valeur mémorielle des restes archéologiques et qui ont demandé et même exigé que le site soit sanctuarisé », explique l’archéologue Thomas Romon. Après les fouilles archéologiques, les ossements ont été transférés à ce collectif avec l’autorisation de la préfecture pour qu’ils soient réinhumés dans un monument commémoratif en 2023. Un lieu pour se recueillir et honorer des personnes esclavisées dont les traces avaient été volontairement effacées par les colons.

    Mais ce qui se joue aujourd’hui sur quelques dizaines de mètres de sable à Saint‑François concerne de nombreux autres sites archéologiques. Lors d’un colloque en 2024, Jean-François Modat, conservateur régional de l’archéologie, alertait déjà sur le fait que 160 sites archéologiques sont menacés en Guadeloupe, « dont une quinzaine sont déjà en train de partir à la mer ». Si des réponses locales peuvent sauver des sites, ce ne sera pas possible pour tous. Jean-François Modat résumait alors : « On sait qu’on ne pourra pas tout protéger et que nous allons devoir choisir qui on sauvegarde, qui on étudie et qui on laisse partir. »

  • La #France sous les flammes : la faillite criminelle du #néolibéralisme

    La France brûle, et nos dirigeants ne font qu’aggraver une situation qu’ils connaissent pourtant parfaitement. Sont-ils totalement irrationnels ? Non, répond cet éditorial, ils appliquent juste le #dogme_néolibéral qui nous entraîne dans l’abîme.

    Nos dirigeants sont-ils devenus totalement irrationnels ? Sinon, comment expliquer qu’ils s’acharnent à faire l’inverse de tout ce que les scientifiques recommandent ? Pourquoi, alors que les rapports sur les catastrophes climatiques à venir s’empilent sur leurs bureaux depuis des décennies, font-ils tout pour ne pas nous protéger de ces cataclysmes ?

    Si on leur fait crédit d’une certaine capacité de raisonnement, une autre hypothèse serait celle de l’#aveuglement_dogmatique. Ce que viennent souligner les #canicules et #incendies catastrophiques de l’été 2026, c’est l’#échec patent du néolibéralisme que nos élites pratiquent assidûment.

    Commençons par le constat. Les meilleurs climatologues du monde préviennent, via le Giec notamment, de la forte hausse des risques d’incendies, partout en Europe, liée au #changement_climatique. On sait que l’augmentation des canicules et sécheresses accroît fortement les risques de feux.

    Une politique d’#anti-adaptation

    Pourtant, on ne cesse de planter et replanter des #monocultures de #résineux, plus rentables que de vraies #forêts mais que l’on sait être ultra-inflammables.

    Pourtant, l’#Office_national_des_forêts, chargé d’entretenir et protéger nos forêts, notamment contre les incendies, a perdu 40 % de ses effectifs entre 2000 et 2022, et le gouvernement ne cesse de menacer de nouvelles coupes dans les effectifs.

    Pourtant, en 2024, le Premier ministre Gabriel Attal supprimait le #budget qui aurait permis d’acheter deux #Canadair supplémentaires.

    Pourtant, sur les 16 nouveaux Canadair promis par Emmanuel Macron après les incendies dévastateurs de 2022, seuls 4 ont été commandés, et seront livrés avec beaucoup de retard.

    Les Services départementaux d’incendie et de secours sont au bord de la rupture et les départements alertent en vain depuis des années sur le manque de #moyens.

    Le bilan est tout aussi accablant concernant les canicules. La France a déjà subi quatre vagues de chaleur extrême en 2026 ; les scientifiques alertent depuis des années sur la multiplication de ces évènements, mais nous ne nous y sommes pas préparés.

    En juin, le Haut Conseil pour le climat taclait sévèrement le retard de la France, par exemple dans l’isolation des bâtiments, et des budgets pour les politiques écologiques qui sont coupés drastiquement alors même qu’il faudrait les augmenter rapidement.

    Encore plus surréaliste : le gouvernement agit pour aggraver notre vulnérabilité. En pleine canicule du mois de juin, nos dirigeants ont décidé de remettre sur le marché locatif les pires #passoires_thermiques, où étouffent les locataires les plus précaires. En pleine sécheresse extrême, la loi d’urgence agricole, surnommée « nouvelle #loi_Duplomb », prévoit d’augmenter l’#accaparement_de_l’eau par l’#agro-industrie.

    La fuite en avant du #néolibéralisme_zombie

    Pourquoi cet acharnement à foncer dans le mur ? « Parce que nos dirigeants sont prisonniers d’un modèle », répond l’économiste Cédric Durand, coauteur de Comment bifurquer. Les principes de la planification écologique (ed. Zones, 2024).

    « La France est coincée dans ce que l’on appelle le néolibéralisme zombie. La croyance qu’il faut toujours baisser le coût du capital, baisser le coût du travail, taxer moins, et que c’est ça qui va produire de la #croissance et du PIB. On fait toujours ce pari alors que la période où cela pouvait fonctionner est révolue — si ça a fonctionné un jour », dit-il.

    Le terrible bilan politique énuméré ci-dessus répond à deux logiques propres au néolibéralisme : un affaiblissement massif des #services_publics et une foi inébranlable placée dans les vertus du #marché, qu’il convient de déréguler autant que possible. Via ces politiques, la finalité de l’État est de permettre au capital d’accumuler toujours plus de richesse.

    Au nom de l’#austérité_budgétaire, et du refus catégorique de taxer davantage le capital ou les plus hauts revenus, le gouvernement coupe les budgets publics partout où cela n’est pas jugé favorable au marché. Or, le changement climatique ne répond précisément pas aux logiques de marché.

    « En Gironde, je suis sûr que les entreprises auraient aimé que l’État dépense plus pour l’achat de Canadair. C’est le paradoxe du capitalisme qui veut payer toujours moins de taxes mais réclame ensuite que l’État le protège », dit Cédric Durand.

    Nous touchons là à ce que l’économiste marxiste James O’Connor appelait « la seconde contradiction du capitalisme ». Celui-ci, pour se développer, doit exploiter toujours plus les ressources naturelles et les écosystèmes, mais il détruit, ce faisant, ses propres conditions d’existence. Il en vient donc, autre contradiction, à appeler l’État à l’aide, ce dernier s’étant pourtant volontairement affaibli et ayant détruit ses services publics, au nom du soutien au capital.

    Derrière la stratégie néolibérale, c’est le moteur fondamental du capitalisme qui est en jeu : il lui faut accumuler toujours plus de capital dans une course infernale et complètement irrationnelle.

    « Cette tendance à élargir sans cesse les domaines d’#accumulation_du_capital, et les sources de profit, par exemple à de nouvelles dimensions de la nature comme les gènes et les microorganismes, est vitale pour le capitalisme. Il meurt s’il arrête », souligne l’économiste Hélène Tordjman, autrice notamment de La croissance verte contre la nature (éd. La Découverte, 2021).

    « Je m’interroge sur la vision de nos élites qui persévèrent dans cette voie. C’est une #rationalité de très #court_terme, qui vise à accumuler très vite jusqu’à la catastrophe, et après moi, le déluge », dit-elle.

    Pour la chercheuse, l’hypothèse d’un aveuglement dogmatique de nos dirigeants n’est pas suffisant. L’accumulation des catastrophes ces dernières années est telle qu’elle aurait dû faire éclater n’importe quelles œillères idéologiques. Si l’on continue de foncer dans le mur, ce serait donc en toute connaissance de cause.

    « On est dans une logique d’intérêt de classe bien comprise, d’une classe dominante qui s’est autonomisée, et qui assume que seuls les plus puissants et les plus forts pourront survivre et vivre dignement », dit Hélène Tordjman.

    Le milliardaire étasunien Warren Buffet le disait déjà en 2006, dans une célèbre formule : «  Il y a une #guerre_des_classes, c’est un fait. Mais c’est ma classe, la classe des riches, qui mène cette guerre et qui est en train de la gagner . »

    De guerre des classes à guerre contre l’ensemble du vivant

    Rien de nouveau sous le soleil ? Sauf que la séculaire guerre des classes est devenue, dans l’Anthropocène, une guerre contre l’ensemble du vivant, qui ne menace plus seulement l’essentiel de la population d’#exploitation mais de #destruction. En toute connaissance de cause.

    « Si nous persistons dans cette voie, l’avenir de notre espèce est sombre », alertaient déjà plus de 1 000 scientifiques français dans une tribune en 2020, qui dénonçait « l’inconséquence et l’#hypocrisie de politiques […] promouvant un #consumérisme débridé et un libéralisme économique inégalitaire et prédateur ».

    Six ans plus tard, le pays est à sec tandis que l’on prévoit de multiplier les #mégabassines pour l’agro-industrie, les forêts brûlent tandis que les #pompiers épuisés sont en manque d’effectifs et les budgets des politiques environnementales fondent comme neige au soleil.

    « Nous avons besoin de transformations structurelles, capables de penser au temps long que les mécanismes de marché sont incapables de prendre en compte », dit Cédric Durand. Pour y parvenir, l’économiste propose de nombreux outils de planification dans son ouvrage, à l’instar de nombreux penseurs des mondes postcapitalistes.

    Reste à trouver le moyen d’opérer la bascule. Un prérequis semble être de savoir nommer les responsables. Lorsque nos dirigeants néolibéraux apportent sous un cynisme à peine voilé leur solidarité aux victimes des incendies, ils méritent plus que jamais leur étiquette de #pompiers_pyromanes.

    https://reporterre.net/La-France-sous-les-flammes-la-faillite-criminelle-du-neoliberalisme
    #incendie #incendies #feu #feux #rationalité #irrationalité

  • Sensationsfund in Pompeji: So lebten Menschen aus der untersten Schicht vor 2000 Jahren
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/article/archaeologen-machen-sensationellen-fund-in-pompeji-wichtiger-als-ei

    Des nouvelle de la vie d’esclave romain

    20.6.2026 von Team News, Manuel Almeida Vergara - Nördlich der versunkenen Stadt haben Forscher ein altes Sklavenzimmer entdeckt. Es gibt Einblicke in den Alltag der damaligen Unterschicht.

    Was wir über die Lebensrealitäten vor Hunderten, vor Tausenden von Jahren wissen, das wissen wir meistens von den oberen Klassen dieser Zeiten. Historische Porträts? Gibt’s so gut wie nur von Herrschern. Archäologische Funde metallener Schätze? Gehörten einst den Königinnen und Königen. Detaillierte Biografien? Werden von niedriggestellten Menschen kaum bekannt.

    Dabei können auch und gerade Hinweise zum Leben und Wirken der einfachsten Leute Aufschluss über die Gesellschaften und politischen Systeme der Vergangenheit geben. Insofern ist das, was Archäologinnen und Archäologen nun in Pompeji freigelegt haben, von besonderer wissenschaftlicher Relevanz.

    Nördlich der versunkenen Stadt in der heutigen italienischen Region Kampanien haben sie ein Sklavenzimmer gefunden, das Einblicke gibt in den Alltag der untersten Schicht vor 2000 Jahren. Es handele sich um einen Fund, „der wichtiger ist und mehr Aufschluss gibt über das antike Leben als eine schöne Statue“, twitterte Gabriel Zuchtriegel, der deutsche Museumsdirektor von Pompeji, auf der Online-Plattform X (ehemals Twitter).

    Foto
    Neuester Fund: Das Foto zeigt das Sklavenzimmer unweit von Pompeji, mit Betten, Schränken und Krügen. © Parco Archeologico di Pompei

    Das Zimmer liegt in der Villa Civita Giuliana, rund 600 Meter entfernt von der antiken Stadt; für seine Rekonstruktion wurde eine bewährte Methode angewendet, bei der Hohlräume, die organisches Material in der erstarrten Vulkanasche hinterlassen hat, mit Gips gefüllt werden. Die Einrichtung der Kammer lasse darauf schließen, dass es auch innerhalb des Dienstbotenquartiers eine strenge Hierarchie gegeben habe, teilte die Ausgrabungsstätte am Sonntag (20. August) mit.

    Selbst der Fluchtversuch einer Ratte konnte rekonstruiert werden

    Das ließen zwei unterschiedliche Betten vermuten – eines extrem einfach gehalten und ohne Matratze, ein anderes mit deutlich komfortablerer Ausstattung. Neben den beiden Betten waren in der Kammer auch zwei kleine Schränke gefunden worden. Ein ähnliches einfaches Bett wie jenes, das nun gefunden wurde, war bereits im Jahr 2021 in einem anderen Sklavenzimmer in Pompeji entdeckt worden.

    Foto
    Guten Appetit: im Juni wurde das Fresko entdeckt, das einen archaischen Vorgänger der Pizza zeigen könnte. © Pompeii Archaelogical Park/AP

    Von den prekären Umständen, unter denen die Sklavinnen und Sklaven gelebt haben, zeugten auch weitere Funde in der Kammer: Bestimmte Keramikgefäße und Amphore ließen eine höchst unhygienische Lebensweise erkennen, heißt es in er Mitteilung. Es konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass in dem Zimmer mindestens drei Nagetiere gelebt hatten; ferner gehen die Archäologinnen und Archäologen davon aus, dass die Sklavenzimmer gleichzeitig als eine Art Abstellraum genutzt wurden. Erkennbar sei, dass eine Ratte in einem Krug unter einem der Betten versucht hatte, dem sogenannten pyroklastischen Strom zu entkommen, der Pompeji in den Untergang gerissen hatte.

    Im Jahr 79 nach Christus war die antike Stadt Pompeji bei Ausbrüchen des nahen Vesuvs unter Asche, Schlamm und Lava begraben worden. Die Stadt, ihre Bewohnerinnern und Bewohner wurden dadurch teilweise konserviert – erst im 18. Jahrhundert war Pompeji wiederentdeckt worden. Seitdem gehört die Ausgrabungsstätte nicht nur zu den beliebtesten Sehenswürdigkeiten Italiens – die hier gemachten Funde haben nicht selten Sensationsstatus.

    So war erst im Juni ein rund 2000 Jahre altes Wandgemälde freigelegt worden. Das Stillleben zeigt eine offenbar metallene Platte mit Lebensmitteln darauf. Darunter ein rundes Gebäck mit Belag, das nun als eine Art archaischer Vorläufer der heutigen Pizza gehandelt wird.

    #Italie #Herculaneum #archéologie #esclavage #teyvail #exploitation #histoire #antiquité #économie

  • Comment la raréfaction des terres menace la matrilinéarité dans le #Meghalaya (Inde)
    https://lvsl.fr/comment-la-rarefaction-des-terres-menace-la-matrilinearite-dans-le-meghalaya-in

    C’est un fait bien documenté : la colonisation européenne a modifié en profondeur les structures économiques et la répartition des ressources des pays colonisés. L’expansion de l’économie de marché qui s’en est suivie n’a fait qu’accroître les inégalités et accélérer la destruction des ressources naturelles. Les conséquences de l’épuisement des matières premières sur les traditions locales sont en revanche moins connues. Dans le Nord-Est de l’Inde, où l’organisation sociale est intimement liée aux ressources, la raréfaction de celles-ci instaure un climat de méfiance vis-à-vis des femmes - principales détentrices des biens économiques – et des étrangers, soupçonnés de déposséder les locaux de leurs terres. La matrilinéarité, structure familiale favorable aux femmes, s’en trouve (…)

    #Société #Féminisme_et_lutte_des_classes #Enclosures #Inde #matrilinéarité

  • A Piece of Steak by Jack London
    https://americanliterature.com/author/jack-london/short-story/a-piece-of-steak

    Aujourd’hui #POTUS Trump fête son anniversaire avec une compétition de mixed martial arts (MMA). C’est le moment de nous rappeler le sort des boxeurs usés par de longues années de combat et de travail physique entre les brèves apparitions dans le ring . Le prolétariat des sports de combat n’a pas une longue vie.

    With the last morsel of bread Tom King wiped his plate clean of the last particle of flour gravy and chewed the resulting mouthful in a slow and meditative way. When he arose from the table, he was oppressed by the feeling that he was distinctly hungry. Yet he alone had eaten. The two children in the other room had been sent early to bed in order that in sleep they might forget they had gone supperless. His wife had touched nothing, and had sat silently and watched him with solicitous eyes. She was a thin, worn woman of the working-class, though signs of an earlier prettiness were not wanting in her face. The flour for the gravy she had borrowed from the neighbour across the hall The last two ha’pennies had gone to buy the bread.

    He sat down by the window on a rickety chair that protested under his weight, and quite mechanically he put his pipe in his mouth and dipped into the side pocket of his coat. The absence of any tobacco made him aware of his action, and, with a scowl for his forgetfulness, he put the pipe away. His movements were slow, almost hulking, as though he were burdened by the heavy weight of his muscles. He was a solid-bodied, stolid-looking man, and his appearance did not suffer from being overprepossessing. His rough clothes were old and slouchy. The uppers of his shoes were too weak to carry the heavy re-soling that was itself of no recent date. And his cotton shirt, a cheap, two shilling affair, showed a frayed collar and ineradicable paint stains.

    But it was Tom King’s face that advertised him unmistakably for what he was. It was the face of a typical prize-fighter; of one who had put in long years of service in the squared ring and, by that means, developed and emphasized all the marks of the fighting beast. It was distinctly a lowering countenance, and, that no feature of it might escape notice, it was clean-shaven. The lips were shapeless and constituted a mouth harsh to excess, that was like a gash in his face. The jaw was aggressive, brutal, heavy. The eyes, slow of movement and heavy-lidded, were almost expressionless under the shaggy, indrawn brows. Sheer animal that he was, the eyes were the most animal-like feature about him. They were sleepy, lion-like—the eyes of a fighting animal. The forehead slanted quickly back to the hair, which, clipped close, showed every bump of a villainous- looking head. A nose twice broken and moulded variously by countless blows, and a cauliflower ear, permanently swollen and distorted to twice its size, completed his adornment, while the beard, fresh-shaven as it was, sprouted in the skin and gave the face a blue-black stain.

    Altogether, it was the face of a man to be afraid of in a dark alley or lonely place. And yet Tom King was not a criminal, nor had he ever done anything criminal. Outside of brawls, common to his walk in life, he had harmed no one. Nor had he ever been known to pick a quarrel. He was a professional, and all the fighting brutishness of him was reserved for his professional appearances. Outside the ring he was slow-going, easy- natured, and, in his younger days, when money was flush, too open-handed for his own good. He bore no grudges and had few enemies. Fighting was a business with him. In the ring he struck to hurt, struck to maim, struck to destroy; but there was no animus in it. It was a plain business proposition. Audiences assembled and paid for the spectacle of men knocking each other out. The winner took the big end of the purse. When Tom King faced the Woolloomoolloo Gouger, twenty years before, he knew that the Gouger’s jaw was only four months healed after having been broken in a Newcastle bout. And he had played for that jaw and broken it again in the ninth round, not because he bore the Gouger any ill-will, but because that was the surest way to put the Gouger out and win the big end of the purse. Nor had the Gouger borne him any ill-will for it. It was the game, and both knew the game and played it.

    Tom King had never been a talker, and he sat by the window, morosely silent, staring at his hands. The veins stood out on the backs of the hands, large and swollen; and the knuckles, smashed and battered and malformed, testified to the use to which they had been put. He had never heard that a man’s life was the life of his arteries, but well he knew the meaning of those big upstanding veins. His heart had pumped too much blood through them at top pressure. They no longer did the work. He had stretched the elasticity out of them, and with their distension had passed his endurance. He tired easily now. No longer could he do a fast twenty rounds, hammer and tongs, fight, fight, fight, from gong to gong, with fierce rally on top of fierce rally, beaten to the ropes and in turn beating his opponent to the ropes, and rallying fiercest and fastest of all in that last, twentieth round, with the house on its feet and yelling, himself rushing, striking, ducking, raining showers of blows upon showers of blows and receiving showers of blows in return, and all the time the heart faithfully pumping the surging blood through the adequate veins. The veins, swollen at the time, had always shrunk down again, though each time, imperceptibly at first, not quite—remaining just a trifle larger than before. He stared at them and at his battered knuckles, and, for the moment, caught a vision of the youthful excellence of those hands before the first knuckle had been smashed on the head of Benny Jones, otherwise known as the Welsh Terror.

    The impression of his hunger came back on him.

    “Blimey, but couldn’t I go a piece of steak!” he muttered aloud, clenching his huge fists and spitting out a smothered oath.

    “I tried both Burke’s an’ Sawley’s,” his wife said half apologetically.

    “An’ they wouldn’t?” he demanded.

    “Not a ha’penny. Burke said—” She faltered.

    “G’wan! Wot’d he say?”

    “As how ’e was thinkin’ Sandel ud do ye to-night, an’ as how yer score was comfortable big as it was.”

    Tom King grunted, but did not reply. He was busy thinking of the bull terrier he had kept in his younger days to which he had fed steaks without end. Burke would have given him credit for a thousand steaks—then. But times had changed. Tom King was getting old; and old men, fighting before second-rate clubs, couldn’t expect to run bills of any size with the tradesmen.

    He had got up in the morning with a longing for a piece of steak, and the longing had not abated. He had not had a fair training for this fight. It was a drought year in Australia, times were hard, and even the most irregular work was difficult to find. He had had no sparring partner, and his food had not been of the best nor always sufficient. He had done a few days’ navvy work when he could get it, and he had run around the Domain in the early mornings to get his legs in shape. But it was hard, training without a partner and with a wife and two kiddies that must be fed. Credit with the tradesmen had undergone very slight expansion when he was matched with Sandel. The secretary of the Gayety Club had advanced him three pounds—the loser’s end of the purse—and beyond that had refused to go. Now and again he had managed to borrow a few shillings from old pals, who would have lent more only that it was a drought year and they were hard put themselves. No—and there was no use in disguising the fact—his training had not been satisfactory. He should have had better food and no worries. Besides, when a man is forty, it is harder to get into condition than when he is twenty.

    “What time is it, Lizzie?” he asked.

    His wife went across the hall to inquire, and came back.

    “Quarter before eight.”

    “They’ll be startin’ the first bout in a few minutes,” he said. “Only a try-out. Then there’s a four-round spar ’tween Dealer Wells an’ Gridley, an’ a ten-round go ’tween Starlight an’ some sailor bloke. I don’t come on for over an hour.”

    At the end of another silent ten minutes, he rose to his feet.

    “Truth is, Lizzie, I ain’t had proper trainin’.”

    He reached for his hat and started for the door. He did not offer to kiss her—he never did on going out—but on this night she dared to kiss him, throwing her arms around him and compelling him to bend down to her face. She looked quite small against the massive bulk of the man.

    “Good luck, Tom,” she said. “You gotter do ’im.”

    “Ay, I gotter do ’im,” he repeated. “That’s all there is to it. I jus’ gotter do ’im.”

    He laughed with an attempt at heartiness, while she pressed more closely against him. Across her shoulders he looked around the bare room. It was all he had in the world, with the rent overdue, and her and the kiddies. And he was leaving it to go out into the night to get meat for his mate and cubs—not like a modern working-man going to his machine grind, but in the old, primitive, royal, animal way, by fighting for it.

    “I gotter do ’im,” he repeated, this time a hint of desperation in his voice. “If it’s a win, it’s thirty quid—an’ I can pay all that’s owin’, with a lump o’ money left over. If it’s a lose, I get naught—not even a penny for me to ride home on the tram. The secretary’s give all that’s comin’ from a loser’s end. Good-bye, old woman. I’ll come straight home if it’s a win.”

    “An’ I’ll be waitin’ up,” she called to him along the hall.

    It was full two miles to the Gayety, and as he walked along he remembered how in his palmy days—he had once been the heavyweight champion of New South Wales—he would have ridden in a cab to the fight, and how, most likely, some heavy backer would have paid for the cab and ridden with him. There were Tommy Burns and that Yankee nigger, Jack Johnson—they rode about in motor-cars. And he walked! And, as any man knew, a hard two miles was not the best preliminary to a fight. He was an old un, and the world did not wag well with old uns. He was good for nothing now except navvy work, and his broken nose and swollen ear were against him even in that. He found himself wishing that he had learned a trade. It would have been better in the long run. But no one had told him, and he knew, deep down in his heart, that he would not have listened if they had. It had been so easy. Big money—sharp, glorious fights—periods of rest and loafing in between—a following of eager flatterers, the slaps on the back, the shakes of the hand, the toffs glad to buy him a drink for the privilege of five minutes’ talk—and the glory of it, the yelling houses, the whirlwind finish, the referee’s “King wins!” and his name in the sporting columns next day.

    Those had been times! But he realized now, in his slow, ruminating way, that it was the old uns he had been putting away. He was Youth, rising; and they were Age, sinking. No wonder it had been easy—they with their swollen veins and battered knuckles and weary in the bones of them from the long battles they had already fought. He remembered the time he put out old Stowsher Bill, at Rush-Cutters Bay, in the eighteenth round, and how old Bill had cried afterward in the dressing-room like a baby. Perhaps old Bill’s rent had been overdue. Perhaps he’d had at home a missus an’ a couple of kiddies. And perhaps Bill, that very day of the fight, had had a hungering for a piece of steak. Bill had fought game and taken incredible punishment. He could see now, after he had gone through the mill himself, that Stowsher Bill had fought for a bigger stake, that night twenty years ago, than had young Tom King, who had fought for glory and easy money. No wonder Stowsher Bill had cried afterward in the dressing-room.

    Well, a man had only so many fights in him, to begin with. It was the iron law of the game. One man might have a hundred hard fights in him, another man only twenty; each, according to the make of him and the quality of his fibre, had a definite number, and, when he had fought them, he was done. Yes, he had had more fights in him than most of them, and he had had far more than his share of the hard, gruelling fights—the kind that worked the heart and lungs to bursting, that took the elastic out of the arteries and made hard knots of muscle out of Youth’s sleek suppleness, that wore out nerve and stamina and made brain and bones weary from excess of effort and endurance overwrought. Yes, he had done better than all of them. There were none of his old fighting partners left. He was the last of the old guard. He had seen them all finished, and he had had a hand in finishing some of them.

    They had tried him out against the old uns, and one after another he had put them away—laughing when, like old Stowsher Bill, they cried in the dressing-room. And now he was an old un, and they tried out the youngsters on him. There was that bloke, Sandel. He had come over from New Zealand with a record behind him. But nobody in Australia knew anything about him, so they put him up against old Tom King. If Sandel made a showing, he would be given better men to fight, with bigger purses to win; so it was to be depended upon that he would put up a fierce battle. He had everything to win by it—money and glory and career; and Tom King was the grizzled old chopping-block that guarded the highway to fame and fortune. And he had nothing to win except thirty quid, to pay to the landlord and the tradesmen. And, as Tom King thus ruminated, there came to his stolid vision the form of Youth, glorious Youth, rising exultant and invincible, supple of muscle and silken of skin, with heart and lungs that had never been tired and torn and that laughed at limitation of effort. Yes, Youth was the Nemesis. It destroyed the old uns and recked not that, in so doing, it destroyed itself. It enlarged its arteries and smashed its knuckles, and was in turn destroyed by Youth. For Youth was ever youthful. It was only Age that grew old.

    At Castlereagh Street he turned to the left, and three blocks along came to the Gayety. A crowd of young larrikins hanging outside the door made respectful way for him, and he heard one say to another: “That’s ’im! That’s Tom King!”

    Inside, on the way to his dressing-room, he encountered the secretary, a keen-eyed, shrewd-faced young man, who shook his hand.

    “How are you feelin’, Tom?” he asked.

    “Fit as a fiddle,” King answered, though he knew that he lied, and that if he had a quid, he would give it right there for a good piece of steak.

    When he emerged from the dressing-room, his seconds behind him, and came down the aisle to the squared ring in the centre of the hall, a burst of greeting and applause went up from the waiting crowd. He acknowledged salutations right and left, though few of the faces did he know. Most of them were the faces of kiddies unborn when he was winning his first laurels in the squared ring. He leaped lightly to the raised platform and ducked through the ropes to his corner, where he sat down on a folding stool. Jack Ball, the referee, came over and shook his hand. Ball was a broken- down pugilist who for over ten years had not entered the ring as a principal. King was glad that he had him for referee. They were both old uns. If he should rough it with Sandel a bit beyond the rules, he knew Ball could be depended upon to pass it by.

    Aspiring young heavyweights, one after another, were climbing into the ring and being presented to the audience by the referee. Also, he issued their challenges for them.

    “Young Pronto,” Bill announced, “from North Sydney, challenges the winner for fifty pounds side bet.”

    The audience applauded, and applauded again as Sandel himself sprang through the ropes and sat down in his corner. Tom King looked across the ring at him curiously, for in a few minutes they would be locked together in merciless combat, each trying with all the force of him to knock the other into unconsciousness. But little could he see, for Sandel, like himself, had trousers and sweater on over his ring costume. His face was strongly handsome, crowned with a curly mop of yellow hair, while his thick, muscular neck hinted at bodily magnificence.

    Young Pronto went to one corner and then the other, shaking hands with the principals and dropping down out of the ring. The challenges went on. Ever Youth climbed through the ropes—Youth unknown, but insatiable—crying out to mankind that with strength and skill it would match issues with the winner. A few years before, in his own heyday of invincibleness, Tom King would have been amused and bored by these preliminaries. But now he sat fascinated, unable to shake the vision of Youth from his eyes. Always were these youngsters rising up in the boxing game, springing through the ropes and shouting their defiance; and always were the old uns going down before them. They climbed to success over the bodies of the old uns. And ever they came, more and more youngsters—Youth unquenchable and irresistible— and ever they put the old uns away, themselves becoming old uns and travelling the same downward path, while behind them, ever pressing on them, was Youth eternal—the new babies, grown lusty and dragging their elders down, with behind them more babies to the end of time—Youth that must have its will and that will never die.

    King glanced over to the press box and nodded to Morgan, of the Sportsman, and Corbett, of the Referee. Then he held out his hands, while Sid Sullivan and Charley Bates, his seconds, slipped on his gloves and laced them tight, closely watched by one of Sandel’s seconds, who first examined critically the tapes on King’s knuckles. A second of his own was in Sandel’s corner, performing a like office. Sandel’s trousers were pulled off, and, as he stood up, his sweater was skinned off over his head. And Tom King, looking, saw Youth incarnate, deep-chested, heavy-thewed, with muscles that slipped and slid like live things under the white satin skin. The whole body was a-crawl with life, and Tom King knew that it was a life that had never oozed its freshness out through the aching pores during the long fights wherein Youth paid its toll and departed not quite so young as when it entered.

    The two men advanced to meet each other, and, as the gong sounded and the seconds clattered out of the ring with the folding stools, they shook hands and instantly took their fighting attitudes. And instantly, like a mechanism of steel and springs balanced on a hair trigger, Sandel was in and out and in again, landing a left to the eyes, a right to the ribs, ducking a counter, dancing lightly away and dancing menacingly back again. He was swift and clever. It was a dazzling exhibition. The house yelled its approbation. But King was not dazzled. He had fought too many fights and too many youngsters. He knew the blows for what they were—too quick and too deft to be dangerous. Evidently Sandel was going to rush things from the start. It was to be expected. It was the way of Youth, expending its splendour and excellence in wild insurgence and furious onslaught, overwhelming opposition with its own unlimited glory of strength and desire.

    Sandel was in and out, here, there, and everywhere, light-footed and eager- hearted, a living wonder of white flesh and stinging muscle that wove itself into a dazzling fabric of attack, slipping and leaping like a flying shuttle from action to action through a thousand actions, all of them centred upon the destruction of Tom King, who stood between him and fortune. And Tom King patiently endured. He knew his business, and he knew Youth now that Youth was no longer his. There was nothing to do till the other lost some of his steam, was his thought, and he grinned to himself as he deliberately ducked so as to receive a heavy blow on the top of his head. It was a wicked thing to do, yet eminently fair according to the rules of the boxing game. A man was supposed to take care of his own knuckles, and, if he insisted on hitting an opponent on the top of the head, he did so at his own peril. King could have ducked lower and let the blow whiz harmlessly past, but he remembered his own early fights and how he smashed his first knuckle on the head of the Welsh Terror. He was but playing the game. That duck had accounted for one of Sandel’s knuckles. Not that Sandel would mind it now. He would go on, superbly regardless, hitting as hard as ever throughout the fight. But later on, when the long ring battles had begun to tell, he would regret that knuckle and look back and remember how he smashed it on Tom King’s head.

    The first round was all Sandel’s, and he had the house yelling with the rapidity of his whirlwind rushes. He overwhelmed King with avalanches of punches, and King did nothing. He never struck once, contenting himself with covering up, blocking and ducking and clinching to avoid punishment. He occasionally feinted, shook his head when the weight of a punch landed, and moved stolidly about, never leaping or springing or wasting an ounce of strength. Sandel must foam the froth of Youth away before discreet Age could dare to retaliate. All King’s movements were slow and methodical, and his heavy-lidded, slow-moving eyes gave him the appearance of being half asleep or dazed. Yet they were eyes that saw everything, that had been trained to see everything through all his twenty years and odd in the ring. They were eyes that did not blink or waver before an impending blow, but that coolly saw and measured distance.

    Seated in his corner for the minute’s rest at the end of the round, he lay back with outstretched legs, his arms resting on the right angle of the ropes, his chest and abdomen heaving frankly and deeply as he gulped down the air driven by the towels of his seconds. He listened with closed eyes to the voices of the house, “Why don’t yeh fight, Tom?” many were crying. “Yeh ain’t afraid of ’im, are yeh?”

    “Muscle-bound,” he heard a man on a front seat comment. “He can’t move quicker. Two to one on Sandel, in quids.”

    The gong struck and the two men advanced from their corners. Sandel came forward fully three-quarters of the distance, eager to begin again; but King was content to advance the shorter distance. It was in line with his policy of economy. He had not been well trained, and he had not had enough to eat, and every step counted. Besides, he had already walked two miles to the ringside. It was a repetition of the first round, with Sandel attacking like a whirlwind and with the audience indignantly demanding why King did not fight. Beyond feinting and several slowly delivered and ineffectual blows he did nothing save block and stall and clinch. Sandel wanted to make the pace fast, while King, out of his wisdom, refused to accommodate him. He grinned with a certain wistful pathos in his ring- battered countenance, and went on cherishing his strength with the jealousy of which only Age is capable. Sandel was Youth, and he threw his strength away with the munificent abandon of Youth. To King belonged the ring generalship, the wisdom bred of long, aching fights. He watched with cool eyes and head, moving slowly and waiting for Sandel’s froth to foam away. To the majority of the onlookers it seemed as though King was hopelessly outclassed, and they voiced their opinion in offers of three to one on Sandel. But there were wise ones, a few, who knew King of old time, and who covered what they considered easy money.

    The third round began as usual, one-sided, with Sandel doing all the leading, and delivering all the punishment. A half-minute had passed when Sandel, over-confident, left an opening. King’s eyes and right arm flashed in the same instant. It was his first real blow—a hook, with the twisted arch of the arm to make it rigid, and with all the weight of the half- pivoted body behind it. It was like a sleepy-seeming lion suddenly thrusting out a lightning paw. Sandel, caught on the side of the jaw, was felled like a bullock. The audience gasped and murmured awe-stricken applause. The man was not muscle-bound, after all, and he could drive a blow like a trip-hammer.

    Sandel was shaken. He rolled over and attempted to rise, but the sharp yells from his seconds to take the count restrained him. He knelt on one knee, ready to rise, and waited, while the referee stood over him, counting the seconds loudly in his ear. At the ninth he rose in fighting attitude, and Tom King, facing him, knew regret that the blow had not been an inch nearer the point of the jaw. That would have been a knock-out, and he could have carried the thirty quid home to the missus and the kiddies.

    The round continued to the end of its three minutes, Sandel for the first time respectful of his opponent and King slow of movement and sleepy-eyed as ever. As the round neared its close, King, warned of the fact by sight of the seconds crouching outside ready for the spring in through the ropes, worked the fight around to his own corner. And when the gong struck, he sat down immediately on the waiting stool, while Sandel had to walk all the way across the diagonal of the square to his own corner. It was a little thing, but it was the sum of little things that counted. Sandel was compelled to walk that many more steps, to give up that much energy, and to lose a part of the precious minute of rest. At the beginning of every round King loafed slowly out from his corner, forcing his opponent to advance the greater distance. The end of every round found the fight manoeuvred by King into his own corner so that he could immediately sit down.

    Two more rounds went by, in which King was parsimonious of effort and Sandel prodigal. The latter’s attempt to force a fast pace made King uncomfortable, for a fair percentage of the multitudinous blows showered upon him went home. Yet King persisted in his dogged slowness, despite the crying of the young hot-heads for him to go in and fight. Again, in the sixth round, Sandel was careless, again Tom King’s fearful right flashed out to the jaw, and again Sandel took the nine seconds count.

    By the seventh round Sandel’s pink of condition was gone, and he settled down to what he knew was to be the hardest fight in his experience. Tom King was an old un, but a better old un than he had ever encountered—an old un who never lost his head, who was remarkably able at defence, whose blows had the impact of a knotted club, and who had a knockout in either hand. Nevertheless, Tom King dared not hit often. He never forgot his battered knuckles, and knew that every hit must count if the knuckles were to last out the fight. As he sat in his corner, glancing across at his opponent, the thought came to him that the sum of his wisdom and Sandel’s youth would constitute a world’s champion heavyweight. But that was the trouble. Sandel would never become a world champion. He lacked the wisdom, and the only way for him to get it was to buy it with Youth; and when wisdom was his, Youth would have been spent in buying it.

    King took every advantage he knew. He never missed an opportunity to clinch, and in effecting most of the clinches his shoulder drove stiffly into the other’s ribs. In the philosophy of the ring a shoulder was as good as a punch so far as damage was concerned, and a great deal better so far as concerned expenditure of effort. Also, in the clinches King rested his weight on his opponent, and was loath to let go. This compelled the interference of the referee, who tore them apart, always assisted by Sandel, who had not yet learned to rest. He could not refrain from using those glorious flying arms and writhing muscles of his, and when the other rushed into a clinch, striking shoulder against ribs, and with head resting under Sandel’s left arm, Sandel almost invariably swung his right behind his own back and into the projecting face. It was a clever stroke, much admired by the audience, but it was not dangerous, and was, therefore, just that much wasted strength. But Sandel was tireless and unaware of limitations, and King grinned and doggedly endured.

    Sandel developed a fierce right to the body, which made it appear that King was taking an enormous amount of punishment, and it was only the old ringsters who appreciated the deft touch of King’s left glove to the other’s biceps just before the impact of the blow. It was true, the blow landed each time; but each time it was robbed of its power by that touch on the biceps. In the ninth round, three times inside a minute, King’s right hooked its twisted arch to the jaw; and three times Sandel’s body, heavy as it was, was levelled to the mat. Each time he took the nine seconds allowed him and rose to his feet, shaken and jarred, but still strong. He had lost much of his speed, and he wasted less effort. He was fighting grimly; but he continued to draw upon his chief asset, which was Youth. King’s chief asset was experience. As his vitality had dimmed and his vigour abated, he had replaced them with cunning, with wisdom born of the long fights and with a careful shepherding of strength. Not alone had he learned never to make a superfluous movement, but he had learned how to seduce an opponent into throwing his strength away. Again and again, by feint of foot and hand and body he continued to inveigle Sandel into leaping back, ducking, or countering. King rested, but he never permitted Sandel to rest. It was the strategy of Age.

    Early in the tenth round King began stopping the other’s rushes with straight lefts to the face, and Sandel, grown wary, responded by drawing the left, then by ducking it and delivering his right in a swinging hook to the side of the head. It was too high up to be vitally effective; but when first it landed, King knew the old, familiar descent of the black veil of unconsciousness across his mind. For the instant, or for the slighest fraction of an instant, rather, he ceased. In the one moment he saw his opponent ducking out of his field of vision and the background of white, watching faces; in the next moment he again saw his opponent and the background of faces. It was as if he had slept for a time and just opened his eyes again, and yet the interval of unconsciousness was so microscopically short that there had been no time for him to fall. The audience saw him totter and his knees give, and then saw him recover and tuck his chin deeper into the shelter of his left shoulder.

    Several times Sandel repeated the blow, keeping King partially dazed, and then the latter worked out his defence, which was also a counter. Feinting with his left he took a half-step backward, at the same time upper cutting with the whole strength of his right. So accurately was it timed that it landed squarely on Sandel’s face in the full, downward sweep of the duck, and Sandel lifted in the air and curled backward, striking the mat on his head and shoulders. Twice King achieved this, then turned loose and hammered his opponent to the ropes. He gave Sandel no chance to rest or to set himself, but smashed blow in upon blow till the house rose to its feet and the air was filled with an unbroken roar of applause. But Sandel’s strength and endurance were superb, and he continued to stay on his feet. A knock-out seemed certain, and a captain of police, appalled at the dreadful punishment, arose by the ringside to stop the fight. The gong struck for the end of the round and Sandel staggered to his corner, protesting to the captain that he was sound and strong. To prove it, he threw two back-air-springs, and the police captain gave in.

    Tom King, leaning back in his corner and breathing hard, was disappointed. If the fight had been stopped, the referee, perforce, would have rendered him the decision and the purse would have been his. Unlike Sandel, he was not fighting for glory or career, but for thirty quid. And now Sandel would recuperate in the minute of rest.

    Youth will be served—this saying flashed into King’s mind, and he remembered the first time he had heard it, the night when he had put away Stowsher Bill. The toff who had bought him a drink after the fight and patted him on the shoulder had used those words. Youth will be served! The toff was right. And on that night in the long ago he had been Youth. To-night Youth sat in the opposite corner. As for himself, he had been fighting for half an hour now, and he was an old man. Had he fought like Sandel, he would not have lasted fifteen minutes. But the point was that he did not recuperate. Those upstanding arteries and that sorely tried heart would not enable him to gather strength in the intervals between the rounds. And he had not had sufficient strength in him to begin with. His legs were heavy under him and beginning to cramp. He should not have walked those two miles to the fight. And there was the steak which he had got up longing for that morning. A great and terrible hatred rose up in him for the butchers who had refused him credit. It was hard for an old man to go into a fight without enough to eat. And a piece of steak was such a little thing, a few pennies at best; yet it meant thirty quid to him.

    With the gong that opened the eleventh round, Sandel rushed, making a show of freshness which he did not really possess. King knew it for what it was—a bluff as old as the game itself. He clinched to save himself, then, going free, allowed Sandel to get set. This was what King desired. He feinted with his left, drew the answering duck and swinging upward hook, then made the half-step backward, delivered the upper cut full to the face and crumpled Sandel over to the mat. After that he never let him rest, receiving punishment himself, but inflicting far more, smashing Sandel to the ropes, hooking and driving all manner of blows into him, tearing away from his clinches or punching him out of attempted clinches, and ever when Sandel would have fallen, catching him with one uplifting hand and with the other immediately smashing him into the ropes where he could not fall.

    The house by this time had gone mad, and it was his house, nearly every voice yelling: “Go it, Tom!” "Get ’im! Get ’im!" “You’ve got ’im, Tom! You’ve got ’im!” It was to be a whirlwind finish, and that was what a ringside audience paid to see.

    And Tom King, who for half an hour had conserved his strength, now expended it prodigally in the one great effort he knew he had in him. It was his one chance—now or not at all. His strength was waning fast, and his hope was that before the last of it ebbed out of him he would have beaten his opponent down for the count. And as he continued to strike and force, coolly estimating the weight of his blows and the quality of the damage wrought, he realized how hard a man Sandel was to knock out. Stamina and endurance were his to an extreme degree, and they were the virgin stamina and endurance of Youth. Sandel was certainly a coming man. He had it in him. Only out of such rugged fibre were successful fighters fashioned.

    Sandel was reeling and staggering, but Tom King’s legs were cramping and his knuckles going back on him. Yet he steeled himself to strike the fierce blows, every one of which brought anguish to his tortured hands. Though now he was receiving practically no punishment, he was weakening as rapidly as the other. His blows went home, but there was no longer the weight behind them, and each blow was the result of a severe effort of will. His legs were like lead, and they dragged visibly under him; while Sandel’s backers, cheered by this symptom, began calling encouragement to their man.

    King was spurred to a burst of effort. He delivered two blows in succession—a left, a trifle too high, to the solar plexus, and a right cross to the jaw. They were not heavy blows, yet so weak and dazed was Sandel that he went down and lay quivering. The referee stood over him, shouting the count of the fatal seconds in his ear. If before the tenth second was called, he did not rise, the fight was lost. The house stood in hushed silence. King rested on trembling legs. A mortal dizziness was upon him, and before his eyes the sea of faces sagged and swayed, while to his ears, as from a remote distance, came the count of the referee. Yet he looked upon the fight as his. It was impossible that a man so punished could rise.

    Only Youth could rise, and Sandel rose. At the fourth second he rolled over on his face and groped blindly for the ropes. By the seventh second he had dragged himself to his knee, where he rested, his head rolling groggily on his shoulders. As the referee cried “Nine!” Sandel stood upright, in proper stalling position, his left arm wrapped about his face, his right wrapped about his stomach. Thus were his vital points guarded, while he lurched forward toward King in the hope of effecting a clinch and gaining more time.

    At the instant Sandel arose, King was at him, but the two blows he delivered were muffled on the stalled arms. The next moment Sandel was in the clinch and holding on desperately while the referee strove to drag the two men apart. King helped to force himself free. He knew the rapidity with which Youth recovered, and he knew that Sandel was his if he could prevent that recovery. One stiff punch would do it. Sandel was his, indubitably his. He had out-generalled him, out-fought him, out-pointed him. Sandel reeled out of the clinch, balanced on the hair line between defeat or survival. One good blow would topple him over and down and out. And Tom King, in a flash of bitterness, remembered the piece of steak and wished that he had it then behind that necessary punch he must deliver. He nerved himself for the blow, but it was not heavy enough nor swift enough. Sandel swayed, but did not fall, staggering back to the ropes and holding on. King staggered after him, and, with a pang like that of dissolution, delivered another blow. But his body had deserted him. All that was left of him was a fighting intelligence that was dimmed and clouded from exhaustion. The blow that was aimed for the jaw struck no higher than the shoulder. He had willed the blow higher, but the tired muscles had not been able to obey. And, from the impact of the blow, Tom King himself reeled back and nearly fell. Once again he strove. This time his punch missed altogether, and, from absolute weakness, he fell against Sandel and clinched, holding on to him to save himself from sinking to the floor.

    King did not attempt to free himself. He had shot his bolt. He was gone. And Youth had been served. Even in the clinch he could feel Sandel growing stronger against him. When the referee thrust them apart, there, before his eyes, he saw Youth recuperate. From instant to instant Sandel grew stronger. His punches, weak and futile at first, became stiff and accurate. Tom King’s bleared eyes saw the gloved fist driving at his jaw, and he willed to guard it by interposing his arm. He saw the danger, willed the act; but the arm was too heavy. It seemed burdened with a hundredweight of lead. It would not lift itself, and he strove to lift it with his soul. Then the gloved fist landed home. He experienced a sharp snap that was like an electric spark, and, simultaneously, the veil of blackness enveloped him.

    When he opened his eyes again he was in his corner, and he heard the yelling of the audience like the roar of the surf at Bondi Beach. A wet sponge was being pressed against the base of his brain, and Sid Sullivan was blowing cold water in a refreshing spray over his face and chest. His gloves had already been removed, and Sandel, bending over him, was shaking his hand. He bore no ill-will toward the man who had put him out and he returned the grip with a heartiness that made his battered knuckles protest. Then Sandel stepped to the centre of the ring and the audience hushed its pandemonium to hear him accept young Pronto’s challenge and offer to increase the side bet to one hundred pounds. King looked on apathetically while his seconds mopped the streaming water from him, dried his face, and prepared him to leave the ring. He felt hungry. It was not the ordinary, gnawing kind, but a great faintness, a palpitation at the pit of the stomach that communicated itself to all his body. He remembered back into the fight to the moment when he had Sandel swaying and tottering on the hair-line balance of defeat. Ah, that piece of steak would have done it! He had lacked just that for the decisive blow, and he had lost. It was all because of the piece of steak.

    His seconds were half-supporting him as they helped him through the ropes. He tore free from them, ducked through the ropes unaided, and leaped heavily to the floor, following on their heels as they forced a passage for him down the crowded centre aisle. Leaving the dressing-room for the street, in the entrance to the hall, some young fellow spoke to him.

    “W’y didn’t yuh go in an’ get ’im when yuh ’ad ’im?” the young fellow asked.

    “Aw, go to hell!” said Tom King, and passed down the steps to the sidewalk.

    The doors of the public-house at the corner were swinging wide, and he saw the lights and the smiling barmaids, heard the many voices discussing the fight and the prosperous chink of money on the bar. Somebody called to him to have a drink. He hesitated perceptibly, then refused and went on his way.

    He had not a copper in his pocket, and the two-mile walk home seemed very long. He was certainly getting old. Crossing the Domain, he sat down suddenly on a bench, unnerved by the thought of the missus sitting up for him, waiting to learn the outcome of the fight. That was harder than any knockout, and it seemed almost impossible to face.

    He felt weak and sore, and the pain of his smashed knuckles warned him that, even if he could find a job at navvy work, it would be a week before he could grip a pick handle or a shovel. The hunger palpitation at the pit of the stomach was sickening. His wretchedness overwhelmed him, and into his eyes came an unwonted moisture. He covered his face with his hands, and, as he cried, he remembered Stowsher Bill and how he had served him that night in the long ago. Poor old Stowsher Bill! He could understand now why Bill had cried in the dressing-room.

    #sport #boxe #exploitation #lutte_des_classes

  • The Apostate, by Jack London
    https://americanliterature.com/author/jack-london/short-story/the-apostate

    Au début du miracle économique états-unien il y a vait l’exploitation des enfants du pays. A la fin de la montée du pays à la suprématie impérialiste du monde il y a l’exploitation des enfants du monde entier. Jack London s’est battu contre le capitalisme américain de 1900. Dans l’histoire L’apostat il décrit les effets du travail incessant sur les enfants des usines.

    “If you don’t git up, Johnny, I won’t give you a bite to eat!”

    The threat had no effect on the boy. He clung stubbornly to sleep, fighting for its oblivion as the dreamer fights for his dream. The boy’s hands loosely clenched themselves, and he made feeble, spasmodic blows at the air. These blows were intended for his mother, but she betrayed practised familiarity in avoiding them as she shook him roughly by the shoulder.

    “Lemme ’lone!”

    It was a cry that began, muffled, in the deeps of sleep, that swiftly rushed upward, like a wail, into passionate belligerence, and that died away and sank down into an inarticulate whine. It was a bestial cry, as of a soul in torment, filled with infinite protest and pain.

    But she did not mind. She was a sad-eyed, tired-faced woman, and she had grown used to this task, which she repeated every day of her life. She got a grip on the bedclothes and tried to strip them down; but the boy, ceasing his punching, clung to them desperately. In a huddle, at the foot of the bed, he still remained covered. Then she tried dragging the bedding to the floor. The boy opposed her. She braced herself. Hers was the superior weight, and the boy and bedding gave, the former instinctively following the latter in order to shelter against the chill of the room that bit into his body.

    As he toppled on the edge of the bed it seemed that he must fall head-first to the floor. But consciousness fluttered up in him. He righted himself and for a moment perilously balanced. Then he struck the floor on his feet. On the instant his mother seized him by the shoulders and shook him. Again his fists struck out, this time with more force and directness. At the same time his eyes opened. She released him. He was awake.

    “All right,” he mumbled.

    She caught up the lamp and hurried out, leaving him in darkness.

    “You’ll be docked,” she warned back to him.

    He did not mind the darkness. When he had got into his clothes, he went out into the kitchen. His tread was very heavy for so thin and light a boy. His legs dragged with their own weight, which seemed unreasonable because they were such skinny legs. He drew a broken-bottomed chair to the table.

    “Johnny,” his mother called sharply.

    He arose as sharply from the chair, and, without a word, went to the sink. It was a greasy, filthy sink. A smell came up from the outlet. He took no notice of it. That a sink should smell was to him part of the natural order, just as it was a part of the natural order that the soap should be grimy with dish-water and hard to lather. Nor did he try very hard to make it lather. Several splashes of the cold water from the running faucet completed the function. He did not wash his teeth. For that matter he had never seen a toothbrush, nor did he know that there existed beings in the world who were guilty of so great a foolishness as tooth washing.

    “You might wash yourself wunst a day without bein’ told,” his mother complained.

    She was holding a broken lid on the pot as she poured two cups of coffee. He made no remark, for this was a standing quarrel between them, and the one thing upon which his mother was hard as adamant. “Wunst” a day it was compulsory that he should wash his face. He dried himself on a greasy towel, damp and dirty and ragged, that left his face covered with shreds of lint.

    “I wish we didn’t live so far away,” she said, as he sat down. “I try to do the best I can. You know that. But a dollar on the rent is such a savin’, an’ we’ve more room here. You know that.”

    He scarcely followed her. He had heard it all before, many times. The range of her thought was limited, and she was ever harking back to the hardship worked upon them by living so far from the mills.

    “A dollar means more grub,” he remarked sententiously. “I’d sooner do the walkin’ an’ git the grub.”

    He ate hurriedly, half chewing the bread and washing the unmasticated chunks down with coffee. The hot and muddy liquid went by the name of coffee. Johnny thought it was coffee—and excellent coffee. That was one of the few of life’s illusions that remained to him. He had never drunk real coffee in his life.

    In addition to the bread, there was a small piece of cold pork. His mother refilled his cup with coffee. As he was finishing the bread, he began to watch if more was forthcoming. She intercepted his questioning glance.

    “Now, don’t be hoggish, Johnny,” was her comment. “You’ve had your share. Your brothers an’ sisters are smaller’n you.”

    He did not answer the rebuke. He was not much of a talker. Also, he ceased his hungry glancing for more. He was uncomplaining, with a patience that was as terrible as the school in which it had been learned. He finished his coffee, wiped his mouth on the back of his hand, and started to rise.

    “Wait a second,” she said hastily. “I guess the loaf kin stand you another slice—a thin un.”

    There was legerdemain in her actions. With all the seeming of cutting a slice from the loaf for him, she put loaf and slice back in the bread box and conveyed to him one of her own two slices. She believed she had deceived him, but he had noted her sleight-of-hand. Nevertheless, he took the bread shamelessly. He had a philosophy that his mother, because of her chronic sickliness, was not much of an eater anyway.

    She saw that he was chewing the bread dry, and reached over and emptied her coffee cup into his.

    “Don’t set good somehow on my stomach this morning,” she explained.

    A distant whistle, prolonged and shrieking, brought both of them to their feet. She glanced at the tin alarm-clock on the shelf. The hands stood at half-past five. The rest of the factory world was just arousing from sleep. She drew a shawl about her shoulders, and on her head put a dingy hat, shapeless and ancient.

    “We’ve got to run,” she said, turning the wick of the lamp and blowing down the chimney.

    They groped their way out and down the stairs. It was clear and cold, and Johnny shivered at the first contact with the outside air. The stars had not yet begun to pale in the sky, and the city lay in blackness. Both Johnny and his mother shuffled their feet as they walked. There was no ambition in the leg muscles to swing the feet clear of the ground.

    After fifteen silent minutes, his mother turned off to the right.

    “Don’t be late,” was her final warning from out of the dark that was swallowing her up.

    He made no response, steadily keeping on his way. In the factory quarter, doors were opening everywhere, and he was soon one of a multitude that pressed onward through the dark. As he entered the factory gate the whistle blew again. He glanced at the east. Across a ragged sky-line of housetops a pale light was beginning to creep. This much he saw of the day as he turned his back upon it and joined his work gang.

    He took his place in one of many long rows of machines. Before him, above a bin filled with small bobbins, were large bobbins revolving rapidly. Upon these he wound the jute-twine of the small bobbins. The work was simple. All that was required was celerity. The small bobbins were emptied so rapidly, and there were so many large bobbins that did the emptying, that there were no idle moments.

    He worked mechanically. When a small bobbin ran out, he used his left hand for a brake, stopping the large bobbin and at the same time, with thumb and forefinger, catching the flying end of twine. Also, at the same time, with his right hand, he caught up the loose twine-end of a small bobbin. These various acts with both hands were performed simultaneously and swiftly. Then there would come a flash of his hands as he looped the weaver’s knot and released the bobbin. There was nothing difficult about weaver’s knots. He once boasted he could tie them in his sleep. And for that matter, he sometimes did, toiling centuries long in a single night at tying an endless succession of weaver’s knots.

    Some of the boys shirked, wasting time and machinery by not replacing the small bobbins when they ran out. And there was an overseer to prevent this. He caught Johnny’s neighbour at the trick, and boxed his ears.

    “Look at Johnny there—why ain’t you like him?” the overseer wrathfully demanded.

    Johnny’s bobbins were running full blast, but he did not thrill at the indirect praise. There had been a time . . . but that was long ago, very long ago. His apathetic face was expressionless as he listened to himself being held up as a shining example. He was the perfect worker. He knew that. He had been told so, often. It was a commonplace, and besides it didn’t seem to mean anything to him any more. From the perfect worker he had evolved into the perfect machine. When his work went wrong, it was with him as with the machine, due to faulty material. It would have been as possible for a perfect nail-die to cut imperfect nails as for him to make a mistake.

    And small wonder. There had never been a time when he had not been in intimate relationship with machines. Machinery had almost been bred into him, and at any rate he had been brought up on it. Twelve years before, there had been a small flutter of excitement in the loom room of this very mill. Johnny’s mother had fainted. They stretched her out on the floor in the midst of the shrieking machines. A couple of elderly women were called from their looms. The foreman assisted. And in a few minutes there was one more soul in the loom room than had entered by the doors. It was Johnny, born with the pounding, crashing roar of the looms in his ears, drawing with his first breath the warm, moist air that was thick with flying lint. He had coughed that first day in order to rid his lungs of the lint; and for the same reason he had coughed ever since.

    The boy alongside of Johnny whimpered and sniffed. The boy’s face was convulsed with hatred for the overseer who kept a threatening eye on him from a distance; but every bobbin was running full. The boy yelled terrible oaths into the whirling bobbins before him; but the sound did not carry half a dozen feet, the roaring of the room holding it in and containing it like a wall.

    Of all this Johnny took no notice. He had a way of accepting things. Besides, things grow monotonous by repetition, and this particular happening he had witnessed many times. It seemed to him as useless to oppose the overseer as to defy the will of a machine. Machines were made to go in certain ways and to perform certain tasks. It was the same with the overseer.

    But at eleven o’clock there was excitement in the room. In an apparently occult way the excitement instantly permeated everywhere. The one-legged boy who worked on the other side of Johnny bobbed swiftly across the floor to a bin truck that stood empty. Into this he dived out of sight, crutch and all. The superintendent of the mill was coming along, accompanied by a young man. He was well dressed and wore a starched shirt—a gentleman, in Johnny’s classification of men, and also, “the Inspector.”

    He looked sharply at the boys as he passed along. Sometimes he stopped and asked questions. When he did so, he was compelled to shout at the top of his lungs, at which moments his face was ludicrously contorted with the strain of making himself heard. His quick eye noted the empty machine alongside of Johnny’s, but he said nothing. Johnny also caught his eye, and he stopped abruptly. He caught Johnny by the arm to draw him back a step from the machine; but with an exclamation of surprise he released the arm.

    “Pretty skinny,” the superintendent laughed anxiously.

    “Pipe stems,” was the answer. “Look at those legs. The boy’s got the rickets—incipient, but he’s got them. If epilepsy doesn’t get him in the end, it will be because tuberculosis gets him first.”

    Johnny listened, but did not understand. Furthermore he was not interested in future ills. There was an immediate and more serious ill that threatened him in the form of the inspector.

    “Now, my boy, I want you to tell me the truth,” the inspector said, or shouted, bending close to the boy’s ear to make him hear. “How old are you?”

    “Fourteen,” Johnny lied, and he lied with the full force of his lungs. So loudly did he lie that it started him off in a dry, hacking cough that lifted the lint which had been settling in his lungs all morning.

    “Looks sixteen at least,” said the superintendent.

    “Or sixty,” snapped the inspector.

    “He’s always looked that way.”

    “How long?” asked the inspector, quickly.

    “For years. Never gets a bit older.”

    “Or younger, I dare say. I suppose he’s worked here all those years?”

    “Off and on—but that was before the new law was passed,” the superintendent hastened to add.

    “Machine idle?” the inspector asked, pointing at the unoccupied machine beside Johnny’s, in which the part-filled bobbins were flying like mad.

    “Looks that way.” The superintendent motioned the overseer to him and shouted in his ear and pointed at the machine. “Machine’s idle,” he reported back to the inspector.

    They passed on, and Johnny returned to his work, relieved in that the ill had been averted. But the one-legged boy was not so fortunate. The sharp- eyed inspector haled him out at arms length from the bin truck. His lips were quivering, and his face had all the expression of one upon whom was fallen profound and irremediable disaster. The overseer looked astounded, as though for the first time he had laid eyes on the boy, while the superintendent’s face expressed shock and displeasure.

    “I know him,” the inspector said. “He’s twelve years old. I’ve had him discharged from three factories inside the year. This makes the fourth.”

    He turned to the one-legged boy. “You promised me, word and honour, that you’d go to school.”

    The one-legged boy burst into tears. “Please, Mr. Inspector, two babies died on us, and we’re awful poor.”

    “What makes you cough that way?” the inspector demanded, as though charging him with crime.

    And as in denial of guilt, the one-legged boy replied: “It ain’t nothin’. I jes’ caught a cold last week, Mr. Inspector, that’s all.”

    In the end the one-legged boy went out of the room with the inspector, the latter accompanied by the anxious and protesting superintendent. After that monotony settled down again. The long morning and the longer afternoon wore away and the whistle blew for quitting time. Darkness had already fallen when Johnny passed out through the factory gate. In the interval the sun had made a golden ladder of the sky, flooded the world with its gracious warmth, and dropped down and disappeared in the west behind a ragged sky-line of housetops.

    Supper was the family meal of the day—the one meal at which Johnny encountered his younger brothers and sisters. It partook of the nature of an encounter, to him, for he was very old, while they were distressingly young. He had no patience with their excessive and amazing juvenility. He did not understand it. His own childhood was too far behind him. He was like an old and irritable man, annoyed by the turbulence of their young spirits that was to him arrant silliness. He glowered silently over his food, finding compensation in the thought that they would soon have to go to work. That would take the edge off of them and make them sedate and dignified—like him. Thus it was, after the fashion of the human, that Johnny made of himself a yardstick with which to measure the universe.

    During the meal, his mother explained in various ways and with infinite repetition that she was trying to do the best she could; so that it was with relief, the scant meal ended, that Johnny shoved back his chair and arose. He debated for a moment between bed and the front door, and finally went out the latter. He did not go far. He sat down on the stoop, his knees drawn up and his narrow shoulders drooping forward, his elbows on his knees and the palms of his hands supporting his chin.

    As he sat there, he did no thinking. He was just resting. So far as his mind was concerned, it was asleep. His brothers and sisters came out, and with other children played noisily about him. An electric globe at the corner lighted their frolics. He was peevish and irritable, that they knew; but the spirit of adventure lured them into teasing him. They joined hands before him, and, keeping time with their bodies, chanted in his face weird and uncomplimentary doggerel. At first he snarled curses at them— curses he had learned from the lips of various foremen. Finding this futile, and remembering his dignity, he relapsed into dogged silence.

    His brother Will, next to him in age, having just passed his tenth birthday, was the ringleader. Johnny did not possess particularly kindly feelings toward him. His life had early been embittered by continual giving over and giving way to Will. He had a definite feeling that Will was greatly in his debt and was ungrateful about it. In his own playtime, far back in the dim past, he had been robbed of a large part of that playtime by being compelled to take care of Will. Will was a baby then, and then, as now, their mother had spent her days in the mills. To Johnny had fallen the part of little father and little mother as well.

    Will seemed to show the benefit of the giving over and the giving way. He was well-built, fairly rugged, as tall as his elder brother and even heavier. It was as though the life-blood of the one had been diverted into the other’s veins. And in spirits it was the same. Johnny was jaded, worn out, without resilience, while his younger brother seemed bursting and spilling over with exuberance.

    The mocking chant rose louder and louder. Will leaned closer as he danced, thrusting out his tongue. Johnny’s left arm shot out and caught the other around the neck. At the same time he rapped his bony fist to the other’s nose. It was a pathetically bony fist, but that it was sharp to hurt was evidenced by the squeal of pain it produced. The other children were uttering frightened cries, while Johnny’s sister, Jennie, had dashed into the house.

    He thrust Will from him, kicked him savagely on the shins, then reached for him and slammed him face downward in the dirt. Nor did he release him till the face had been rubbed into the dirt several times. Then the mother arrived, an anaemic whirlwind of solicitude and maternal wrath.

    “Why can’t he leave me alone?” was Johnny’s reply to her upbraiding. “Can’t he see I’m tired?”

    “I’m as big as you,” Will raged in her arms, his face a mass of tears, dirt, and blood. “I’m as big as you now, an’ I’m goin’ to git bigger. Then I’ll lick you—see if I don’t.”

    “You ought to be to work, seein’ how big you are,” Johnny snarled. “That’s what’s the matter with you. You ought to be to work. An’ it’s up to your ma to put you to work.”

    “But he’s too young,” she protested. “He’s only a little boy.”

    “I was younger’n him when I started to work.”

    Johnny’s mouth was open, further to express the sense of unfairness that he felt, but the mouth closed with a snap. He turned gloomily on his heel and stalked into the house and to bed. The door of his room was open to let in warmth from the kitchen. As he undressed in the semi-darkness he could hear his mother talking with a neighbour woman who had dropped in. His mother was crying, and her speech was punctuated with spiritless sniffles.

    “I can’t make out what’s gittin’ into Johnny,” he could hear her say. "He didn’t used to be this way. He was a patient little angel.

    “An’ he is a good boy,” she hastened to defend. “He’s worked faithful, an’ he did go to work too young. But it wasn’t my fault. I do the best I can, I’m sure.”

    Prolonged sniffling from the kitchen, and Johnny murmured to himself as his eyelids closed down, “You betcher life I’ve worked faithful.”

    The next morning he was torn bodily by his mother from the grip of sleep. Then came the meagre breakfast, the tramp through the dark, and the pale glimpse of day across the housetops as he turned his back on it and went in through the factory gate. It was another day, of all the days, and all the days were alike.

    And yet there had been variety in his life—at the times he changed from one job to another, or was taken sick. When he was six, he was little mother and father to Will and the other children still younger. At seven he went into the mills—winding bobbins. When he was eight, he got work in another mill. His new job was marvellously easy. All he had to do was to sit down with a little stick in his hand and guide a stream of cloth that flowed past him. This stream of cloth came out of the maw of a machine, passed over a hot roller, and went on its way elsewhere. But he sat always in one place, beyond the reach of daylight, a gas-jet flaring over him, himself part of the mechanism.

    He was very happy at that job, in spite of the moist heat, for he was still young and in possession of dreams and illusions. And wonderful dreams he dreamed as he watched the steaming cloth streaming endlessly by. But there was no exercise about the work, no call upon his mind, and he dreamed less and less, while his mind grew torpid and drowsy. Nevertheless, he earned two dollars a week, and two dollars represented the difference between acute starvation and chronic underfeeding.

    But when he was nine, he lost his job. Measles was the cause of it. After he recovered, he got work in a glass factory. The pay was better, and the work demanded skill. It was piecework, and the more skilful he was, the bigger wages he earned. Here was incentive. And under this incentive he developed into a remarkable worker.

    It was simple work, the tying of glass stoppers into small bottles. At his waist he carried a bundle of twine. He held the bottles between his knees so that he might work with both hands. Thus, in a sitting position and bending over his own knees, his narrow shoulders grew humped and his chest was contracted for ten hours each day. This was not good for the lungs, but he tied three hundred dozen bottles a day.

    The superintendent was very proud of him, and brought visitors to look at him. In ten hours three hundred dozen bottles passed through his hands. This meant that he had attained machine-like perfection. All waste movements were eliminated. Every motion of his thin arms, every movement of a muscle in the thin fingers, was swift and accurate. He worked at high tension, and the result was that he grew nervous. At night his muscles twitched in his sleep, and in the daytime he could not relax and rest. He remained keyed up and his muscles continued to twitch. Also he grew sallow and his lint-cough grew worse. Then pneumonia laid hold of the feeble lungs within the contracted chest, and he lost his job in the glass-works.

    Now he had returned to the jute mills where he had first begun with winding bobbins. But promotion was waiting for him. He was a good worker. He would next go on the starcher, and later he would go into the loom room. There was nothing after that except increased efficiency.

    The machinery ran faster than when he had first gone to work, and his mind ran slower. He no longer dreamed at all, though his earlier years had been full of dreaming. Once he had been in love. It was when he first began guiding the cloth over the hot roller, and it was with the daughter of the superintendent. She was much older than he, a young woman, and he had seen her at a distance only a paltry half-dozen times. But that made no difference. On the surface of the cloth stream that poured past him, he pictured radiant futures wherein he performed prodigies of toil, invented miraculous machines, won to the mastership of the mills, and in the end took her in his arms and kissed her soberly on the brow.

    But that was all in the long ago, before he had grown too old and tired to love. Also, she had married and gone away, and his mind had gone to sleep. Yet it had been a wonderful experience, and he used often to look back upon it as other men and women look back upon the time they believed in fairies. He had never believed in fairies nor Santa Claus; but he had believed implicitly in the smiling future his imagination had wrought into the steaming cloth stream.

    He had become a man very early in life. At seven, when he drew his first wages, began his adolescence. A certain feeling of independence crept up in him, and the relationship between him and his mother changed. Somehow, as an earner and breadwinner, doing his own work in the world, he was more like an equal with her. Manhood, full-blown manhood, had come when he was eleven, at which time he had gone to work on the night shift for six months. No child works on the night shift and remains a child.

    There had been several great events in his life. One of these had been when his mother bought some California prunes. Two others had been the two times when she cooked custard. Those had been events. He remembered them kindly. And at that time his mother had told him of a blissful dish she would sometime make—"floating island," she had called it, “better than custard.” For years he had looked forward to the day when he would sit down to the table with floating island before him, until at last he had relegated the idea of it to the limbo of unattainable ideals.

    Once he found a silver quarter lying on the sidewalk. That, also, was a great event in his life, withal a tragic one. He knew his duty on the instant the silver flashed on his eyes, before even he had picked it up. At home, as usual, there was not enough to eat, and home he should have taken it as he did his wages every Saturday night. Right conduct in this case was obvious; but he never had any spending of his money, and he was suffering from candy hunger. He was ravenous for the sweets that only on red-letter days he had ever tasted in his life.

    He did not attempt to deceive himself. He knew it was sin, and deliberately he sinned when he went on a fifteen-cent candy debauch. Ten cents he saved for a future orgy; but not being accustomed to the carrying of money, he lost the ten cents. This occurred at the time when he was suffering all the torments of conscience, and it was to him an act of divine retribution. He had a frightened sense of the closeness of an awful and wrathful God. God had seen, and God had been swift to punish, denying him even the full wages of sin.

    In memory he always looked back upon that as the one great criminal deed of his life, and at the recollection his conscience always awoke and gave him another twinge. It was the one skeleton in his closet. Also, being so made, and circumstanced, he looked back upon the deed with regret. He was dissatisfied with the manner in which he had spent the quarter. He could have invested it better, and, out of his later knowledge of the quickness of God, he would have beaten God out by spending the whole quarter at one fell swoop. In retrospect he spent the quarter a thousand times, and each time to better advantage.

    There was one other memory of the past, dim and faded, but stamped into his soul everlasting by the savage feet of his father. It was more like a nightmare than a remembered vision of a concrete thing—more like the race- memory of man that makes him fall in his sleep and that goes back to his arboreal ancestry.

    This particular memory never came to Johnny in broad daylight when he was wide awake. It came at night, in bed, at the moment that his consciousness was sinking down and losing itself in sleep. It always aroused him to frightened wakefulness, and for the moment, in the first sickening start, it seemed to him that he lay crosswise on the foot of the bed. In the bed were the vague forms of his father and mother. He never saw what his father looked like. He had but one impression of his father, and that was that he had savage and pitiless feet.

    His earlier memories lingered with him, but he had no late memories. All days were alike. Yesterday or last year were the same as a thousand years- -or a minute. Nothing ever happened. There were no events to mark the march of time. Time did not march. It stood always still. It was only the whirling machines that moved, and they moved nowhere—in spite of the fact that they moved faster.

    When he was fourteen, he went to work on the starcher. It was a colossal event. Something had at last happened that could be remembered beyond a night’s sleep or a week’s pay-day. It marked an era. It was a machine Olympiad, a thing to date from. “When I went to work on the starcher,” or, “after,” or “before I went to work on the starcher,” were sentences often on his lips.

    He celebrated his sixteenth birthday by going into the loom room and taking a loom. Here was an incentive again, for it was piece-work. And he excelled, because the clay of him had been moulded by the mills into the perfect machine. At the end of three months he was running two looms, and, later, three and four.

    At the end of his second year at the looms he was turning out more yards than any other weaver, and more than twice as much as some of the less skilful ones. And at home things began to prosper as he approached the full stature of his earning power. Not, however, that his increased earnings were in excess of need. The children were growing up. They ate more. And they were going to school, and school-books cost money. And somehow, the faster he worked, the faster climbed the prices of things. Even the rent went up, though the house had fallen from bad to worse disrepair.

    He had grown taller; but with his increased height he seemed leaner than ever. Also, he was more nervous. With the nervousness increased his peevishness and irritability. The children had learned by many bitter lessons to fight shy of him. His mother respected him for his earning power, but somehow her respect was tinctured with fear.

    There was no joyousness in life for him. The procession of the days he never saw. The nights he slept away in twitching unconsciousness. The rest of the time he worked, and his consciousness was machine consciousness. Outside this his mind was a blank. He had no ideals, and but one illusion; namely, that he drank excellent coffee. He was a work- beast. He had no mental life whatever; yet deep down in the crypts of his mind, unknown to him, were being weighed and sifted every hour of his toil, every movement of his hands, every twitch of his muscles, and preparations were making for a future course of action that would amaze him and all his little world.

    It was in the late spring that he came home from work one night aware of unusual tiredness. There was a keen expectancy in the air as he sat down to the table, but he did not notice. He went through the meal in moody silence, mechanically eating what was before him. The children um’d and ah’d and made smacking noises with their mouths. But he was deaf to them.

    “D’ye know what you’re eatin’?” his mother demanded at last, desperately.

    He looked vacantly at the dish before him, and vacantly at her.

    “Floatin’ island,” she announced triumphantly.

    “Oh,” he said.

    “Floating island!” the children chorussed loudly.

    “Oh,” he said. And after two or three mouthfuls, he added, “I guess I ain’t hungry to-night.”

    He dropped the spoon, shoved back his chair, and arose wearily from the table.

    “An’ I guess I’ll go to bed.”

    His feet dragged more heavily than usual as he crossed the kitchen floor. Undressing was a Titan’s task, a monstrous futility, and he wept weakly as he crawled into bed, one shoe still on. He was aware of a rising, swelling something inside his head that made his brain thick and fuzzy. His lean fingers felt as big as his wrist, while in the ends of them was a remoteness of sensation vague and fuzzy like his brain. The small of his back ached intolerably. All his bones ached. He ached everywhere. And in his head began the shrieking, pounding, crashing, roaring of a million looms. All space was filled with flying shuttles. They darted in and out, intricately, amongst the stars. He worked a thousand looms himself, and ever they speeded up, faster and faster, and his brain unwound, faster and faster, and became the thread that fed the thousand flying shuttles.

    He did not go to work next morning. He was too busy weaving colossally on the thousand looms that ran inside his head. His mother went to work, but first she sent for the doctor. It was a severe attack of la grippe, he said. Jennie served as nurse and carried out his instructions.

    It was a very severe attack, and it was a week before Johnny dressed and tottered feebly across the floor. Another week, the doctor said, and he would be fit to return to work. The foreman of the loom room visited him on Sunday afternoon, the first day of his convalescence. The best weaver in the room, the foreman told his mother. His job would be held for him. He could come back to work a week from Monday.

    “Why don’t you thank ’im, Johnny?” his mother asked anxiously.

    “He’s ben that sick he ain’t himself yet,” she explained apologetically to the visitor.

    Johnny sat hunched up and gazing steadfastly at the floor. He sat in the same position long after the foreman had gone. It was warm outdoors, and he sat on the stoop in the afternoon. Sometimes his lips moved. He seemed lost in endless calculations.

    Next morning, after the day grew warm, he took his seat on the stoop. He had pencil and paper this time with which to continue his calculations, and he calculated painfully and amazingly.

    “What comes after millions?” he asked at noon, when Will came home from school. “An’ how d’ye work ’em?”

    That afternoon finished his task. Each day, but without paper and pencil, he returned to the stoop. He was greatly absorbed in the one tree that grew across the street. He studied it for hours at a time, and was unusually interested when the wind swayed its branches and fluttered its leaves. Throughout the week he seemed lost in a great communion with himself. On Sunday, sitting on the stoop, he laughed aloud, several times, to the perturbation of his mother, who had not heard him laugh for years.

    Next morning, in the early darkness, she came to his bed to rouse him. He had had his fill of sleep all the week, and awoke easily. He made no struggle, nor did he attempt to hold on to the bedding when she stripped it from him. He lay quietly, and spoke quietly.

    “It ain’t no use, ma.”

    “You’ll be late,” she said, under the impression that he was still stupid with sleep.

    “I’m awake, ma, an’ I tell you it ain’t no use. You might as well lemme alone. I ain’t goin’ to git up.”

    “But you’ll lose your job!” she cried.

    “I ain’t goin’ to git up,” he repeated in a strange, passionless voice.

    She did not go to work herself that morning. This was sickness beyond any sickness she had ever known. Fever and delirium she could understand; but this was insanity. She pulled the bedding up over him and sent Jennie for the doctor.

    When that person arrived, Johnny was sleeping gently, and gently he awoke and allowed his pulse to be taken.

    “Nothing the matter with him,” the doctor reported. “Badly debilitated, that’s all. Not much meat on his bones.”

    “He’s always been that way,” his mother volunteered.

    “Now go ’way, ma, an’ let me finish my snooze.”

    Johnny spoke sweetly and placidly, and sweetly and placidly he rolled over on his side and went to sleep.

    At ten o’clock he awoke and dressed himself. He walked out into the kitchen, where he found his mother with a frightened expression on her face.

    “I’m goin’ away, ma,” he announced, “an’ I jes’ want to say good-bye.”

    She threw her apron over her head and sat down suddenly and wept. He waited patiently.

    “I might a-known it,” she was sobbing.

    “Where?” she finally asked, removing the apron from her head and gazing up at him with a stricken face in which there was little curiosity.

    “I don’t know—anywhere.”

    As he spoke, the tree across the street appeared with dazzling brightness on his inner vision. It seemed to lurk just under his eyelids, and he could see it whenever he wished.

    “An’ your job?” she quavered.

    “I ain’t never goin’ to work again.”

    “My God, Johnny!” she wailed, “don’t say that!”

    What he had said was blasphemy to her. As a mother who hears her child deny God, was Johnny’s mother shocked by his words.

    “What’s got into you, anyway?” she demanded, with a lame attempt at imperativeness.

    “Figures,” he answered. “Jes’ figures. I’ve ben doin’ a lot of figurin’ this week, an’ it’s most surprisin’.”

    “I don’t see what that’s got to do with it,” she sniffled.

    Johnny smiled patiently, and his mother was aware of a distinct shock at the persistent absence of his peevishness and irritability.

    “I’ll show you,” he said. “I’m plum’ tired out. What makes me tired? Moves. I’ve ben movin’ ever since I was born. I’m tired of movin’, an’ I ain’t goin’ to move any more. Remember when I worked in the glass-house? I used to do three hundred dozen a day. Now I reckon I made about ten different moves to each bottle. That’s thirty-six thousan’ moves a day. Ten days, three hundred an’ sixty thousan’ moves. One month, one million an’ eighty thousan’ moves. Chuck out the eighty thousan’”—he spoke with the complacent beneficence of a philanthropist—"chuck out the eighty thousan’, that leaves a million moves a month—twelve million moves a year.

    "At the looms I’m movin’ twic’st as much. That makes twenty-five million moves a year, an’ it seems to me I’ve ben a movin’ that way ’most a million years.

    “Now this week I ain’t moved at all. I ain’t made one move in hours an’ hours. I tell you it was swell, jes’ settin’ there, hours an’ hours, an’ doin’ nothin’. I ain’t never ben happy before. I never had any time. I’ve ben movin’ all the time. That ain’t no way to be happy. An’ I ain’t going to do it any more. I’m jes’ goin’ to set, an’ set, an’ rest, an’ rest, and then rest some more.”

    “But what’s goin’ to come of Will an’ the children?” she asked despairingly.

    “That’s it, ’Will an’ the children,’” he repeated.

    But there was no bitterness in his voice. He had long known his mother’s ambition for the younger boy, but the thought of it no longer rankled. Nothing mattered any more. Not even that.

    “I know, ma, what you’ve ben plannin’ for Will—keepin’ him in school to make a book-keeper out of him. But it ain’t no use, I’ve quit. He’s got to go to work.”

    “An’ after I have brung you up the way I have,” she wept, starting to cover her head with the apron and changing her mind.

    “You never brung me up,” he answered with sad kindliness. “I brung myself up, ma, an’ I brung up Will. He’s bigger’n me, an’ heavier, an’ taller. When I was a kid, I reckon I didn’t git enough to eat. When he come along an’ was a kid, I was workin’ an’ earnin’ grub for him too. But that’s done with. Will can go to work, same as me, or he can go to hell, I don’t care which. I’m tired. I’m goin’ now. Ain’t you goin’ to say goodbye?”

    She made no reply. The apron had gone over her head again, and she was crying. He paused a moment in the doorway.

    “I’m sure I done the best I knew how,” she was sobbing.

    He passed out of the house and down the street. A wan delight came into his face at the sight of the lone tree. “Jes’ ain’t goin’ to do nothin’,” he said to himself, half aloud, in a crooning tone. He glanced wistfully up at the sky, but the bright sun dazzled and blinded him.

    It was a long walk he took, and he did not walk fast. It took him past the jute-mill. The muffled roar of the loom room came to his ears, and he smiled. It was a gentle, placid smile. He hated no one, not even the pounding, shrieking machines. There was no bitterness in him, nothing but an inordinate hunger for rest.

    The houses and factories thinned out and the open spaces increased as he approached the country. At last the city was behind him, and he was walking down a leafy lane beside the railroad track. He did not walk like a man. He did not look like a man. He was a travesty of the human. It was a twisted and stunted and nameless piece of life that shambled like a sickly ape, arms loose-hanging, stoop-shouldered, narrow-chested, grotesque and terrible.

    He passed by a small railroad station and lay down in the grass under a tree. All afternoon he lay there. Sometimes he dozed, with muscles that twitched in his sleep. When awake, he lay without movement, watching the birds or looking up at the sky through the branches of the tree above him. Once or twice he laughed aloud, but without relevance to anything he had seen or felt.

    After twilight had gone, in the first darkness of the night, a freight train rumbled into the station. When the engine was switching cars on to the side-track, Johnny crept along the side of the train. He pulled open the side-door of an empty box-car and awkwardly and laboriously climbed in. He closed the door. The engine whistled. Johnny was lying down, and in the darkness he smiled.

    #USA #capitalisme #travail #exploitation #enfants #lutte_des_classes

  • Le stratificazioni criminali e la “signoria territoriale” dietro la strage di #Amendolara

    Il primo giugno in provincia di Cosenza quattro uomini sono stati bruciati vivi dai loro presunti caporali dentro il minivan con cui stavano andando a lavorare. Protestavano per avere un contratto. Di loro si sa ancora poco, così come della vicenda specifica, ma con Anna Sergi, docente esperta di criminalità organizzata, tracciamo i contorni e il contesto. Tra ‘ndrangheta, gruppi criminali locali, aziende che restano sempre sullo sfondo e la totale assenza dello Stato.

    Il più giovane era #Ullah_Ismat_Qiemi, 19 anni, il più grande #Waseem_Khan, 29. E poi #Amin_Fazal_Khogjani, 28, e #Safi_Iayjad, 27. Sono i nomi delle vittime della strage di Amendolara, in provincia di Cosenza. Bruciati vivi all’interno del minivan con cui si stavano dirigendo nei campi di frutta dove lavoravano per pochi euro al giorno, puniti da due “caporali” perché chiedevano un contratto. Di loro si sa ancora poco così come dei contorni specifici della vicenda che ha visto il fermo di due uomini che, stando ai sistemi di videosorveglianza della stazione di servizio della statale 106 jonica-cosentina, hanno gettato un accendino nell’abitacolo dopo aver chiuso tutte le portiere. Quello di cui invece è già possibile tracciare un contorno è il contesto in cui si è verificata la strage.

    Il caporalato è sistemico. Per garantire i servizi alle aziende committenti, i caporali si occupano di tutto: dal trasporto alle abitazioni, spesso fatiscenti e insalubri, fino allo sfruttamento nei campi. Il tutto “garantito” dalla vulnerabilità dei lavoratori -tra gli 11 e i 12mila quelli senza un permesso di soggiorno in Calabria- che vengono controllati con la violenza e le minacce. Ma poi, soprattutto, il “terzo livello” che sta sopra ai “caporali”. Per Anna Sergi, professoressa di Sociologia del diritto e della devianza presso l’Università di Bologna e una delle massime esperte di criminalità organizzata, è necessario evitare semplificazioni.

    “La #piana_di_Sibari è una delle aree più fertili della Calabria su cui però troviamo delle ‘locali bastarde’ della ‘ndrangheta -spiega-. Diversi piccoli gruppi, diverse ‘ndrine, che però è difficile associare a un gruppo di appartenenza primario. Questa strage ce lo racconta indirettamente”. Per Sergi, infatti, fenomeni di violenza così gravi sono in qualche modo la dimostrazione che in quel territorio non c’è una gerarchia chiara quanto piuttosto una lotta intestina tra cosche che cercano di accaparrarsi il controllo e un’influenza maggiore possibile. “Negli ultimi anni tra #Rossano e #Corigliano si sono registrati tantissimi casi di cronaca, anche gravi, così come ci sono state diverse operazioni della Direzione nazionale antimafia”.

    Differenziare la tipologia di criminalità presente sul territorio non è una questione di lana caprina ma è importante per capire a chi rispondono i “caporali” e in quale contesto operano. La ‘ndrangheta non gestisce direttamente lo sfruttamento perché è troppo rischioso. “Semplicemente la risoluzione dei conflitti o il caporalato ‘diretto’ non portano abbastanza soldi; quello che conta è la signoria territoriale e il legame con lo ‘sfruttatore’, spesso un bracciante che ha fatto ‘carriera’ e conosce quelle dinamiche, nasce sotto questo aspetto”. Per Sergi, ormai, raramente il caporale paga una quota al clan ma è l’azienda che fa da “tramite”. O in maniera diretta -attraverso un ruolo societario di un affiliato- o indirettamente, perché l’organizzazione criminale fa da intermediario facendo sì che una società che ha un debito da saldare incontri il caporale.

    A prescindere dalle modalità, l’obiettivo è sempre mantenere un profilo basso. “Tutto ciò che è eclatante e attira l’attenzione mediatica e giudiziaria va evitato, tanto che quando più di 15 anni fa scoppiarono le rivolte nella piana di Gioia Tauro, dopo i fatti di Rosarno, le famiglie locali di ‘ndrangheta erano preoccupate di quanto stava accadendo”, sottolinea la professoressa che da quel 7 gennaio 2010 traccia una linea senza soluzione di continuità.

    Perché se ci sono delle differenze territoriali e di “tipologia” di organizzazione e stratificazione criminale, quello che non cambia è l’assenza dello Stato. “Il controllo dei clan avviene innanzitutto rendendo impossibile qualsiasi via di fuga: non sempre quindi c’è un rapporto di ‘vassallaggio’ diretto. Il mio obiettivo, come clan, è far sì che non ci sia tutela legale possibile, non ovviamente per i ‘braccianti’ ma neanche per i caporali. Questa è la signoria territoriale. Ed è questo lo scandalo che continua”.

    Uno scandalo su cui, il giorno successivo alla morte dei quattro giovani di origine pakistana, ha richiamato l’attenzione di monsignor Francesco Savino, vescovo di Cassano All’Ionio e vicepresidente della Conferenza episcopale italiana. “Il caporalato non è una deviazione marginale, non è un residuo antico dimenticato nei campi. È un sistema. È una struttura di dominio -ha detto-. Basta con il silenzio sporco delle convenienze. Occorre una mobilitazione civile che non può essere il semplice rito, le semplici passerelle o l’emozione del momento e poi dopo qualche giorno si spegne. Invoco una rivolta delle coscienze, una sollevazione morale dei cittadini e delle cittadine, credenti e non credenti, qui veramente è in gioco la dignità della persona”.

    https://altreconomia.it/le-stratificazioni-criminali-e-la-signoria-territoriale-dietro-la-strag
    #tuerie #ndrangheta #mafia #caporalato #criminalité_organisée #Italie #Calabre #brûlés_vifs #résistance #exploitation #conditions_de_travail

    • Strage di caporalato in Calabria: non chiamiamola tragedia

      I quattro braccianti bruciati vivi ad Amendolara volevano ribellarsi allo sfruttamento. Non un caso isolato: da anni, associazioni e attivisti sul territorio denunciano un sistema capillare che lucra sulla manodopera straniera, mentre le risposte politiche si limitano a interventi emergenziali.

      Waseem Khan, 29 anni, Amin Fazal Khogjani, 28 anni, Safi Iayjad, 27 anni e il più giovane Ullah Ismat Qiemi, di appena 19. Ora conosciamo i nomi delle vittime di quella che sindacati e giornali hanno definito la «strage di caporalato» di Amendolara, cittadina calabrese al confine Nord della provincia di Cosenza, avvenuta lunedì 1° giugno. Non conosciamo ancora le loro storie, il percorso che li aveva portati su quel territorio e che li aveva resi vittime di un sistema di sfruttamento. Conosciamo però i dettagli della loro morte. Di quello che gli inquirenti della Procura di Castrovillari hanno definito «omicidio plurimo e pluriaggravato», che presenta i tratti tipici della premeditazione, ripreso in tutta la sua ferocia dalle telecamere di servizio del distributore di carburante dov’è stata ritrovata la carcassa carbonizzata del minivan con all’interno i corpi dei quattro braccianti – in parte pachistani, in parte di origine afghana, stando al racconto dell’unico sopravvissuto. Un copione già visto, scritto dalle dinamiche del caporalato e dello sfruttamento degli invisibili delle campagne di raccolta tra la Piana di Gioia Tauro, la Sibaritide e il Metapontino. Una “metastasi” del tessuto sociale declassata a fatalità in quel lembo di Calabria dove la vita non fa notizia e raccontata «sempre dopo che il male ha lasciato i suoi morti sull’asfalto», per usare le parole consegnate ad Avvenire del vicepresidente Cei e vescovo di Cassano all’Ionio Francesco Savino.

      Il racconto del superstite: «Uccisi perché chiedevamo un contratto regolare»

      La dinamica del fatto è apparsa chiara dopo la diffusione del primo filmato di videosorveglianza. Nel video si vedono due persone bloccare con forza la portiera di un minivan parcheggiato vicino al distributore di carburante in una piazzola della statale 106 jonica-cosentina. Dentro ci sono cinque persone, che cercano, invano, di uscire con tutte le loro forze dal veicolo cosparso di benzina. Stando alle indagini della squadra mobile di Cosenza, i due “caporali”, entrambi 32enni di origine pachistana, avrebbero gettato un accendino nell’abitacolo dandosi alla fuga subito dopo la prima fiammata. Taj Mohammad Alamyar riesce a mettersi in salvo fuggendo dal bagagliaio nonostante le ustioni. «Mi sono spinto all’indietro, ho superato lo schienale, sono caduto nel vano dove si mettono le valigie e con le braccia che bruciavano mi sono buttato sull’asfalto», ha raccontato al Tgr Calabria il bracciante agricolo, di origine afghana come «almeno tre delle altre persone a bordo». Come le altre vittime, sfruttato nei campi da un sistema che definisce mafioso. Non parla della ‘ndrangheta, ma di una «grande mafia» che coinvolgerebbe diverse persone di origine pachistana.

      Oltre che sullo sfruttamento dei braccianti agricoli, il sistema lucrerebbe anche sullo spaccio di grandi quantità di stupefacenti. Aspetti tutt’ora al vaglio della procura diretta da Alessandro D’Alessio, che durante la conferenza stampa del pomeriggio del 3 giugno, data la fase ancora embrionale delle indagini, non si è voluto sbilanciare pubblicamente sul movente e sul contesto nel quale è maturato il fatto. «I soldi non ce li davano, da mangiare sì. La casa sì, ma i soldi no» da oltre un mese. Giovanni Mininni, segretario generale della Flai Cgil, afferma che questo fatto apre uno squarcio su un problema capillare e su una «rete ampia di caporali» strutturati in un «sistema organizzato e centralizzato» che controlla l’intero territorio. Una dinamica che aveva portato quel gruppo di persone a ribellarsi ai loro aguzzini, rifiutandosi di lavorare senza un regolare contratto, e ricevendo in cambio prima delle minacce con coltelli e pistole e, in seguito, quella spedizione punitiva culminata con la spietata esecuzione. Gli autori del crimine si sarebbero fermati al distributore per «regolare i conti». La loro identificazione è stata possibile anche grazie al racconto del sopravvissuto.

      In quella zona a cavallo tra la Calabria e la Basilicata, concluso il periodo di raccolta agrumicola – come raccontatoci dai braccianti stanziati in autunno negli insediamenti della Piana di Gioia Tauro – in questo periodo dell’anno ci si sposta per la raccolta delle fragole. Il salario, per così dire, sarebbe di 50 euro al giorno, dai quali detrarre il 10 per cento da consegnare ai “caporali” per il trasporto nei campi. I braccianti vivono in alcuni alloggi dislocati in diverse zone della provincia. Non insediamenti che aggregano grandi quantità di persone: gli appartamenti sono sparsi sul territorio a macchia di leopardo per saltare meno all’occhio. Alamyar mostra ai giornalisti quello di Villapiana dove viveva con altre dieci persone, comprese le vittime. Mostra le condizioni della loro abitazione da 500 euro mensili e una busta paga fittizia che reca in calce la somma di 350 euro. Sono queste le condizioni alle quali i braccianti hanno voluto ribellarsi, pagandone caro il prezzo.

      I racconti di sfruttamento tra la Sibaritide e il Metapontino

      Negli ultimi anni, diverse inchieste giudiziarie hanno fatto luce su questo fenomeno. A marzo 2022 è stata chiusa un’indagine durata circa tre anni che ha portato alla luce un rodato sistema di sfruttamento dei braccianti agricoli proprio in quella zona tra le province di Cosenza e Crotone. Alla base del sistema c’era un «reclutatore» originario di Mirto Crosia, altro paese della jonica-cosentina, che svolgeva un’attività di intermediazione illecita di manodopera con diverse aziende locali finite sotto la lente della procura. Sui braccianti, assieme ad altri sodali, svolgeva un controllo asfissiante: «Compilava un piccolo libricino col numero delle cassette riempite da ogni operaio per calcolarne la paga», ha raccontato una delle vittime nel 2020. «Quando si accorgeva che avevamo raccolto poche cassette di pomodori iniziava a maltrattarci, offendendoci e minacciandoci. Diceva con tono di voce alto: ’Testa di ca**o, testa di min**ia! Domani non ti porto a lavorare!’. Io restavo zitto e continuavo a lavorare. La mia giornata lavorativa veniva retribuita con 30 euro, in contanti, ogni lunedì. […] Ho lavorato anche di domenica. Non ho mai ricevuto alcun compenso straordinario».

      I racconti sono tanti, si sovrappongono tra loro. «Mi facevo trovare alle tre del mattino», dice un’altra vittima. Era quello l’orario in cui il furgone rosso passava per condurli nel campo di raccolta. «Ho lavorato quasi tutti i giorni di agosto. Arrivavamo [sui campi di Strongoli, in provincia di Crotone] alle 6 del mattino e lavoravo fino alle 16 del pomeriggio, con una pausa che si aggirava dai 10 ai 30 minuti, dove mangiavo un panino portato da casa. Mi veniva dato incarico di raccogliere i pomodori dalla pianta e di metterli in delle cassette di legno per poi sistemarli nei cassoni del camion». Chi si ribella al sistema rischia di pagare con la vita. Il Fatto Quotidiano ha riportato l’arresto, avvenuto alla fine del 2025, di altri quattro cittadini pachistani all’esito di un’indagine partita da un incidente stradale che aveva coinvolto alcuni braccianti nella zona di Scanzano Jonico. Anche in quel caso, quella che di primo impatto sembrava una tragedia aveva portato alla luce un sistema di sfruttamento nei campi agricoli della Basilicata.

      Non sfugge inoltre la ricorrenza, in quella porzione di Calabria, di un modus operandi, quello degli incendi di veicoli, spesso letto, anche nelle cronache, in maniera frammentaria e decontestualizzata. Sul territorio di Corigliano Rossano sono decine e decine i casi di rogo doloso di autoveicoli. Nel 2021 i casi censiti erano oltre cinquanta, almeno raddoppiati negli anni successivi. Dopo il rogo di alcuni mezzi appartenenti a cittadini di origine rumena, alcune testate locali avevano scritto della possibile «ombra del caporalato» dietro a fatti tanto ricorrenti da non poter pensare a semplici ritorsioni o attività “microcriminali” ma ad un sistema radicato. L’Osservatorio Placido Rizzotto della Flai Cgil aveva scritto di 36 inchieste in regione che avevano fatto luce su un giro di affari illecito nel settore pari a circa 2,5 miliardi di euro. Dinamiche rispetto alle quali la ‘ndrangheta è spettatrice interessata com’era stato evidenziato anche in altre inchieste, tra cui “Rasoterra”. L’indagine risale al 2021 ed aveva fatto luce sugli interessi di alcuni soggetti riconducibili alla cosca “Piromalli-Molè”, egemone sul territorio di Gioia Tauro, negli insediamenti della zona industriale popolati dai braccianti migranti.
      I «ghetti» e l’approccio emergenziale: solo la morte fa notizia

      Tra la Piana di Sibari e Crotone corrono circa 150 chilometri della statale 106. Percorrendo quel tratto, a qualsiasi ora del giorno e della notte, ci si imbatte spesso in diverse biciclette al bordo della carreggiata che trasportano cassette di agrumi, pomodori o finocchi. Una via crucis ricorrente che si sceglie di non vedere. La dinamica che alimenta il caporalato sta tutta qui. Una pratica diffusa, soprattutto a certe latitudini, anche grazie alla connivenza di tutte le parti sociali. Non a caso, monsignor Savino ha parlato di «zona grigia che vede, sa e lascia fare». Nel suo appello, il vescovo di Cassano – una delle cittadine più grandi della Sibaridite, nota per la presenza di alcuni tra più pericolosi gruppi criminali della zona e per alcuni fatti di sangue come l’esecuzione del piccolo “Cocò” Campolongo nel 2014 – chiede «allo Stato di esserci con tutta la sua forza, non soltanto dopo il sangue, ma prima: nelle campagne, nelle filiere agricole, nei luoghi di reclutamento della manodopera, negli alloggi indegni, nei trasporti opachi, nei rapporti di lavoro irregolari, nelle sacche di vulnerabilità dove il caporalato mette radici». Queste parole ricordano molto le invocazioni di associazioni e attivisti che si susseguono dal 2010, anno della cosìddetta rivolta dei braccianti di Rosarno.

      L’attenzione sugli insediamenti dei braccianti in Calabria viene richiamata dopo incidenti o tragiche morti come quella di Soumaila Sacko, sindacalista e bracciante ucciso a colpi di arma da fuoco nei campi del Vibonese. Ad aprile 2026, Emergency aveva manifestato preoccupazione per l’ennesima presa di posizione di carattere emergenziale nella zona della tendopoli di San Ferdinando. La autorità avrebbero disposto un nuovo sgombero dell’area popolata dai braccianti, dopo quello del 2019 a lungo decantato dall’allora capo del Viminale Matteo Salvini. La notizia del nuovo intervento è contenuta nel decreto n. 238/2026, inserito nel “Decreto Caivano” come azione di contrasto alla criminalità nelle periferie. Qui si legge dello smantellamento dell’insediamento informale «ai fini della tutela pubblica e privata incolumità» con l’autorizzazione allo spostamento delle persone presenti in tendopoli nella zona di contrada Russo con un «intervento rifunzionalizzante» del suo borgo sociale – leggasi foresteria – di proprietà del Comune di Taurianova. Secondo l’associazione, dietro questa misura si cela l’ennesimo sgombero «senza soluzioni abitative dignitose e percorsi di integrazione», quindi l’ennesimo intervento emergenziale che produrrebbe «solo nuove forme di marginalità e ghettizzazione, senza affrontare strutturalmente il problema».

      Il dramma nei numeri: 11mila irregolari nella sola provincia di Crotone

      Tali interventi alimentano la vulnerabilità dei braccianti migranti che diventano vittime dello sfruttamento. Testimonianza che per debellare la piaga del “caporalato”, non bastano interventi in emergenza o di carattere repressivo. Un aspetto reso evidente – ma già rimosso – durante la pandemia. Le regolarizzazioni a tempo volute dall’allora ministro Teresa Bellanova misero in luce il bisogno di manodopera migrante in determinati settori, ma anche i limiti dello Stato nel riconoscere i giusti diritti a queste persone. Secondo il report finale del Ministero dell’Interno, nella provincia di Crotone le istanze presentate ai fini dell’emersione di rapporti di lavoro subordinato irregolare furono solo 109 (non tutte riferibili a braccianti agricoli). Un dato irrisorio se si considera il numero di braccianti presenti nella zona.

      I numeri reali, ancora oggi, dicono tutt’altro. Nel settimo rapporto Agromafie e caporalato, l’Osservatorio Placido Rizzotto, sulla base di dati Istat aggiornati al 2023, ha stimato che nel settore agricolo in Italia vengono impiegati oltre 872mila lavoratori (dipendenti e indipendenti). Il tasso di irregolarità ammonterebbe al 30 per cento contandosi oltre 200mila irregolari (impiegati in modo non standard, ovvero a “nero” o “grigio”), 11-12mila solo nella provincia di Crotone. La cifra ricomprende anche tra i 4 e i 5mila lavoratori e lavoratrici straniere così detti “stagionali”, che ogni anno giungono sul territorio «in occasione di fasi di lavorazione che richiedono picchi di forza lavoro».

      Sulla vicenda è intervenuta anche Libera, che ha parlato di «tragedia annunciata»: «Ancora una volta i braccianti sono vittime di un sistema che umilia, sfrutta e uccide. In tutto questo hanno facile gioco le mafie: quelle internazionali che gestiscono la tratta e quelle locali che controllano il caporalato o assoldano manodopera criminale a basso costo fra i disperati. Alla commozione di queste ore bisogna far seguire azioni vere e concrete per fare in modo che questo ennesimo sacrificio non sia stato vano. Quei quattro corpi carbonizzati devono gridare forte alle nostre coscienze, devono inchiodare alle nostre responsabilità».

      https://lavialibera.it/it-schede-2710-strage_di_caporalato_in_calabria_non_chiamiamola_tragedia

      #agriculture #fraises #travailleurs_agricoles #saisonniers

    • L’#esclavage_moderne en Italie : quatre travailleurs agricoles migrants brûlés vifs dans un véhicule utilitaire

      Le 1er juin 2026, quatre ouvriers agricoles ont péri brûlés vifs dans le sud de l’Italie, victimes d’un acte de violence sauvage et prémédité. Les victimes – Waseem Khan, 29 ans, de nationalité pakistanaise ; et trois Afghans, Amin Fazal Khogjani, 28 ans, Ullah Ismat Qiemi, 19 ans, et Safi Iayjad, 27 ans – étaient enfermés dans une fourgonette sur le parking d’une station-service de la route nationale 106 à Amendolara, petite commune de la côte ionienne de Calabre, et ont été brûlés vifs par deux chefs de gangs auprès desquels ils avaient osé réclamer leurs salaires volés.

      Le crime a été filmé par une caméra de vidéosurveillance. Deux ouvriers agricoles, identifiés et arrêtés quelques heures plus tard comme étant Safeer Ahmed et Ali Raza, tous deux de nationalité pakistanaise et désormais inculpés d’homicides aggravés multiples, auraient versé un liquide inflammable dans l’habitacle, bloqué les portes de l’extérieur pour empêcher toute fuite, jeté un briquet à l’intérieur et pris la fuite alors que la camionnette s’embrasait. Les pompiers ont retrouvé quatre corps carbonisés.

      Un cinquième passager, Taj Mohammad Alamyar, un Afghan de 35 ans, a survécu de justesse en brisant la vitre arrière et en s’extirpant du véhicule. Il a subi de graves brûlures aux mains et au bras droit. Un sixième ouvrier pu échapper à la mort uniquement parce qu’il était malade et contraint de rester chez lui ce jour-là.

      Selon le témoignage d’Alamyar, les travailleurs s’étaient vu promettre 45 € par jour pour huit heures de cueillette de fraises dans les zones d’agriculture intensive de la région. Ils n’avaient rien reçu depuis le 20 avril. Survivant avec le strict minimum et entassés à dix dans une pièce d’un logement contrôlé par leurs recruteurs, ils avaient commis le délit de réclamer leurs arriérés de salaire.

      Les enquêteurs ont également constaté que 14 autres véhicules transportant des migrants pakistanais en Calabre avaient été incendiés au cours des mois précédents, preuve d’une violente guerre criminelle pour le contrôle de la ressource la plus lucrative de l’économie agricole du sud de l’Italie : le travail forcé.

      Le système de caporalato utilise des intermédiaires criminels pour recruter des migrants vulnérables, monopoliser leurs transports et leurs logements, et les louer à des employeurs agricoles à des tarifs exorbitants. Il constitue l’épine dorsale de la filière fruits et légumes italienne. Il sert les impératifs de profit de la Grande Distribuzione Organizzata (les consortiums de grande distribution qui dominent les chaînes de supermarchés italiennes), qui compriment les prix à la production au point que le maintien d’un emploi légal devient financièrement impossible pour les exploitants agricoles.

      Le syndicat agricole FLAI-CGIL et l’Osservatorio Placido Rizzotto estiment qu’en Italie entre 400 000 et 430 000 travailleurs agricoles sont soumis au recrutement irrégulier de travail, ce qui fait d’eux des victimes potentielles ou actives du système caporalato.

      Plusieurs chercheurs de renom, parmi lesquels Letizia Palumbo, Francesco Carchedi et Jean-René Bilongo, ont largement documenté les conditions de travail forcé, de traite des êtres humains et d’esclavage moderne en Italie. Selon les données les plus récentes de l’Indice mondial de l’esclavage (2023), environ 197 000 personnes vivaient en situation d’esclavage moderne en Italie en 2021. Les syndicats et les organisations de défense des droits humains estiment que le nombre réel pourrait être bien plus élevé.

      Alamyar a témoigné que les truands-recruteurs menaçaient les travailleurs avec des armes à feu et des couteaux pour les contraindre à travailler dans les champs. Le détournement des salaires est si bien organisé que les caporali accompagnent systématiquement les travailleurs directement aux distributeurs automatiques pour récupérer physiquement l’argent versé sur les bulletins de paie officiels, ne laissant aucune trace écrite tout en leur soutirant jusqu’au dernier euro de leur labeur.

      Les quatre victimes décédées, ainsi que le survivant, étaient titulaires de permis de séjour italiens en règle et résidaient dans le pays depuis des années sans casier judiciaire. Ils étaient employés au noir, exploités jusqu’à l’usure et furent brûlés vifs lorsqu’ils ont réclamé ce qui leur était dû.

      La Première ministre Giorgia Meloni, la politicienne fasciste à la tête du gouvernement italien depuis trois ans et demi, qui a systématiquement ciblé les immigrés et fait grimper le taux d’extrême pauvreté au niveau record de 9,8 pour cent, a publié un communiqué condamnant ce « meurtre horrible » et promis que justice soit faite. La ministre du Travail, Marina Calderone, a qualifié cet épisode d’« inacceptable ».

      Mais c’est Meloni qui a considérablement aggravé les conditions dans lesquelles ce travail forcé s’exerce. Elle a fortement restreint les procédures d’asile, renforcé les contrôles aux frontières et réduit les dispositifs de protection sociale.

      Son décret Cutro de 2023 a aboli les permis de protection spéciale, supprimé les programmes d’intégration et créé de toutes pièces une classe de travailleurs isolés et juridiquement précaires, précisément ceux qui finissent par tomber entre les mains des caporali. La menace de perdre son statut légal constitue le piège disciplinaire du système : dénoncer le vol de salaire ou l’abus entraîne la perte de l’emploi, l’irrégularité administrative et l’expulsion.

      De l’autre côté de l’hémicycle parlementaire, Elly Schlein, du Parti démocrate, a annoncé sa participation à une manifestation organisée par FLAI-CGIL sur le lieu des meurtres. La porte-parole du PD, Camilla Laureti, a déclaré que cette tragédie avait « profondément marqué la République démocratique tout entière ».

      Le Parti démocrate a sa part de responsabilité dans le cadre juridique qui engendre ces conditions. Le décret Minniti-Orlando de 2017 a supprimé les recours en deuxième instance pour les demandeurs d’asile et a été le premier à criminaliser les ONG de sauvetage en Méditerranée. La loi Bossi-Fini de 2002, qui lie directement les permis de séjour aux contrats de travail valides, n’a jamais été abrogée par aucun gouvernement italien, qu’il soit de centre-gauche ou de droite.

      Le massacre d’Amendolara s’est produit quelques jours avant un tournant décisif dans la politique migratoire européenne. Le 12 juin, le nouveau régime d’asile européen commun et le règlement de l’UE sur le retour, sont entrés en vigueur simultanément. Ce règlement a été élaboré en étroite collaboration entre le Parti populaire européen (PPE), parti conservateur, et trois groupes parlementaires d’extrême droites néofascistes, marquant ainsi l’effondrement effectif de la prétendue barrière séparant le conservatisme traditionnel de l’extrême droite.

      Les refus d’asile prononcés par tout État membre de l’UE, y compris par des gouvernements très restrictifs comme la Pologne ou la Hongrie, seront automatiquement reconnus dans tout l’espace Schengen, sans possibilité de recours interne. Les migrants, y compris les familles avec enfants, peuvent être détenus jusqu’à 30 mois. La création de centres de rétention extraterritoriaux dans des pays comme le Rwanda, la Libye et la Mauritanie est envisagée, ainsi que le renforcement des pouvoirs de police et la baisse des aides sociales afin de forcer les migrants à accepter leur expulsion.

      Le modèle de cette offensive n’est pas nouveau. Aux États-Unis, l’administration Trump a mis en place un système de détention et d’expulsion massives, véritable goulag intérieur, ciblant, comme en Italie, des travailleurs entrés en situation régulière, et déployant des agents de l’ICE (police de l’immigration) lourdement armés et non masqués, qui mènent des descentes sans mandat sur les lieux de travail.

      À l’instar de l’UE, Washington offre aux employeurs un moyen efficace d’imposer la discipline au travail et de réprimer toute résistance collective en maintenant des millions de migrants dans une situation d’incertitude juridique permanente. Le Parti démocrate, qui a largement contribué à la mise en place de l’infrastructure d’expulsion dont Trump dispose aujourd’hui, joue un rôle similaire à celui du Parti démocrate italien, versant parfois des larmes hypocrites sur les conséquences qu’il a lui-même engendrées.

      Ces mesures aggravent et institutionnalisent la vulnérabilité des travailleurs migrants déjà pris au piège du système de caporalato. Lorsque l’État capitaliste traite les migrants en hors-la-loi passibles de détention et d’expulsion arbitraires, il adresse un message clair aux organisations criminelles et aux patrons-exploiteurs qui dépendent de leur travail : ces travailleurs peuvent être maltraités, volés et tués en toute impunité. L’horrifiant assassinat de ces quatre travailleurs s’inscrit dans la violence structurelle du régime frontalier de l’UE, comme la guerre contre les migrants menée outre-Atlantique.

      Dès lors qu’une partie de la société est privée de ses droits démocratiques, ce précédent s’étend à d’autres : les jeunes qui s’opposent au militarisme, les travailleurs qui résistent aux licenciements et aux baisses de salaires, les locataires qui luttent contre la flambée des loyers. La privation des droits civiques des migrants sert de terrain d’expérimentation pour des attaques plus larges contre toute la classe ouvrière, tandis que les élites dirigeantes européennes se préparent à une intensification des conflits sociaux.

      Les meurtres d’Amendolara sont l’aboutissement logique d’une économie politique qui a systématiquement transformé des êtres humains en objets jetables, produit non seulement de la brutalité individuelle, mais aussi de décennies de législation bipartite à Rome, Bruxelles et Washington, conçue pour maximiser au service des profits la vulnérabilité et le caractère jetable de la main-d’œuvre immigrée.

      La classe ouvrière ne peut se tourner vers un pouvoir politique qui s’indigne de tels crimes tout en créant les conditions qui les rendent possibles, de même que la guerre, le génocide et l’attaque des droits démocratiques. Ce qu’il faut c’est développer un mouvement socialiste international unissant travailleurs migrants et travailleurs autochtones dans une lutte commune. Ce mouvement doit défendre les pleins droits politiques et sociaux pour tous, sans distinction de statut migratoire. Il doit remettre en cause le système capitaliste même, dont les frontières, les régimes de travail et l’exploitation motivée par le profit sont la source de ces abus.

      https://www.wsws.org/fr/articles/2026/06/10/kapl-j10.html

  • Zoll und Polizei durchsuchen versiffte Küche : Indische Köche schliefen auf der Arbeitsstelle
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/article/zoll-und-polizei-durchsuchen-versiffte-grosskueche-in-kreuzberg-100

    A Berlin les chaînes de restaurants indiens pratiquent l’exploitation extrême et servent des plats malsains. La législation allemande pour les visas de travail fait fleurir toute sorte d’abus dans tous les secteurs économiques. Conclusion : regardez bien où vous mangez et buvez et n’utilisez surtout pas les Uber.

    4.6.2026 von Andreas Kopietz - Polizei und andere Behörden ermitteln wegen Ausbeutung. Inder wurden unter Mindestlohn bezahlt und schliefen in Kellerräumen von Restaurants.

    Beamte von Zoll und Polizei haben in Kreuzberg eine Großküche durchsucht. Dort haben Menschen aus Indien nicht nur gekocht, sondern auch unter unzumutbaren Bedingungen gewohnt. Hintergrund der Durchsuchung ist ein seit Juni 2023 laufendes Ermittlungsverfahren wegen Menschenhandels zum Zweck der Ausbeutung, das die Staatsanwaltschaft Berlin führt.

    Acht Beschuldigte im Alter von 36 bis 66 Jahren stehen im Verdacht, seit mindestens 2021 indische Spezialitätenköche angeworben und diese nach ihrer Einreise nach Deutschland über Jahre hinweg ausgebeutet zu haben.

    Foto
    Gemüsebällchen mit Hühnerkeule: Die Lebensmittel waren nicht abgedeckt, sodass die Hühnerkeule Gefrierbrand hat. Die Bällchen sind verschmutzt. Alles wird entsorgt. © Polizei Berlin

    Die Ermittlungen des Landeskriminalamtes und des Hauptzollamtes ergaben, dass den Betroffenen nach ihrer Ankunft teilweise die Ausweise abgenommen wurden, um Abhängigkeiten zu schaffen. Zudem sollen sie in Berliner Restaurants regelmäßig über die vereinbarte Arbeitszeit hinaus bis zu 13 Stunden täglich gearbeitet haben. Der Lohn, den sie bekamen, lag den Ermittlungen zufolge teilweise bis zu 75 Prozent unter dem gesetzlichen Mindestlohn. In einzelnen Fällen blieben Lohnzahlungen ganz aus.

    Die meist aus Indien stammenden Arbeitnehmer waren laut Polizei unter menschenunwürdigen Bedingungen in überbelegten Unterkünften oder in Kellerräumen von Restaurants untergebracht. Nach dem bisherigen Ermittlungsstand bedienten sich die Beschuldigten zur Verschleierung der Tatbegehung eines konspirativen Geflechts verschiedener Betreibergesellschaften. Außerdem haben die Behörden den Verdacht, dass Sozialversicherungsbeiträge in erheblichem Umfang nicht ordnungsgemäß abgeführt wurden.
    Schimmelige Wände und gravierende hygienische Mängel

    Der Einsatz, der am Mittwoch um 6 Uhr begann, wurde von der Gemeinsamen Ermittlungsgruppe Arbeitsausbeutung des Hauptzollamtes Berlin und des Landeskriminalamtes geführt. Beteiligt waren auch das bezirkliche Ordnungsamt, die Lebensmittelaufsicht und die Bauaufsicht. Die Küche, die durchsucht wurde, belieferte indische Restaurants mit vorgekochten Speisen.

    In der Küche trafen die Kontrolleure vier aus Indien stammende Männer an, die dort auch geschlafen hatten. Die Wände des Lagers, wo Mitarbeiter auf Matratzen schliefen, waren nach Auskunft von Ermittlern großflächig von Schimmel befallen.

    Die Lebensmittelaufsicht stellte in den Räumen teils gravierende hygienische Mängel fest. Darunter waren unsachgemäß gelagertes Fleisch und Gemüse. Die Kontrolleure entsorgten zudem mehrere große Kübel mit bereits zubereiteten Soßen, die bei falschen Temperaturen gelagert waren.

    Arbeitsbedingungen haben sich weiter verschlechtert

    Darüber hinaus stellten sie erhebliche Missstände beim Brandschutz fest. So waren Flucht- und Rettungswege blockiert. Das Bauamt ordnete deshalb die sofortige Schließung des Objekts an. Die angetroffenen ausgebeuteten Arbeiter bekamen von den Zoll- und Polizeibeamten englischsprachige Flyer mit Informationen über Hilfsangebote überreicht.

    Foto
    Die Kontrolleure stellten diverse offene Behälter mit Zutaten fest, die bei Temperaturen gelagert wurden, bei denen sich die Keime besonders gut entwickeln. © Polizei Berlin

    Zeitgleich durchsuchte die Polizei neben der Großküche drei Wohnungen von Beschuldigten in Kreuzberg, Friedrichshain und Mitte. Dort stellten die Beamten unter anderem Mobiltelefone und Geschäftsunterlagen wie Lohnjournale von Arbeitnehmern sicher.

    Bereits im Frühjahr 2024 waren in diesem Ermittlungsverfahren zahlreiche Durchsuchungsbeschlüsse in Berlin und Brandenburg vollstreckt worden. Dabei ergaben sich nach Angaben der Polizei neue Erkenntnisse, wonach weiterhin indische Spezialitätenköche unter ausbeuterischen Bedingungen beschäftigt worden sein sollen. Nach dem bisherigen Stand der Ermittlungen haben sich laut Polizei die Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen der Betroffenen seit dem Frühjahr 2024 sogar weiter verschlechtert.

    #Allemagne #Berlin #immigration #exploitation #libéralisme #restaurants #gastronomie #tourisme

  • „Wir waren die Undermodels“ : Von stetem Hunger, Knebelverträgen und mächtigen Männern
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/article/ich-fuehlte-mich-diesen-geschichten-ueber-epstein-erschreckend-nah-

    Le prolétsriat des mannequins a toujours été exposé aux dangers que représentent les riches et leurs associés. L’univers de la mode sous le capitalisme structure les relations sociales et de ppuvoir. Un témoignage.

    2.6.2026 von Anaís Furtado - Eine Doku über Jeffrey Epstein bringt unsere Autorin dazu, ihre Erinnerungen an ihr Leben als Model in Worte zu fassen.

    Dies ist ein Open-Source-Beitrag. Die Berliner Zeitung und die Ostdeutsche Allgemeine geben allen Interessierten die Möglichkeit, Texte mit inhaltlicher Relevanz und professionellen Qualitätsstandards anzubieten.

    Der Moment, in dem ich beschloss, mit dieser Geschichte anzufangen, kam beim Schauen einer Dokumentation über Jeffrey Epstein auf Netflix – dreißig Jahre nach meinem Debüt als Model. Ich fühlte mich diesen Geschichten erschreckend nah. Den Partys voller mächtiger Männer. Der Atmosphäre aus Reichtum und Verfügbarkeit. Und ich erinnerte mich daran, wie sehr mich all das damals bereits gelangweilt hatte.

    Dann erschien plötzlich das Gesicht einer Frau auf dem Bildschirm. Ich kannte sie. War sie nicht ein Model aus meiner Zeit in Japan gewesen? Ich begann, in meinen Erinnerungen zu suchen. Ich habe ein fotografisches Gedächtnis für Gesichter. Ein Bild nach dem anderen tauchte auf, bis ich schließlich bei einer ganz bestimmten Erinnerung ankam: ein Foto aus dem Jahr 2000. Fünf Mädchen in einem Van in Tokio auf dem Weg zu Castings. Alle jung. Das ganze Leben vor uns. Zwei Jahre später arbeitete eines dieser Mädchen für Jeffrey Epstein.

    Sie war jünger als ich und kam aus Polen. Ihren Namen kenne ich heute aus den Medien. Damals war sie nicht meine Freundin, nur eine Kollegin. Meine engste Freundin in dieser Saison war meine russische Roommate Olga.

    Wir Mädchen von Zucca verbrachten ganze Tage zusammen in Vans, unterwegs zu Castings quer durch Tokio – sofern wir nicht gerade arbeiteten. Ich war die neunzehnjährige „Erfahrene“ bei der Agentur Zucca – eines der brasilianischen Mädchen, älter als die anderen. Kurz davor, einen der begehrtesten Jobs in Japan zu bekommen: die Chanel-Tour. Der Job, der mir den Umzug nach Deutschland ermöglichen würde.

    Schön und dünn wie Kate Moss

    All diese Mädchen gingen später ihren eigenen Weg. Manche verschwanden einfach. Was hatte mich davor bewahrt, ihren Weg zu gehen? Vielleicht trennten uns nur wenige Jahre. Vielleicht eine andere Art von Hunger.

    Zwischen 1996 und 2002 reiste ich als Model um die Welt. Ich war gerade fünfzehn geworden, als ich zum ersten Mal nach Japan flog – mit meiner Mutter und einem Vertrag bei Elite Japan in Tokio. Danach wollte ich nur noch alleine reisen. Frei sein. Meine eigenen Entscheidungen treffen. Ich wollte berühmt werden wie Gisele Bündchen, schön und dünn sein wie Kate Moss. Die Modewelt öffnete ihre Arme – und ich sprang hinein.

    Foto
    Ausschnitt aus einem Modelvertrag, Tokio 2000 © Anais Ferreira Furtado

    Insgesamt arbeitete ich vierzehn Saisons in Japan – zwischen den Neunziger- und Nullerjahren. Fast drei Jahre meiner Teenagerzeit verbrachte ich dort: in fragmentierten Monaten zwischen Vans, Model-Apartments, Hotels und Partys. Wir waren keine Topmodels. Wir waren die unsichtbaren Models. Die Undermodels. Schönheitsarbeiterinnen einer globalen Industrie im letzten Glanz des japanischen Wirtschaftsbooms.

    Um das Jahr 2001, kurz nach dieser Tokio-Reise, wollte ich mit dem Modeln aufhören. Ich hatte elektronische Musik und Raves entdeckt – eine andere Welt, die mich faszinierte und zugleich betäubte. Also stürzte ich mich in eine andere Form von Oberflächlichkeit und glaubte, dort würde alles anders funktionieren. Tat es nicht.

    Foto
    Maßband aus einem 100-Yen-Shop in Japan. Bis heute in der Schublade unserer Autorin. © Anais Ferreira Furtado
    Die ewige Suche nach Bestätigung

    Trotz meiner wachsenden Abneigung gegen die Fashion-Szene flog ich weiter nach Japan. Bis ich mit zweiundzwanzig bei einem Casting in Tokio als „zu alt“ bezeichnet wurde. „Are you tired?“ „No“, sagte ich. „This is my face.“

    In diesem Moment begriff ich, dass ich zu alt geworden war, um all das noch lächelnd auszuhalten. Dreißig Jahre nach meinem Einstieg beim „Elite Model Look“ in Brasilien beginnt für mich die Aufarbeitung dieser Zeit: Schuldgefühle beim Essen. Der permanente Vergleich mit anderen. Die ewige Suche nach Bestätigung. Ich machte mir damals pausenlos Gedanken darüber, wie ich aussah. Bauch immer eingezogen. Entspannen konnte ich mich nie.

    Jahrelang halfen Zigaretten, Alkohol und Partys dabei, meinen Körper irgendwie am Funktionieren zu halten. „Rauchen macht dünner“, sagten wir und logen uns gegenseitig an. Wie hätte ich meinen Körper genießen können bei der ständigen Sorge, ob ich dünn genug aussah?

    Wir waren austauschbar. Zwei Zentimeter mehr – und der Vertrag wäre gecancelt worden. Also weiter hungern. Das Maßband aus dem 100-Yen-Shop liegt noch heute in meiner Schublade.
    Eine kleine Kollektion schöner Model-Freunde

    Was mich damals vielleicht davor bewahrte, zum Schönheitsobjekt eines mächtigen Mannes zu werden, war meine Gleichgültigkeit gegenüber Reichtum. Ich wollte nicht reich geheiratet werden. Ich wollte begehrt werden. Ich wollte reisen. Abenteuer erleben. Berühmt werden. Und vor allem wollte ich einen schönen Model-Freund haben. Genau das war als Teenager mein Ziel, genährt von all den Zeitschriften, die ich verschlang.

    Ich hatte eine kleine Kollektion schöner Model-Freunde. „VIP, VIP, eh eh, VIP – hoy tengo uno, mañana otro.“ Irgendwann verstand ich: Schönheit allein macht mich nicht glücklich.

    Vielleicht war es genau diese Naivität, diese Fixierung auf Schönheit selbst, die mich vor den mächtigen Männern bewahrte, die ständig um uns herumkreisten. Ich wurde unzählige Male eingeladen. Ich hätte auf all diesen Partys sein können – auf der Suche nach einer reichen Beute und gleichzeitig selbst zur Beute geworden. Aber ich wollte nicht.

    Anaís Furtado kam im Jahr 2000 aus Brasilien nach Deutschland. Nach vielen Jahren in der internationalen Modebranche studierte sie Kulturwissenschaften und Interdisziplinäre Lateinamerikastudien. Heute arbeitet sie als freischaffende Künstlerin und Projektkoordinatorin in der Stadtteilarbeit in Berlin. In ihrer Arbeit verbindet sie persönliche Erfahrungen mit Fragen von Migration, Macht und Zugehörigkeit und beschäftigt sich mit den Spannungen zwischen individuellem Erleben und gesellschaftlichen Narrativen.

    #exploitation #femmes #mode #abus_sexiel #mode

  • Tribune : Ce que devient la #recherche quand elle doit se vendre

    Ce matin, en ouvrant ma boîte mail, j’ai revu une partie de ma vie défiler. Ce qui, à mon âge, commence à prendre un certain temps et nécessite parfois une chaise. Le message m’invitait à « déposer » un projet au Fonds de la Recherche en Haute École (FRHE). Le verbe est important. On ne propose pas un projet. On ne partage pas une idée. On ne confie pas une intuition fragile à la communauté scientifique. Non : on la « dépose ». Comme on dépose un colis, une plainte, un enfant à la garderie ou un animal malade chez le vétérinaire en espérant qu’il revienne vivant.

    J’ai donc relu le mail. Puis je l’ai relu encore, avec cette forme particulière d’attention que l’on réserve aux convocations administratives, aux résultats médicaux et aux messages commençant par « dans le cadre de la rationalisation de nos services ». Et là, une certitude m’est revenue : j’avais quitté la #recherche_académique il y a près de quinze ans non pas par accident, ni par paresse, ni parce que je préférais enfin dormir la nuit, mais par instinct de survie.

    Car être chercheur, au départ, c’est magnifique. C’est se tenir devant le monde avec la #stupéfaction d’un enfant qui démonte un réveil pour comprendre #pourquoi le temps fait du bruit. C’est poser des #questions là où tout le monde s’est habitué à répondre par des PowerPoint. C’est observer, douter, recommencer, se tromper, lire trop, boire trop de café, puis trouver parfois une petite chose vraie au milieu d’un grand tas de choses prétentieuses.

    La recherche, dans sa version primitive, presque sauvage, consiste à dire : « Je ne comprends pas, donc je vais chercher. » La recherche académique contemporaine consiste plus souvent à dire : « Je ne comprends pas encore, mais je peux déjà remplir la case 12B relative aux livrables transférables et aux indicateurs d’impact transversal. » C’est moins romantique, mais ça rentre mieux dans un tableur Excel.

    Et c’est là que le #pouvoir_politique intervient. Non pas pour dire aux chercheurs : « Allez, secouez-nous cette société, critiquez-nous, montrez-nous ce qui cloche, aidez-nous à inventer autre chose. » Ce serait dangereux. Des chercheurs qui cherchent vraiment finissent toujours par poser des questions désagréables. Pourquoi les pauvres sont-ils pauvres ? Pourquoi les riches sont-ils riches ? Pourquoi l’école reproduit-elle ce qu’elle prétend combattre ? Pourquoi l’innovation ressemble-t-elle si souvent à une machine à vendre des objets inutiles avec une application mobile ?

    Non. Le pouvoir politique préfère une recherche bien élevée. Une recherche coiffée, budgétée, évaluée, classée, managée. Une recherche qui dit « #impact_sociétal » avant même d’avoir eu le temps d’émettre une #pensée. Une recherche qui, comme un produit bien emballé, promet à l’avance qu’elle sera utile, rentable, transférable, valorisable, visible, durable, inclusive, innovante, interdisciplinaire et probablement biodégradable. Le tout pour une enveloppe qui permet de financer quelques projets et d’en laisser beaucoup d’autres sur le carreau.

    Lors de l’appel FRHE 2024, 37 projets éligibles ont été soumis et 9 ont été sélectionnés, soit environ un projet sur quatre. C’est un système qui demande à des équipes entières de consacrer des semaines, parfois des mois, à construire une cathédrale administrative dont les trois quarts finiront au cimetière des PDF. Il faut être banquier pour y voir une #politique_scientifique. Un terme plus approprié pourrait être « machine à trier les vocations » : quelques-unes ressortent financées, les autres apprennent à appeler leur découragement « résilience ».

    Le chercheur enthousiaste commence par lire le règlement. C’est son premier test. S’il survit, il découvre qu’il doit formuler une question de recherche, constituer un consortium, prévoir un calendrier, détailler les lots de travail, anticiper les résultats, décrire les risques, montrer l’impact, prouver la faisabilité, quantifier l’innovation, expliquer la dissémination, prévoir la valorisation, intégrer le genre, les objectifs de développement durable, la transition numérique, la transition écologique, la transition énergétique, la transition administrative et, si possible, la transition vers un état psychique compatible avec la poursuite de son existence.

    Ensuite vient l’#évaluation. Là aussi, tout est prévu pour rassurer. Votre projet ne sera pas abandonné à l’arbitraire d’une seule personne mal lunée ayant mal dormi dans un hôtel Ibis avant de lire votre résumé. Non. Il sera examiné par plusieurs experts, avec des critères pondérés. Pour le FRHE 2025-2026, les critères annoncés étaient par exemple la qualité scientifique, l’impact sociétal potentiel et la qualité de mise en œuvre, respectivement pondérés à 60 %, 30 % et 10 %. C’est beau, la pondération. Ça donne à l’injustice éventuelle une allure de recette de cake. Vous avez donc deux experts scientifiques. S’ils ne sont pas d’accord, on en ajoute un troisième, ce qui rappelle cette grande vérité démocratique : quand deux personnes ne suffisent pas à produire une décision discutable, il faut en trouver une troisième.

    Puis arrive le moment merveilleux de l’impact. L’impact, c’est l’avenir radieux de la recherche. Avant, on demandait à une recherche si elle était juste, rigoureuse, originale. Aujourd’hui, on lui demande si elle va avoir de l’impact, comme une campagne de publicité pour une lessive, une trottinette connectée ou une nouvelle gamme de yaourts au bifidus. Votre projet étudie les inégalités scolaires ? Très bien. Quel impact ? Votre projet analyse les violences institutionnelles ? Très bien. Quel impact ? Votre projet montre que l’obsession de l’impact détruit les conditions mêmes d’une pensée critique ? Très intéressant. Mais pourriez-vous préciser l’impact de votre critique de l’impact, idéalement sous forme d’indicateurs mesurables ?

    Et puis, au bout de la chaîne, il y a le #gouvernement. C’est lui qui sélectionne finalement les projets financés. Il faut reconnaître que c’est pratique. Si votre recherche risque d’être trop critique envers le #pouvoir, elle pourra toujours produire un effet mesurable : non pas sur la société, bien sûr, ni sur les politiques publiques ou sur votre compte bancaire, mais sur votre niveau de désillusion institutionnelle. Ce n’est pas exactement un indicateur d’impact, mais il a l’avantage d’être robuste. On me dira : « Mais enfin, tu exagères. Il faut bien évaluer. Il faut bien choisir. L’argent public n’est pas infini. » Bien sûr. C’est même précisément le problème : on organise la #rareté, puis on appelle « #excellence » la capacité à survivre dedans. On affame un secteur, puis on félicite les plus musclés d’avoir réussi à ramper jusqu’à la gamelle.

    Apparaît alors la figure centrale de la recherche contemporaine : celle du bon chercheur, reconnaissable à la taille de son H-index. Jadis, les savants avaient des idées, des controverses, des correspondances, parfois des barbes. Aujourd’hui, ils ont des #indicateurs. Le #H-index est cette merveilleuse invention qui permet de donner une #apparence_scientifique à une vieille passion humaine : comparer la taille de ses attributs symboliques en prétendant parler d’excellence.

    La communauté scientifique elle-même sait pourtant que ces métriques posent problème. La #Déclaration_de_San_Francisco_sur_l’évaluation_de_la_recherche#DORA — appelle à améliorer les façons d’évaluer la #production_scientifique et critique notamment l’usage abusif des #indicateurs_bibliométriques dans les décisions d’évaluation. Mais c’est comme les recommandations nutritionnelles : tout le monde sait qu’il faut manger moins gras, moins sucré, moins salé, et pourtant la frite sauce andalouse continue d’avoir un avenir institutionnel solide.

    Quand un chercheur devient vraiment « bon », c’est-à-dire quand ses indicateurs atteignent une taille socialement enviable, il est promu. Et quand il est promu, souvent, il ne cherche plus. Il coordonne, pilote, supervise. Il rédige des projets permettant d’obtenir l’argent qui permettra d’engager des chercheurs précaires qui, eux, chercheront vraiment, publieront vraiment, s’épuiseront vraiment, et contribueront discrètement à l’élargissement de l’attribut du chef.

    Le chercheur précaire devient alors une sorte de complément alimentaire pour carrière académique. On le recrute pour deux ans, parfois trois, le temps qu’il produise des données, des articles, des rapports intermédiaires, des rapports finaux, des communications, des annexes, des preuves d’impact, puis on lui explique avec beaucoup d’émotion que son contrat touche à sa fin, mais que son travail a été très apprécié. Et c’est bien vrai. Son travail a été tellement apprécié qu’il est désormais dans le CV de quelqu’un d’autre.

    Je force le trait ? À peine. La #précarité académique est devenue un sujet de recherche en soi. Admirez plutôt : le système produit de la précarité, puis finance des recherches précaires sur la précarité des chercheurs. Des articles récents parlent même du #precarity_dividend (prime à la précarité), le bénéfice que certains acteurs plus stables peuvent tirer du travail des chercheurs précaires. C’est la version universitaire de la spéculation boursière : on mise sur l’#exploitation à bas coût de travailleurs précaires pour gonfler son portefeuille de publications, puis on liquide l’humain dès que le dividende est encaissé.

    Et maintenant, voilà que les Hautes Écoles sont invitées à entrer pleinement dans cette grande fête. Elles aussi doivent devenir des actrices de la recherche, de l’innovation, du développement, du rayonnement, de la compétitivité, de l’écosystème. Elles aussi doivent parler la langue merveilleuse des appels à projets, des livrables, des partenariats stratégiques, de la valorisation, des objectifs transversaux et de l’impact sociétal potentiel.

    Je ne nie pas qu’il existe de beaux projets, des collègues sincères, des recherches utiles, des équipes courageuses. Bien sûr qu’il y en a, et c’est même ce qui rend la situation plus triste. Ce système fonctionne parce qu’il capture des désirs authentiques : celui de découvrir, de comprendre, d’agir, de faire mieux. Mais ces désirs, au lieu d’être soutenus, sont dévoyés pour exacerber la #compétition de chacun contre tous. On ne demande pas aux chercheurs de chercher. On leur dit :

    « Convainquez-nous que vous méritez peut-être d’avoir le droit de chercher, à condition de prouver avant de commencer que ce que vous n’avez pas encore trouvé produira des résultats mesurables dans les vingt-quatre mois. »

    La scène est presque belle, si l’on aime l’absurde. Pour avoir le droit de chercher, il faut d’abord expliquer ce que l’on va trouver. Pour avoir le droit de découvrir, il faut prédire la découverte. Pour avoir le droit de #douter, il faut remplir une grille dans laquelle le doute n’apparaît nulle part.

    Alors oui, cher·es collègues enthousiastes, déposez des projets si vous le voulez. Faites-le même, parfois, parce qu’il faut bien arracher quelques moyens là où ils se trouvent. Mais ne confondez pas le guichet avec la recherche. Ne confondez pas l’appel à projets avec l’appel du large. Ne confondez pas le formulaire avec la pensée. Le danger n’est pas seulement que quelques projets soient refusés. Le danger est plus discret, plus profond, plus quotidien : c’est que nous finissions par intérioriser cette logique. Que nous apprenions à nous vendre avant de penser. À calibrer nos questions avant de les poser. À traduire nos colères en livrables, nos doutes en indicateurs, nos intuitions en diagrammes de Gantt.

    Ce matin, en refermant ce mail, je me suis souvenu de la lettre de démission d’Annick Stevens que j’avais lue à la fin de ma thèse comme on lit un avertissement. Elle y décrivait une université renonçant peu à peu à sa fonction critique, absorbée par l’économisme, la concurrence et les standards productivistes. Je croyais alors lire le témoignage d’un monde que j’étais en train de quitter. Près de quinze ans plus tard, je comprends que je lisais peut-être la brochure d’accueil du monde qui arrivait.

    Les Hautes Écoles aussi ont désormais leur vocabulaire de start-up, leur arobase pour faire moderne et probablement bientôt leur baby-foot stratégique. On nous dira que c’est le progrès. Que c’est une reconnaissance. Que c’est une chance. Mais une chance de quoi ? De chercher vraiment ? Ou d’apprendre à promettre, à calibrer, à séduire, à convertir nos questions en dossiers recevables ?

    Si la recherche sert encore à quelque chose, c’est peut-être d’abord à refuser les évidences trop bien emballées. Et celle-ci en particulier : ce n’est pas parce qu’un système finance quelques recherches qu’il la soutient. Parfois, il l’organise simplement de manière à ce qu’elle ne dérange pas trop.

    – Un lecteur

    https://mrmondialisation.org/tribune-recherche-se-vendre
    #projets #appels_à_projets #financement #ESR #université

  • Der nächste KI-Angriff : ChatGPT verbindet sich mit Banken ChatGPT verbindet sich jetzt mit Banken
    https://www.business-punk.com/business/der-naechste-ki-angriff-chatgpt-verbindet-sich-mit-banken/?xing_share=news

    L’IA suit la règle d’or du capitalisme moderne : si tu ne peux pas conquérir des terres inconnues, tu dois t’introduire dans les parties intimes afin de les commercialiser. Ceci dit ChatGPT s’en prend à ton épagne, les autres n’ont qu’à se rhabiller et faire la queue pour l’aumône chez les bienfaiteurs des démunis. Voici la fin du monde petit bourgeois comme nous le connaissons.

    18.5.2026 von Günther Suchy - OpenAI dreht am Regler und macht ChatGPT jetzt zu einem digitalen Finanzberater mit Zugang zu Bankkontodaten. Wer das Pro-Abo hat, kann seine Konten verbinden und sich von der KI analysieren lassen, warum am Monatsende plötzlich wieder Ebbe herrscht. Möglich macht das eine Partnerschaft mit Plaid, einem der größten Finanzdaten-Netzwerke der USA. Damit wird aus dem Chatbot eine Maschine, die tiefe Einblicke in die Finanzen ihrer Nutzer bekommt – OpenAI betont, dies diene der besseren Beratung.

    Die KI will jetzt deine Finanzen kennen

    Bisher beantwortete ChatGPT Fragen über Politik, Filme oder kaputte Beziehungen. Jetzt geht OpenAI den nächsten Schritt und schiebt die KI direkt zwischen Girokonto, Kreditkarte und Aktiendepot. US-Pro-Nutzer können ab sofort ihre Finanzkonten mit ChatGPT verbinden und dem Bot Fragen stellen wie: „Warum gebe ich plötzlich so viel Geld aus?“ oder „Wie schaffe ich es, in fünf Jahren ein Haus zu kaufen?“ Die neue Finanzfunktion läuft zunächst nur in den USA und vorerst exklusiv für Pro-Abonnenten. Verbunden werden können laut OpenAI mehr als 12.000 Banken und Finanzdienstleister – darunter Chase, Fidelity, Robinhood, American Express oder Capital One. Wer seine Daten freigibt, bekommt danach ein Dashboard mit Ausgaben, Abos, Depotentwicklung und anstehenden Zahlungen serviert.
    Plaid wird zur Datenautobahn

    Damit die Konten überhaupt angebunden werden können, arbeitet OpenAI mit Plaid zusammen. Das Unternehmen ist in den USA längst die unsichtbare Infrastruktur hinter vielen Finanz-Apps. Plaid verbindet Banken mit Apps – und jetzt eben auch mit ChatGPT. Die Botschaft dahinter ist klar: OpenAI will nicht mehr nur Antworten liefern, sondern zum persönlichen Kontrollzentrum des digitalen Lebens werden. Erst Texte. Dann Bilder. Dann Gesundheit. Jetzt Geld.

    Vom Chatbot zum Finanzberater

    Der Zeitpunkt kommt wenig überraschend. Erst vor wenigen Wochen kaufte OpenAI das Team hinter dem Finanz-Startup Hiro. Die Crew war auf persönliche Finanzplanung spezialisiert und wurde von bekannten Investoren aus dem Silicon-Valley-Universum unterstützt. Jetzt landet das Know-how direkt im Maschinenraum von ChatGPT. OpenAI gibt an, bereits über 200 Millionen Nutzer würden jeden Monat Finanzfragen an die KI stellen. Mit GPT-5.5 soll das System jetzt besser darin geworden sein, komplexe finanzielle Zusammenhänge zu verstehen und langfristige Planungen zu erstellen. Klingt praktisch. Klingt aber auch ein bisschen so, als würde man seinem Taschenrechner plötzlich seine komplette Existenz anvertrauen.
    Die totale Analyse-Maschine

    Die neuen Funktionen gehen deutlich weiter als einfache Budget-Apps. ChatGPT soll Muster erkennen, Ausgaben analysieren und finanzielle Prognosen liefern. OpenAI plant außerdem eine Integration mit Intuit, wodurch die KI künftig sogar Steuerfolgen von Aktienverkäufen oder Chancen auf Kreditgenehmigungen berechnen könnte. Damit bewegt sich der Konzern immer tiefer in Bereiche, die früher Banken, Steuerberatern oder Vermögensverwaltern gehörten. Der Unterschied: Statt grauem Büroflur gibt es jetzt lockere Chatfenster und freundliche KI-Antworten.
    Datenschutz? Irgendwo zwischen Komfort und Kontrollverlust

    OpenAI betont, Nutzer könnten ihre Konten jederzeit wieder entfernen. Nach dem Trennen sollen die synchronisierten Finanzdaten innerhalb von 30 Tagen gelöscht werden. Außerdem lassen sich gespeicherte Finanz-Erinnerungen manuell entfernen. Trotzdem bleibt ein mulmiges Gefühl. Denn je mehr persönliche Daten Nutzer freiwillig an KI-Systeme geben, desto größer wird die Abhängigkeit von Konzernen, die längst nicht mehr nur Software bauen, sondern digitale Lebensbegleiter.

    Der nächste große Angriff auf den Alltag

    Die Richtung ist eindeutig: KI-Unternehmen drängen immer aggressiver in sensible Lebensbereiche vor. Nach Gesundheits-Tools und KI-Assistenten für medizinische Fragen folgt jetzt der Schritt zu persönlichen Finanzen. Auch Konkurrenten wie Anthropic oder Perplexity experimentieren bereits mit spezialisierten Finanz- und Recherchefunktionen. OpenAI verkauft das Ganze als Komfort-Revolution. Kritiker sehen darin eher den nächsten Schritt Richtung Totalintegration der KI in den Alltag. Der Chatbot wird damit endgültig vom netten Textgenerator zur allwissenden Kontrollzentrale. Und viele Nutzer klicken vermutlich trotzdem einfach auf „Konten verbinden“.

    #exploitation #lutte_des_classes #intelligence_artificielle

  • #celia_izoard participera à la soirée sur l’extractivisme organisée jeudi 21 mai à #saint-rivoal
    https://splann.org/celia-izoard-saint-rivoal

    La Baraque recevra Celia Izoard, ce jeudi, à Saint-Rivoal, dans les #monts_d'arrée. Lors de cette soirée consacrée à l’extractivisme, l’autrice de « La Ruée minière au XXIe siècle » (Seuil, 2024) reviendra sur l’enquête qu’elle signe pour « Splann ! » au sujet d’Imerys à #Glomel. L’article Celia Izoard participera à la soirée sur l’extractivisme organisée jeudi 21 mai à Saint-Rivoal est apparu en premier sur Splann ! | Premier média d’enquête indépendant en Bretagne.

    #La_vie_de_« Splann !_ » #Pollutions #Andalousite #capitalisme #eau_et_rivières_de_bretagne #écologie #exploitation #extraction #Imerys #métaux #mine #mines #multinationales #néo-libéralisme #pollution #ressources_naturelles #technologies #transition

  • « PILLAGE » – #Abécédaire_de_l’Écologie_Sociale
    https://ecologiesocialeetcommunalisme.org/2026/05/16/pillage-abecedaire-de-lecologie-sociale

    Très peu d’économistes reconnaîtront que leur pseudo-science, ce que l’on désigne généralement comme l’Économie politique, c’est à dire la dynamique structurelle du capitalisme, est basée prioritairement sur le pillage et la rapine à grande échelle. Pirates et flibustiers ne furent jamais à coté que de simples amateurs, voulant prendre exemple sur les pratiques que mettaient […] L’article « PILLAGE » – Abécédaire de l’Écologie Sociale est apparu en premier sur Atelier d’Écologie Sociale et Communalisme.

    #Colonialisme #Critique_du_capitalisme_et_de_l'Etat #Exploitation #Mégamachine #Michel_Le_Bris #Saccage

  • What Real American Won’t Say About Hulk Hogan
    https://jacobin.com/2026/05/hulk-hogan-gawker-racism-trump

    Voilà un exemple cimment les médias des riches empêchent la propagation des idées et informations essentielles pour la défense des intérêtes des classes inférieures. Dommage que Werner Herzog ait participé au spectacle.

    11.5.2026 by Tim Gill - From his late-life support for Donald Trump to playing a key role in destroying Gawker, the Netflix documentary series Real American keeps its distance from substantive questions about Hulk Hogan’s legacy.

    In 1991, I sat in front of the television and wept as Sgt Slaughter beat Hulk Hogan with a chair. My brother and I had watched in horror for months as Slaughter and his cronies brutalized Hogan in the lead-up to WrestleMania VII, unwilling to accept my dad’s attempts at consolation. We were kids, and like millions of other Americans, Hulkamaniacs.

    Thirty-four years later, my son Sebastian, who had just turned seven, stood beside me at WWE SmackDown in Cleveland on July 25, 2025. We watched grown men and women weep as the bell tolled ten times to commemorate Hogan, a day after his death. The moment was surreal. I was grieving the figure who had defined a piece of my childhood, and I was thinking, even then, about what I had spent the better part of a decade trying not to think about: the man behind the character, and what that man had done.

    Netflix’s new four-part documentary, Real American, takes a partial accounting. But like most documentaries produced in association with World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE), it ducks the questions that matter most. Watching it didn’t resolve my dissonance.

    The legendary film director Werner Herzog, a longtime aficionado of professional wrestling, appears in the final episode to offer some philosophical opining on performance.

    “All of us in a way have a performative life,” he says. “As a father, I am performative. It’s part of human nature, of the human experience.”

    Symbolic interactionists like George Herbert Mead and Erving Goffman troubled the idea of a “true” self decades ago, arguing that social life is essentially theatrical. We all manage impressions and perform versions of ourselves for different audiences. Hogan just did it at a scale most people can’t imagine, and he eventually lost the distance between performer and performance. He didn’t just play Hulk Hogan. He convinced himself he was Hulk Hogan. Terry Bollea more or less disappeared into what some in the wrestling business call “becoming a mark for your own character.”

    In his final interview, Hogan tells the camera that his happiest years were when he was married to Linda Bollea and his two kids were still young. This was before the reality TV show, the affairs, the divorces, the lawsuits. It is hard to watch a man in his final days look back and admit, more or less, that despite everything he was given and all the second chances he received, he destroyed his own family and set them on a path forever marked by his own mistakes.

    But the documentary stops there. The dissolved family becomes the lens through which we are invited to see Bollea. The film treats this as the central tragedy of his life. There were others, and they were not his alone.

    Hogan’s fellow wrestler Bret Hart says early in the documentary that Hogan knew almost nothing about wrestling. He’s not entirely wrong. Hogan had a predictable formula, and it wasn’t a technical one. He was all presence. He didn’t fly off the top rope, because he didn’t need to. He didn’t attempt technical maneuvers, because his sheer appearance was enough. He was enormous. He had twenty-four-inch pythons for biceps and a cartoonishly expressive face. The crowd didn’t come to see him wrestle. They came for the broader set of feelings they experienced and for the relationship they had built with the character.

    That’s why they went along for the ride. They believed in him. He was the last of a bygone era of “good guys” in wrestling.

    By the mid-1990s, the era of Jerry Springer and MTV, the kids who had gone along for the Hulkamania ride were now teenagers more interested in raunch than the good-guy image Hogan had crafted at his wrestling career’s peak. After a lackluster turn in Hollywood, Hogan finally caught up to the culture, returned to wrestling for billionaire Ted Turner’s new league, World Championship Wrestling, and turned heel in 1996, reinventing himself as “Hollywood Hogan,” a narcissist who referred to the audience in derogatory terms and often cheated to win against his opponents. Hogan had the power to pull off this transformation. The harder question, and the one Real American never takes up, is what he did with it everywhere else.

    The biggest omissions in the documentary are also the most important about Hogan’s life. In the second episode, Hogan claims that his drawing power lifted all boats in the World Wrestling Federation (WWF), and that all wrestlers made more money because of him. Most wrestlers, however, never worked with Hogan. They worked the mid-card and the lower card, jeopardizing their bodies, their home lives, and their marriages for paydays that were a fraction of his. WWF wrestlers were classified as independent contractors despite working a schedule that left no time for and in fact prohibited outside employment. They had no health insurance, no pensions, no collective bargaining rights, no retirement.

    The toll was not abstract. The WWF rosters of the 1980s and 1990s are populated with men who died in their forties and fifties from heart attacks, overdoses, and suicides, and the through line is almost always the same: bodies broken on the road, then medicated to keep them on it.

    By the time of WrestleMania 2 in 1986, Jesse Ventura and Jim Brunzell had begun pushing for a union within the WWF. As Brunzell told me for a piece for Jacobin in 2022, he approached Hogan personally and asked him to support the effort. Hogan not only refused but went straight to WWF CEO Vince McMahon and ratted on his coworkers. Ventura was fired, and the other WWF wrestlers got the message. Forty years later, professional wrestlers are still classified as independent contractors. There has never been a successful organizing drive in what in 2002 became WWE.

    Hogan was the only one who could have changed that. He was the irreplaceable star of pro wrestling. McMahon could absorb the loss of almost any other wrestler in 1986; he could not absorb the loss of Hulk Hogan. That made Hogan, and only Hogan, immune to the reprisal that fell on Ventura. He alone had the leverage. He chose not to use it. The wrestlers who years later couldn’t pay for the surgeries to fix the broken bodies that their working lives had left them with were paying interest on a decision Hogan made before some of them were old enough to drive. This was the pattern of his career. He was always the protagonist. Everyone else was an extra to be managed.

    This is the part I can’t get around. The goodness of the character was the entire premise of Hulk Hogan. He told children to say their prayers, take their vitamins, and believe in themselves. He sold them on a moral universe in which the good guys helped each other. Yet the man playing Hogan sold out the workers in his own locker room and lived with that decision for the rest of his life without ever revisiting it.

    The documentary broaches the controversies over Hogan’s racist comments in private and public, but it never engages them seriously. The slurs themselves were caught on a sex tape leaked in 2015 and published by Gawker. In it, Hogan, ranting about his daughter Brooke’s dating life and using the n-word, described himself as a racist. WWE fired him. When WWE reinstated him, his apology to other wrestlers was widely described as less an expression of remorse than a warning to others to be careful about getting caught on tape in an age of endless surveillance.

    It didn’t end there. After campaigning for Donald Trump and ripping his shirt off at the 2024 Republican National Convention (RNC), Hogan barnstormed the country promoting his Real American Beer. At a stop in Medina, Ohio, he was caught on tape mocking Kamala Harris’s Indian heritage and reaching, for good measure, for racist tropes about Native Americans. He caught himself and blamed a buzz from his beer.

    At one point in the documentary, Natalya Neidhart, a current WWE roster member, says she knows why Hogan was booed out of the building during one of his final appearances. The documentarians never let her finish the thought and actually explain the reason why.

    While the documentary briefly broaches Hogan’s sex tape controversy, it doesn’t at all examine the ramifications of what came later. After Hogan sued Gawker, one of the most prominent independent media outlets at the time, for publishing the tape, he was awarded a $140 million payout that bankrupted the outlet. Gawker’s publishing the tape was, to say the least, ill-advised. Yet it wasn’t just Hogan who held a grudge against the media outlet. Peter Thiel, a billionaire Trump and J. D. Vance donor and ally, also wanted revenge after Gawker outed him as gay in 2007. When Thiel learned of the Hogan sex tape, he bankrolled the lawsuit and aligned with Hogan to exact revenge by destroying Gawker. Thiel got his wish, in one of the most successful assaults on freedom of the press in the United States in years. Yet the documentary, once again, mentions none of this.

    Herzog’s observation about performance connects to something the documentary nearly catches but doesn’t quite hold. Hogan was addicted to approval. He was a working-class kid, self-conscious about his weight, raised in a family that was never outwardly warm and by parents who in many ways seemed disappointed with his occupational choices. He stumbled into a world that could deliver the adoration he had never received, at a level few human beings have ever been given. He found the crowd’s love and spent the rest of his life chasing the high.

    The documentary almost names this. The figure on screen is a man who needed love so badly he would do anything to keep it. He would betray his coworkers to keep his boss happy. He would say whatever the room wanted to hear, and he would eventually find a new room at Trump rallies, RNC stages, and crowds overjoyed to buy his beer in Medina to say those things.

    This is the part that makes the reconciliation so difficult, and it is the part Real American will not press on. Because if you press on it, you have to ask whether the love Hulkamaniacs like me gave him as kids was ever really for a person at all, or only for an act we mistook for one. And if it was only for an act, what does it mean that so many cried when the memorial bell rang ten times?

    Contributors

    Tim Gill is an associate professor of sociology at the University of Tennessee. He is the author of Encountering US Empire in Socialist Venezuela: The Legacy of Race, Neocolonialism, and Democracy Promotion and the forthcoming Unraveling the American Mafia: Angelo Lonardo, Carmen Zagaria, and the Beginning of the End in Cleveland.

    #USA #société_du_spectacle #sport #exploitation #union_busting #lutte_des_classes

  • Trump Is Siccing Shady Private Debt Collectors on Immigrants
    https://jacobin.com/2026/05/trump-immigration-fines-debt-collectors

    Tu pensais que ICE sous Trump était la nouvelle Gestapo ? Tu n’a rien vu, le pire ne fait que commencer. Au #USA ils ont maintenant un SS-Wirtschafts- und Verwaltungshauptamt , tu vois ce sont les types qui pesent tes cheveux et os avant de les revendre séparément, mais comme corporation privée.

    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/SS-Haupt%C3%A4mter#SS-Wirtschafts-Verwaltungshauptamt

    6.5.2026 by Luke Goldstein - The Trump administration has hired a team of private debt collectors — known for widespread abuses when previously hired to collect federal student debt — to hound immigrants slapped with new multimillion-dollar civil penalties for not leaving the US.

    The Trump administration has quietly hired a team of scandal-plagued private debt collectors to hound immigrants slapped with new multimillion-dollar civil penalties for not leaving the country, according to documents reviewed by the Lever. All of the companies previously worked on a federal student loan debt collection program shut down for widespread abuses.

    One private collection notice obtained by the Lever assessed a $1.8 million fine on its recipient, the maximum penalty allowed under immigration law, plus another half a million in fees and interest charges, bringing the total to $2.3 million.

    That notice is not a one-off. According to immigration lawyers, there’s been a recent uptick in collection letters from private firms demanding immigrants pay multimillion-dollar fines, which the Department of Homeland Security began imposing last year.

    As directed by a White House executive order from January, the Trump administration is using these massive new financial penalties to pressure immigrants to self-deport as part of its immigration crackdown. And to ensure immigrants ship out or pay up, the White House is enriching private contractors with a history of dubious practices, just like it has outsourced oversight of its detention centers to embattled for-profit companies like GeoGroup and CoreCivic.

    “This is part and parcel [of] the administration’s desire to partner with the private sector to make immigration enforcement as punitive and painful as possible,” said Charles Moore, an attorney at Public Justice, a legal advocacy and defense group. “It’s very telling that they view the private market as the best way to accomplish that.”

    As of last year, the administration had slapped hefty fines totaling an estimated $6 billion on over 20,000 immigrants for various infractions. The bulk of those penalties relate to overstaying a deportation removal order, for which immigrants are now being fined nearly $1,000 a day for up to five years.

    Now Homeland Security is outsourcing the management of that debt to the private collection industry, which has faced mountains of lawsuits and consumer complaints over exploitative practices such as harassing consumers who are late on credit card bills, medical payments, or auto loans.

    At least four private companies inked debt collection deals with Homeland Security as the agency began ramping up civil penalties on immigrants, according to procurement records. That included Continental Services, one of the largest collection agencies nationwide, which signed three purchasing agreements with Homeland Security last September worth a combined $1 million. A fifth company is doing debt collection work for Homeland Security through a contract with the Treasury Department, which manages the account where payments for these fines are deposited.

    There’s been a recent uptick in collection letters from private firms demanding immigrants pay multimillion-dollar fines.

    All of these private agencies were previously part of a federal student loan debt collection program plagued by alleged misconduct. That program was eventually shut down by Joe Biden’s administration due to widespread operational problems, massive fees on borrowers, and cost overruns for taxpayers.

    Now that same group of debt collectors has been rewarded with new Homeland Security contracts — which have fewer guardrails in place to protect debtors.

    “If you’re [Homeland Security Advisor] Stephen Miller, you want the worst debt collector in America to be as aggressive and harassing as possible, because the goal is to make people miserable to get them out of the country,” said Mike Pierce, the executive director of Protect Borrowers, a legal advocacy group for consumer rights, who previously worked on student borrowing issues at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB).

    Homeland Security and the debt collection agencies did not respond to a request for comment.

    Around March 2025, the Trump administration began levying large penalties on immigrants by relying on an obscure provision from a 1996 immigration law signed by President Bill Clinton. The statute allows the government to fine undocumented immigrants for willfully failing to depart the country — but it had never been enforced until President Donald Trump first took office.

    Around 2018, after Congress blocked the total funding requested by the Trump administration to build a wall along the country’s southern border, then White House adviser Stephen Miller devised an alternative strategy. The administration would finance the wall by leveraging its civil penalty authority to raise funds on the backs of immigrants, according to leaked emails obtained by the government watchdog group American Oversight.

    Once collected, those fines would be held in an “immigration enforcement account” administered by the US Treasury that could then be tapped by Homeland Security as a de facto slush fund for enforcement initiatives of its choosing.

    While the penalty program remained fairly limited during Trump’s first administration, it has ramped up considerably under his second term. By August of last year, over 20,000 people had been slapped with new fines.

    Homeland Security recently expanded the scope of these penalties, including instituting a new $5,000 fine for illegal border crossings, as authorized by the One Big Beautiful Bill. But the most common fines target immigrants for overstaying deportation removal orders issued by immigration judges.

    The government is now fining immigrants nearly $1,000 for every day they overstay a deportation order, even if those court orders were issued years ago.

    The statute of limitations for such a penalty is five years, meaning the maximum fine Homeland Security can levy is $1.8 million. For many immigrants, that’s an insurmountable amount of debt, and it can’t be waived unless they leave the country.

    The government is now fining immigrants nearly $1,000 for every day they overstay a deportation order, even if those court orders were issued years ago.

    The department also instituted new rules “streamlin[ing] the process for fining illegal aliens,” which entailed gutting the administrative hearings where they could previously protest a fine. Now immigrants are merely entitled to written notice from the government in response to their petitions.

    The rules also reduce the number of days’ notice Homeland Security must give immigrants before beginning to collect such fines, so they can contest the matter. That number is now fifteen days, down from thirty.

    According to a lawsuit filed by a collection of immigration lawyers last year, Homeland Security may be enforcing this new penalty program illegally by targeting immigrants who have other legal avenues to remain in the country. The suit argues that the government has failed to demonstrate that many of these fines’ recipients were willfully defying deportation removal orders, per the statute.

    According to the suit, in some instances, immigrants have secured permission from immigration authorities to temporarily remain in the country, but they still faced heavy fines. In other cases, immigrants received fines despite being in the process of contesting their deportation orders and pursuing other legal avenues to remain in the country, such as applying for temporary visas that may still be available to them.

    “The entire process is a total sham,” said Moore, the attorney at Public Justice.

    These ongoing legal challenges haven’t discouraged Homeland Security, which is now working with the Justice Department to file lawsuits against immigrants who haven’t paid their million-dollar fines. With a court order, the government can begin garnishing wages and seizing assets if payments aren’t made.

    “We’ve heard of people who weren’t even notified of the fine before getting served a lawsuit by the government,” said Nicollete Glazer, an immigration lawyer based in Los Angeles. “There’s a lot of bad practices taking place.”

    In addition to bringing legal action against immigrants who haven’t paid their fines, Homeland Security is also using its massive new $190 billion immigration enforcement budget to award lucrative contracts to private contractors to collect this debt on the agency’s behalf.

    Immigration lawyers say they used to only see debt notices coming directly from the government; now they’ve noticed an increase in notices sent by a host of private debt collectors. From June to September of last year, the department inked procurement deals with Continental Services and four other debt agencies. That included a major collector, FH Cann Associates, which was awarded a contract valued at nearly $700,000. Coast Professional Inc., Central Portfolio Control Inc., and Pioneer Credit Recovery were also tapped by Homeland Security.

    According to immigration lawyers, most of the collection papers they’ve seen from private contractors are for fines in the millions of dollars, accompanied by sky-high fees.

    In itemized payment sheets sent by private collectors and reviewed by the Lever, such “administrative fees” make up the bulk of the financial markups, sometimes totaling $500,000 in charges for an $1.8 million fine. Language from the notices inform its recipients that authorized private collectors may collect fees as well as charge interest at an unspecified rate.

    “Additional interest, penalties, and administrative costs will also continue to accrue from the date of the initial CBP-issued invoice,” reads one notice sent by Customs and Border Protection, the division of Homeland Security that administers these fines.

    It’s unclear whether these fees and interest charges line the contractors’ pockets or are transferred back to the government’s immigration enforcement account.

    Based on the procurement records reviewed by the Lever, the private debt contractors are paid for their debt collection services, regardless of whether they recover the fine.

    All of the debt collection firms now working under contract for Homeland Security formerly held contracts with the Department of Education to collect money from students who defaulted on government-guaranteed loans to pay for college.

    The 2010 Federal Direct Loan Program created government-backed student loans, whose debt servicing was then outsourced to private firms. That public-private partnership was eventually expanded under the Obama administration to include thirty contractors. But the program quickly became a political and legal debacle, one that didn’t fade even after the Obama administration tried implementing reforms to cap exorbitantly high fees charged by student debt collectors.

    In 2017, the CFPB issued a scathing report finding endemic problems with the Education Department’s debt collection privatization effort, including that contractors were profiting immensely from the program despite not delivering results.

    For example, investigators found that the companies’ collection cost fees totaled as much as 25 percent of students’ loan balances, even though those fees didn’t reflect the firms’ actual costs of collecting such payments. In total, the CFPB found that the government was reimbursing these firms $40 for every $1 they recovered from students.

    It’s unclear whether these fees and interest charges line the contractors’ pockets or are transferred back to the government’s immigration enforcement account.

    The report led to a Senate inquiry that concluded the program was fueling a punitive, wasteful, and self-defeating debt cycle.

    In a letter to the Education Department, a group of senators wrote that the “departmental process provides perverse financial incentives for private collection agencies to aggressively pursue borrowers . . . and encourages distressed borrowers to use less successful tools to help them deal with default.”

    In 2021, the Biden administration shut down the private sector student debt collection effort entirely. But now, some of the same contractors involved in the Education Department program have been reemployed to collect debts for Homeland Security.

    Most prominently, in 2017, the Obama administration sued Navient, then an Education Department loan servicing contractor, and its subsidiary, Pioneer Credit Recovery, for failing to inform students about debt relief options before demanding payments, among other questionable practices.

    In 2024, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau finalized a $120 million settlement in the matter banning Navient from all federal student loan servicing and putting Pioneer under the supervision of the chief consumer regulatory agency.

    Now Pioneer, which was spun off from Navient in 2025, appears to have been tapped to work on behalf of Homeland Security’s new financial penalty effort. The firm has sent collection letters for Homeland Security fines, according to immigration lawyers, as part of an ongoing contract it has with the Treasury Department.

    Alongside Pioneer, Continental Services, FH Cann Associates, Coast Professional Inc., and Central Portfolio Control Inc. were all part of the Education Department’s debt collection privatization effort before being recently tapped directly by Homeland Security. Central Portfolio Control was a subcontractor of another debt agency, Professional Bureau of Collections of Maryland, which had secured a $13 million contract from the Education Department.

    According to immigration lawyers and debt protection lawyers, the overlap may be by design.

    “This kind of operation is going to be a perfect fit for [Homeland Security], which will tell [private contractors there are] no rules or accountability,” said Glazer, the Los Angeles immigration lawyer. “And with the government guaranteeing pay, it’s a major revenue source for these collectors, even if they don’t end up collecting debt.”

    According to Glazer, private collectors’ automated technology systems can churn out text messages, emails, letters, and phone calls at a vast scale to hound debtors for payments. That could be a major boon for Homeland Security, given the massive number of fines it has levied.

    And now, the rapacious practices once deployed on student borrowers may be unleashed on immigrants who have even fewer legal protections.

    “We’re seeing financial distress weaponized all across this administration to manipulate people’s behavior, especially now with immigration,” said Pierce at Protect Borrowers.

    #USA #xénophobie #exploitation

  • Why Puerto Rico Remains a Colony in All but Name
    https://jacobin.com/2026/05/puerto-rico-us-colonialism-howell

    La raison des la misère sociale en Puerto Rico est la domination coloniale par les États Unis. Un nouveau livre rsconte la genèse de la siruation actuelle.

    4.5.2026 by Alex MacArthur - Cold War Puerto Rico by Steve Howell argues that Washington has long treated the island as giant aircraft carrier. The result has been severe: residents face economic strain while lacking many democratic rights and social protections.

    In December 1939, just a few months after the outbreak of World War II, the National Geographic reporter E. John Long caught a flight to Puerto Rico. As the Clipper seaplane buzzed over the island’s turquoise waters and densely forested hills, the copilot called Long’s attention to a map. “Now do you see? About 1,000 miles to the Panama Canal, 1,000 miles to Miami, 700 to Bermuda, 550 to Caracas on the mainland of South America, 650 to Trinidad. This is the hub of a wheel. Put enough planes here, and enough land forces to guard your bases, and Puerto Rico becomes the ‘Gibraltar of the West Indies,’ or the ‘Hawaii of the Atlantic.’”

    Long’s cover story, titled “Puerto Rico: Watchdog of the Caribbean,” captured the attention of Americans at a time when concerns about foreign military encroachment and the security of the Panama Canal gripped Washington. As it appeared in print, engineers and convoys of troops and equipment poured onto the island to build and man new US military bases. With its central position and many miles of usable coastline, Puerto Rico came to be seen by US authorities as a kind of vast, terrestrial aircraft carrier.

    But Western powers had taken stock of the island’s importance long before the outbreak of World War II or the construction of the Panama Canal. As early as 1502, the Spanish clergyman Bartolomé de Las Casas was noting how many ships bound for the Americas relied on it as a crucial stopover; soon afterward, it was fortified by the Spanish as a key asset in protecting their trade routes from piracy. By the time the United States won the island from Spain — along with the Philippines, Guam, and Cuba — in 1898, its occupation was seen by President William McKinley as a “strategic necessity” because, in the words of one of his most senior generals, it was “the gateway to the Spanish possessions on the Western Hemisphere.”

    More than eighty years after Long’s article, Puerto Rico has once again come to the forefront of US foreign policy. In the months leading up to the raid that extracted Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro, 15,000 American military personnel were deployed across the Caribbean, with more than a third heading to Puerto Rico. Last November, F-35 fighter jets, combat helicopters, and Navy destroyers were reported massing across the island.

    As early as August, Vieques island and the Roosevelt Roads Navy base — two crucial military sites that had been in operation since the 1940s but were closed in 2003 and 2004, respectively, following protests over US-inflicted civilian deaths — were reopened. As the current administration continues to extrajudicially strike boats alleged to be carrying narcotics and appears to threaten military intervention in nearby Cuba, Puerto Rico has once again emerged as a strategic center for projecting US power across the Caribbean basin.

    Given Puerto Rico’s crucial regional importance, the question is not why the United States held onto it — long after conceding independence to the Philippines — but how it did so. Journalist Steve Howell’s new book, Cold War Puerto Rico: Anti-Communism in Washington’s Caribbean Colony, offers both a comprehensive and deeply personal answer. The son of an exiled American architect who came to the island to work for the New Deal governor Rexford Tugwell, Howell only began earnestly digging into his father’s past after his death. What he uncovered, and presents capably in this rich and informative work, is the story of Puerto Rico’s struggle for autonomy and the American repression that repeatedly smothered it, all while claiming to uphold the principles of international self-determination.

    Meeting in Placentia Bay, Newfoundland, amid an escalating war effort, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill signed the Atlantic Charter, which laid out a vision for a postwar order that would bind the Allies in a web of international cooperation, ensuring freedom of the seas, disarmament, and an end to territorial expansion. It also promised the right of all peoples to choose their form of government, giving people in Puerto Rico, then an “unincorporated territory” of the United States, grounds to hope they might break free. In inaugurating this new and profoundly moral vision of a postwar order, Washington created a predicament: how to hold onto what was effectively a colonial possession while publicly championing self-determination.

    The history Howell tells shows, first, how Washington responded to this challenge by nominally changing the terms of rule and incorporating elements of consent to create the illusion of a compact. In 1952, against the backdrop of widespread suppression, strikes, and a violent nationalist insurrection on the island, Public Law 600 — the so-called Gag Law — was passed by the Puerto Rican legislature, giving the island Commonwealth status and the right to draft its own constitution.

    Abroad, American officials presented this as a way to placate the United Nations and secure Puerto Rico’s removal from the list of non-self-governing territories. In Puerto Rico, however, they unilaterally altered the constitution — removing a bill of social and economic rights — while retaining near-total control over the island’s defense, currency, and trade.

    The parallel, and more comprehensive, story Howell tells is of the United States’ shifting strategies of intimidation and repression, which drove his family from the island to the United Kingdom and continued to haunt their lives even there. The first phase saw the imposition of the Gag Law, which criminalized even the hypothetical advocacy of independence and gave the state license to surveil and then round up thousands of suspected nationalists and critics of the proposed Commonwealth.

    When local prosecutions failed to stabilize the island, the FBI under J. Edgar Hoover intervened directly, using tools later associated with McCarthyism. FBI agents infiltrated local politics, tracked suspected Communists and independentistas, and drew up secret and illegal “custodial detention” lists of individuals to be rounded up in times of unrest. As Howell shows, Red Scare tactics — and the Smith Act specifically, a piece of legislation used to prosecute and bully suspected enemies of the state — were deployed in Puerto Rico more extensively than almost anywhere in the continental United States, effectively neutering meaningful political opposition to American hegemony.

    When a 1958 US Supreme Court ruling drastically curtailed the scope of Smith Act prosecutions of political speech, the government switched strategies again. This time, the infamous House Un-American Activities Committee, headed by Gordon Scherer and William Tuck, arrived on the island to investigate “Communist activities among Puerto Ricans.” Islanders of all political stripes, however, flooded the streets and surrounded the courthouse, insisting that the committee had no legal authority to operate in Puerto Rico.

    The exhaustion of “legal” methods of repression, however, did not deter Hoover and his agents. In 1960, the FBI began shifting to covert and illegal action through COINTELPRO, a program that included all manner of harassment — from poison-pen letters meant to break up marriages to the encouragement of gang warfare and violence, including falsely outing gang members as police informers — in order to sow division and chaos among the organizations that threatened American hegemony in the lead-up to a landmark 1967 vote that affirmed the Commonwealth option.

    That political arrangement has persisted to this day, leaving Puerto Rico less a self-governing polity than a modern vassal of the United States: a captive economy in which roughly 85 percent of consumed goods are imported, while enormous amounts of locally generated wealth are siphoned off the island each year in profits, dividends, and other payments to external investors. This was not, as Howell notes, the natural product of development but the result of an economic order built above all around attracting US capital.

    By the late twentieth century, the gap between Puerto Rico’s output and the income actually retained by Puerto Ricans had grown dramatically, such that now, roughly a third of the island’s GDP leaves annually in payments to nonresidents.

    The result is a quasi-colonial status that remains starkly tangible for islanders: though they carry US passports, Puerto Ricans on the island still cannot vote for president; they send no voting members to Congress — electing only a resident commissioner without a final vote — and appoint no electors to the Electoral College; their political status remains subject to Congress’s plenary authority, meaning ultimate control rests in Washington; their referendums are nonbinding; and their fiscal life is overseen by a president-appointed control board with the power to review laws, police contracts, and impose budgets.

    They are excluded from the Affordable Care Act Marketplace, receive capped Medicaid and block-grant food assistance rather than the federal programs available in the states, cannot receive Supplemental Security Income while living in Puerto Rico — and yet, like other US citizens, young men there must still register with the Selective Service System.

    Howell’s story of state surveillance and suppression — and of the costs Washington is willing to incur to hold a Caribbean stronghold — is more instructive now than ever. Not only is the island being militarized as a modern corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, revived as the United States tries to consolidate control over the Americas; Howell’s account of Hoover’s rogue FBI — its intimidation, interference, and visa denials — also strongly echoes the tactics of the current administration. As Puerto Rico is once again enlisted in the service of American power, Howell’s book makes clear how little the underlying terms of that relationship have changed.

    #USA #Puerto_Rico #colonialisme #impérialisme #pauvreté #exploitation #militarisme #CIA #histoire #livre

  • Derrière l’IA, les sacrifiés du smartphone

    Celia Izoard est journaliste et philosophe, spécialiste des nouvelles technologies au travers de leurs impacts sociaux et écologiques. Autrice de La Ruée minière au XXIème siècle. Enquête sur les métaux à l’ère de la transition (Seuil, 2024), elle a participé à l’élaboration du programme de «  désescalade numérique  » en amont des municipales 2026. Pour Socialter elle a choisi d’analyser le #film Les Sacrifiés du smartphone projeté lors de Numérique en lumière, le festival de films documentaires consacré aux droits humains bafoués dans l’industrie du numérique.

    Le #capitalisme a inventé les #pollutions_invisibles. Des perturbations imperceptibles par nos sens et qui pourtant sont des menaces existentielles  : la #radioactivité, la #pollution_chimique, le #réchauffement_climatique. Cette #invisibilité est la clé de son #impunité  : pas vu pas pris, comme on dit. Capitalisant sur ces pollutions invisibles, l’#économie_numérique, elle, a fait un pas de plus en inventant les #pollutions_inimaginables.

    J’appelle pollutions inimaginables ces impacts qui sont non seulement imperceptibles aux sens, mais aussi à l’#imagination. Prenez par exemple ces petites étoiles féériques qui dansent devant mes yeux quand j’ouvre mon navigateur  : l’intelligence artificielle générative (IAG). Si je clique, mon courrier va s’écrire, mon texte va se traduire, mon image va s’animer. Qui peut se représenter le concentré de #ressources_naturelles, de #souffrances et d’#exploitation humaines, de #produits_chimiques, d’#énergie qu’il y a derrière ces petites étoiles  ?

    Pour le saisir, il faudrait pouvoir faire apparaître, dans une seule pensée, ce qui rend possible l’IA. Il faudrait faire surgir dans l’imagination les #mines gagnées sur la forêt tropicale birmane, indienne ou congolaise, les usines métallurgiques crachant le feu, les étendues grises de #résidus_toxiques, les galettes de #silicium issues du #travail_forcé du #Xinjiang, les entrepôts de #data_centers carburant au charbon, à l’#eau de nappes presque épuisées, etc. C’est long d’expliquer tout ça, de le rendre présent à l’esprit – à l’esprit qui justement est tenté d’économiser sa pensée, là, d’un clic, pour gagner du temps.

    D’où vient la #puissance_de_calcul instantanée d’une appli d’IA  ? D’entrepôts de données où s’empilent des millions de #serveurs où sont concentrés des milliards de #circuits_électroniques, contenant eux-mêmes des centaines de milliers de #cartes_graphiques qui concentrent à leur tour des dizaines de milliards de #transistors.

    Le principal fabricant de serveurs informatiques destinés aux data centers est l’entreprise taïwanaise #Foxconn, alias #Hon_Hai_Precision_Industry, qui emploie plus d’un million de personnes en #Chine. C’est le sous-traitant historique d’#Apple, de #Microsoft, de #HP, de #Sony – le fabricant d’à peu près tous les #objets_électroniques que nous avons tenus entre nos mains depuis les années 2000. Aujourd’hui, Foxconn fournit toute la galaxie de l’IA en serveurs, de #Nvidia à #OpenAI, en passant par les data centers d’#Amazon.

    En 2010, Foxconn s’est fait connaître au monde par une épidémie de #suicides  : 17 ouvriers de sa méga-usine d’iPhone de Shenzhen se sont jetés par les fenêtres, 14 sont morts. Depuis ce temps, les balcons des dortoirs ont été condamnés. Mais les jeunes continuent d’arriver de leurs campagnes pour se retrouver coincés dans ses chaînes de production. Le désespoir de ces vies gâchées est le sujet du film Les Sacrifiés du smartphone [titre original Complicit] (2017), qui a été projeté récemment à Paris à l’occasion du festival de cinéma «  Numérique en lumière  : une autre réalité  ».

    Les réalisatrices Heather White et Lynn Zang ont filmé pendant trois ans la vie d’#ouvrières de Foxconn. Arrivées à 18 ans, Xiao, Ya et Fan ont travaillé plusieurs années pendant douze à seize heures par jour. Puis tout s’est arrêté – littéralement. Elles ont contracté des troubles neurologiques, des paralysies, à force d’astiquer les cartes graphiques, les led, les écrans, avec des solvants et des détergents  : benzène, méthanol, xylènes, trichloroéthylène...

    Selon la Global Electronics Association, un objet électronique peut nécessiter 1 000 produits chimiques différents. Foxconn nie toute #responsabilité. Comme les milliers d’ouvrières et d’ouvriers malades des toxiques utilisés dans l’électronique, Xiao, Ya et Fan n’osent pas rentrer chez elles, pour ne pas faire de peine à leurs parents, qui avaient tout misé sur elles.

    Sur mon écran, les petites étoiles de fée se remettent à clignoter.

    https://www.socialter.fr/article/les-sacrifies-du-smartphone-documentaire-intelligence-artificielle-ouvrier
    #IA #AI #intelligence_artificielle #travail #conditions_de_travail

  • « On a été étonnés » : ce que révèlent dix ans de « zéro #pesticide » sur des cultures soi-disant dépendantes du « parapluie #chimique » - La Montagne
    https://www.lamontagne.fr/paris-75000/economie/on-a-ete-etonnes-ce-que-revelent-dix-ans-de-zero-pesticide-sur-des-cultur

    Une étude sur dix ans coordonnée par l’#Inrae, dont les résultats viennent d’être publiés, montre que l’on peut se passer totalement de pesticides dans les grandes #cultures (#blé, #colza, #orge, #betterave…) tout en obtenant des #rendements satisfaisants et en préservant la viabilité économique des #exploitations. Chiche ?

  • Nei campi della #Piana_del_Sele si continua a morire di sfruttamento e indifferenza

    A metà aprile un uomo di 36 anni di nazionalità indiana sarebbe stato abbandonato davanti all’ospedale Ruggi di Salerno con le gambe in cancrena e l’infezione agli organi interni. Un orrore che ricorda i fatti di #Satnam_Singh, il giovane lavoratore morto nell’Agro Pontino nell’estate 2024. La risposta della istituzioni è ancora oggi stentata, l’#omertà domina, in una delle aree agricole più produttive del Paese, regno della cosiddetta “#quarta_gamma

    Venerdì 17 aprile alcuni articoli della stampa locale diffondono la notizia che un uomo di 36 anni di nazionalità indiana sarebbe stato abbandonato davanti al Pronto soccorso dell’ospedale #Ruggi_di_Salerno con le gambe in avanzato stato di cancrena e l’infezione che avrebbe toccato gli organi interni. L’ennesima tragedia dello sfruttamento nei campi d’Italia.

    Sembra un fulmine a ciel sereno che scatena un piccolo terremoto, portando ad un’interrogazione parlamentare ai ministri del Lavoro e dell’Agricoltura da parte del deputato di Avs Franco Mari, a un appello della responsabile Lavoro nella segreteria nazionale del Partito democratico Maria Cecilia Guerra che richiede un solido programma di contrasto che parta dall’abolizione della Bossi-Fini e promuova controlli sistematici sul lavoro irregolare, e a uno della Cgil. Risposte ai quesiti posti non ne sono ancora arrivate.

    Le indagini della Squadra mobile di #Salerno sono in corso e secondo fonti della questura l’uomo sarebbe stato accompagnato al Ps nella notte tra il 10 e l’11 aprile da persone che lo conoscevano. Sarebbe in possesso di documenti ma non è possibile conoscere né l’identità della persona né chi l’abbia accompagnato. Secondo le notizie più recenti, che filtrano a fatica, le condizioni di questa persona sarebbero in leggero miglioramento. Ogni ipotesi è ancora sul tavolo degli inquirenti, compresa quella di un incidente sul lavoro non denunciato, e di un trasporto in ospedale tardivo dopo qualche tentativo di curare le ferite.

    A provocare un quadro clinico di tale gravità potrebbe essere stato il contatto non protetto e prolungato con diserbanti o altre sostanze chimiche utilizzate in agricoltura o in zootecnia.

    “Dobbiamo avere risposte da istituzioni e organismi inquirenti. Non possiamo abbandonare e dimenticare questa persona e i motivi per cui si trova in questo stato. Sfruttamento, caporalato, povertà? Non sappiamo, ma dobbiamo sapere e con certezza”, spiega il sociologo Gennaro Avallone, docente dell’Università di Salerno da anni impegnato a studiare le condizioni di vita e di lavoro dei lavoratori migranti della piana.

    “Voci e ipotesi aiutano all’inizio ma, poi, se non si trasformano in certezza, possono diventare un motivo per abbassare l’attenzione pubblica e politica. Abbiamo bisogno di sapere, ne abbiamo bisogno tutti, a partire dalla popolazione immigrata e da chi vive di lavoro. Mi aspetto, pertanto, risposte istituzionali a breve, a partire dagli esiti delle indagini di polizia”.

    Sono parole forti che spiegano anche come mai quello che sembrava un terremoto non sembra aver scosso più di tanto l’ambiente istituzionale. Aleggia un’ombra di omertà, un muro di gomma che attutisce ogni episodio riguardante i lavoratori migranti della zona rendendolo un piccolo sommovimento. E facendo cadere nel dimenticatoio questa terra in cui i fratelli di Satnam Singh muoiono da anni nel silenzio, lontano dai riflettori, ed insieme a loro tanti altri lavoratori migranti.

    La Piana del Sele, così poco conosciuta, con i suoi circa 450 chilometri di estensione, è una delle aree agricole più produttive d’Italia. Non è l’oceano di plastica che sommerge Almeria, in Spagna, ma un mare relativamente più piccolo di estensione, oltre seimila ettari di serre a costellare lo spazio che va da #Pontecagnano a #Capaccio dall’altra lungo il mare, spingendosi all’interno fino a #Montecorvino e #Battipaglia. Regno della cosiddetta “quarta gamma” italiana, rappresenta un avamposto dell’agro-industria nazionale che per quote di esportazione primeggia sui mercati europei, oltre ad essere uno dei centri della zootecnia di qualità.

    Un mare che dietro a onde apparentemente più tranquille sommerge tra sfruttamento ed indifferenza centinaia di lavoratori migranti.
    Quanti? È difficile da capire, con una comunità indiana di oltre tremila persone e quasi duemila lavoratori migranti di altre nazionalità che vivono nel solo territorio di #Eboli. Tanti vivono all’interno delle aziende, in catapecchie disseminate nel territorio tra le strade strette che portano da una serra all’altra e quelle che si inerpicano tra campagna, allevamenti e caseifici. O in luoghi come #Campolongo, nella periferia di Eboli, dove i lavoratori migranti trovano un alloggio, per quanto precario, tra case abusive e baracche. Tanti sono morti nei campi o per cause non ancora accertate ma strettamente legate alle condizioni di vita. Almeno sei solo in questo anno e mezzo ma le organizzazioni del territorio ne segnalano un numero maggiore, anche se difficilmente verificabile senza l’aiuto delle autorità locali.

    Tra questi #Manjinder_Singh_Rimpa, lavoratore indiano morto schiacciato da un trattore l’8 novembre 2024 in un’azienda della zona. Era originario del villaggio di Tashpur, nel Punjab e da tempo viveva in Italia insieme alla sua famiglia. Le reali circostanze della morte sono ancora oggi da chiarire. Come quelle se possibile ancora più inquietanti che riguardano un altro lavoratore indiano, il cui corpo è stato ritrovato all’interno di una vasca di raccolta del letame l’8 luglio scorso, in un’azienda bufalina in località Borgo San Lazzaro a Serre, poco distante da Eboli. Secondo le ricostruzioni, il corpo ormai in avanzato stato di decomposizione è stato ritrovato quando alcuni lavoratori hanno attivato un macchinario per svuotare la vasca allagata dall’abbondante acqua piovana caduta nelle ore precedenti.

    Tra questi due episodi, almeno altre due morti, una il 13 maggio 2025 a Positano che ha riguardato un lavoratore di origine indiana di 54 anni, e quella del venticinquenne #Sandhu_Gurmeet_Singh, lavoratore sempre indiano che abitava e lavorava in un’azienda agricola ad #Altavilla_Silentina, paese confinante con Serre, ritrovato senza vita lungo le rive del fiume Calore, nascosto tra i rami. Attivisti e realtà del territorio sono impegnate da tempo alla ricerca di risposte ma fino ad ora non hanno ricevuto nulla, mentre la piana del Sele sta diventando un buco nero che inghiotte al suo interno vite, diritti e verità.

    E non bisogna neanche andare così indietro nel tempo per rendersi conto della drammaticità della situazione. Il 14 aprile, mentre il lavoratore indiano portato al Ruggi stava lottando tra la vita e la morte, in una catapecchia nei pressi di Campolongo veniva infatti ritrovato il corpo di un giovane cittadino straniero, in avanzato stato di decomposizione. Quando sono arrivate le forze dell’ordine hanno potuto constatare come il corpo si trovasse lì da almeno un paio di settimane ma al momento le autorità non hanno ancora reso note le generalità ufficiali del giovane. Secondo fonti locali si tratterebbe di #Adama_Coulibaly, un ragazzo di origine maliana, costretto a nascondersi perché privo di regolare titolo di soggiorno e a lavorare accontentandosi di qualche impiego in nero nelle aziende della zona. Mary Coulibaly, cugino del ragazzo, lui sì fortunato possessore di titolo di soggiorno, racconta che negli ultimi tempi non si vedeva molto in giro, aveva detto che sarebbe partito altrove in cerca di qualche altro lavoro. Lo shock è stato forte, e forse appellandosi a questo motivo si rifiuta di riconoscere quel corpo come quello di Adama.

    Resta il dramma e la sensazione che si poteva fare qualcosa per aiutarlo, come sicuramente si poteva fare qualcosa per aiutare #Badhan_Sameer, un ragazzo indiano che viveva per strada, trovato morto in piazza della Repubblica ad Eboli il 2 marzo scorso. Aveva da poco compiuto 40 anni, le prime valutazioni del medico legale e degli inquirenti parlano di cause naturali, aggravate dalle precarie condizioni di vita all’aperto e dal freddo del periodo. Anche in questo caso, ci vorrà tempo per chiarire le cause materiali di queste morti, non è difficile però legarle alla disumana realtà con cui i lavoratori migranti sono costretti a confrontarsi in Italia. Ma tutte, sono storie che ci parlano di condizioni di lavoro precarie, emarginazione, sofferenza, sfruttamento, mancate risposte da parte delle istituzioni.

    Fino ad ora, malgrado alcuni progetti siano in fase di definizione, non ci sono strutture in grado di fornire soluzioni a chi vive queste condizioni di marginalità estrema. Fonti del’amministrazione comunale ebolitana indicano come almeno il progetto legato ai fondi Pnrr della misura dedicata alla fuoriuscita dagli insediamenti abusivi si stia avviando verso la sua definizione, ma anche su questo ci sono poche certezze. L’unica cosa certa è che i fondi sono stati autorizzati dalla struttura commissariale ma che il Comune non ha mai ritenuto necessario rispondere alle richieste di accesso civico generalizzaato presentategli nel corso dell’ultimo anno.

    https://altreconomia.it/nei-campi-della-piana-del-sele-si-continua-a-morire-di-sfruttamento-e-i

    #exploitation #agriculture #Italie #décès #industrie_agro-alimentaire #travailleurs_immigrés #conditions_de_travail #conditions_de_vie

  • Jack London, John Barleycorn
    https://gutenberg.org/cache/epub/318/pg318-images.html

    Dans son texte autobiographique sur la vie avec l’alcool Jack London révèle le secret de la servitude volontaire. C’est la terreur, la peur de la mort et les substances permettant de l’adoucir qui en forment l’ensemble des facteurs essentiels.

    Through all the vicissitudes of its life, from first to last, somehow, in unguessably dim ways, it must believe that life is good; that the drudgery in harness is good; that death, no matter how blind-instinctively apprehended, is a dread giant; that life is beneficent and worth while; that, in the end, with fading life, it will not be knocked about and beaten and urged beyond its sprained and spavined best; that old age, even, is decent, dignified, and valuable, though old age means a ribby scare-crow in a hawker’s cart, stumbling a step to every blow, stumbling dizzily on through merciless servitude and slow disintegration to the end—the end, the apportionment of its parts (of its subtle flesh, its pink and springy bone, its juices and ferments, and all the sensateness that informed it) to the chicken farm, the hide-house, the glue-rendering works, and the bone-meal fertiliser factory. To the last stumble of its stumbling end this dray horse must abide by the mandates of the lesser truth that is the truth of life and that makes life possible to persist.

    This dray horse, like all other horses, like all other animals, including man, is life-blinded and sense-struck. It will live, no matter what the price. The game of life is good, though all of life may be hurt, and though all lives lose the game in the end. This is the order of truth that obtains, not for the universe, but for the live things in it if they for a little space will endure ere they pass. This order of truth, no matter how erroneous it may be, is the sane and normal order of truth, the rational order of truth that life must believe in order to live.

    #alcoolisme #oppression #exploitation #lutte_des_classes #création

  • Libye : au moins 28 corps de migrants découverts sur les côtes après plusieurs naufrages - InfoMigrants
    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/70981/libye--au-moins-28-corps-de-migrants-decouverts-sur-les-cotes-apres-pl

    Libye : au moins 28 corps de migrants découverts sur les côtes après plusieurs naufrages
    Par La rédaction Publié le : 20/04/2026
    Au moins 28 corps de migrants ont été découverts sur les côtes libyennes depuis samedi par les services de secours libyens. Il s’agit des victimes d’au moins deux naufrages survenus au large de Zouara et de Tobrouk. Quatre survivants ont été identifiés. Ce sont des départs de bateaux pour l’Europe, survenus aux deux extrémités de la Libye, qui ont abouti à des drames. Samedi 18 avril, les services de secours libyens ont découvert 17 corps de migrants au niveau de la ville de Zouara, à une centaine de kilomètres de la capitale Tripoli, à l’ouest de la Libye, a rapporté l’agence de presse Reuters.
    Le centre médical de secours de la zone a indiqué que 14 corps avaient été enterrés à la suite de cette opération et que le corps d’un ressortissant bangladais avait pu être identifié et rendu à sa famille à Tripoli. Aucun détail n’a été donné sur les deux autres corps.
    Au cours de la même journée, le Croissant Rouge libyen a retrouvé six corps de migrants sur des plages près de Tobrouk, dans l’est du pays. Selon un message posté par l’organisation humanitaire sur son compte Facebook, un septième corps a été retrouvé le lendemain. Lundi 20 avril, le Croissant rouge a indiqué que quatre corps supplémentaires avaient été retrouvés sur les côtes.
    Dans un rapport, l’organisation précise que ces personnes pourraient faire partie des 42 exilés qui se trouvaient à bord d’une embarcation partie de Libye le 15 avril dernier. Parmi elles, au moins 32 personnes - dont des femmes et des enfants - seraient portées disparues, principalement de nationalité soudanaise, somalienne et égyptienne. Depuis 2011 et la chute de Mouammar Kadhafi, la Libye est devenue un pays de transit pour des milliers de migrants subsahariens qui cherchent à fuir la violence et la pauvreté dans leur pays, et à trouver une vie meilleure en Europe.
    Aujourd’hui, plusieurs routes migratoires partent de Libye vers l’Europe. À l’ouest, depuis la région de Tripoli, les embarcations tentent de rejoindre l’île italienne de Lampedusa. Tandis qu’à l’est, depuis la région de Tobrouk, les migrants cherchent à atteindre les îles du sud de la Grèce : Gavdos ou la Crète. En 2025, trois fois plus de migrants sont arrivés en Crète par cette route qu’en 2024.
    Face à la fréquentation en hausse de cette route, la Commission européenne a décidé de financer l’ouverture d’un centre de coordination de sauvetage maritime (MRCC) à Benghazi, dans l’est de la Libye. Et ce, alors que le gouvernement de cette zone n’est pas reconnu par l’Union européenne (UE).
    Le MRCC de Benghazi devrait fonctionner sur le même modèle que celui de Tripoli. Depuis un accord signé entre l’UE et Tripoli en 2017, les gardes-côtes libyens de l’ouest sont chargés de la coordination des sauvetages au large de leurs côtes. Une tâche qui incombait auparavant au MRCC de Rome ou de La Valette, à Malte. L’accord de 2017 prévoit que l’Italie équipe et forme les autorités libyennes pour intercepter en mer les exilés en route vers les côtes européennes.
    Depuis le début de l’année 2026, plus de 4 200 personnes ont été interceptées en mer et ramenées de force en Libye, selon les chiffres de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). En 2025, plus de 26 000 migrants avaient été arrêtés en Méditerranée centrale par les forces libyennes et renvoyés dans le pays, selon les chiffres de l’OIM. Un nombre en constante augmentation : ils étaient plus de 21 000 en 2024, et 17 000 en 2023.
    Pour les personnes ramenées dans le pays, le calvaire se poursuit car, en Libye, les migrants sont détenus de façon arbitraire dans des prisons, parfois clandestines, où ils sont soumis à toutes sortes de violences : coups et brimades, travail forcé, exploitation sexuelle...
    Dans un récent rapport, le Haut-commissariat des Nations unies aux droits de l’Homme a souligné que les migrants, dont des mineurs, continuaient à être victimes de « violations systématiques et généralisées des droits humains » en Libye. Le rapport, qui s’appuie sur des entretiens avec une centaine de personnes originaires de 16 pays d’Afrique, du Moyen-Orient et d’Asie du Sud, couvre une période de deux ans, de janvier 2024 à décembre 2025. Il décrit des cas d’hommes contraints de travailler sans salaire ni nourriture suffisante, et de filles séparées de leur mère. Le document évoque « une réalité brutale et normalisée » sur les migrants en Libye et dénonce « un modèle d’exploitation » qui profite de la « vulnérabilité accrue » des exilés. Environ 5 000 personnes détenues dans des centres officiels suite à des « interceptions illégales et dangereuses en mer » sont victimes de violences sexuelles et sexistes, de torture, d’esclavage et de disparitions forcées, précise le rapport de l’ONU.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#libye#routemigratoire#sante#droit#violence#exploitationsexuelle#tripoli#tobrouck#sante#mortalite

  • « Esclavage des temps modernes »- Procès en appel
    https://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4676

    En septembre 2023, 70 personnes issues d’Afrique et logeant en région parisienne viennent faire les vendanges en Champagne. Nombre d’entre elles sont sans-papiers. Le lendemain, une dizaine demande à repartir, idem le jour suivant : le motif, les conditions d’hébergement et l’absence de nourriture. 359 Avril 2026

    / Social , Immigration , Syndicalisme , Exploitation

    #359_Avril_2026
    #Social
    #Immigration
    #Syndicalisme
    #Exploitation