• Report of the fact-finding mission by Ambassador #Tomáš_Boček, Special Representative of the Secretary General on migration and refugees, to Bosnia and Herzegovina and to Croatia 24-27 July and 26-30 November 2018

    https://rm.coe.int/report-of-the-fact-finding-mission-by-ambassador-tomas-bocek-special-r/1680940259
    #Bosnie #Croatie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #asile #migrations #réfugiés #route_des_Balkans #Balkans #rapport #2018

    Commentaire reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa Dobrodosli:

    Report by the Special Representative of the Secretary General on migration and refugees, Tomáš Boček, was published following his visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia in 2018. In all areas covered by the Report; access to territory, access to asylum, reception, detention and returns, unaccompanied minors – numerous problems have been detected, followed by testimonies from refugees who have experienced violent pushbacks. Although the Report contains different data, contextual descriptions, perspectives of different actors and recommendations, the language of the Report is rather tepid and does not leave any impression of the urgency of resolving serious violations of human rights. The Report addressed, among others, violations concerning policy and practice of detaining children, specifically unaccompanied minors, the failure and unavailability of integration measures, seizing money for the purpose of covering expenses related to stay in detention center, the lack of access to legal aid and the lack of information about the grounds for detention.

    • La Bosnie, cul-de-sac pour les migrants

      Sur la route des Balkans, les demandeurs d’asile dénoncent la violence de la police croate aux portes de l’Union européenne.

      Le regard bute sur les montagnes, flanquées d’arbres pelés par l’hiver et recouvertes, à leur sommet, de nuages épais, si bien qu’on en discerne mal les contours. C’est vers cet horizon obstrué que s’engouffrent chaque jour des dizaines de personnes, dans l’espoir de passer, à pied, la frontière qui sépare la Bosnie-Herzégovine de la Croatie.

      La route migratoire qui traverse les Balkans a déporté ici l’une de ses étapes après que plusieurs États (dont la Hongrie et la Slovénie) aient fermé leurs frontières au nord de cet itinéraire. Depuis 2018, Afghans, Pakistanais, Syriens ou encore Algériens empruntent ce chemin après être arrivés en Europe par la frontière greco-turque, et être remontés par l’Albanie et le Monténégro ou bien la Macédoine du Nord et la Serbie. Les flux sont sans commune mesure avec ceux de 2015 mais l’application des Croates, pays candidat à l’entrée dans Schengen, à tenir leur frontière a transformé le nord-ouest de la Bosnie en cul-de-sac.

      « C’est une crise humanitaire créée de façon politique »

      Il y aurait entre 7 000 et 9 000 migrants dans le pays, essentiellement dans le canton d’#Una_Sana, limitrophe de la Croatie. Une partie vit dans des maisons ou des usines abandonnées, des gares, à la rue ou encore dans des bois. « C’est une crise humanitaire créée de façon politique », répète Peter Van der Auweraert, le représentant de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) en Bosnie. Le pays offre moins de 5 000 places de mises à l’abri, gérées par l’OIM et financées par l’UE.

      Dans la ville frontalière de Bihac, où les stigmates de la guerre civile balafrent encore les édifices du centre-ville, une ancienne usine de réfrigérateurs accueille par exemple 2 000 personnes, dont 400 mineurs non accompagnés, dans des containers. Il arrive que la police limite les sorties des migrants, sans d’autre raison apparente que celle de réduire leur présence en ville. François Giddey, coordinateur de Médecins sans frontières (MSF) en Bosnie, déplore « un espace humanitaire extrêmement restreint car toute structure d’aide est considérée comme un facteur d’attractivité ».

      Tous les soirs, des policiers font descendre des dizaines de migrants du train en provenance de Sarajevo, à son entrée dans le canton d’Una Sana, dans la petite gare du village d’Otoka Bosanska. Cette nuit-là, ils sont une quarantaine à être débarqués. L’ONG Danish Refugee Council est autorisée à leur donner un snack avant qu’ils ne soient montés dans un bus pour être déposés deux kilomètres plus loin, en rase campagne, à la limite de la République serbe de Bosnie. « Des passeurs nous feront rejoindre Bihac », sait d’avance un Marocain.

      A leur tour, lui et d’autres tenteront leur chance à travers la frontière, un jeu de piste sans joie surnommé « game » par les migrants, qui fait son lot de gagnants et de perdants. Un matin de décembre, on croise une quinzaine de personnes qui ont rebroussé chemin. Hadi Sayed, un Syrien de 30 ans originaire d’Idlib, voyage avec son fils de 10 ans. « On a marché six heures et on a dormi dans une vieille maison dans la montagne, raconte cet homme. Mais le matin, il neigeait, alors on a abandonné ». C’est déjà la troisième fois que Hadi Sayed échoue à passer en Croatie.
      Refoulements illégaux et violents récurrents

      « La première fois, la police croate nous a attrapés alors qu’on avait passé la frontière, rapporte-t-il. Ils ont menacé de tuer ceux qui avaient tenté de fuir. Avant de nous ramener à la frontière, ils nous ont pris nos téléphones, nos sacs et notre nourriture et ils ont frappé ceux qui avaient tenté de cacher leur téléphone ». Les témoignages de migrants qui dénoncent les refoulements illégaux et violents sont ici récurrents.

      Début décembre, la commissaire aux droits de l’homme du Conseil de l’Europe, Dunja Mijatovic, a fait état de sa « grave préoccupation ». « J’ai déjà abordé ce sujet avec le premier ministre de Croatie en octobre 2018. La situation n’a fait qu’empirer depuis ».

      Dans le camp de l’OIM à Bihac, Mohamed Bilal présente une jambe droite fracturée et plâtrée. « Lors de ma troisième tentative, les policiers croates nous ont ramenés à la frontière et nous ont fait sortir de leur véhicule un par un, explique le jeune pakistanais. On a dû passer entre deux rangées de policiers qui nous ont battus avec des bâtons ». Ismatullah Rahemi, lui, se déplace en fauteuil roulant car ses deux pieds sont bandés et l’un est encore boursouflé jusqu’à la cheville par une infection. Cet Afghan assure que la police croate lui a confisqué ses chaussures à la frontière, malgré la neige. « Ils ont pris nos sacs, nos téléphones, nos habits et nos chaussures, et ils les ont brûlés, confie-t-il. Ensuite, ils nous ont frappés, ils nous ont poussés dans la rivière jusqu’au torse et ils nous ont laissés en caleçon et en tee-shirt. On a marché douze kilomètres ».

      A Velika Kladusa, une autre ville frontalière, dans une maison abandonnée, comme le pays – touché par l’émigration de sa propre population – en compte en grand nombre, six Algériens attendent que le « game » leur sourit, serrés dans une pièce glaciale de leur squat, sans eau, sans électricité, et aux fenêtres béantes. Ils ont déjà tenté trois ou sept fois, ont été arrêtés par les Croates après sept ou dix jours de marche dans la forêt. « On ne nous a pas laissés demander l’asile », jure l’un d’eux. Ils décrivent les mêmes pratiques, leurs affaires incendiées, les coups, le passage obligatoire par la rivière… Ils évoquent des hommes en uniforme noir ou bleu marine, cagoulés.
      « Dérive » d’une unité spéciale de la police

      Il arrive que des refoulements aient lieu bien au-delà de la ligne frontalière. Hamza, un Algérien de 27 ans, affirme avoir été repoussé depuis la Slovénie. Alaa Asar, Ahmed Aser, Mohamed Eldeyasty et El-Sayed Elmezayen, quatre Egyptiens de 17 ans rencontrés à Bihac, assurent qu’ils ont été refoulés alors qu’ils étaient présents en Croatie depuis plus d’un mois, hébergés et même scolarisés à Split. « Des policiers nous ont arrêtés devant un supermarché et renvoyés Bosnie », témoigne Alaa Asar. Contactée, la directrice du centre de services communautaires de Split (une institution publique de protection sociale à destination des enfants), Marija Tešija, confirme au Monde que les quatre jeunes « sont restés au sein de [l’]institution pendant le mois d’octobre ». « On est dans une Union où de plus en plus de gouvernements ne font même plus semblant de respecter leurs engagements européens », déplore un fonctionnaire européen.

      Le directeur de cabinet du premier ministre croate, Zvonimir Frka-Petesic, considère au contraire que « la police croate fait un travail à la fois efficace et humain, et fournit beaucoup d’efforts pour rendre la frontière la moins poreuse possible ». « A chaque fois qu’il y a eu des accusations, des enquêtes ont été diligentées et il n’y a aucun fait avéré », ajoute-t-il.

      Le 9 décembre, le site d’information croate Net.hr a pourtant évoqué dans une enquête la « dérive » d’une unité spéciale de la police, Corridor, créée en 2017 pour lutter contre les migrations illégales. L’unité se concentrerait sur l’expulsion vers la Bosnie voisine de migrants, prenant de plus en plus la forme de groupes opérationnels mobiles sans commandement formel. M. Frka-Petesic dément « catégoriquement » la présence à la frontière de policiers cagoulés, tels que souvent décrits par les migrants. « Il n’y a pas de milice d’appoint qui joue les shérifs », évacue-t-il.

      Interviewée par Net.hr, la médiatrice croate Lora Vidovic – l’équivalent du Défenseur des droits en France – dit ignorer l’existence d’unités spéciales mais évoque les « nombreuses plaintes de migrants », corroborées par des témoignages anonymes internes aux forces de l’ordre. Les 16 et 27 novembre, la police croate a blessé par balles deux migrants dans la région de Gorski Kotar, limitrophe de la Slovénie. Dans le premier cas, la version officielle veut que le policier ait glissé et tiré accidentellement.

      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/12/30/en-croatie-on-ne-nous-a-pas-laisses-demander-l-asile_6024367_3210.html

  • #Bosnie-Herzégovine : la #Chine va financer une #centrale_à_charbon à 614 millions d’euros

    Les deux chambres du Parlement de Bosnie-Herzégovine ont approuvé la souscription d’un crédit de 614 millions d’euros auprès de la Banque d’import-export de Chine pour construire un nouveau bloc dans la centrale à charbon de #Tuzla. Ce projet énergétique, le plus grand depuis la fin de la guerre, suscite de vifs débats.


    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-Chine-centrale-charbon-614-millions-euros
    #extractivisme #charbon #énergie
    ping @albertocampiphoto

  • Bosnia Records 12 Migrant Deaths in 2018

    Bosnian ministries recorded a dozen deaths last year among migrants and refugees in the country, but precise data on those who lost their lives crossing the country remain absent.

    Official data from Bosnian government ministries shows that 12 migrants or refugees lost their lives in the country last year.

    The data were gathered from the interior ministries of Bosnia’s two entities, the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska, RS, and the mainly Bosniak and Croatian Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    It is not clear if that is the final number, as the interior ministries in each entity only keep data on deaths where they suspect violence was the cause.

    Border police have data on bodies of people transported back to “countries of high migration risk”, referring to those states from where most migrants and refugees are coming.

    “In 2018, we had four cases; namely two transported to Pakistan and one to Jordan and one to Morocco,” Bosnian Border Police told BIRN.

    Una Sana Canton recorded four migrant or refugee deaths. One of ten units in the Federation entity, in northwest Bosnia, it is where most migrants and refugees are based, as it lies closest to EU-member Croatia.

    “In two cases, natural deaths were confirmed, one case concerned drowning and one person was killed,” the prosecutor’s office of Una Sana Canton told BIRN.

    No Name Kitchen, an NGO that assists migrants and refugees, said it was concerned over the fate of one young Moroccan who they fear is lost in Bosnia or Serbia.

    “He went to cross the border to Croatia from Republika Srpska in Bosnia and got pushed back into Serbia. As he wanted to cross back into Bosnia, he went to cross the [border] Drina river, and that was the last news we have of him,” No Name Kitchen told BIRN.

    His fate remains unknown, as local police could not confirm any details about him.

    The UN refugee agency, UNHCR, told BIRN it does not possess data on migrants and refugees who died in Bosnia but recalled its recently published report on their plight, Desperate Journeys.

    The report notes an estimated 2,275 people perished crossing the Mediterranean in 2018 – an average of six deaths every day, as more and more people attempted the perilous sea crossing to Europe.

    Just over 20,000 migrants and refugees were registered as having entered Bosnia during 2018, according to the country’s Service for Foreign Affairs.

    But the exact number of those still in Bosnia is hard to confirm, as many have clearly moved on.

    Latest information from Bosnia’s Council of Ministers, or government, says only 3,900 remain. That means most of those who declared an intention to claim asylum in Bosnia have in fact left the country.

    Those who stayed and are registered in Bosnia have been placed in seven locations: in Sarajevo, Mostar, Bihac, Cazin and Velika Kladusa. Most are in Bihac.

    Most of them are taking the new so-called “Balkan route” to Western Europe, which passes through Albania, Montenegro and Bosnia.

    The former route was closed off after Hungary built a fence to stop migrants and refugees from entering the country from Serbia, and then moving on to Austria.

    https://balkaninsight.com/2019/03/07/bosnia-records-12-migrant-deaths-in-2018
    #mourir_aux_frontières #Bosnie #asile #migrations #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #statistiques #chiffres #morts #décès

    • Reçu via la newsletter Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 02.08.2019 :

      In Bosnia and Herzegovina, two people lost their lives this week, one in #Bihać (https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/u-bihacu-umro-migrant-spavao-je-na-pruzi-kad-je-na-njega-naletio-vlak/2105526.aspx) and one in #Polje (https://www.radiovkladusa.ba/u-naselju-polje-pronadjeno-bezivotno-tijelo-migranta). Uncertain and inhumane living conditions and the absence of legal and safe roads have once again proved fatal for those in need of safety.

      #Bihac #2019

      –---------

      U Bihaću umro migrant, spavao je na pruzi kad je na njega naletio vlak

      SINOĆ je na pruzi u Bihaću od udara vlaka iz smjera Sarajeva poginuo jedan migrant, javlja Klix.ba.

      Nesreća se dogodila oko 00:25 na pruzi u blizini Jablaničke ulice kod benzinske pumpe Čavkunović, potvrdio je glasnogovornik MUP-a Unsko-sanskog kantona Ale Šiljdedić.

      Migrant je navodno spavao, nije čuo sirene upozorenja

      Prema riječima svjedoka, vlak se pokušao zaustaviti, ali neuspješno. Migrant je navodno spavao i nije se uspio skloniti s pruge premda su ga sirene upozoravale da se nalazi na mjestu kojem se približava vlak.

      Policajci su odmah izašli na teren, a obaviješteno je i tužiteljstvo.

      Nije poznato iz koje zemlje dolazi nesretni čovjek koji je preminuo na pruzi.

      https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/u-bihacu-umro-migrant-spavao-je-na-pruzi-kad-je-na-njega-naletio-vlak/2105526.aspx

      –--------

      U naselju Polje pronađeno beživotno tijelo migranta

      Jučer je u Velikoj Kladuši, prema još uvijek neutvrđenim okolnostima, smrtno stradala muška osoba za koju se pretpostavlja da je migrant, potvrdio je za naš Radio portparol MUP-a USK Ale Šiljdedić.

      Naime, policijski službenici, u 16:55h, zaprimili su dojavu da se na spratu jedne kuće, u naselju Polje nalazi tijelo nepoznatog muškarca. Slučaj je prijavila uposlenica trgovine koja se nalazi u prizemlju pomenute kuće.

      Policijski službenici su po dolasku na teren utvrdili da se radi o beživotnom tijelu, za sada, još uvijek neidentificirane muške osobe. Kako je naveo Šiljdedić, najvjerovatnije je riječ o migrantu, koji je pronađen sa teškim povredama u predjelu glave. Pretpostavlja se da je do smrti došlo usljed nesretnog slučaja, ali se ne isključuje ni mogućnost krivičnog djela. Više informacija bit će poznato nakon što se završi obdukcija tijela.

      https://www.radiovkladusa.ba/u-naselju-polje-pronadjeno-bezivotno-tijelo-migranta

  • VIOLENCE REPORTS

    The collective expulsion and violent return of asylum seekers to the Bosnian border surrounding #Velika_Kladuša is a routine occurrence. Men, women, and even children regularly return from their attempts to cross through Croatia and Slovenia with split lips, black eyes, and broken bones. The search for safety and asylum is all too often met with police batons and closed fists.

    The brutal practices of the Croatian police are against international laws and directives. Firstly, the beating and deportation of all people on the move, both irregular migrants and asylum seekers, is against the prohibition of collective expulsion (Article 4 Protocol 4 ECHR*), and the absolute prohibition of torture and non-humane or degrading treatment or punishment (Article 3 ECHR*).

    Secondly, according to the EU Directive on Asylum Procedures (2005/85/EC), all people on the move are entitled to information about asylum, translation assistance, the ability to present their case to a competent authority, notification of the outcome, and the right to appeal a negative decision (1). But most importantly, viewing people searching safety as mere illegal numbers and dangerous bodies pushes them to a grey zone. Within this grey zone, they are stripped of the right to have rights, resulting in their humiliation without legal consequence, leaving perpetrators unrecognisable and unpunished.

    Thousands of lives are being slowly destroyed while the EU community silently overlooks the brutality of its own border regime, absolving itself of any real sense of responsibility.

    To this end, No Name Kitchen, in coordination with several other independent groups operating in the area, has been engaged in the collection and presentation of the violence which occurs at Europe’s doorstep. In this capacity, we collect the testimonies of victims of border violence and present them to a variety of actors within the field in the hopes of highlighting the systematic nature of this violence. The methodological process for these reports is centered on leveraging the close social contact that we have as independent volunteers with refugees and migrants to monitor pushbacks from Croatia. When individuals return with significant injuries or stories of abuse, one of our violence monitoring volunteers will sit down with them and collect their testimonies. We collect hard data (dates, geo-locations, officer descriptions, photos of injuries/medical reports, etc.) but also open narratives of the abuse.

    http://www.nonamekitchen.org/en/violence-reports

    Lien pour télécharger le rapport :


    http://www.nonamekitchen.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Finished-Border-Violence-on-the-Balkan-Route.pdf
    #violence #rapport #route_des_balkans #Balkans #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Bosnie #frontières #Croatie #Slovénie

    • Garaža za mučenje migranata

      “Policija je dovela njih sedmero u garažu u Korenicu, gdje su im oduzeli sve stvari. Slomili su im mobitele, uništili punjače. Uzeli su im novac, cigarete i hranu. Kad su skinuli odjeću policajci su ih počeli tući rukama, laktovima, nogama”. U posljednjih pola godine pojavila su se višestruka svjedočanstva koja ukazuju na to da hrvatska policija pritvara i muči izbjeglice i migrante u garaži u policijskoj postaji u Korenici. Garaža s plavim vratima, u kojoj, kako se opisuje u svjedočanstvima, izbjeglice i migranti bivaju pretučeni i izgladnjivani, nalazi se svega par metara od dječjeg igrališta.

      U više izvještaja različitih organizacija, a najnovije i u posljednjem izvještaju Border Violence Monitoringa, opisuju se garažna mjesta za pritvaranja i zlostavljanje, koja po opisu mogu odgovarati policijskoj postaji u Korenici, koja je zbog blizina granice često u službi odvraćanja izbjeglica i migranta natrag u Bosnu i Hercegovinu.

      Prema posljednjim svjedočanstvima u travnju je grupa muškaraca iz Sirije, Alžira i Maroka, uhvaćena blizu granice sa Slovenijom, odvedena u garažu u Korenicu i zatim vraćena natrag u Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Izrazili su namjeru za službenim traženjem azila, ali im je odbijen pristup proceduri, iako na nju imaju zakonsko pravo.

      “Policija je dovela njih sedmero u garažu u Korenicu, gdje su im oduzeli sve stvari. Slomili su im mobitele, uništili punjače. Uzeli su im novac, cigarete i hranu. Jednoj su osobi uzeli čak i naočale. U prostoru je samo prljavi pod, bez deka, spužvi, wc-a. Morali su na njemu ležati, iako je bilo užasno hladno. Kad su skinuli odjeću policajci su ih počeli tući rukama, laktovima, nogama. Imali su i elektrošokere i pepper sprej, koje su koristili nekoliko puta. Svi su ljudi plakali”, stoji u svjedočanstvu.

      Prva svjedočanstva i opisi garaže pojavili su se u prosincu prošle godine, od strane migranata koji su nakon prelaska granice u Hrvatsku uhićeni, odvedeni u “garažu” pa protjerani natrag u Bosnu i Hercegovinu, bez da im je omogućeno pravo da u Hrvatskoj zatraže azil.

      U prosincu 2018. godine, kako je evidentirao Border Violence Monitoring, grupu Alžiraca je nakon prelaska granice pokupio kombi s policajcima u maskirnim uniformama, koji su izgledali kao vojska. Odveli su ih u garažu.

      “Policijska postaja je ispred garaže. Dvorište je između policijske postaje i garaže. Unutra je umiovaonik i grijalica, te svjetla na stropu. Prostorija je malena. Nema prozora, samo plava vrata”, stoji u opisu. Istaknuli su kako je bilo hladno te zbog hladnoće nisu mogli spavati. Policajci su, navodi se, s njima pričali nasilno te su im odbili dati hranu.

      Naposljetku su, s drugim migrantima koji su već bili u garaži, bez da im se omogući da zatraže azil, izbačeni u planinama i poslani da hodaju natrag u Bosnu satima. Kad su izišli iz kombija, policajci su naložili vatru u koju su bacili sve njihove stvari. “Jedan je policajac htio uzeti i deku u kojoj je bila umotana djevojčica iz iračke obitelji, ali ga je drugi policajac zaustavio da to ne napravi”, navodi se u svjedočanstvu. Vreće za spavanje i šatori su završili u plamenu.

      “Policija radi što hoće”, komentar je koji se učestalo čuje među brojnim izbjeglicama koji su više puta protjerani iz Hrvatske. Većina odvraćenih i protjeranih u Velikoj Kladuši, gradu blizu granice u kojem smo nedavno bili, žale se upravo najgorljivije na hrvatsku policiju.

      I mještani Velike Kladuše, pogotovo oni koji svakodnevno pomažu izbjeglicama i migrantima, ističu kako ljudi s granice dolaze izmučeni i gladni, nerijetko s modricama, ožiljcima, otvorenim ranama. “Svi ti prizori podsjećaju me na zadnji rat, jedino što nema bombardiranja”, komentira nam jedna mještanka. Nasilje koje provodi hrvatska granična policija tako je postalo svakodnevna tema.

      Krajem prošle godine pojavljuje se još jedno svjedočanstvo o “garaži”, u kojem stoji: “Stavili su nas u ćeliju, ali to zapravo nije ćelija, nego više kao garaža, s plavim vratima i pločicama. Ispred je parkiralište i policijska postaja”. “Kad nas je policija uhvatila, nisu nam dali ništa. Tamo je bio neki stari kruh, dosta star. Zatražio sam taj kruh, ali mi ga nisu dali”, opisuje jedan od migranata.

      Ponukani ovim svjedočanstvima i opisima garaže za mučenje, nedavno smo posjetili Korenicu. Na ulazu u Korenicu primjećujemo jedan policijski auto parkiran kraj šume, i policajca koji se upravo izvlači iz šume prema autu. Tijekom zimskih mjeseci mogli smo čitati kako “službenici postaje granične policije Korenice provode mjere pojačanog suzbijanja nezakonitih migracija”. U razgovoru s mještanima doznajemo kako su pojačane policijske snage u okolici u posljednje vrijeme, a izbjeglice i migrante se intenzivno traži po okolnim brdima.

      Prilikom našeg kratkog boravka u Korenici, ispred policijske postaje se izmijenio velik broj policajaca, dolazili su i odlazili autima i kombijima. Osim policajaca u redovnim uniformama, bilo je i obučenih u tamnozelene uniforme. U postaju dolaze i kombiji bez policijskih oznaka, a prisutni su i policajci u civilnoj odjeći.

      Prednji dio postaje sastoji se od velike zgrade s mnogo prozora, dok je unutarnji dio kompleksa ograđen i s malim dvorištem na kojem je parkirano nekoliko policijskih automobila i kombija, uz prostorije koje nalikuju na garaže, s plavim vratima. Te prostorije s jedne strane gledaju i na obližnje dječje igralište i na tom dijelu nema nijednog prozora. U dvorištu se nalaze i Toi Toi WC-i.

      U najnovijem svjedočanstvu koje je dokumentirao Border Violence Monitoring stoji: “Možemo ići samo dva puta dnevno na zahod, ujutro i navečer. Za ovo nas se vodi van u dvorište, gdje se nalaze tri plastična WC-a”, što ukazuje da postoji mogućnost da se radi upravo o ovoj policijskoj postaji. Aktivisti nam potvrđuju kako su svjedočanstva o “garaži” postala učestalija i sve detaljnija u opisima.

      I u svjedočanstvima iz ožujka izbjeglice i migranti navode kako su bili zatvoreni satima bez vode i hrane, te su iz nužde morali urinirati u kutu prostorije. “Bili smo kao kokoši. Ne želim se prisjećati tog trenutka. Bili smo poput životinja”, opisuje jedan migrant. “Pod je betoniran, hladno je, moramo spavati na njemu. Postoji samo jedna slavina za vodu i mali grijač na zidu. Vrata su plava i na njima je ispisano na mnogo jezika, datumi, imena i mjesta. Pakistanski, alžirski, marokanski, iranski, sirijski, odasvud”, opisuje se.

      Kad su pušteni iz pritvora garaže, kažu, policija ih je ostavila u planinskom području i poslala da hodaju kilometrima natrag prema Bihaću. Učestalo se spominje oduzimanje novca i mobitela i vrijednih stvari koje migranti sa sobom nose.

      Procedure odvraćanja izbjeglica i migranata obično se izvode iza zatvorenih vrata i u skrovitim područjima, čime se umanjuje rizik da će biti onih koji će im svjedočiti. Paralelu možemo povući i sa tzv. trećestupanjskim policijskim ispitivanjima.

      “Većina trećestupanjskih ispitivanja događala se tijekom pritvaranja na izoliranim lokacijama, uključujući policijske postaje, garaže, ponekad i hotele i mrtvačnice. Ali obično se takva mučenja događaju u pozadinskim sobama, incommunicado prostorijama, posebno dizajniranima u ove svrhe. U javnosti se postojanje takvih prostorija poriče, a njihovo održavanje zahtjeva šutnju čitavog sustava. Policija je rijeko kažnjavana za brutalne metode ispitivanja, korištene za izvlačenje priznanja, ali i da se ’nepoželjne’ otjera iz grada”, navodi se u radu Police Interrogation and Coercion in Domestic American History: Lessons for the War on Terror, Richarda A. Leoa i Alexe Koenig.

      “Ovakve prakse postaju sredstvo putem kojeg policija nadilazi svoju ispitivačku ulogu, pojačava svoju moć i zaobilazi ulogu koja je dizajnirana kako bi se spriječila koncentracija i zlouporaba moći od strane države”, zaključuju autori.

      Brutalne prakse zlostavljanja i prisilnih protjerivanja koje provode policijski službenici na hrvatskoj granici i o kojima sad već postoje kontinuirana i detaljna svjedočanstva, protivne su i domaćim i međunarodnim zakonima te direktivama.

      “Premlaćivanje i deportacija ljudi protivni su zabrani kolektivnih protjerivanja (Članak 4 Protokola 4 ECHR) i zabrani mučenja i nečovječnog ili ponižavajućeg postupanja ili kazni (Članak 3 ECHR)”, navodi se u Petom izvještaju o nezakonitim protjerivanjima i nasilju Republike Hrvatske, koji su nedavno objavile organizacije Are You Syrious?, Centar za mirovne studije i Incijativa Dobrodošli.

      Vraćanje migranata u Bosnu i Hercegovinu bez uzimanja u obzir osobnih okolnosti svakog pojedinog slučaja, a posebice zanemarujući njihovu potrebu za međunarodnom zaštitom, pa čak i na izričito traženje azila, uporaba sredstava prisile te ponižavanje ozbiljna su povreda izbjegličkih i migantskih prava, ali i enorman prijestup MUP-a, na što je upozoravala i pučka pravobraniteljica.

      MUP-u smo uputili upit za komentar o opžubama za nasilje i mučenje od strane hrvatske policije, kao i za slučaj “garaže” koju se povezuje s policijskom postajom u Korenici. Upitali smo ih i jesu li, s obzirom na svjedočanstva koja se pojavljuju od prosinca, reagirali na optužbe i posvetili se detaljnoj istrazi i uvidu u potencijalne prijestupe i prekoračenja policijske ovlasti u Korenici. Do zaključenja teksta odgovor na upite nismo dobili.

      Kada su u pitanju optužbe za policijsko nasilje, u prijašnjim reakcijama iz MUP-a su isticali kako “prilikom postupanja prema migrantima policija poštuje njihova temeljna prava i dostojanstvo te im omogućuje pristup sustavu međunarodne zaštite, ukoliko im je takva zaštita potrebna, sukladno općim dokumentima o ljudskim pravima, regulativi EU-a te nacionalnom zakonodavstvu. Želimo naglasiti nultu stopu tolerancije ovog ministarstva na nezakonitu uporabu sredstava prisile od strane hrvatske policije naspram bilo koje populacije, kao i nultu stopu tolerancije nad neprocesuiranjem bilo kojeg kaznenog djela ili prekršaja počinjenog od strane policijskih službenika”.

      Kako je moguće da se u zemlji “nulte stope tolerancije na nezakonitu upotrebu sredstava prisile” kontinuirano pojavljuju svjedočanstva o garažama za mučenje? Ostaje nam zapitati se je li zaista moguće da su sva ova detaljna svjedočanstva, koja se u mnogočemu podudaraju, prikupljena u različitim vremenskim periodima, od ljudi čiji se putevi uglavnom nisu sreli, lažna? Volonteri i aktivisti koji prikupljaju svjedočanstva također se rotiraju i dolaze iz različitih organizacija, pa je i njihova “sugestivnost” faktor koji bi se moglo prekrižiti.

      Garaža za mučenje mali je prostor, ali je bijeg od suočavanja s njenim postojanjem velik i indikativan. Arundhati Roy piše: “Ne postoje oni koji nemaju glas. Postoje samo oni koji su namjerno ušutkani i oni koje biramo da ne čujemo.”

      https://www.h-alter.org/vijesti/garaza-za-mucenje-migranata
      #Korenica

      Commentaire reçu par email de Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 22.05.2019 :

      H-alter published a text based on refugee testimonies and previously published reports of torture in a blue-coloured door garage that may correspond to the description of the police station in Korenica, located near the children’s playground. The testimonies describe denial of food, limited use of toilet and physical violence that occurs not only at the border but also in the depths of the Croatian territory.

    • ‘Nobody Hears You’ : Migrants, Refugees Beaten on Balkan Borders

      Migrants and refugees say they continue to face violence at the hands of police while trying to cross the Balkan peninsula.

      It was supposed to have closed. But migrants and refugees from the Middle East, Asia and Africa are still crossing the Balkan peninsula en route to Western Europe. Many report brutality at the hands of the police.

      In April this year, some 3,600 migrants and refugees – mainly from Afghanistan and Iran – were registered in Serbia, according to the United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR.

      Bosnia last year registered 25,000, though only 3,500 chose to stay in the country while the rest crossed quickly into European Union member Croatia.

      No Name Kitchen, NNK, an NGO assisting migrants and refugees, says police violence is on the rise.

      Between May 2017 and May last year, NNK recorded 215 reported cases of push-backs by Croatian police to Serbia, of which 45 per cent involved physical violence.

      Between May 2017 and December last year, there were 141 push-backs from Croatia to Bosnia, NNK reported, of which 84 per cent involved violence.

      Croatian authorities denied police used violence against migrants and refugees, telling BIRN that such accusations were often made up.

      BIRN journalists spoke to a number of refugees and migrants in Serbia, Bosnia and Slovenia about their experiences with Croatian police. Most chose to be identified only by their first names.

      Ahmed: ‘Nobody hears you’

      “They make the music loud and start beating us, one by one. With sticks, electrical sticks…,” said Ahmed, a Moroccan who had spent the past month in a migrant camp in the small Serbian border town of Sid.

      Ahmed said he had tried several times to cross the nearby border into Croatia, running a gauntlet known among migrants and refugees as ‘The Game’, but had been turned back each time by Croatian police.

      “I’ve been captured and they turn me back, beat me and turn me back,” he told BIRN. “They would come out from the car, one by one and they start, like that until you scream and nobody hears you,” he said.

      Ali: ‘Police have no heart’

      Ali and a group of friends had made it into Croatia from Bosnia in April and walked for six days in the direction of Slovenia.

      “Police officers, they caught us and after that, they brought us in the police station and we were for four hours in the police station like a prisoner and after that… they beat us,” he told BIRN in the northwestern Bosnian town of Bihac, a hub for migrants and refugees trying to cross the Croatian border.

      “Police have no heart. They don’t want to see that the guys are human. It’s really horrible.”

      Nue: ‘I don’t have a country’

      Some of those BIRN spoke to said they were fleeing repression in their own countries.

      Nue, a Palestinian now also stuck in Sid, said: “My country, I don’t have a country because I am from Palestine… I have ID just to say I am from Palestine.”

      Nue said that when he tried to cross the border, he was caught by the Croatian police. He pointed to a cut on his head.

      “When he’s [the police officer] catching me, he does like this,” he said, imitating being beaten. “I have to just stay in the tent because maybe I have a problem in my head because [the beating was] very strong.”

      Nue said he was now sleeping in the street.

      Another man, in the centre of Sid, said police were also violent towards his wife, who was nine months pregnant when BIRN spoke to the couple.

      “They don’t care if she’s pregnant or not,” he said. “There is no human qualities in them, you understand. I never seen such people.”

      Muhamed: Old and new injuries

      Muhamed, from Tunisia, said he had been in Serbia for six weeks having been beating by police on the Croatian border.

      “They done with you everything,” he said, and showed injuries he said were inflicted the day before by Croatian police.

      Muhamed said he was beaten for 10 minutes and then sent back to Serbia.

      “Everytime, doing this, everytime, look, this old and this new,” he said, pointing to the bruises and cuts.

      Khalid: It was necessary

      In a migrant camp in Slovenia, Khalid, from Eritrea, said he had been deported back to Bosnia eight times.

      “I came to Ljubljana by walk,” he said.

      “[Croatian police] deported me eight times – four times to [Velika Kladusa] and four times to Bihac. They beat us, and they take [our] phones. They make many things.”

      Though he personally had not faced violence, Khalid said he knew of many others who had.

      “All the people now, they forget everything because they crossed the borders and also we have to tell them sorry, we cross your country… It was necessary to do it.”

      Activist: ‘It’s worse and worse’

      Diego Menjibar, an activist with No Name Kitchen, told BIRN:

      “They are beaten by batons in borders. Also, with fist, kicking them. We have a lot of cases every week of people beaten with batons, with physical violence, also verbal violence and some of them, they also passed out while they [were] beat, so we have a doctor here.”

      Menjibar spoke in a disused factory in Sid that is now filled with tents for migrants and refugees. Roughly 100 pass through the camp each day.

      “We talk with the people in the squat and we listen what they say and every time it’s worse and worse,” he said.

      Beaten around the legs

      In April, Swiss broadcaster SRF and the crew of the TV programme “Rundschau” spent three weeks in the fields on the Bosnian-Croatian border speaking to migrants and refugees in the moment after they were turned back by Croatian police.

      “I was literally running after these people when they came down [after being deported],” SRF journalist Nicole Vögele told BIRN. “I was aware that now what we really need is a full line of evidence.”

      In May, SRF broadcast a piece showing Croatian police pushing back migrants and refugees into Bosnia. Vögele said many sustained injuries to their legs from being beaten by police with sticks.

      “Most of them were showing me the [lower] parts of the legs,” Vögele said. “Two days later, I asked them if they have same traces because just an hour after the beating, as you can imagine you can see a bit of red. But two days later it is clearly visible.”

      In the SRF report, an Afghan family, including small children, spoke of bring stopped in the forest by Croatian policemen.

      “They pointed their guns at us and said ‘Stop’. We were very scared and cried,” said the oldest of the children. When the family asked for asylum, the police officers laughed and said that they would be given “Bosnian asylum” – meaning that they would be deported back to Bosnia.

      Injuries

      The Serbian-based NGO Asylum Protection Centre has also gathered extensive evidence of Croatian police brutality.

      In late April, Rados Djurovic, the director of the centre, said instances of violence were on the rise.

      The NGO has also gathered evidence of migrant families, including children, being starved and exhausted and illegally pushed back into Serbia by Hungarian police.

      Police denial

      The office of the Croatian ombudsperson said it had acted in more than 50 cases concerning refugees and migrants.

      The cases “often involve complaints on various grounds, including police treatment,” the office said in a written reply to BIRN.

      Most complaints concerned Croatian and Hungarian police.

      “The complaints relate to various types of violence, from hits by hands and sticks to the bite of official dogs,” the office said.

      The local health centre in Bihac, in northwestern Bosnia, said it saw up to 10 cases of violent injuries each month, “but injuries are done by various subjects, i.e. the internal conflicts of migrants, third parties and / or police”.

      Croatia’s interior ministry said it had looked into all complaints of alleged coercive measures against migrants and that none had warranted further criminal investigation.

      “In all these cases, detailed field inspections were carried out in police administrations, and so far in none of the cases have been found that police officers are using forced means against migrants,” it told BIRN.

      The ministry stressed its respect for the fundamental rights and dignity of migrants and that it used “prescribed procedure for returning to the country from which they illegally entered into the Republic of Croatia.”

      “Migrants are most often falsely accusing police officers of violence, expecting such accusations will help them with a new attempt to enter the Republic of Croatia and continue their journey towards the destination countries,” it said.

      In Bosnia, a police spokesman in the Una-Sana canton, where Bihac is located, said police had not received any complaints of violence against migrants and refugees by Bosnian police.

      https://balkaninsight.com/2019/06/13/nobody-hears-you-migrants-refugees-beaten-on-balkan-borders

    • Un monde de murs : en Bosnie, la matraque et les poings comme frontière

      L’Europe a fait tomber ses murs mais bétonne ses frontières. Depuis 2018, des milliers de personnes tentent de traverser le corridor croate depuis la Bosnie pour atteindre l’espace Schengen. Migrants et ONG dénoncent des refoulements ultra-violents.

      Le camp de #Vučjak est situé sur une ancienne décharge. D’après le responsable de la Croix-Rouge, du méthane s’échappe du sol dans certaines zones. Autour des terrains empruntés chaque jour par les migrants sont susceptibles d’abriter des #mines_antipersonnel. - Kristof Vadino.

      Ici, on appelle ça le « #game ». Tenter de franchir la frontière entre la Bosnie et la Croatie et atteindre la Slovénie puis l’Italie sans se faire pincer. Le « game », Anwar peut en parler : il a « joué », il a perdu. Ils sont un petit groupe d’adolescents pakistanais et afghans dans le coin d’une grande tente du camp de Vučjak, dans les montagnes du nord de la Bosnie, à manger à même le sol le deuxième (et dernier) repas de la journée. Certains sont majeurs. « La police a tout pris : mes vêtements, mes chaussures… Ils ont tout jeté dans le feu. Et puis, ils ont frappé, fort », raconte le jeune Pakistanais. Parce qu’on demande, il précise : coups de poing, coups de pied, coups de matraque. « Ils nous ont poussés dans la rivière, l’eau était vraiment très froide, mais ils nous ont forcés à rester là deux heures. Ensuite, on a dû monter dans un véhicule et ils ont mis la climatisation à fond. » Ils ont été renvoyés pieds nus dans la forêt.

      Si, à vol d’oiseau la frontière n’est qu’à quelques kilomètres du camp, il faut plusieurs heures de marche pour passer la montagne, notoirement habitée par loups, serpents et ours (un psychologue croate de Médecins du Monde raconte avoir suivi une enfant traumatisée après que sa famille a été prise en chasse par un ours). Cette fois-ci, Anwar s’en sort bien, des contusions mais pas de blessures. Celle d’avant, au tibia, a cicatrisé. Une fois, il est parvenu à marcher pendant dix jours en Croatie. Il approchait de la frontière slovène lorsqu’on l’a attrapé. « A chaque fois, ils nous lâchent dans la montagne quand ils nous ramènent. » Les violences ? « Toujours. » Un ami l’a dépanné d’une paire de chaussures et de vêtements, mais il faudra quelque temps avant de réunir à nouveau le matériel nécessaire pour camper dans la « jungle » le long des routes croates. Avant d’avoir une opportunité avec les passeurs aussi. Le tarif : 1.200 euros – payables à l’arrivée – pour rejoindre Trieste à pied depuis la Bosnie. L’option « taxi » est beaucoup plus sûre, mais trois à quatre fois plus chère.

      « C’est dur », mais pas question de dévisser de l’objectif. « Inch Allah, je retenterai et je rejoindrai la Belgique », assure Anwar, dans un grand sourire fayot. « Il n’y a pas de vie pour nous au Pakistan. » Autour, les copains qui comprennent un peu l’anglais acquiescent, sérieux.
      Une petite équipe pour 700 hommes

      L’acharnement, c’est l’impossibilité de faire machine arrière : la dette contractée auprès de sa famille – les terres vendues, les sacrifices pour financer le voyage –, l’obligation de réussite. C’est aussi que, si violentes que puissent être les fins de partie, le « game » vaut le coup. Depuis 2018, un peu plus de 50.000 migrants sont entrés en Bosnie. D’après les chiffres de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), ils seraient actuellement autour de 7.000 sur le territoire ; 700 ont fait le choix de rentrer dans leur pays d’origine. Les autres sont vraisemblablement passés en Europe.

      Comme beaucoup, Anwar a passé quelques nuits devant les portes de Bira, le vaste entrepôt qui parque depuis un an plus de 1.500 hommes, mineurs isolés et familles à quelques kilomètres de là. Il est complet en permanence (1.800 personnes en ce moment). L’espace permettrait de rajouter des containers pour ouvrir 500 places supplémentaires, mais le gouvernement local restreint strictement la capacité. Les conditions sont rudes mais, à côté du camp « cauchemar » de Vučjak, c’est trois étoiles. « J’ai dit à la barrière de Bira que j’avais 17 ans », raconte Anwar. « Mais ils n’ont pas voulu que j’entre. » Il a fini par lâcher l’affaire et revenir au camp.

      Dans la tente des garçons, le container de la Croix-Rouge locale conserve les pains qui restent du petit-déjeuner. Les retardataires et retournés frappent régulièrement à la porte pour en récupérer. « It’s oooooopeeeeeen. » Affalé sur la table, le garçon aux traits tirés retire prestement le masque médical en se redressant. Mohamed Cehic gère la toute petite équipe de la Croix-Rouge qui tente tant bien que mal, seule, de répondre aux besoins des 700 hommes du camp. Cinq « volontaires » mobilisés sept jours par semaine. Il est épuisé. « Rien à voir avec le travail, j’ai juste mal dormi », assure le responsable. Avant de prendre les rênes du camp, il avait travaillé un mois dans les centres gérés par l’OIM, où la Croix-Rouge assure la distribution des repas. Et avant cela, il était à l’école. Il a 19 ans.

      « On fait tout : on a monté les tentes, on collecte et distribue la nourriture, les vêtements, tout », explique Mohamed Cehic. « Ce n’est pas un camp, je dirais plutôt un… site de transit. La situation n’est pas bonne. Ce n’est pas facile pour les gens. » Il est parfois interrompu par les puissantes rafales de vent qui rabattent pluie et branches contre la paroi du container. Reprend quand cela se calme. « L’hiver approche. C’est la montagne ici, il fait beaucoup plus froid qu’en ville. Ça va vite devenir très difficile. » Est-ce qu’il y a d’autres questions, parce qu’il devrait y aller là, il y a encore… beaucoup.
      « Si une solution n’est pas trouvée rapidement, les gens vont mourir »

      Dehors, les sollicitations reprennent. Deux hommes reviennent de l’unité mobile que Médecins sans frontières fait désormais venir quatre fois par semaine à un kilomètre de là (il n’y avait avant cela aucun accès à l’aide médicale). Ils ont un papier certifiant leur diagnostic : tuberculose. Il faut organiser leur transport à l’hôpital. Entendant parler de « docteur », d’autres arrivent. Un homme a le poignet blessé. « Police. » Il a improvisé un bandage avec un t-shirt déchiré et de la ficelle. Un autre encore ; une plaie suinte à travers le tissu à sa cheville. « C’est trop tard pour le docteur. Demain. » L’eau dans la tente ? « Je sais, on n’a rien pour réparer. » Médicament ? Vêtements ? Non ; plus tard : désolé, je ne peux rien faire ; demain. « Je ne sais pas si on pourra continuer comme ça », reconnaît Mohamed Cehic. « Les autorités ont dit que le camp fermerait le 15 novembre, mais honnêtement, je ne sais plus à qui faire confiance. » Même la nourriture manque. Dans son dernier rapport, la Croix-Rouge affirme ne pas parvenir à fournir les 2.200 calories minimum nécessaires. Le chef de mission de l’OIM, Peter Van der Auweraert, est, lui, plus catégorique : « Si une solution n’est pas trouvée rapidement, les gens vont mourir. »

      Vučjak n’a rien d’un camp spontané. Il résulte de la volonté du gouvernement cantonal d’éloigner les migrants des centres-villes et des habitations. Nouvellement empruntée, la route bosnienne a vu le nombre de migrants soudainement augmenter début 2018, passant de 1.116 personnes en 2017 à 23.848 l’année suivante. Même si un centre d’accueil existe à Sarajevo (saturé, comme les autres), la population se concentre dans le seul canton d’Una Sana, très proche de la Slovénie et de l’Italie. Ce qui a pesé sur la population. En l’espace de dix mois, la police du canton a ouvert 185 dossiers criminels à l’encontre de migrants, incluant un meurtre, trois tentatives de meurtre et des intrusions dans des maisons (« Plutôt en quête d’abris que de vol », nuance le porte-parole de la police). Des migrants étaient victimes dans 26 dossiers. Mais s’agissant de Vučjak, l’OIM et la plupart des autres organisations (y compris l’Union européenne, qui finance tous les centres) ont refusé de jouer le jeu. Le site, une ancienne décharge, n’a pas été testé pour sa toxicité. Sans eau courante, ni électricité, il est entouré de zones toujours susceptibles d’abriter des mines antipersonnel, résidus de guerre.
      Violences policières

      Seule la Croix-Rouge a répondu à l’appel du gouvernement et jongle depuis avec des bouts de ficelle. Enfin, des colsons pour l’heure, seul moyen de rabibocher les tentes déchirées par les intempéries. Au petit matin, les hommes transis de froid se rassemblent près des feux aux abords des tentes. Voire à l’intérieur. C’est dangereux, mais comme tout. Encore emmitouflé dans une mince couverture, un homme se lance dans une grande supplique à l’Union européenne. « Vous nous repoussez, d’accord, mais s’il vous plaît, arrêtez de nous punir. Arrêtez les violences. »

      La violence « supposée » de la police croate, toutes les personnes rencontrées qui sont revenues de la frontière disent en avoir fait l’expérience. Les estropiés qui « se sont fait mal » en tentant de traverser font désormais partie du paysage cantonal. Tant à Vučjak que dans les rues et les centres gérés par l’OIM. Comme Ghulem, 38 ans, croisé à Miral, le centre de Velika Kladusa, dans son fauteuil roulant. Lorsque ses amis l’ont ramené du « game » il y a un mois, incapable de tenir sur ses jambes, les médecins ont fait une radio. Mais on ne lui a jamais communiqué les résultats. Il peut légèrement les bouger maintenant, pas plus. Il a mal, surtout le soir. C’était sa première tentative. Un seul coup de matraque sous les genoux. Il y pense tout le temps. Des migrants racontent que la police tape toujours plus dur sur les Pakistanais – majoritaires en ce moment – sans qu’on sache pourquoi.

      Naeem était presque en Italie, lorsque la police slovène l’a intercepté et remis aux forces croates. Retour à la montagne. Le bâton a frappé tellement fort qu’il a creusé des trous dans la chair. Sa jambe a doublé de volume avec l’infection. Un mois plus tard, les plaies suintent encore à travers les pansements. Il a de la chance, il a accès à un docteur.
      Histoires de disparitions

      Contactée, la Commission européenne assure prendre la situation très au sérieux et attend que la Croatie la « tienne informée ». Fin 2018, Bruxelles débloquait une enveloppe de 6,8 millions d’euros pour permettre à la Croatie de renforcer le contrôle de ses frontières – condition pour une intégration future du pays dans l’espace Schengen – « dans le respect du droit de l’Union européenne ». Outre l’achat de matériel, la création de nouveaux postes-frontières et le renforcement des équipes, l’argent devait financer un « monitoring indépendant », censé essentiellement passer en revue les procédures en place. Quant aux violences policières et au déni d’asile, la Croatie « s’est engagée à enquêter sur toute allégation de mauvais traitement de migrants et réfugiés à la frontière ». Le ministère de l’Intérieur croate n’a pas donné suite à nos requêtes (refusant par ailleurs l’accès à un centre d’accueil de Zagreb).
      Quotidien de migrant

      Le monitoring se fait surtout du côté des ONG. Une poignée d’organisations actives dans les Balkans alimente continuellement le Border Violence Monitoring de rapports d’entretiens menés avec des migrants, souvent complétés de rapports médicaux corroborant les témoignages. De quoi conforter l’idée d’un usage systématique de la violence incluant torture par le froid, passage à tabac, destructions des biens et vêtements et, dans certains cas, des morsures de chiens, os brisés par des coups de bâton…

      L’angle mort pour l’heure, ce sont les disparitions. Dans les camps circulent de nombreuses histoires de noyade lors de la traversée de la Glina, la rivière qui sépare la Bosnie de la Croatie. Mais elles restent quasi impossibles à documenter. Alertées par les migrants, les ONG ont amené (poussé) la police bosnienne à découvrir trois corps – dont un dans la rivière – depuis le mois de septembre, induisant ainsi l’ouverture d’enquêtes. Depuis son lit superposé dans l’immense dortoir de Miral, un garçon essaie de se faire entendre, cherche du regard un Pakistanais capable de traduire. « S’il vous plaît, mes amis, ils sont restés là-bas. » Quatre jours plus tôt, il a laissé quatre compagnons dans les bois, à proximité de la frontière slovène, raconte-t-il. « Ils ont mangé des baies empoisonnées. Ils ne se sont pas réveillés. » Les informations lui manquent, il n’a pas de données GPS. « C’est près d’un village. S’il vous plaît. Il faut les aider. »

      Déni d’asile

      L.K.

      D’après les témoignages de migrants et d’organisations locales, de nombreux cas de refoulements se feraient depuis les commissariats de police croates, seuls endroits où les personnes peuvent déclarer leur intention de demander l’asile. « Il est déjà arrivé que des personnes viennent directement dans nos locaux, qu’on les renvoie vers les commissariats… et qu’elles se retrouvent en Bosnie le lendemain », raconte Tajana Tadic, de l’association citoyenne Are you Sirious. « Ça nous met dans une situation compliquée. C’est délicat de demander aux gens de faire confiance une autorité dont ils ont peur, tout en sachant qu’ils ont de bonnes raisons de se méfier. »

      La Croatie, cela dit, accueille des demandeurs d’asile. Des familles surtout. Médecins du Monde y assure le screening médical et les consultations psychologiques. « On constate essentiellement des maladies de peau, des blessures traumatiques et des problèmes respiratoires. Côté psychologique, leur esprit est encore tourné vers la route, l’urgence d’avancer. Ce n’est qu’après quelque temps que les problèmes apparaissent, quand ils sortent du “mode survie” », explique une psychologue. « On voit des symptômes dépressifs, des crises de panique, de l’anxiété, des troubles de stress post-traumatiques… »

      https://plus.lesoir.be/259302/article/2019-11-08/un-monde-de-murs-en-bosnie-la-matraque-et-les-poings-comme-frontiere
      #Vucjak #the_game #Cazin #Bihac #Vedika_Kladusa

    • Réfugiés en Bosnie-Herzégovine : à la frontière croate, le « game » a repris

      Bloqués depuis la mi-avril par les mesures de confinement liés à la pandémie, les candidats à l’exil sont de plus en plus nombreux à reprendre la route de Bihać pour tenter de passer en Croatie puis se diriger vers l’Europe occidentale. Malgré les violences, les humiliations et les actes de torture commis par la police, dénoncés par Amnesty international (https://www.amnesty.be/infos/actualites/article/croatie-violences-policieres-torture-infligees-migrantes)

      « Je vais en Italie. J’ai fait 100 km à pied pour arriver ici », raconte Velid, un Afghan. Trois jours plus tôt, il est parti du camp de Blažuj, près de Sarajevo, afin d’essayer de passer la frontière croate par Bihać, dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Velid dort dans des bâtiments abandonnés en attendant de tenter le « game ». « Je n’ai rien à boire ni à manger. Les conditions de logement sont mauvaises, sans eau, ni électricité. On a essayé d’aller dans un camp officiel, mais les gens de la sécurité nous disent qu’il n’y a pas de place pour nous. ». Velid est accompagné d’Abdul Samed, lui aussi venu de Blažuj avec l’objectif de rallier l’Italie.

      Muhamed Husein est Pakistanais. Il y a trois semaines, il logeait au camp Lipa, à 30 km de Bihać. Il a fini dans les locaux désaffectés de Krajinametal après avoir échoué à passer la frontière croate. « Nous sommes arrivés dans ce bâtiment. Nous n’avons pas d’eau, pas de chaussures. Le camp de Lipa est plein et de nouvelles personnes arrivent. Quand on essaie de pénétrer en Croatie, la police nous attrape et nous reconduit à la frontière. Mais nous, on veut aller en Italie. »

      Suite à l’assouplissement des mesures de lutte contre la pandémie, l’arrivée de réfugiés et de migrants sur le territoire du canton d’Una-Sana (USK) est en forte hausse. Selon les informations de la police locale, ces dix derniers jours, 1500 à 2000 nouveaux réfugiés et migrants seraient entrés dans le canton. « Chaque jour, entre 100 et 150 nouveaux migrants en moyenne arrivent dans notre canton en autocar, depuis Sarajevo, Tuzla et Banja Luka », confirme Ale Šiljededić, porte-parole de la police de l’USK. « Comme nous avons pu nous en assurer lors de nos contrôles, certains ont des cartes de camps en activité en Bosnie-Herzégovine, plus précisément à Sarajevo, ce qui signifie qu’ils en partent librement, sans le moindre contrôle ni surveillance. »

      Dans le canton de Bihać, les autorités sont inquiètes

      Selon les autorités municipales, l’augmentation des arrivées à Bihać réveille la crainte que la situation ne revienne à son état d’avant l’état d’urgence, quand les bâtiments abandonnés, mais également les parcs de la ville, étaient devenus des lieux de rassemblement et de vie pour les migrants faute de place dans les camps officiels saturés. « Il n’y a pas eu de nouvelles arrivées pendant la pandémie », précise Ale Šiljededić. « Nous avons vidé les bâtiments squattés et installé les migrants dans le camp Lipa. Ces jours-ci, ces espaces se remplissent à nouveaux, car les centres d’accueil affichent complet. »

      Selon les données de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), en charge de la gestion des camps officiels en Bosnie-Herzégovine, 3500 migrants séjournent actuellement dans les camps du Canton d’Una-Sana, dont 1200 dans le nouveau camp de Lipa. Autre problème pour les autorités municipales, le camp de Bira, situé dans la ville de Bihać, dont la fermeture traîne depuis des mois. D’après l’OIM, il accueille à l’heure actuelle quelque 610 migrants. « Bira doit fermer, c’est notre objectif à long terme, mais fermer Bira et avoir des milliers de migrants dans la nature et dans les rues, ce n’est pas non plus une solution », a déclaré le maire Šuhret Fazlić lors d’une conférence de presse le 4 juin.

      Sur la base des conclusions du Groupe opérationnel de suivi de la crise migratoire dans le Canton d’Una-Sana, la police contrôle les autocars qui entrent sur le territoire du canton. « Malheureusement, nous n’arrivons pas complètement à dissuader les migrants d’entrer dans le canton, car la majorité d’entre eux poursuit son chemin vers Bihać à pied ou par d’autres moyens », précise Ale Šiljededić.

      Les migrants ont le même objectif que les Bosniens

      Azra Ibrahimović-Srebrenica, directrice du camp d’Ušivak, près de Sarajevo, confirme que les migrants sont à nouveau en mouvement. Pendant le confinement, il y avait dans ce centre d’accueil dirigé par l’OIM environ 900 migrants, ils ne sont plus que 400 aujourd’hui. « Leur objectif n’est pas la Bosnie-Herzégovine, mais les pays d’Europe occidentale », rappelle-t-elle. « Toute surveillance de la direction du camp cesse quand les migrants les quittent », poursuit-elle. « D’après ce qu’ils nous disent, ils utilisent les transports publics, selon l’argent dont ils disposent. Certains paient leur voyage, et ceux qui ne peuvent pas s’acheter un billet partent à pied. »

      Les restrictions de déplacement des migrants sont-elles toujours en vigueur ? Pour l’OIM, « depuis l’adoption de la décision du Conseil des ministres sur la restriction des déplacements et du séjour des étrangers, qui a suivi l’annonce officielle de la pandémie de Covid-19, il est impossible de quitter les centres d’accueil temporaires de manière régulière ». Cette décision, adoptée le 16 avril, interdit les déplacements et le séjour des sans-papiers en dehors des centres d’accueil. Mais les migrants, comme l’a confirmé l’OIM, quittent en général les camps en sautant les barrières.

      La population locale est inquiète, « mais c’est principalement à cause des préjugés envers les migrants », affirme la directrice du camp Ušivak. L’objectif de ces derniers, rappelle-t-elle, est exactement le même que celui des citoyens bosniens qui quittent le pays : une vie meilleure. « Les gens se font des idées fausses et des préjugés sur la base de quelques individus problématiques. En réalité, nous avons dans nos centres des gens charmants, bien élevés, éduqués, cultivés, des sportifs talentueux, comme ce groupe de six footballeurs qui se sont entraînés avec le petit club près du camp. Nous avons aussi des musiciens, des enseignants, des médecins... » Selon les données de l’OIM, il y aurait actuellement sur l’ensemble du territoire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, plus de 5700 migrants logés dans les sept centres d’accueil sous sa tutelle.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/A-la-frontiere-Bosnie-Herzegovine-Croatie-les-migrants-tentent-de

  • #métaliste sur les #villes-refuge

    –-> v. aussi cette compilation : https://seenthis.net/messages/675436

    Le #HCR se félicite du soutien de 175 villes à travers le #monde entier en faveur des réfugiés
    https://seenthis.net/messages/791115
    #Cities#WithRefugees

    Projet de recherche du #PUCA « L’accueil, la circulation et l’installation des migrants » :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/817229

    Quel rôle pour les villes dans l’accueil et l’intégration des demandeurs d’asile et réfugiés ?
    https://www.vuesdeurope.eu/num/quel-role-pour-les-villes-dans-laccueil-et-lintegration-des-demandeurs-d

    Cities of refuge research

    A research project that explores and explicates the relevance of international human rights, as law, praxis and discourse, to how local governments in Europe welcome and integrate refugees.

    https://citiesofrefuge.eu

    An EU solution, or a local one ?
    –-> une section d’un article publié dans l’article « Germany sees political controversy over rescuing refugees from Greece » :
    https://www.dw.com/en/germany-greece-refugees-asylum-controversy/a-54538520

    Table-ronde organisée lors d’une conférence du réseau Fearless Cities sur les villes-refuge :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/899744

    L’accueil des réfugiés peut-il devenir une #politique_locale ?
    https://seenthis.net/messages/927177

    Visualisation : Cities and civil society networks for a Welcoming Europe


    https://seenthis.net/messages/928867

    Europe welcomes - A decent and humane asylum policy is possible in Europe


    https://seenthis.net/messages/967233

    #ville-refuge #migrations #asile #réfugiés #solidarité #résistance

    ping @isskein

  • #métaliste sur les morts aux #frontières des #Alpes

    Première décompte des morts, à ma connaissance, celui de Médecins Sans Frontières, dans un rapport de 2018 :
    https://fuoricampo.medicisenzafrontiere.it/Fuoricampo2018.pdf
    A la page 17, on peut lire : plus de 20 cadavres retrouvés aux frontières alpines, dont 15 entre l’Italie et la France

    Article paru dans La Repubblica le 22 février 2019 :
    I volontari francesi : in un anno 30 migranti morti nel tentativo di attraversare le Alpi

    Bilancio denuncia:al confine di Claviere è caccia all’uomo, 7mila respinti nel 2018.

    La frontiera franco–italiana, dove ogni giorno i migranti cercano di lasciare l’Italia, diretti in Francia, è “un confine sotto controllo militare dove è in corso una caccia all’uomo” e dove sono stati trovati una trentina di cadaveri nell’ultimo anno.
    E’ l’analisi durissima presentata ieri a Parigi dall’Anafè, l’associazione nazionale di assistenza agli stranieri sulle frontiere, un’associazione a cui aderiscono una ventina di enti, molti sono gruppi di giuristi e avvocati. Per un anno i volontari dell’Anafé hanno analizzato quello che succede nella regione delle Hautes-Alpes, al Monginevro e al Colle della Scala, e sulla frontiera di Ventimiglia, denunciando “le pratiche illegali dell’amministrazione francese”.

    Il risultato è un rapporto intitolato “#Persona_non_grata. Conseguenze delle politiche migratorie e di sicurezza (https://drive.google.com/file/d/15HEFqA01_aSkKgw05g_vfrcP1SpmDAtV/view)” che mette sotto la lente di ingrandimento - osservando la scena dal lato francese - la militarizzazione della frontiera e le violazioni dei diritti durante i controlli della Paf, la polizia di frontiera francese. L’Anafé solleva dubbi sulle procedure con cui i migranti vengono fermati quando sono individuati. “Vengono suddivisi e selezionati in base a segni esterni come il colore della pelle, l’odore e l’abbigliamento – e aggiungono - Dal 2015 la polizia di frontiera ha emesso rifiuti di ingresso in Francia senza rispettare la legge”.

    Ogni migrante, infatti, avrebbe diritto ad un’esame approfondito della sua situazione con l’aiuto di un interprete, ma al Monginevro molti vengono rimandati verso l’Italia dopo poche ore e, sostiene chi ha redatto il documento, senza la necessaria assistenza. Succede anche con i minori non accompagnati che, per legge, dovrebbero essere accolti. I volontari hanno raccolto la storia di un ragazzino fermato a pochi chilometri da Clavière , il 22 novembre. “La gendarmeria ci ha trovato intorno alle 4 - dice - Eravamo rimasti solo in quattro perché il gruppo si era disperso. Sono svenuto perché ho un problema al cuore e quando mi sono svegliato ho chiesto di essere portato in ospedale ma mi hanno detto che non era possibile. Ricordo che mi hanno fatto scendere dalla macchina al confine e che ho aspettato a lungo al freddo”.

    Nel 2016 i respingimenti al confine con la val di Susa erano stati 316, nel 2017 sono stati 1900. A Modane, nel 2018, sono stati rifiutati oltre 7000 ingressi. “Le persone esiliate - si legge ancora - vengono tenute in condizioni di detenzione deplorevole e senza diritti, senza spazi per dormire, cibo o acqua, contro lo stesso principio di dignità umana”. La procura di Nizza – come riporta il quotidiano Le Monde - ha già aperto un’inchiesta per valutare eventuali abusi della polizia alla frontiera.
    Un ultimo capitolo del documento, che si conclude con una lunga lista di raccomandazioni per garantire i diritti delle persone, è dedicato alla criminalizzazione della solidarietà: la procura di Gap, infatti, ha avviato diversi processi contro persone ritenute responsabili di aver aiutato i migranti. Il 13 dicembre scorso 7 persone erano state condannate dal tribunale e tra queste anche una ragazza torinese.

    https://torino.repubblica.it/cronaca/2019/02/22/news/i_volontari_francesi_trenta_migranti_morti_nel_tentativo_di_attrav

    Quand j’aurai le temps, je chercherais les références des cas antérieures que j’ai répertoriés sur seenthis par le passé...

    #frontière_sud-alpine #montagne #mourir_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #frontières

    J’ajoute à la #métaliste sur la frontière sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733721

    Voir aussi ces articles consacrés aux morts aux frontières à Vintimille, Brenner et Côme :
    https://openmigration.org/analisi/i-morti-di-confine-a-ventimiglia
    https://openmigration.org/analisi/morire-di-confine-al-brennero
    https://openmigration.org/analisi/morire-di-confine-a-como

    Statistiques telles qu’elles ont été présentées dans une vidéo qui a été publiée le 5 septembre 2017 :


    https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2017/09/05/migranti-quando-capita-a-due-passi-da-te-e-diverso-storia-di-rawda-e-degli-italiani-che-lhanno-restituita-a-sua-figlia/3822631

    Commentaire du rapport Persona non grata par les rédacteurs du rapport, sur les ondes de Radio Parleur :
    La journaliste demande : avez vous des chiffres sur les morts aux frontières ? (minute 4’25)

    « La question des chiffres c’est toujours compliqué, parce qu’on peut avoir une idée de personnes pour lesquelles on en a eu connaissance. Mais il y a forcément des gens qu’on ne peut pas voir et peut-être aussi des personnes qui sont disparues ou qui ont perdu la vie, mais dont on en a pas connaissance. Dans le rapport on parle d’une trentaine, parce qu’il y a eu 22 personnes dont on est sûrs qu’elles sont décédées à la frontière basse. Et à la frontière haute, entre 2017 et 2018 il y a eu 3 décès et une disparition. Et en février, il y a deux semaines, il y a eu un autre décès. Donc on s’approche d’une trentaine, mais on ne peut pas donner de chiffres précis parce qu’il y en a aussi plein pour lesquels on ne sait pas. »

    Source : https://radioparleur.net/2019/03/01/anafe-crise-frontieres-migrations

    Conférence de #Daniela_Trucco : Mise en récit des morts à la frontière franco-italienne des Alpes Maritimes (2015-2018)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/780341

    Article paru dans Le Monde, en juin 2018 :
    Dans les Alpes, la fonte des neiges révèle les corps de migrants morts en tentant de passer en France
    https://seenthis.net/messages/756096#message786236

    –—

    A faire dans le futur... éplucher cette liste de Gabriele Del Grande et identifier les cas « alpins » (notamment pour ceux qui ont eu lieu avant 2015) :
    http://fortresseurope.blogspot.com/2006/02/nascosti-nei-tir.html

    ping @reka @isskein

  • Comment l’aide suisse au développement relève le défi de la migration

    Créer les conditions permettant aux gens de vivre en paix dans leur propre pays et de réaliser leurs rêves : c’est le but du Pacte migratoire de l’ONU. La Suisse a gelé son adhésion à cet accord. Elle soutient pourtant des projets qui poursuivent ces objectifs.
    En début de semaine, la communauté internationale a officiellement adopté le Pacte mondial sur les migrations à Marrakech, sous les auspices des Nations unies (ONU). Mais la Suisse a suspendu sa participation, car le Parlement exige d’être préalablement consulté. La Confédération soutient pourtant déjà des projets qui font le lien entre migration, développement et protection des droits humains. Voici quelques exemples :

    #Bosnie-Herzégovine : « i-plateforme »

    Depuis la guerre en ex-Yougoslavie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine est une nation fragmentée d’un point de vue ethnique et religieux, avec une structure politique variable. En Suisse, bien que très hétérogène, la diaspora défend sa patrie. Ses relations avec le pays d’origine sont principalement basées sur des liens personnels. De ce fait, une communication et une coopération systématiques entre les autorités locales et nationales sont en cours d’élaboration.

    Dans les années 1960 et 1980, les flux concernaient essentiellement des saisonniers non qualifiés venus en Suisse pour travailler. En 1991, la Confédération a mis fin à ce type de migrations de main-d’œuvre. En 1993, en raison de la nouvelle guerre des Balkans, le nombre de demandes d’asile a culminé à 7000 personnes, aboutissant à la décision du Conseil fédéral d’accueillir collectivement et temporairement des réfugiés de guerre. Une décision qui sera abrogée en 1995. Pourtant, même après la fin du conflit, la réconciliation nationale en Bosnie-Herzégovine est restée problématique et a rendu difficile le retour et la réinstallation des réfugiés. Depuis, les principaux motifs d’immigration en Suisse ont été motivés par le regroupement familial et la nécessité d’accueillir des cas difficiles.

    On estime à 60’000 environ le nombre de personnes originaires de Bosnie-Herzégovine vivant en Suisse. La majorité de ces personnes sont titulaires d’un permis de séjour B ou C. De 1998 à 2006, le taux de naturalisation des citoyens bosniens a augmenté, mais il a diminué depuis 2006.

    La « i-plateforme », créée en partenariat avec la DDC, permet à la diaspora en Suisse de contribuer au développement économique, social, culturel et démocratique de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Indépendant sur le plan ethnique et confessionnel, cet outil remplit une double fonction de passerelle : tant au sein de la diaspora en Suisse que dans la société fragmentée de Bosnie-Herzégovine.

    #Sri_Lanka : « Pour une migration sans risque de la main-d’œuvre » (#Safe_Labour_Migration_Programme)

    Depuis la fin de la guerre civile, la situation au Sri Lanka reste instable, aggravée par la crise politique actuelle. La Suisse soutient le processus de réforme et de réconciliation. Entre 2005 et 2016, elle a également fourni une aide humanitaire à la reconstruction du pays après la guerre et après le tsunami de 2004.

    Chaque année, plusieurs centaines de milliers de personnes fuient la pauvreté au Sri Lanka. Avec le salaire qu’ils obtiennent à l’étranger, ces émigrants améliorent la santé et l’éducation de leurs familles restées au pays. Entre 2009 et 2018, les travailleurs expatriés sri-lankais ont transféré en moyenne plus de 500 millions de dollars US dans leur pays d’origine. Ils sont souvent exploités en raison d’une carrence d’informations et d’une méconnaissance de leurs droits. Les femmes sont particulièrement exposées, elles sont souvent victimes de violences sexuelles ou de traite des êtres humains.

    Environ 3 millions de citoyens sri-lankais vivent à l’étranger, dont environ 50’000 en Suisse. La plupart d’entre eux ont fui à la suite de la guerre civile de 1983-2009 ou à cause de la répression politique et des persécutions. En 2017, 840 demandes d’asile ont été déposées en Suisse par des ressortissants sri-lankais (environ 38% de moins que l’année précédente).

    Dans le cadre du Safe Labour Programme de l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT), un projet soutenu par la DDC, les travailleurs émigrés sont conseillés et informés sur leurs droits, en vue de les protéger contre l’exploitation. Le projet promeut ainsi une migration sans risque de la main-d’œuvre, maximise les aspects positifs et minimise les conséquences négatives.
    Tunisie : « Programme intégré sur le recrutement équitable » et « Communauté Tunisienne Résidente en Suisse »
    Fin de l’infobox

    Depuis le Printemps arabe, les défis sociaux, politiques et économiques à relever en Afrique du Nord, y compris en Tunisie, sont toujours nombreux. Notamment parce que la Tunisie doit faire face à un double mouvement : l’émigration de ses citoyens et l’immigration ou le transit de réfugiés en provenance d’autres pays.

    Les perspectives du marché du travail en Tunisie et dans la région sont faibles. Même les personnes qualifiées ont peu de chances de trouver un emploi. Le taux de chômage atteint 29% chez les jeunes (2017). À cela s’ajoutent les conflits, notamment en Libye et dans la Corne de l’Afrique, qui provoquent instabilité et flux migratoires.

    Selon l’Organisation de coopération et de développement économiques (OCDE), entre 2011 et 2017, quelque 94’000 personnes ont quitté la Tunisie, dont 84% pour l’Europe. En 2018, 5000 Tunisiens ont atteint les côtes italiennes et, fin octobre, 262 demandes d’asile de citoyens de ce pays avaient été déposées en première instance en Suisse.

    Deux initiatives visent à accroître les chances des jeunes Tunisiens sur le marché du travail et à améliorer leurs conditions de travail en Tunisie. Le projet de la DDC « Communauté tunisienne résidant en Suisse », mis en œuvre avec l’ambassade de Suisse à Tunis, utilise les capacités et le savoir-faire de la diaspora tunisienne en Suisse pour le développement social et économique dans le pays d’origine. Les projets contribuent, par exemple, à mettre en adéquation les compétences des jeunes Tunisiens avec celles recherchées sur le marché du travail local. Le « Programme intégré sur le recrutement équitable »vise également à prévenir l’exploitation des travailleurs migrants et à améliorer les processus de recrutement. Avec le soutien de la DDC, ce projet de l’OIT est appliqué dans trois régions du monde particulièrement touchées par les migrations de main-d’œuvre.

    La #Corne_de_l’Afrique : Autorité intergouvernementale pour le développement

    La Corne de l’Afrique abrite 7 millions de personnes ayant dû fuir leurs pays, soit la plus forte concentration de déplacés au monde. Les pays de cette région figurent parmi les moins développés du globe, 13 millions de personnes y souffrent de pénuries alimentaires. A cela s’ajoutent les conflits violents, les attaques de groupes islamistes, tel Al-Shabaab, ainsi que les sécheresses cycliques qui déstabilisent la région.

    Dans la Corne de l’Afrique, il tombe moins de 600mm de pluie par an sur environ 70% du territoire. Dans le même temps, cette région a connu des inondations dévastatrices en 2018. Raisons pour lesquelles les terres agricoles sont rares et déclenchent des conflits tout comme une pauvreté persistante. Les attentats terroristes et le taux de chômage élevé, en particulier chez les jeunes (environ 60%), expliquent pourquoi la population cherche du travail et des revenus à l’étranger.

    Près de 80% des migrants et réfugiés de la Corne de l’Afrique restent sur le continent africain. Les Somaliens et les Erythréens figurent cependant parmi les 10 premiers demandeurs d’asile en Suisse. En 2017, 3375 demandes d’asile provenaient d’Érythréens (soient 34,8 % de moins que l’année précédente) et 843 de Somaliens (moins 46,7 %).

    Les huit États membres de l’Autorité intergouvernementale pour le développement, créée en 1996 et soutenue par la #DDC, le #SEM et la #Division_Sécurité_humaine sont l’Éthiopie, Djibouti, l’Érythrée, le Kenya, l’Ouganda, la Somalie, le Sud-Soudan et le Soudan. Notons toutefois que l’aide à l’Érythrée a été suspendue depuis 2007. Dans l’objectif d’une migration ordonnée et de la protection des migrants, la coopération régionale est encouragée et les structures nationales renforcées. Cette coopération vise également à stabiliser l’ensemble de la région et à endiguer les causes des migrations. Concernant l’Erythrée, une réintégration de ce pays est à l’étude.

    https://www.swissinfo.ch/fre/pacte-sur-les-migrations_comment-l-aide-suisse-au-d%C3%A9veloppement-rel%C3%A8ve-le-d%C3%A9fi-de-la-migration/44616782
    #Suisse #aide_au_développement #asile #migrations #réfugiés #paix #développement #global_compact #Erythrée

  • En Bosnie, l’#OIM se félicite d’avoir suffisamment de places d’hébergement pour tous les migrants

    L’organisation internationale des migrations (OIM) a déclaré fournir suffisamment de places d’accueil pour les migrants présents en Bosnie. La Croix-Rouge, pourtant, affirme qu’elle a besoin de davantage de moyens pour faire face aux besoins des migrants restés dans les camps de fortune, et exposés au froid glacial de l’hiver.

    Selon l’Organisation internationale des migrations (OIM), les milliers de migrants actuellement présents en Bosnie peuvent avoir accès à une place d’hébergement, et ainsi passer l’hiver au chaud. « Nous avons mis en place suffisamment de structures pour accueillir les personnes à la rue », a déclaré à InfoMigrants Peter Van der Auweraert, le responsable de l’OIM, en Bosnie, avec exemple à l’appui. « Les migrants de Velika Kledusha ont tous été relogés, ils ont été placés dans un centre humanitaire de 600 places », précise-t-il. Pendant des mois, la ville de #Velika_Kledusha, à quelques kilomètres seulement de la frontière croate, a abrité un campement sauvage de centaines de migrants. Les conditions de vie y étaient très précaires, exposant les migrants aux intempéries, à la boue, et au froid.

    À #Bihac, non loin de Velika Kledusha, le centre de #Borici, qui a abrité des centaines de migrants durant plusieurs mois, fait peau neuve et devrait être en capacité d’accueillir très prochainement des centaines de migrants. L’immeuble jusque là abandonné était particulièrement insalubre. « Le nouveau Borici devrait accueillir 500 personnes, principalement des familles de migrants. Et il devrait ouvrir d’ici les fêtes de fin d’année », précise Peter Van Auweraert.

    À #Sarajevo, aussi, près de 800 places supplémentaires ont été créées, précise l’OIM.

    « Nous avons en tout 5 000 places d’hébergement disponibles en Bosnie », affirme Peter Van der Auweraert. Le nombre de migrants présents en Bosnie oscille autour de 3 500 personnes. « Normalement, cet hiver, personne ne devrait mourir de froid », continue le responsable de l’OIM. "Il faut continuer à communiquer pour expliquer aux migrants que des structures existent".

    « La nuit, les températures descendent jusqu’à -15 degrés »

    En dépit du constat positif de l’OIM, la Croix-Rouge est inquiète. « La récente réinstallation des migrants dans des structures plus sûres et loin des camps sauvages est une évolution positive, mais nous pensons que la situation reste imprévisible », explique à InfoMigrants Elkhan Rahimov, un responsable de la Fédération internationale de Croix-Rouge (FICR). « La dynamique des arrivées peut varier. Nous restons vigilants quant au fait que des migrants peuvent quitter les centres d’hébergement et choisir de retourner à la rue. »

    Certaines personnes préfèrent en effet rester non loin de la frontière croate pour tenter de passer la nuit. « Mais le soir et la nuit, les températures descendent jusqu’à -15 degrés Celsius », rappelle Elkhan Rahimov. "Ces personnes ont besoin de couvertures, de vêtements chauds. Face à ce constat, la FICR de Bosnie a lancé lundi un appel de 3,3 millions de francs suisses (2,9 millions d’euros).

    « Par le biais de l’appel d’urgence, nous souhaitons attirer l’attention sur un problème humanitaire crucial qui ne disparaîtra pas dans les mois à venir », conclut-il.

    Auparavant évitée par les migrants, la Bosnie est confrontée depuis cette année à un afflux qu’elle peine à gérer. Depuis janvier, plus de 23 000 sont entrés dans ce pays.

    http://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/13870/en-bosnie-l-oim-se-felicite-d-avoir-suffisamment-de-places-d-hebergeme

    #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #IOM #Croix-Rouge #hébergement #logement #asile #migrations #réfugiés #externalisation

    • En février 2019...
      Violence et désespoir s’emparent des migrants oubliés en Bosnie-Herzégovine

      Vendredi soir, de très violents affrontements ont éclaté dans le camp de réfugiés de #Bira, à #Bihać, au nord-ouest de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Entre les squats de Sarajevo et les camps surpeuplés, des milliers de réfugiés sont toujours bloqués dans ce pays. Sans grand espoir de pouvoir passer dans l’Union européenne.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/040219/violence-et-desespoir-s-emparent-des-migrants-oublies-en-bosnie-herzegovin

    • #Bihać : Dove i corpi non si sfiorano

      Pubblichiamo il primo di due articoli dal confine tra Bosnia e Croazia, dove memorie di guerre e migrazioni del passato e del presente si incrociano. Il secondo articolo sarà di Gabriele Proglio, compagno di viaggio di Benedetta.

      Sono le 8 di mattina, e dopo una lunga giornata di viaggio e poche ore di sonno, Bihać ci sorprende nel tepore di una giornata inaspettatamente calda e soleggiata. La città bosniaca si circonda di montagne e colline, che ne tracciano fiere ed imponenti il confine che la separa dalla Croazia. Negli anni 90, queste cime sono state luogo di un assedio da parte dell’esercito serbo, fungendo da vera e propria prigione naturale. Oggi, invece, rappresentano, per migliaia di migranti in fuga da guerre, persecuzioni e povertà, l’unica speranza di giungere in Unione Europea.

      Il fascino delle terre di confine sta proprio nel loro essere allo stesso tempo luoghi di limite e superamento, di prigionia e di libertà, di antagonismo e di incontro. Inevitabilmente, questa eterna contraddizione li rende condanna e benedizione per i popoli che li abitano, e per quelli che vi passano.

      Io e Gabriele siamo arrivati fin qui con lo scopo di esplorare la sovrapposizione storica delle memorie di un popolo che ha visto la guerra, e che ora si ritrova ad essere luogo di passaggio di persone che dalla guerra stanno ancora scappando. Lo stimolo intellettuale di smascherare il confine, una conoscenza superficiale della storia del paese, ed un interesse accademico per la questione della crisi migratoria, sono i bagagli che ho con me. Sono ancora ignara dei fantasmi di questo posto, e degli scheletri che si porta dentro. In poco tempo il confine mi entrerà nella pelle, lo sentirò scorrere e spostarsi alterando le sicurezze che mi ero costruita attraverso lo studio minuzioso ma distaccato di questa realtà. Ma per ora, Bihać deve ancora svegliarsi e con lei, mi sveglierò anche io.

      Ad un primo sguardo, la città mi appare come un non luogo, dove l’apatia generale ha lentamente rimosso le ferite di una guerra fin troppo recente. Ma i resti sono evidenti. Monumenti ai caduti, cimiteri e colpi di mortaio che appaiono come cicatrici sui palazzi della città. Nella sua calma opprimente, Bihać ricorda molto la Seahaven di Truman Show. Una cittadina tranquilla dove non succede niente. Un posto come un altro dove mettere su famiglia e vivere una vita semplice. Come Seahaven, questa mattina Bihać si apre ai miei occhi come un palcoscenico pronto a mettere in scena uno spettacolo dell’inganno, che va avanti giorno dopo giorno da decenni, nel tentativo di legittimare la finzione di una serenità tanto desiderata quanto superficiale.

      Le strade sono pulite e silenziose e le comparse del grande spettacolo dell’inganno devono ancora apparire. Tutto è fermo. Tra poco si sparpaglieranno nei caffè del centro impersonando perfettamente il loro ruolo di cittadini annoiati e disillusi. Lo sguardo stanco dei cani randagi che si assopiscono all’ombra di alberi spogli, l’immagine stereotipata di ragazzi e anziani seduti ad un bar per riempire la giornata. Eccola Bihać nella sua stasi permanente e volontaria, nella sua apparente tranquillità che da due decenni tenta invano di smacchiarle l’anima dalle cicatrici di una guerra di cui non si parla e non si vuole parlare.

      È mezzogiorno. Improvvisamente noto che l’equilibrio che si è tanto faticato a costruire durante la mattinata si rompe. Appaiono degli estranei che spezzano l’atmosfera. Sono nuove comparse, che stonano con la scenografia e non conoscono il copione. La maggior parte sono uomini sui trenta, alcuni portano con loro zaini e sacchi a pelo. Sono le persone migranti giunte dopo mesi di viaggio per la rotta balcanica, arrivate fin qui per oltrepassare il confine e raggiungere la Croazia, l’Unione Europea. Alcuni vivono nei campi di Borici, Bira e Cedra. Ma da qualche settimana i campi sono pieni, e chi non può permettersi di pagare altissime somme di denaro per un affitto in città in nero, dorme per strada.

      Da circa un anno, a Bihać non si parla d’altro. Dall’estate scorsa, quando i flussi migratori si sono intensificati, i cittadini si sono trovati a dover gestire una situazione d’emergenza umanitaria, dove le uniche presenze di supporto sono la Croce Rossa, lo #IOM e poche ONG internazionali, come #IPSIA. Intanto gli abitanti della città cominciano ad innervosirsi.

      Ci hanno abbandonato’ mi dice Amir, riferendosi al governo centrale di Sarajevo, ‘non gli è mai importato di noi, nemmeno durante la guerra’. Amir vive a Bihać da tutta la vita, e come ogni bosniaco della sua generazione, ha visto la guerra e se la porta dentro e addosso, nella sua gestualità al limite del compulsivo e nell’azzurro glaciale del suo sguardo, che non si azzarda mai ad incrociare il mio, ma si focalizza sempre su zone limitrofe. ‘Non odio, ma sono arrabbiato’ mi confessa Amir mentre avvicina ripetutamente alle labbra la tazzina ormai vuota di caffè, come per rimarcare con quella pausa la scelta coraggiosa ed insolita di abbandonarsi al ricordo della guerra. Amir non se lo permette mai. ‘Non parliamo della guerra, non sono bei ricordi. Cerco di non stare solo. Quando sono solo, suono il piano. Questo è un altro modo per scappare. Lo faccio solo per me’. Amir ha combattuto sul fronte a Bihac e ‘probabilmente’, come tiene a sottolineare, ha ucciso qualcuno.

      Ma non lo vuole sapere, non ci vuole pensare. Un’altra pausa, un sospiro e di nuovo un finto sorso ad una tazzina ormai vuota da venti minuti. Mi trovo di fronte a questo signore di cinquant’anni a cui la guerra ne ha aggiunti almeno quindici in volto. Lo ascolto ed improvvisamente mi ritrovo a comprenderne la violenza, subita ed esercitata. D’un tratto, il confine tra bene e male che ho tracciato nella mia coscienza va a sgretolarsi nel dramma di un popolo che non comprende la ragione del proprio trauma, ma ne subisce ogni conseguenza.

      Nella costante rimozione di un passato scomodo e violento, la materializzazione della crisi migratoria risveglia la rabbia ed il senso di abbandono dei cittadini di Bihać. ‘Noi siamo un popolo aperto e tollerante, sappiamo cosa vuol dire dover scappare dalle proprie case. Ma io non so chi sono queste persone, e non mi sento al sicuro. Ho paura per mia figlia’ mi confessa Harun. ‘Queste persone non vogliono rimanere qui. Fosse per me, le condurrei io al confine. Questa situazione non va bene nemmeno per loro e sono le istituzioni che dovrebbero darci supporto.’

      ‘Il pisciatoio d’Europa’, cosi lo definisce Alessandra, italiana migrata a Bihać negli anni 90. Anche lei arrivata al limite della sopportazione nei confronti del fenomeno che ha sconvolto la realtà quotidiana di questa città. Dalle prime interviste agli abitanti di Bihać, mi appare chiara una cosa. Nessuno si azzarda a dire che il migrante è un problema in quanto tale. Tutti parlano di sicurezza, di identità. Il problema non è che so chi sei e per questo ti odio, il problema è che non so chi sei, e per questo ho paura. Ancora una volta, ‘non odio, ma sono arrabbiato’.

      Incontro gli abitanti di Bihać nei patii dell’Hotel Opal e Paviljon che si affacciano sulle due rive opposte del fiume Una. In mezzo, l’isolotto di verde che spezza il ceruleo del corso d’acqua si copre di ragazzi con zaini e sacchi a peli. Alcuni sono soli, altri in gruppo. Tutti hanno solo un obiettivo al momento: arrivare al confine. Invadono il paesaggio ma non le coscienze. Sono osservati costantemente, ma non vengono mai guardati. Tra di loro c’è Abdul, arrivato dall’Iraq dopo 9 mesi di viaggio attraverso la Turchia, la Grecia l’Albania e la Serbia. Domani tenterà di nuovo il game, nonostante non cammini ancora bene, dopo gli ultimi pestaggi della polizia croata. Il game, così lo chiamano, è il tentativo di valicare il confine, cercando di sfuggire alle violente deportazioni della polizia croata. Cosi nel grande spettacolo dell’inganno, la trama si infittisce di adrenalina e suspense. Migranti e forze dell’ordine croate si rincorrono e si combattono in un moderno guardia e ladri che avviene lassù, sulle montagne che separano il confine bosniaco da quello croato, lontano dagli occhi del mondo. Abdul mi dice che questo è il suo ottavo tentativo, ma che ha deciso che in caso venga respinto ancora, si sposterà a Velika Kladuša, altra città di confine, a pochi chilometri da Bihać. Abdul non mi parla di casa, non mi parla del futuro. Nei suoi occhi vedo solo il game. Eppure Abdul ha visto morire suo padre, ed è scappato lasciando una madre ed una sorella. Come Amir, ha la guerra negli occhi. Come Amir, non odia ma è arrabbiato. È arrabbiato con lo IOM che non lo ha fatto entrare nel campo di Bira. E’ arrabbiato con l’uomo della polizia croata che lo ha picchiato e gli ha rubato il cellulare. Ma Amir non odia, non ne vede il motivo. Vuole solo oltrepassare il confine, vuole solo una possibilità.

      In questa danza imbarazzata e goffa tra due storie di vite spezzate, presenti e passati di guerre e miseria, i corpi non si sfiorano. Accarezzano il lento scorrere del tempo tra la pesante presenza dei monumenti di guerra e lo sforzo collettivo di ignorali. Proprio come quei monumenti, i migranti sono altamente visibili, e sistematicamente ignorati. Proprio come quei monumenti, i cittadini portano addosso i marchi indelebili di una memoria sanguinolenta, che scorre attraverso le loro menti e le loro fisicità, ma viene anch’essa rimossa dalla coscienza.A Bihac oggi, coesistono due tragedie: quella di un passato macchiato di sangue e quella di un futuro incerto ed opprimente. Due linee parallele che non si toccano mai nella temporalità e nella geografia complesse di questo eterno enigma che è la Bosnia. Eppure, in qualche modo, queste due linee hanno entrambe attraversato i confini della mia soggettività, prima scontrandosi violentemente in uno scarabocchio emotivo che non riesce a dare senso a quello che prova e poi ridefinendo il perimetro curvo e fluido della mia certezza. Il confine si è spostato. Non ci sono più buoni o cattivi.

      A Bihać, per quanto lo si tenti di negare, si è tutti parte della stessa rabbia. E come in una tragedia greca, io, da spettatrice di questo spettacolo dell’inganno, ho vissuto la catarsi nel riscoprire che queste comparse stonate, nel loro essere fuori luogo, ignorate e non volute, sono in realtà parte integrante della trama. Lo sbaglio sta nel cercare il torto dove non c’è ragione, e nel cercare la ragione dove non c’è il torto. Quando si smette di farlo, Bihać non fa altro che rivelare le pieghe drammatiche della tragedia dell’essere umano nella sua costante ed insensata ricerca di un nemico a cui dare la colpa della propria sofferenza.

      http://www.lavoroculturale.org/bihac-dove-i-corpi-non-si-sfiorano
      #Croix-Rouge #OIM #frontières #Bosnie #Croatie #Balkans #route_des_Balkans

    • The City Council of Bihać unanimously made a decision (https://www.nezavisne.com/novosti/gradovi/Vucijak-nova-lokacija-za-izmjestanje-migranata/537203) to open a new accommodation facility for refugees - in #Vučijak, a suburb near #Plješevica, near the border with Croatia. There they found an object that meets the necessary conditions for refugee accommodation, and authorities have announced that this move will move refugees from the temporary center of Bira or the center of Bihać to the EU border. Although the new facility could provide better reception conditions for refugees in Bosnia, this move is an indication of how countries in the region share an ignorant integration policy.

      Reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa dobrodosli, le 15.05.2019

    • New migrant reception center to be built in Bosnia

      Bosnian authorities have announced that a new migrant reception center will be built near Bihac. This center will replace two temporary reception centers.

      In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Operating Unit for Migrants has decided to build a migrant and refugee center near Bihac, in the country’s northwest. The center will be built in Vucjak, eight kilometers from the Bihac city center, according to media sources.

      The new structure will take the place of two temporary reception centers: #Bira in Bihac and #Miral in #Velika_Kladusa, both near the Croatia border. In 2018, 25,000 migrants entered Bosnia illegally from Serbia and Montenegro. Since the start of this year, police have registered 8,930 arrivals.

      Bosnia is a transit country for many migrants who are trying to make it to Western Europe from Turkey or Greece. Bosnia is not a member of the European Union. But its neighbor Croatia is.


      Volunteers banned from providing aid

      Meanwhile, Bosnian authorities have banned the international aid group “#Aid_Brigade” from providing food to migrants and refugees at the main train station in Bosnia’s capital Sarajevo, according to the website Klix.ba.

      The volunteers reportedly also had to close the place where they were providing medical assistance to migrants. Since March 2018, Aid Brigade volunteers have prepared and distributed 120,000 meals to migrants and 600 jackets and sleeping bags.

      The volunteers are accused of violating public order and aiding migrants and refugees in violation of the law, as well as volunteering with a tourist visa.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/17270/new-migrant-reception-center-to-be-built-in-bosnia
      #accueil

    • Bosnie-Herzégovine : à Bihać, on transfère les réfugiés sur une ancienne #décharge

      16 juin -14h30 : Depuis samedi matin, quelque 500 migrants ont été déplacés de Bihać vers une ancienne décharge située sur localité de #Vučjak, tout près de la frontière croate. Les migrants s’opposent à ce transfert et en appellent à la communauté internationale. Des heurts ont éclaté lors des premières opérations de transfert, et quatre policiers ont été blessés selon les sources officielles.

      Des habitants de Bihać annoncent une grande manifestation ce dimanche pour dénoncer la dégradation de la situation en ville, due, selon eux, à la présence des migrants. Ils accusent les autorités locales, cantonales, fédérales et centrales de ne prendre aucune mesure.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/fil-info-refugies

      #Vucjak

    • A particularly worrying situation in the northwest of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the Una-Sana Canton, is escalating. After the fire in the Miral camp and numerous conflicts between the refugees and the police, the situation seems to be unsustainable. Poor hygienic and living conditions led the refugees to despair. After the escalation of various forms of violence, local authorities decided to move all refugees outside the camps to an isolated area in Vučjak, at the same place where a waste landfill was once housed. The authorities de facto closed the camps, refusing refugees to enter or leave the building. Ironically, the UN and IOM, who have run camps in BiH, oppose this solution (http://ba.one.un.org/content/unct/bosnia_and_herzegovina/en/home/presscenter/un-country-team-in-bih--joint-statement-on-relocation-of-migrant.html. By using force, more than 600 people were transferred to that area, including searches and incursions into several private homes where nearly 300 people were accommodated. "Local police and local Red Cross teams are only present because international organizations do not support the idea and accommodation in Vučjak in the current circumstances. The Red Cross is allegedly only allowed to provide first aid, so there is no medical care for the people who are staying there. Also, food that is distributed is very basic and is not enough to feed people, "AYS reported.

      Reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa dobrodosli, le 24.06.2019

    • The jungle camp #Vučjak in BIH exists in the last two weeks. There is no presence of medical staff in the camp which makes unacceptable hygienic and sanitary conditions even worse - especially due to reported skin infections among the people who are there. The only organization currently active in the camp is the Red Cross that provides food. The EU responded with additional approval of 14.8 million Euros (http://europa.ba/?p=64423 - of which 13 million are intended to support border management (June 21, signed by IOM), and 1.8 million for humanitarian aid. Thus, the EU has so far financially supported BiH with 24 million euros around the refugee situation. It is extremely worrying that the EU allocates 90% of its intended funds to migration management and a very small part to humanitarian support for people living in very poor conditions. This is a direct indication that the Commission is more concerned with border conservation than human life.

      Reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa dobrodosli, le 03.07.2019

    • EU provides €14.8 million to assist refugees and migrants in BiH

      The European Union announced today €14.8 million to address the needs of migrants and refugees who remain present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This includes €13 million of support to migration management – for which an implementation agreement was signed on 21 June with the International Organisation for Migration – and €1.8 million for humanitarian aid.

      This brings EU overall assistance to Bosnia and Herzegovina to cope with the increased migratory flow since 2018 to €24 million (€20.2 million from the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance and €3.8 million of humanitarian aid). This is in addition to €24.6 million assistance the European Union has provided to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the area of asylum, migration and border management since 2007.

      Johannes Hahn, EU Commissioner for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, said: ‘As stated in the recent Commission Opinion, Bosnia and Herzegovina authorities need to ensure effective coordination, at all levels, of border management and migration management capacity, as well as the functioning of the asylum system. This is necessary for the country to take full advantage of the EU substantial assistance – in the interest of refugees and migrants and of the local communities.’

      Christos Stylianides, EU Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid and Crisis Management, said: ‘The EU is committed to help those most in need and cover the basic needs of refugees and migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina, complementing national efforts. It is important that the well-being of the refugees and migrants is at the heart of decisions for the location and quality of accommodation centres.’

      Building on the results of the previous assistance, this funding will ensure accommodation for around 5,000 refugees, asylum seekers and migrants. It will provide access to health and protection assistance and outreach to people living outside of the reception facilities. Also, some items such as jackets, shoes and sleeping bags will be made available for people in need. The unhindered access of humanitarian partners to those in need is crucial in addressing these humanitarian needs.

      The EU funding will also strengthen the capacity of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s authorities in border management, as well as for identification, registration and referral to services for refugees, asylum-seekers and migrants. It will also support assisted voluntary returns.

      Background

      Since the beginning of the refugee crisis in Western Balkans the European Union has allocated more than €25 million in humanitarian aid to assist refugees and migrants in Serbia, and over €4 million to North Macedonia. EU humanitarian aid helps the most vulnerable refugees and migrants to meet basic needs and preserve their dignity. In addition to humanitarian assistance, the European Union has provided Western Balkans partners with significant financial support amounting to €98.2 million for activities related to migration and refugee crisis. This is done primarily through the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance.

      Since 2007, the European Union has been providing assistance to Bosnia and Herzegovina worth amounting to € 44.8 million in the area of migration and border management through the Instrument for pre-accession assistance. The country has also benefited from the IPA regional programme ‘Support to Protection-Sensitive Migration Management’ worth up to €14.5 million. The emergency humanitarian assistance provided so far amounts to € 3.8 million.

      Over 33,300 refugees and migrants entered Bosnia and Herzegovina since January 2018, according to government estimates. Approximately 8,000 refugees and migrants in need of assistance are currently present in the country, mostly in the Una-Sana Canton. Approximately, 4,500 are accommodated in EU-funded temporary reception centres.

      As of Friday 14 June, local authorities proceeded with a forced relocation of 900-1000 refugees and migrants to a new location called Vučijak that has been deemed unsuitable by the European Union and UN. The above-mentioned venue, without the necessary infrastructure in terms of water, sanitation or electricity, surrounded by minefields, creates a clear danger for the life and health of migrants. Furthermore, the land is a former landfill and may still be toxic. The European Union is concerned about the well-being of the people moved there and has, together with its humanitarian partners, requested the authorities to stop forced relocations and provide dignified and secure shelter solutions. The European Union is also concerned about the authorities’ intention to take measures against humanitarian partners.

      The € 13 million is based on the Commission Decision C (2019) 3189 on supporting Bosnia and Herzegovina in managing the migration flows for 2019

      The €1.8 million announced today is based on the Commission Implementing Decision C(2019) 17 on the financing of humanitarian aid operational priorities from the 2019 general budget of the European Union ECHO/WWD/BUD/2019/01000.


      http://europa.ba/?p=64423

    • Rotta balcanica. Caritas: “Situazione a Bihac inaccettabile, Europa intervenga”

      “Mentre in Serbia la situazione è abbastanza buona, in Bosnia le condizioni dei migranti sono del tutto inaccettabili: hanno bisogno di tutto, alcuni si trovano in un centro informale, dove prima c’era una discarica. E’ inaccettabile che, a 4 ore di macchina dall’Italia, ci siano persone costrette a vivere così. Le istituzioni italiane ed europee devono iniziare a seguire in maniera seria la situazione”. A sottolinearlo è Oliviero Forti di Caritas italiana e Caritas Europa, di ritorno da una missione nei Balcani, nelle zone di confine con la Croazia. “Siamo stati prima in alcuni centri in Serbia: uno di questi era un ex ospedale psichiatrico e affaccia in territorio croato - . aggiunge Forti -. Ma devo dire che qui ci sono standard buoni, di qualità e non ci sono tantissime persone. Diversa è la situazione in Bosnia, lo stress psicologico delle persone è altissimo, i migranti provano costantemente a passare la frontiera ma vengono rimandati indietro. La violenza della polizia croata nei loro confronti sta diventando una vera emergenza”. Al confine, infatti, per i migranti (per lo più afgani, pakistani, iracheni e siriani) che provano il “game” (passaggio delle frontiere) a Bihac il trattamento è durissimo: secondo quanto testimoniato dagli stessi migranti gli abusi sono sistematici: vengono picchiati, i vestiti gli vengono tolti, così come i telefonini spesso distrutti. “A questa situazione va data una risposta diversa - aggiunge -. tra due mesi qui ci saranno due metri di neve, il gioco diventa molto rischioso. Inoltre c’è una difficoltà di integrazione evidente, le persone del luogo sono sempre più intolleranti e razziste nei loro confronti”. La Bosnia sta diventando così un buco nero, dove i migranti restano bloccati senza poter andare avanti né tornare indietro. “A breve la Serbia chiuderà l’accordo con Frontex per monitorare i confini - conclude Forti - anche questo rientra nella strategia di esternalizzazione delle frontiere, che ormai non vediamo più solo in mare ma anche via terra”.

      https://www.redattoresociale.it/article/notiziario/rotta_balcanica_caritas_situazione_a_bihac_inaccettabile_europa_int

    • Il campo tossico dove l’Europa scorda i migranti

      Muri e migrazioni. A #Vucjak, in Bosnia, si sopravvive senza assistenza, tra rifiuti e mine anti-uomo: il campo si trova sopra una vecchia discarica, l’acqua non è potabile e la terra, mai bonificata, è intrisa di veleni. E chi tenta la fuga in Croazia trova la polizia e il suo «gioco»: cibo confiscato e zaini dati alle fiamme

      Nascosto tra le cime boscose del monte Plješevica e circondato da zone ancora minate delle guerre jugoslave, il campo rifugiati di Vucjak, nella Bosnia nord-occidentale, è una prova scioccante della crisi che si è abbattuta contro la porta di servizio dell’Unione europea. Le Nazioni unite hanno recentemente descritto questo campo, a pochi chilometri dal confine spinato croato, come del tutto inadeguato ad accogliere civili.

      UNICO CAMPO in cui non sono presenti le grandi organizzazioni non-governative internazionali, è ufficialmente gestito dalla municipalità della cittadina di Bihac. E sotto-affidata, non ufficialmente, ai volontari della Croce Rossa locale di Bihac.

      È sorto dopo che le autorità della Bosnia e i governi municipali del Cantone di Una-Sana, hanno deciso che i migranti non potevano più rimanere negli spazi pubblici o negli edifici abbandonati, entro i limiti della città.
      Plastica, vetro, vecchi vestiti ormai diventati stracci, copertoni di gomme usate giacciono sul terreno contaminato.

      Si tratta di resti tossici del passato. Il campo si trova sul sito di una vecchia discarica, in attività solo fino a qualche anno fa. Le condizioni sono terribilmente preoccupanti. La sopravvivenza è legata all’acqua non potabile, alla terra intrisa di anni di veleni, al solo lavoro dei volontari.

      ALMENO UN MIGLIAIO di migranti sono ammassati in questo inferno. Provengono da Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Siria, Pakistan. L’accesso all’acqua è ridotto a dieci ore al giorno, non esiste un approvvigionamento idrico permanente.

      Vucjak fa eco all’inumanità del campo profughi di Calais in Francia del nord e all’abietta inazione dei governi europei. La mancanza di infrastrutture di base e servizi igienico-sanitari a Vucjak viola profondamente le norme minime stabilite dai canoni delle Nazioni unite.

      Nel bel mezzo del campo, un’enorme mappa mostra la posizione dei campi minati locali. Ogni giorno, più volte al giorno, camionette della polizia bosniaca riversano su Vucjak migranti che sono fuori dai circuiti dei centri di accoglienza temporanei, quelli dell’Organizzazione internazionale per le Migrazioni.

      Come cani randagi, vengono scaricati in mezzo al campo, dopo aver aperto il portellone posteriore del furgone, sigillato da uno sfolgorante lucchetto. È strettamente proibito riprendere queste scene, non ci sono fotografie, video o materiali propagandistici, ma è una pratica che va avanti indisturbatamente.

      Nonostante l’ingiustizia umanitaria, non sono le mine antiuomo, le condizioni precarie di salute o la mancanza di servizi igienico-sanitari che i migranti raccontano. Raccontano le violenze «passive» della polizia di confine. Nelle ultime settimane c’è un nuovo gioco che usa la polizia croata: rastrellare e bruciare cibo, vestiti, scarpe, zaini, telefoni dei ragazzi che tentano il game.

      Nella programmazione dell’attraversamento del confine croato-bosniaco, si spendono circa 100 marchi (poco più di 50 euro) in generi alimentari, per lo più pane e derivati. Spesso quei 100 marchi rappresentano i risparmi di mesi, così bruciare il cibo diventa un segnale di terribile spietatezza.

      Emad è fuggito dalla Siria, con la moglie e il figlioletto di appena due anni. Ha tentato il game ma l’hanno rispedito nel Borici temporary reception center della città di Bihac, derubandolo di tutto. Mentre lo staff medico dell’associazione italiana One Life Onlus visita il figlio, Emad ci porge una busta di plastica con un telefono all’interno. Ci chiede se lo vogliamo comprare, così con quei soldi può provare di nuovo ad attraversare il confine con la Croazia. È straziante. Non ci sono parole.

      DAL GENNAIO 2018, quasi 36mila migranti sono entrati in Bosnia, rimanendo intrappolati tra le politiche europee, progettate per ridurre gli attraversamenti irregolari, e la situazione di stallo politico in Bosnia, che di fatto impedisce alle autorità locali di fornire protezione.

      Dalla Turchia e dalla Grecia, sono due le principali vie di passaggio per la Bosnia: una attraversa la Macedonia del nord e la Serbia, l’altra attraversa l’Albania e il Montenegro.

      In piedi nel campo di Vucjak, tra una folla di corpi maltrattati e ossa rotte, ci si trova di fronte alle feroci conseguenze della geopolitica europea. Nel cinico sforzo del governo croato di dimostrare di avere le carte in regola per aderire all’area Schengen di libera circolazione, il Paese respinge i migranti senza seguire le adeguate procedure di asilo.

      IL VIAGGIO DI GULRAIZ inizia a Kunduz, in Afghanistan. Facciamo fatica a guadagnare la sua fiducia. La solitudine che accompagna i migranti è invalicabile. Sorridono, ma gli occhi sono vuoti. Mese dopo mese camminano senza alcun riposo e senza alcun appoggio. Si viaggia insieme ad amici di circostanza, a meri compagni di percorso.

      Per un marco ha ricaricato il suo prezioso e vecchio telefono a Vucjak. Dopo qualche racconto, ci mostra sul telefono la mappa che userà per tentare il game partendo dal monte Plješevica, addentrandosi nel fitto bosco bosniaco, passando per la cittadina bosniaca di Šturlic, fino ad arrivare agli anelati cartelli del granicni prelaz, il valico di frontiera. Un firmamento di punti rossi, di luoghi, di coordinate, di passi compaiono sulla funzione ‘satellite’ di Google Maps.

      Ci ferma un biondo poliziotto bosniaco. Camicia chiusa fino all’ultimo bottone, aria spavalda e bieche gambe di piombo. Ci prende i documenti. Cerca di intimorirci segnando i nostri nomi su un taccuino spiegazzato, senza darci alcuna spiegazione.

      Il favoreggiamento all’immigrazione clandestina ha un confine sottile. Siamo costretti ad allontanarci. Lo facciamo con l’immagine negli occhi della mappa satellitare di Gulraiz, con le mani segnate da un viaggio inumano di Abdurahman che con ago e filo riparava il suo zaino, con gli occhi sgranati dall’incertezza dei ragazzi che non hanno un badge per il ’5 stelle’ dei centri di accoglienza temporanei.

      Lasciamo la Bosnia con l’immagine di Ibrahim, poco più di tre anni, che segue camminando il suo papà, imitandolo con le braccia piegate all’indietro.

      https://ilmanifesto.it/il-campo-tossico-dove-leuropa-scorda-i-migranti

    • ‘Absurdistan’ : Migrants face dangerous winter in Bosnia

      Political inaction leaves hundreds living on former dump amid snake-infested minefields

      “This is jungle life,” says Wasim, a Pakistani who is among hundreds of migrants staying in a makeshift camp in northwestern Bosnia, from where they strike out at night in small groups for nearby Croatia and the European Union.

      “We are all like animals here just trying to survive. It’s the worst sentence I could say, but unfortunately it’s true.”

      The political science graduate from near Lahore speaks eloquently about how a famous son of the city, Pakistani prime minister Imran Khan, could transform life for his nation of 208 million and the quarter of its people who live in poverty.

      Wasim (34) plans to return when times are better, but now he must hike again through the thickly wooded hills above the camp, try to slip past Croatian border guards who are accused of beating and robbing migrants, and find the hoped-for job somewhere in the EU that was his reason for leaving home last year.

      Danger is all around: the squalid Vucjak camp is built on a former rubbish dump that may hold high levels of methane gas – prompting the UN’s International Organisation for Migration (IOM) to declare it unfit for human habitation – while the hills are infested with snakes and dotted with landmines from Bosnia’s 1992-1995 war.

      There are no toilets for the more than 500 men who live here and washing facilities are rudimentary, increasing the risk of disease; fights are common, particularly after dark when police and local aid workers go home. A man was stabbed to death here last week during a fight between Pakistanis and Syrians.

      “No one feels safe,” Wasim explains, as men who have fled conflict and poverty from North Africa to Afghanistan line up in the dust to receive food from the Bosnian Red Cross.

      “Might is right here. Everyone pushes each other, everyone is desperate and wants to move on,” he says of this remote corner of Europe where he has been stuck for three months, having failed “four or five times” to enter the EU undetected.

      “Everyone knows where to go. Even if they are illiterate, even if they didn’t go to school at all, they know Croatian and Slovenian and Italian cities by name. Everyone talks about this. Maybe they can’t even tell the time, but they know how to find locations with a mobile phone.”

      The so-called Balkan route did not cross Bosnia in 2015, when more than one million refugees and migrants followed it from Turkey towards Germany and other EU states, where their arrival sent immigration to the top of the political agenda.
      Derelict buildings

      Even in 2017, Bosnia registered only 755 migrants but, as the route shifted to bypass tighter border controls elsewhere in the Balkans, that number soared to 25,000 in 2018 – and 20,000 migrants have entered the country so far this year.

      They keep coming this way because it works – only about 6,500 of those people are still in Bosnia – but as months of cold, wet and snowy weather approach, up to 2,000 people are living rough at Vucjak and in parks, woods and derelict buildings in the border towns of Bihac and Velika Kladusa.

      “We’ve been warning since January of the need to increase the number of official migrant centres or their capacity . . . but there was no political decision to expand accommodation, even though international funding is available,” says Peter Van der Auweraert, the IOM representative in Bosnia.

      “Winter is just around the corner and any new location takes time to establish. We now have about 4,200 beds for migrants around the country, but we need about 2,000 more,” he told The Irish Times.


      “Vucjak is a disaster and it would be a bigger disaster if it’s still open in winter . . . If we don’t act now we will have people sleeping outside in Vucjak and other totally unacceptable places and we will be facing a threat to human life.”

      Yet Bosnian political leaders at all levels are unwilling to take any steps that rivals could portray as an “invitation” to migrants, or which would acknowledge the fact that they are likely to keep coming to the country for the foreseeable future.

      The local authorities in Bihac transported people to Vucjak despite objections from international aid groups, moving them from the city’s streets and parks to the edge of the forest – “the jungle” to migrants – which leads to Croatia.

      National politics is meanwhile paralysed, not for the first time under Bosnia’s fiendishly complex post-war system, as parties representing its Bosniak Muslim, Serb and Croat communities have yet to form a government nearly a year after elections.

      “This is ‘Absurdistan’,” declares Ale Siljdedic, police spokesman for Una-Sana canton, in his office in Bihac.

      “The problem is that no one cares in this country. They don’t care for local people, never mind the migrants. What is 5,000 migrants for a whole country if everyone shares them around? It’s nothing. But for a city of 50,000 like Bihac it’s too much.”
      Mass brawls

      The Pakistani stabbed at Vucjak last week was the second man to die in fights between migrants in Bihac. There have been a couple of mass brawls, but most of the cases he sees relate to minor thefts, particularly of phones and clothes, and break-ins at empty houses near the border where migrants sleep and then move on.

      “If you don’t have something to eat and you’re hungry you will go inside somewhere and get it. If it’s freezing cold and you could be dead the next morning then you’ll go into a house or abandoned building to sleep,” Mr Siljdedic says.

      “Maybe we’ll find you dead with two friends as happened last year, when they made a fire and it spread everywhere and they were killed. We’ve had 20 dead migrants in the last two years: two murdered, six drowned, three burned, some car accidents and a train hit one guy. This is the life we have here – people are coming and going and some die.

      “Camp Vucjak is not good and it will be much worse in winter. When the rain and snow come – and it can be minus 20 with two metres of snow up there – what will happen to those guys? They’ll come to Bihac and come into contact with locals and make some shit. And then we’ll have to deal with them.”


      Many migrants see the next few weeks as their last chance to reach the EU this year, creating a likely increase in movement towards Croatia, where officials deny claims that border guards beat and rob people that they push back into Bosnia.

      “With winter coming [migrants] are increasingly on edge and they feel like it’s ‘now or never’ to get across the border. At the same, the border guards in Croatia seem to be pushing people back more aggressively than before,” says Nihal Osman, deputy field co-ordinator in Bosnia and Serbia for Médecins Sans Frontières.

      “There’s been a noticeable increase of alleged push-back injuries in the last week or so, including people with broken bones and dog bites.”

      Sitting in a wheelchair in an IOM-run camp near Bihac, Amir Ali Mohammad Labaf accuses Croatian border guards of dumping him in the forest near the frontier just days after he suffered back injuries when he fell down a roadside embankment.

      Labaf says he was persecuted in Iran as an activist from the Gonabadi dervish order, a major Sufi sect that is denounced by country’s Shia theocracy; news reports from 2008 say a court in Qom sentenced a member of the sect with the same name to five years in jail, 74 lashes and internal exile for “spreading lies”.

      “I was in hospital for a day in Croatia and asked for asylum. They said no and deported me to the jungle,” says Labaf (40), referring to the forest that spans the border. “I want to go to France, but I can only walk a little and with great pain.”

      At Vucjak, meanwhile, Wasim is ready for another round of what migrants call “the game”.

      “I don’t have money to pay smugglers so I will try by myself to cross the border. I have some knowledge of the stars so I can travel by night,” he says. “You just have to try and try and try. And when you succeed, then you know it was the right time.”

      https://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/europe/absurdistan-migrants-face-dangerous-winter-in-bosnia-1.4027923

    • Water cut to crowded migrant camp as Bosnian authorities feud, seek to downsize its population

      Local authorities in the Bosnian town of Bihac on Monday cut off a nearby migrant camp’s water supply, to pressure the government into reducing the population of the overcrowded site that international organizations have criticized as unsuitable.

      But aid workers said the move will just cause additional suffering for the #Vucjak tent camp’s 1,000 residents, many of whom walked out of the site with empty plastic bottles to beg water from Bosnians living in the vicinity.

      Officials in the northwestern town also announced a crisis meeting to discuss what to do with the camp, which hosts migrants stopped in the impoverished Balkan country while trying to reach Western Europe.

      “It is obvious that the situation must be brought to the verge of absurdity in order to be solved,” complained Bihac Mayor Suhret Fazlic.

      Both the United Nations and the European Union missions in Bosnia have urged authorities to relocate the migrants from Vucjak — which is situated on a former landfill and near minefields left over from the 1992-95 war.

      Camp resident Osman Ali, from Pakistan, described conditions as “bad, very bad.”

      “I think all people here are seeking a better situation, situation is very dirty here,” he told The Associated Press.

      Ali and other migrants were lining up Monday for a meal from the local Red Cross. Police last week rounded up hundreds of migrants from Bihac and brought them all to Vucjak, nearly doubling the camp population.

      Fazlic has warned that the city will also cut waste collection services to draw attention to the camp’s failings and force the government to share the burden and move some of the migrants to other parts of the country.

      Thousands of migrants are stuck in northwestern Bosnia, unable to continue their trek north through neighboring Croatia whose police have been accused of violently repulsing migrants caught trying to illegally cross the border.

      Selam Midzic, a Red Cross representative at Vucjak, said cutting the water supply would just raise tensions among the migrants, and consequently with aid workers and locals.

      “In the camp itself, migrants will put pressure on the Red Cross representatives, who work here and who have no protection at all, demanding to be provided with drinking water,” he warned.

      The U.N. last week warned of a possible “humanitarian emergency” if aid is cut for the camp, urging Bosnia’s government to urgently find a new location.

      In the dusty camp, some migrants used puddle water to wash. Lounging outdoors during a spell of unusually warm weather, others said they fear conditions will deteriorate once winter cold sets in.

      Ahmed, from Pakistan, said many migrants have been sick: “(We don’t) have water, (or) food, (they) only give one person two (slices of) bread,” he said and added, pointing to his feet and clothing: “No have shoes and no jacket!”

      Tens of thousands of people from Asia, the Middle East and Africa emigrate illegally to Europe every year, braving perilous sea journeys and closed borders in the hope of securing a better life in the continent’s more affluent countries.

      On Monday, Libya’s coast guard said it intercepted 126 Europe-bound migrants in a rubber boat off the country’s Mediterranean coast.

      In Malta, authorities said police arrested 107 people following overnight riots in the Hal Fa migrant detention center.

      The interior ministry said the trouble, involving about 300 migrants, started late Sunday when a migrant tried to enter the center while allegedly drunk. A police vehicle was damaged and three police officers slightly injured in the violence.

      The U.N. refugee agency expressed concern.


      https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/10/22/world/social-issues-world/water-cut-crowded-migrant-camp-bosnian-authorities-feud-seek-downsize-
      #eau #coupure #dissuasion

    • Inside Bosnia’s ’nightmare’ camp for migrants trying to enter the EU

      Aid agencies are warning of a humanitarian disaster in Bosnia, with people facing a winter without proper accommodation.

      Bosnia is now a major route into the EU – 45,000 migrants have arrived in the country since the start of 2018.

      The country’s official refugee camps are full and the government has not allocated new sites, despite being given £10m by the EU this summer to do so.

      https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-50132250/inside-bosnia-s-nightmare-camp-for-migrants-trying-to-enter-the-eu
      #vidéo #gale #hiver #campement

      On dit dans le reportage que la zone autour du camp est entourée de #mines_anti-personnel

    • Réponse de Simon Missiri à ma question sur l’argent récolté par la #Croix-Rouge pour faire face à la situation humanitaire en Bosnie, via twitter 25.10.2109 :


      « We were able to raise only CHF 1.3 mln despite all efforts. This financed food non-food support to 41,000 migrants this year. Much more is needed in this desperate situation. »
      https://twitter.com/SimonMissiri/status/1187679349685645312

      Le lien vers le rapport « Emergency Plan of Action Operations Update No .3, Bosnia and Herzegovina : Population Movement » du 25.10.2109


      https://t.co/WBFbWSf3c2?amp=1

    • Bosnian authorities have announced the closure of the ad-hoc “camp” in Vučjak, where terrible conditions prevail and refugees have no access to water, toilets, or medical assistance (https://apps.derstandard.at/privacywall/story/2000110464615/bosnisches-aufnahmezentrum-fuer-fluechtlinge-wird-geschlossen). The camp, which was built on a former garbage dump, has been repeatedly criticised by a number of international and regional organisations for its range of health threats and non-compliance or minimum standards for refugee reception. With the previously announced closure of the temporary reception centres Bira in Bihać and Miral in Velika Kladuša, the question of accommodating thousands of refugees in Bosnia and Herzegovina arises, especially given that the weather is rapidly getting worse and winter is coming soon.

      Reçu via Inicijativa dobrodosli, mail du 06.11.2019.

      –---------------
      Bosnisches Aufnahmezentrum für Flüchtlinge wird geschlossen

      Ein neuer Standort soll gefunden werden, da das Lager nahe einer Mülldeponie und eines Minenfelds errichtet worden war.

      Bosniens Sicherheitsminister Dragan Mektić hat am Dienstag die Schließung des Flüchtlingszentrums Vučjak etwa zehn Kilometer von Bihać entfernt angekündigt. Dort halten sich laut dem Minister derzeit zwischen 800 und 1.000 Flüchtlinge und Migranten auf.

      Das Aufnahmezentrum war im Juni unweit einer Mülldeponie und eines Minenfelds errichtet worden. Mehrere internationale Organisationen hatten sogleich gewarnt, dass das Zentrum ein ernstes Gesundheits- und Sicherheitsrisiko darstelle und nicht den internationalen Normen entsprechend für die Unterbringung von Flüchtlingen ausgestattet sei.
      Keine ehemaligen Kasernen

      Föderationspremier Fadil Novalić hat Mektić zufolge dieser Tage einige Standorte für ein neues Aufnahmezentrum vorgeschlagen. Es würde sich um eine Investition von 1,5 bis zwei Millionen Euro handeln, berichtete der Minister. Die Kommunalbehörden sind weiterhin nicht bereit, den gesamtstaatlichen Behörden ehemalige Militärkasernen zur Aufnahme von Flüchtlingen zur Verfügung zu stellen.

      Die Behörden des Kantons Una-Sana hatten in der Vorwoche die Schließung von weiteren zwei Aufnahmezentren, Bira in Bihać und Miral in Velika Kladuša, angekündigt. In den beiden Zentren halten sich derzeit rund 2.000 Personen auf.

      Im Kanton Una-Sana befinden sich laut früheren Angaben der Regionalregierung etwa 5.000 Migranten und Flüchtlinge, heuer wurden bereits 36.000 registriert. (APA, 29.10.2019)

      https://apps.derstandard.at/privacywall/story/2000110464615/bosnisches-aufnahmezentrum-fuer-fluechtlinge-wird-geschlossen

    • Cold weather comes, no relief in sight for Bosnia’s migrants

      Despite the approach of harsh weather, hundreds of refugees and migrants are still stuck in northwest Bosnia in a makeshift camp described by international organizations as dangerous and inhumane.

      Desperate men, including many who have made several unsuccessful attempts to cross into neighboring European Union member Croatia, sleep in the ill-equipped Vucjak tent camp. It is located on a former landfill, not far from a minefield left over from Bosnia’s 1992-95 war.

      The men spend their days collecting wood from nearby forest to use for the small fires that are their only source of warmth during Bosnia’s chilly fall nights. They get only one meal per day, distributed by local Red Cross volunteers, and are forced to shower outside, with no privacy or even a semblance of comfort.

      The Vucjak camp, where they might end up spending the entire harsh Bosnian winter, was set up by local authorities to increase the pressure on the central government, which they have accused of not doing enough to distribute the migrant burden around the country.

      Bosnia has been overwhelmed by the arrival of migrants heading toward Europe along the Balkan route. Most migrants flock to its northwest region, which borders Croatia.

      This has led to tensions in the border area where most of the over 6,000 migrants now in the country are staying.

      https://apnews.com/c0c9dd7dcab444b791ce099feff6cb65

    • Bosnie : le projet d’ouverture de deux centres pour migrants stagne malgré l’urgence de l’hiver

      Entre travaux interminables et lenteurs administratives, l’ouverture de deux nouveaux centres d’hébergement pour faire face à l’afflux de migrants en Bosnie prend du retard. L’ONU appelle le gouvernement à débloquer la situation qui, en l’état, pourrait conduire à des décès de migrants sans abri au cours de l’hiver.

      À l’approche de l’hiver, l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) s’est lancée dans une véritable course contre la montre pour mettre à l’abri les milliers de migrants qui survivent dans les bois ou dans le camp de Vucjak, dans le nord de la Bosnie, à la frontière avec la Croatie, membre de l’Union européenne (UE).

      Selon Peter Van Der Auweraert, représentant de l’OIM en Bosnie, quelque 2 500 migrants sont actuellement sans abri dans cette région : un millier d’entre eux vivent dans le camp de Vucjak, installés sur une ancienne décharge. Et 1 500 autres sont éparpillés dans les bois alentours, occupant souvent de vieilles bâtisses abandonnées et vétustes.

      Les deux centres d’hébergement de Bira à Bihać et Miral à Velika Kladuša tournent, eux, à pleine capacité avec 1 500 personnes dans le premier (principalement des hommes seuls) et 600 à 700 personnes dans le second (principalement des familles et des mineurs non-accompagnés).

      Chaque jour, de nombreux migrants continuent d’affluer dans le canton d’Una Sana avec l’espoir de réussir à franchir la frontière croate et ainsi entrer dans l’UE. Le ministère de la Sécurité évalue à au moins 50 000 le nombre de migrants ayant traversé le pays l’année dernière à destination de l’Europe.

      Les autorités locales du canton d’Una Sana peinent de plus en plus à faire face à l’afflux de migrants et se heurtent à la grogne des citoyens. Plusieurs centaines d’habitants de Bihac ont ainsi manifesté mi-novembre pour demander la fermeture des centres d’hébergement et du camp de Vucjak.

      Le gouvernement bosnien, de son côté, a approuvé début novembre deux nouveaux sites d’hébergement des migrants en dehors de la région d’Una Sana, l’un dans le canton de Tuzla et l’autre dans celui de Sarajevo. Après plusieurs jours d’attente, les équipes de l’OIM ont eu accès la semaine dernière aux bâtiments afin d’évaluer leur capacité et les travaux à faire.

      “Mauvaise nouvelle, le site de Tuzla est, pour l’instant, inutilisable. La protection civile nous a informés qu’il restait des mines anti-personnelles autour des anciens baraquements militaires qui devaient être convertis en centre d’hébergement”, indique Peter Van Der Auweraert de l’OIM Bosnie, joint par InfoMigrants. Selon lui, l’opération de déminage prendra plusieurs semaines. Le site ne devrait pas être disponible avant le printemps.
      "Le gouvernement n’a pas le sens de l’urgence"

      Le site du canton de Sarajevo, lui, est “utilisable”, poursuit Peter Van Der Auweraert. “Mais quatre semaines de travaux sont à prévoir car l’eau courante ne fonctionne pas, l’électricité n’est pas aux normes et il n’y a pas de raccordement aux égouts”, explique-t-il, estimant que ce site serait en mesure d’accueillir la quasi-totalité des migrants qui se trouvent dans les bois et dans le camp de Vucjak. Il vise une ouverture, au mieux, début 2020, à condition que le ministère de la Sécurité donne son feu vert rapidement. “Le problème c’est que le gouvernement central n’a absolument pas le sens de l’urgence, il n’y a pas de véritable volonté politique”, regrette-t-il.

      En attendant, l’OIM souhaiterait augmenter la capacité d’accueil du centre de Bira afin d’y transférer un maximum de migrants sans abri, mais les autorités cantonales font barrage. Elles ont même récemment menacé de mettre en place un blocus dans les centres de Bira et Miral empêchant la libre circulation des migrants.

      “La neige doit commencer à arriver la semaine prochaine, j’ai très peur que nous ayons rapidement des pertes de vies humaines à cause de l’inaction politique”, prévient Peter Van Der Auweraert, rappelant que que les conditions sanitaires dans lesquelles les migrants de Vucjak survivent sont, en outre, extrêmement précaires. “Ces personnes ont besoin d’une évaluation médicale avant même de pouvoir être transférés dans des centres. On estime, par exemple, que 70% des migrants de Vucjak ont la gale. Malgré l’urgence, on ne peut pas travailler car on dépend des décisions du gouvernement qui n’arrivent pas”, termine-t-il, appelant une nouvelle fois les autorités à réagir.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/21119/bosnie-le-projet-d-ouverture-de-deux-centres-pour-migrants-stagne-malg

    • Bosnie-Herzégovine : le Conseil de l’Europe demande la fermeture du camp de Vučjak

      « Ce camp devrait être fermé sans délai », a déclaré mardi la Commissaire aux droits humains du Conseil de l’Europe, Dunja Mijatović, lors de sa visite à Vučjak. Sur le terrain, les ONG dénoncent un « cauchemar », alors que les migrants et réfugiés se sont lancés dans une grève de la faim pour protester contre les conditions de vie catastrophiques.

      « Des gens vont mourir », a déclaré mardi à la presse Dunja Mijatović, la Commissaire aux droits de l’Homme du Conseil de l’Europe, lors de sa visite au camp de Vučjak. « Ce n’est pas un lieu pour des êtres humains. » Depuis trois jours, des migrants de ce campement informel situé à 8 km de la frontière croate et qui « accueille » environ 600 personnes, sont en grève de la faim, refusant la nourriture et les boissons chaudes que des bénévoles de la Croix-Rouge leur apportent une fois par jour. Ce qu’ils veulent, disent-ils, c’est poursuivre leur route vers l’Europe.

      Les photos dans la presse montrent des hommes blottis sous des couvertures, certains sans chaussures ni chaussettes, alors que la température a chuté en-dessous de zéro degré. « Nous ne sommes pas des criminels ni des terroristes », proteste un Pakistanais, cité par Radio Slobodna Evropa. « Pourquoi sommes-nous condamnés à vivre ainsi ? J’ai donné de nombreuses interviews pour alerter l’opinion, mais ça n’a rien changé. » Les ONG présentes sur le terrain dénoncent également une situation catastrophique. « Un cauchemar », selon Médecins sans frontières (MSF).

      « Les réfugiés et les migrants doivent être transférés dans un endroit chaud, où ils recevront un repas et où il sera possible de traiter leurs demandes de la façon la plus appropriée », a insisté Dunja Mijatović. Elle-même d’origine bosnienne, elle a reconnu qu’elle avait « honte qu’une chose pareille existe dans [son] pays ». « La solution est de fermer ce camp et de faire en sorte que ces gens survivent à l’hiver », a-t-elle plaidé. Dunja Mijatović a prévu de rencontrer vendredi des représentants des différents niveaux institutionnels en Bosnie-Herzégovine.

      Le ministre bosnien de la Sécurité, Dragan Mektić, a affirmé que les réfugiés et migrants seraient prochainement transférés dans un nouveau centre d’accueil temporaire à Blažuje, près de Sarajevo. « Les travaux de construction et de rénovation ont commencé et nous prévoyons que les premiers migrants y soient hébergés d’ici deux à trois semaines », a-t-il assuré. Selon le ministère de la Sécurité, la Bosnie-Herzégovine compte sept centres d’accueil officiels où se trouvent actuellement environ 4500 réfugiés et migrants.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-Herzegovine-le-Conseil-de-l-Europe-demande-la-fermeture-du

    • Bosnie-Herzégovine : les migrants du camp de Vučjak en #grève_de_la_faim

      Alors que la neige s’est mise à tomber en Bosnie-Herzégovine, les conditions dans le camp de Vučjak, déjà misérables, ont empiré. Depuis mardi, plusieurs migrants qui tentent de survivre dans le camp refusent de boire et de s’alimenter pour protester contre la situation. Un membre de l’équipe mobile de la Croix-Rouge de Bihac a déclaré à Klix.ba qu’ils avaient refusé d’avaler le repas chaud préparé mardi matin et de boire du thé.

      « Nous avons faim, nous mourons, mais nous n’irons nulle part ailleurs en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Nous exhortons l’UE à ouvrir ses frontières », a déclaré l’un des migrants. Outre la nourriture, ils refusent également de nouvelles tentes – sous le poids de la neige, plusieurs se sont déjà écroulées – et des couvertures.

      La Commissaire aux droits humains du Conseil de l’Europe, Dunja Mijatović, a demandé mardi la fermeture immédiate du camp.
      Bosnie-Herzégovine : la neige est tombée sur le camp de Vučjak

      4 décembre - 8h30 : Les premières neiges sont tombées sur le camp de Vučjak, où survivent 800 à 1000 réfugiés, très mal vêtus, souvent sans chaussures. Plusieurs tentes fournies par le Croissant-Rouge turc se sont effondrées sous le poids de la neige.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/courrierdesbalkans-fr-fil-info-refugies-2019-novembre

    • Le camp de Vucjak évacué, mais le sort de ces migrants n’est en rien réglé

      Après des semaines de demandes d’ONG humanitaires et de pression de l’Union européenne sur les autorités de Bosnie-Herzégovine, le campement de Vucjak est en cours d’évacuation.


      https://fr.euronews.com/2019/12/09/le-camp-de-vucjak-evacue-mais-le-sort-de-ces-migrants-n-est-en-rien-reg
      #évacuation

    • Bosnia Puts Off Closing Makeshift Migrant Camp ’Until Further Notice’

      Bosnian authorities have indefinitely postponed the scheduled closing of a makeshift migrant tent camp in the northwest of the country.

      The closing of the Vucjak camp had been scheduled for December 9, following harsh international criticism of the improper conditions hundreds of people are being housed in. The camp is hosting some 600 migrants, according to the Red Cross.

      Rade Kovac, the director of the Bosnian Service for Foreigners’ Affairs, visited the camp on December 9 and said that the authorities had postponed closing the camp until further notice.

      Aid groups have repeatedly warned that the Vucjak camp is located on a former landfill and close to a mine field from Bosnia’s 1992-95 war, and has no running water or toilets. Living conditions worsened further after snow started falling last week.

      Kovac said the migrants will eventually be moved to one of the reception centers in the Sarajevo Canton. He gave no reason for the postponement, but media reports said the decision was prompted by a lack of proper accommodation at the reception centers.

      Bosnia-Herzegovina’s security minister, Dragan Mektic, last week announced that the occupants of the camp on the border with Croatia would be relocated to other camps outside the region.

      “It was agreed that migrants would be moved early next week from this locality to other reception centers...and that this makeshift camp would be closed,” Mektic said in a statement on December 6.

      The decision to close the camp came after Dunja Mijatovic, the Council of Europe commissioner for human rights, visited Vucjak last week and warned that deaths would be imminent if the camp were not closed at once. “If we don’t close the camp today, tomorrow people will start dying here,” she told reporters while visiting the snow-covered camp.

      On December 6, Mijatovic told a news conference in the Bosnian capital, Sarajevo, that it was now urgent to relocate the migrants and provide them with “decent accommodation.”

      "Many people lack adequate clothing and footwear,’’ she said. "It is inhumane and unacceptable to keep people in such conditions.’’

      However, some migrants said that despite snow and freezing weather, they will refuse to be moved farther away from the border. Most of the migrants flocked to the northwestern part of Bosnia because they want to continue their journey to Western Europe’s more prosperous countries by crossing the border into European Union member Croatia.

      On December 7, migrants at Vucjak resumed accepting food distributed by the Bihac branch of the Red Cross, after refusing it for several days in protest at the announced relocation of the camp.

      Bosnian authorities have struggled to accommodate thousands of people fleeing war and poverty in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. Migrants enter Bosnia from neighboring Serbia or Montenegro.

      https://reliefweb.int/report/bosnia-and-herzegovina/bosnia-puts-closing-makeshift-migrant-camp-until-further-notice

    • Bosnia, “situazione insostenibile nel campo di Vucjak. Migranti al freddo senza acqua corrente e luce”. Ma la chiusura è rinviata

      Una situazione intollerabile, con tende coperte dalla neve e mancanza delle più elementari condizioni igieniche. È questo lo stato del campo profughi di Vucjak, nel Nord-Ovest della Bosnia-Erzegovina, vicino alla frontiera con la Croazia. Lunedì 9 dicembre le autorità ne hanno rinviato la chiusura, dopo averla annunciata nei giorni precedenti sotto la crescente pressione della comunità internazionale. I media locali, nel dare notizia del rinvio, non ne hanno chiarito i motivi. È possibile che le strutture indicate per l’accoglienza dei seicento profughi non siano ancora del tutto pronte.

      Il campo, aperto a giugno scorso vicino a Bihac, si trova su una ex discarica e vicino a terreni minati nella guerra degli anni novanta e non dispone delle infrastrutture più elementari, di acqua corrente o elettricità. I profughi, principalmente giovani uomini, vivono in tende non riscaldate, nonostante le temperature siano scese in questi giorni sotto lo zero.

      Era stata in particolare Dunja Mijatovic, commissaria dei diritti umani del Consiglio d’Europa, a chiedere lo smantellamento del campo di Vucjak. La commissaria martedì 3 dicembre si era recata sul posto e aveva denunciato la passività delle autorità bosniache: “Se non si chiude questo campo oggi, domani le persone cominceranno a morire. Di chi sarà la responsabilità?”. Venerdì, davanti alla stampa, aveva di nuovo parlato di condizioni “molto difficili e vergognose”, dicendosi “scioccata” da ciò che aveva visto a Vucjak. Anche Medici senza Frontiere aveva segnalato la difficile situazione dei profughi, molti dei quali sprovvisti di vestiti adeguati ad affrontare il freddo. Le reazioni della comunità internazionale avevano spinto le autorità bosniache a decidere la chiusura immediata del campo all’inizio della settimana successiva, salvo poi tornare sui loro passi.

      L’obiettivo, dopo un passaggio temporaneo in vari centri di accoglienza, è accogliere i circa seicento profughi di Vucjak in una ex caserma nei pressi di Sarajevo. Non tutti i migranti sembrano però disposti ad accettare il trasferimento, che significa allontanarsi dalla frontiera con la Croazia, Paese membro dell’Unione europea nel quale intendono entrare per poi proseguire il viaggio verso l’Europa occidentale. Nei precedenti tentativi di trasferire i migranti nella capitale, infatti, i profughi avevano chiesto di tornare a Bihac per essere più vicini al confine.

      https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2019/12/09/bosnia-situazione-insostenibile-nel-campo-di-vucjak-migranti-al-freddo-senza-acqua-corrente-e-luce-ma-chiusura-e-rinviata/5604973

    • En Bosnie-Herzégovine, l’un des pires camps de réfugiés d’Europe évacué

      L’évacuation du camp de migrants de Vucjak, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, a démarré mardi 10 décembre, après que la Commissaire aux droits de l’homme du Conseil de l’Europe a demandé aux autorités de « fermer sans délai ». Il y a quelques semaines, Mediapart y avait constaté les conditions de vie honteuses. Reportage.

      Début décembre, en visite sur place dans la neige, la Commissaire aux droits de l’homme du Conseil de l’Europe avait demandé aux autorités bosniennes de « fermer Vucjak sans délai ». Dans ce camp informel apparu en juin dernier à l’extrémité nord-ouest de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, des réfugiés s’entassent dans des conditions honteuses, cherchant à rallier à pied la frontière croate, puis la Slovénie et l’Italie derrière. Elle-même bosnienne, Dunja Mijatovic avait formulé cette requête à la mi-octobre déjà, sans succès.

      Cette fois, l’évacuation a commencé, mardi 10 décembre, en début d’après-midi. « Pour des raisons de sécurité », les journalistes n’ont pas eu le droit d’accéder au site, contraints de suivre le déroulé des opérations loin de cette ancienne décharge, sur laquelle les autorités du canton d’Una-Sana avaient établi un camp, à quelques kilomètres seulement de la Croatie (membre de l’UE). Le week-end dernier, des migrants résidant là s’étaient mis en grève de la faim à l’annonce de leur relogement loin de la frontière.

      En 2019, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, davantage d’arrivées de migrants ont été enregistrées qu’en Espagne ou en Italie.

      Bosnie-Herzégovine, envoyés spéciaux. – Chacun s’est emmitouflé du mieux qu’il a pu. Certains ont des couvertures roulées sur les épaules, un homme brandit un étonnant parapluie vert, tous portent un gros sac sur le dos et un duvet en bandoulière. Les adieux sont brefs avec les compagnons qui restent au camp de Vu#jak, en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Cet après-midi brumeux, ils sont vingt-cinq à prendre la route de la frontière avec la Croatie, membre de l’Union européenne, située à moins d’une heure de marche. Vingt-cinq à s’engager dans le game, le « jeu » très risqué du passage de la frontière.

      « J’ai déjà essayé six fois de passer », raconte Muhammad, un jeune Pakistanais. « À chaque fois qu’ils nous arrêtent, les policiers croates nous ordonnent de poser devant nous nos téléphones portables et ils les cassent. On doit aussi donner tout notre argent. Ensuite ils brûlent nos sacs, nos vêtements chauds et nos chaussures. Puis ils nous reconduisent jusqu’à la frontière de la Bosnie- Herzégovine. » Malgré ces mauvais traitements répétés, le jeune homme recommencera le gamedès qu’il aura réussi à réunir un peu d’argent pour s’équiper à nouveau. Selon lui, il faut compter 300 euros pour avoir de quoi refaire les dix jours de route à pied, caché, jusqu’en Slovénie. Pas pour les passeurs, mais pour se payer un téléphone, de nouveaux vêtements chauds et de la nourriture.

      Le camp de Vucjak a été établi le 16 juin dernier sur le site très pollué (au méthane, notamment) d’une ancienne décharge, à une dizaine de kilomètres de Biha#, dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. La frontière croate se franchit dans la montagne. Durant la guerre des années 1990, la zone a été âprement disputée et les abords du camp restent truffés de mines.

      Tout l’été, le terrain était infesté de serpents. Cet automne, ce sont les sangliers qui, chaque nuit, viennent chercher de la nourriture jusque dans les tentes fournies par la Croix-Rouge turque. Ils sont 800 à 1 000 à dormir dans ce cloaque, au milieu des immondices. Des hommes seuls, à qui l’on refuse l’entrée dans les camps, surpeuplés, de Biha# et de Velika Kladuša, gérés par l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), qui n’acceptent plus que les mineurs et les familles.

      Selon Nihal Osman, coordinatrice locale de Médecins sans frontières (MSF), 7 à 8 000 migrants se trouvent aujourd’hui présents dans le canton de Biha# : 3 200 dans les camps de Bira, Miral, Sedra et Borici, plus de 4 000 dans les squats établis dans des maisons vides ou des usines abandonnées, ou bien sous les tentes de Vucjak. À l’intérieur du camp, le tableau sanitaire est affolant.

      De nombreux réfugiés reviennent blessés du game, à cause des sévices infligés par la police croate. Presque tous souffrent de diarrhée et de maladies de peau, dont de nombreux cas de gale. La mairie de Biha# livre chaque jour 20 000 litres d’eau, mais les douches en plein air sont jonchées d’immondices. Les résidents doivent faire leurs besoins dehors : les sanitaires sont depuis longtemps hors d’usage. Avec les brumes humides de l’automne, la température tombe déjà en dessous de zéro certains soirs, beaucoup souffrent de la grippe, tandis que MSF recense de nombreux cas de tuberculose et de sida.

      « Si ces personnes restent à l’extérieur, comme c’est le cas aujourd’hui, il y en a qui vont mourir cet hiver, prévient Nihal Osman. Ici, les températures peuvent descendre sous les – 20 °C et les feux de branchage ne suffiront pas. » L’ONG n’intervient pas à l’intérieur du camp de Vu#jak, refusant de cautionner son existence. Pour assurer malgré tout sa mission humanitaire, son personnel opère dans une petite clinique établie dans le village voisin, malgré l’hostilité des riverains. « On est obligé de se faire discrets. On ferme à 15 heures, avant que les gens reviennent du travail », explique Nihal Osman.

      Seule la Croix-Rouge locale délivre un repas par jour – ce lundi, c’était une louche de riz, un peu de sauce à la viande, quelques fines tranches de pain et un litre de soda. Depuis l’été, les organisations internationales pressent les autorités bosniennes de trouver un autre emplacement, mais celles-ci font la sourde oreille. « Tout le monde se focalise sur le scandale humanitaire de Vu#jak, nuance Nihal Osman, mais le problème est européen. De plus en plus de gens s’engagent sur la route des Balkans, et le canton de Biha# en est le débouché naturel. »

      De fait, Bihac, à l’extrémité nord-ouest de la Bosnie- Herzégovine, constitue le point le plus proche de la Slovénie et de l’Italie, l’objectif que veulent gagner tous ceux qui se massent ici. Pour y demander l’asile et poursuivre leur route plus sereinement vers les pays de l’ouest et du nord de l’Union européenne. Pour la Bosnie-Herzégovine, en 2019, 28 327 arrivées ont été officiellement enregistrées, en hausse de presque 5 000 par rapport à 2018 et presque 30 fois plus qu’en 2017. En Europe, seule la Grèce a enregistré plus d’arrivées. La Bosnie-Herzégovine dépasse désormais l’Espagne et l’Italie.

      Se souvenant de leur expérience personnelle pendant la guerre de 1992-1995, les habitants du canton d’Una Sana ont longtemps regardé avec bienveillance et solidarité les exilés bloqués dans cette impasse de la route des Balkans. Mais aujourd’hui, c’est un sentiment de lassitude et d’exaspération qui domine. Plusieurs manifestations anti-migrants ont eu lieu à Biha# ces dernières semaines, et les autorités locales mettent des bâtons dans les roues des rares humanitaires présents sur le terrain, comme Médecins sans frontières. En fait, les réfugiés paient au prix fort les sombres calculs politiques qui opposent les autorités locales à celles de la capitale, Sarajevo.

      Une longue odyssée balkanique

      Le contrôle des frontières et la gestion des migrations relèvent théoriquement de l’État central de Bosnie- Herzégovine et de son ministère de la sécurité, mais le canton d’Una Sana, qui possède son propre ministère de l’intérieur, relève de la Fédération de Bosnie- Herzégovine, l’une des deux « entités » de ce pays toujours divisé. Or, les autorités du canton estiment qu’elles sont abandonnées par les autorités fédérales et qu’elles doivent faire face seules à la crise. Leur politique vise à donc à rendre les conditions de vie des migrants les plus difficiles possibles afin de les dissuader de rester sur leur territoire. Depuis deux semaines, elles interdisent même la circulation des réfugiés. Ceux qui sont raflés dans la rue par la police sont immédiatement envoyés à Vucjak.

      Pour sa part, l’OIM, qui gère l’ensemble des camps de Bosnie-Herzégovine, par délégation des compétences normalement dévolues à l’État, cherche aussi à délocaliser les migrants en insistant pour l’ouverture d’autres camps officiels à l’intérieur du pays, vers Tuzla ou Sarajevo. Une politique qui a peu de chances d’être suivie d’effet, Biha# restant la « porte d’accès » à la Croatie. De surcroît, bien peu de migrants osent s’aventurer dans le nord de la Bosnie, qui dépend de la Republika Srpska, l’autre « entité » du pays, dont les autorités prônent une fermeté absolue et refusent l’ouverture de centres d’accueil.

      Dans les camps officiels, l’OIM multiplie les campagnes en faveur du retour volontaire. Beaucoup de travailleurs humanitaires estiment que l’organisation se préoccupe moins d’apporter une réponse humanitaire que de contribuer à la « gestion des migrations » – c’est-à-dire aux politiques visant à dissuader les exilés de tenter de gagner l’Union européenne. Et ils s’étonnent de l’absence quasi totale du Haut-Commissariat aux réfugiés (UNHCR), qui semble avoir délégué ses compétences à l’OIM. Même le Comité international de la Croix-Rouge (CICR) n’est pas présent. Seules quelques sections nationales de la Croix-Rouge ont envoyé des équipes.

      « Les autorités locales voudraient que ces gens aillent ailleurs, considérant qu’elles ont trop de migrants à gérer sur leur territoire, souligne Hannu Pekka Laiho, en mission d’observation pour la Croix-Rouge finlandaise. Le problème, c’est que chacun des acteurs impliqués dans cette crise se renvoie la balle : les Bosniens, mais aussi l’OIM et l’Union européenne. » Appuyé sur sa canne, le vieil homme s’émeut du sort réservé aux malheureux qui échouent ici. « Tout le monde veut se débarrasser de Vu#jak. En attendant, ces gens sont tout bonnement livrés à eux-mêmes. La tension est palpable, mais je m’étonne que ce ne soit pas pire encore vu les conditions dans lesquelles doivent vivre ces hommes. Tous les jours, ils m’interrogent pour savoir si de nouveaux camps vont ouvrir, en Bosnie, ou en Croatie. Je n’ai rien à leur répondre de concret. »

      ______________________________________________________________________________

      Deux nationalités dominent à Vucjak, les Afghans et les Pakistanais, qui se regardent en chiens de faïence, chacun occupant sa zone. Les Maghrébins, mal vus, n’osent pas y rester et se réfugient dans les squats. Cet été, un Palestinien a été tué d’un coup de couteau. On trouve pourtant aussi quelques Indiens, et même trois Sénégalais, qui ont trouvé refuge dans le secteur afghan. Djallo, 33 ans, est originaire de Kédougou, à la frontière de la Guinée et du Mali. Il a d’abord rejoint la Turquie, puis il est passé en Grèce, où il a travaillé deux ans dans des fermes. Il s’est ensuite engagé sur la route des Balkans, après avoir économisé suffisamment d’argent, pensait-il, pour rejoindre un pays riche de l’UE.

      Djallo détaille les étapes de sa longue odyssée balkanique. Il a franchi clandestinement les frontières de la Macédoine du Nord puis de la Serbie, versant à chaque fois plusieurs centaines d’euros aux passeurs. À Preševo, dans le sud de la Serbie, des Pakistanais lui ont vendu dix euros un faux récépissé de demande d’asile en Serbie, un document pourtant accessible gratuitement. Il a ensuite payé 150 euros le passage

      en barque de la Drina, la rivière qui sépare la Serbie et la Bosnie-Herzégovine, puis il a gagné la région de Biha# en bus et se trouve depuis un mois à Vu#jak.

      « Dans le nord de la Macédoine, je suis resté bloqué dans un village où ils gardent les gens, tant que les familles n’envoient pas l’argent », raconte-t-il, grelottant dans son manteau élimé, des claquettes en plastique dépareillées aux pieds. Deux jours plus tôt, Djallo a été rapatrié dans le camp, après avoir été violemment renvoyé de Croatie. « Cela faisait dix jours que nous marchions avec un groupe de Pakistanais et d’Afghans. On nous a arrêtés près de la Slovénie et on nous a ramenés jusqu’ici... Je n’ai opposé aucune résistance, mais les policiers m’ont tout pris. » Désespéré, sans un sou, Djallo envisage désormais de repartir en arrière. A minima jusqu’en Grèce, « parce que là-bas, au moins, on peut travailler et gagner un peu d’argent ». Les violences de la police croate visent à dissuader les gens de tenter le voyage. Zagreb a d’ailleurs été félicitée par ses partenaires européens pour sa « bonne gestion » des frontières et pourrait même être appelée prochainement à rejoindre l’espace Schengen.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/101219/en-bosnie-herzegovine-l-un-des-pires-camps-de-refugies-d-europe-evacue

    • After 179 days (5 months and 26 days) the Vucjak jungle was evacuated and its structures and tents destroyed with the excavator. 7 buses transported migrants to the Usivak camp in Hadzici, outside Sarajevo, managed by IOM. On 10 December, the eviction of the Vučjak area started. Volunteers from the region report that the authorities in Una Sana Canton and IOM announced that from this day on, Vucjak jungle will not exist. During the press conference on Monday, Bihac authorities announced that no media can be present at Vucjak during the eviction which is a serious issue restricting the work of the media, but also the right of the public to know what is happening.

      Volunteers and activists on the field denounce that “media freedoms are at serious risk at the moment in Bosnia and Herzegovina in many ways. The authorities and international organizations are doing everything they can in order to restrict the media from accessing the places where refugees are, being camps run by the IOM or places like Vucjak during the eviction. Additionally, all parties involved are investing a lot of effort in spearing propaganda of different types, including hate propaganda. Local volunteers strictly condemn that international organizations are still not doing enough: “volunteers in Sarajevo are noticing more and more people in the streets, sleeping rough, among them many minors, with no care at all. The only help provided comes from the citizens, while DRC, Red Cross, cantonal authorities, IOM, UN agencies are staying aside and ignoring this fact.” Updates come also from another city of Bosnia and Herzegovina: In Tuzla, over 100 people are staying outside. People are still arriving from Serbia, daily, even though much less than during previous months. As well as in Sarajevo, many people are hosted by the locals.

      If you want to keep updated on some border points like Lesbos, Patras, Athens, Šid and Velika Kladuša, you can listen the podcast that independent volunteers and volunteers working for small organizations in Greece and some of the EU’s external borders report weekly on their daily work and the dire conditions in which refugees and migrants are living. The audios are in Spanish and, time permitting, subtitles are also provided in Serbo-Croatian and English. Here the youtube channel (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2HjVrr5IF3Q

      ) where you can follow the weekly updates. Overall, they report a worsening situation at all these points. And not only because of the arrival of cold days, but above all because of the deliberate, and more and more systematic, violation of the rights of people on the move. Constant harassment and police violence, horrific and degrading living conditions, racist and inhumane treatment and much more, along with anti-immigration laws that are becoming more restrictive in all countries every day, all of this makes the lives of thousands of people destroyed on daily bases.

      Reçu via Inicijativa dobrodosli, mail du 17.12.2019.

  • En #Bosnie, Ajnas se bat pour les #enfants de la #honte

    En #Bosnie-Herzégovine, on les appelle les « #enfants_invisibles ». Ce sont les bébés nés de viols commis pendant la guerre de Yougoslavie – par des soldats ennemis, mais aussi par des Casques bleus. Ajna Jusic est l’un de ces enfants de la honte, qui seraient entre 2 000 et 4 000 dans le pays...

    La jeune femme, à qui la mère a longtemps caché sa véritable histoire, lutte aujourd’hui pour faire reconnaître ces personnes, discriminées par la société, comme victimes de guerre officielles.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/079474-003-A/arte-regards
    #guerre #histoire #ex-Yougoslavie #viols #viols_de_guerre #femmes #invisibilité #discriminations #égalité_de_traitement #victimes_de_guerre #préjugés #rejet #insultes #adoption #exclusion #traumatisme #culpabilisation #stigmatisation #santé_mentale #reportage #documentaire #film

    Les mots très forts de Ajna Jusic :

    « Les dégâts causés par la guerre n’ont pas de nationalité, ni d’ethnie. Le viol n’a rien à voir avec la nationalité, c’est une expérience traumatisante et c’est comme tel qu’il faut le traiter »

    #nationalisme

  • Liste de liens autour d’#accords_de_réadmission entre pays européens...

    Mini liste sur la question des accords de réadmission signés entre différents pays européens afin de pouvoir expulser les migrants...

    #accord_de_réadmission #accord_bilatéral #frontières #expulsions #renvois #refoulement #migrations #asile #réfugiés #réadmission #frontière_sud-alpine #push-backs #refoulements #accords_bilatéraux #réadmission #Alpes #montagne
    ping @isskein

    • Entre la #France et l’#Italie :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/730361

      Il s’agit de l’#accord_de_Chambéry. Décret n° 2000-923 du 18 septembre 2000 portant publication de l’accord entre le Gouvernement de la République française et le Gouvernement de la République italienne relatif à la #coopération_transfrontalière en matière policière et douanière, signé à Chambéry le 3 octobre #1997
      https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/affichTexte.do?cidTexte=JORFTEXT000000766303

      voir aussi le rapport ASGI :
      https://medea.asgi.it/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/all-4-scheda-DM-5-agosto_def.pdf
      signalé ici :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/892443

    • Entre l’#Espagne et la #France:
      –-> #accord_de_Malaga signé le 26 novembre 2002 entre la France et l’Espagne.

      https://seenthis.net/messages/901308

      –---

      Un accord signé entre la France et l’Espagne prévoit de renvoyer tout migrant se trouvant sur le territoire français depuis moins de quatre heures.

      http://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/13368/france-19-migrants-interpelles-dans-un-bus-en-provenance-de-bayonne-et

      –---

      Concernant l’accord entre l’Espagne et la France, voici un complément, reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop:

      C’est un accord de réadmission bilatéral signé entre la France et l’Espagne (comme tas d’autres) qui prévoit la réadmission des nationaux ou de ressortissants de pays tiers ayant transité par le territoire de l’un de ces pays.

      L’article 7 de cet accord prévoit :
      Les autorités responsables des contrôles aux frontières des deux Parties contractantes réadmettent immédiatement sur leur territoire les étrangers, ressortissants d’Etats tiers, qui sont présentés par les autorités des frontières de l’autre Partie, dans les quatre heures suivant le passage illégal de la frontière commune.

      Il a été signé le 26 novembre 2002, et concernant la France, publié par le décret n° 2004-226 du 9 mars 2004.

      Vous trouverez sur le site de Migreurop, d’autres accords signés par la France (et aussi par d’autres pays de l’UE),

      http://www.migreurop.org/article1931.html

      –---

      Francia devolvió a España casi 16.000 migrantes en solo cinco meses (2021)

      Para expulsar a los inmigrantes que entran irregularmente a su territorio, Francia y España se valen de un acuerdo bilateral de 2002 (https://elpais.com/politica/2018/11/02/actualidad/1541179682_837419.html) que les permite la devolución en las cuatro horas siguientes al paso de la frontera. El acuerdo contempla una serie de garantías, como que los inmigrantes sean entregados a la policía española o que se formalice por escrito su devolución. Los datos de la policía francesa no especifican cuántos inmigrantes han sido devueltos sobre la base de este acuerdo bilateral, pero fuentes policiales y los propios inmigrantes han señalado que la mayor parte se realiza sin que medie un solo trámite.

      https://seenthis.net/messages/912645

    • Press Release: Court find Slovenian state guilty of chain pushback to Bosnia-Herzegovina

      Civil initiative Info Kolpa, a key member of the Border Violence Monitoring Network, are sharing here the landmark judgement issued on 16th July 2020 by the Slovenian Administrative Court. The findings prove that the national police force carried out an illegal collective expulsion of a member of a persecuted English-speaking minority from Cameroon who wanted to apply for asylum in Slovenia.

      The court heard the experience of the applicant, J.D., who was held in a Slovenian police station for two days and denied access to asylum, despite making three verbal requests. After this procedural gatekeeping, the applicant was readmitted to Croatia – under an agreement described by the Slovenian Ombudswoman as “against the European legal order”. From Croatia, J.D. was chain refouled to Bosnia-Herzegovina, a pattern analysed in a feature length report by InfoKolpa published in May 2019.

      The Administrative Court found that the Republic of Slovenia violated the applicant’s right to asylum (Article 18 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights), the prohibition of collective expulsions (Article 19 § 1) and the principle of non-refoulement (Article 19 § 2):

      “that no one shall be removed, expelled or extradited to a State in which he or she is in serious danger of being subjected to the death penalty, torture or other inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment”.

      The court ruled that the police had not informed J.D. of his asylum rights, as mandated to do so, in clear breach of domestic and EU law. The pushback also breached the prohibition of collective expulsion because the applicant was not issued a removal order, nor given translation and legal aid prior to his readmission to Croatia. In regards to the chain refoulement, the judgement found “sufficiently reliable reports on possible risks from the point of view of Article 3 of the ECHR” in both Croatia where the applicant was initially removed, and also in Bosnia-Herzegovina where he was subsequently pushed back. This is inline with evidence provided by BVMN in 2019 showing that 80% of recorded pushback cases from Croatia breached law on torture or inhumane and degrading treatment.

      In a groundbreaking step, once the judgment becomes final, it will oblige the Republic of Slovenia to allow the applicant to enter the country and file an application for international protection without delay, as well as provide €5,000 in compensation. Commenting on the outcome, the applicant stated:

      “I know and believe that the judgement will help those that come after me. It may not have a direct solution for me, but I know that we are creating awareness and you give more trust to the law of the country.” — J. D., Bosnia, 17th July 2020

      While the Ministry of Internal Affairs have stated they will appeal the judgement, the lawyer representing J.D. stated the case is a landmark because it not only proves the human rights violations suffered by the applicant, but establishes that chain pushbacks to Bosnia-Herzegovina are “systematic and routine”.

      https://www.borderviolence.eu/press-release-court-find-slovenian-state-guilty-of-chain-pushback-to-

      #Slovénie #Bosnie

    • Court confirms systematic human rights violations by Austrian police

      Regional Administrative Court of Styria confirmed the practice of chain puchbacks and found the Austrian police guilty of violating the right to human dignity and the right of documentation

      On 28th of September 2020 eight people were pushed back after being chased and humiliated by Austrian police. Their repeated verbal demand for asylum had been ignored, and no interpreter was involved, as our friends from the initiative „Push Back Alarm Austria“ documented, as we reported earlier on, and later pressed charges in the one case of Ayoub N.

      Now, the court confirmed the methodical practice of chain pushbacks and for the first time the existence of a chain pushback route from Austria or Italy crossing Slovenia and Croatia to Bosnia, including the collaboration of the police in different countries.

      The actions of the police officers who intervened were purposefully aimed at the rejection of the complainant and there is no room for any other interpretation

      In synopsis of the entire official act, the court concludes that there was an obvious bias of the officers against the complainant, since the physical search was disproportionate, no food was provided, and the involvement of an interpreter was omitted despite obvious language difficulties and the use of the word “asylum”, the verdict states (asyl.at/de/info/presseaussendungen/push-back-routevonoesterreichbisbosnien/?s=pushbacks).

      The joint press release of Push-Alarm Austria & Asylkoordination notes that, despite a court finding that his rights were disregarded, due to a legal loophole, the complainant Ayoub N. will not be allowed to enter the country. “I was confident that we would win the case. After returning to Bosnia, I felt like shattered glass. At the moment, I am trying to sort out my life and move forward,” he said.

      “We are talking about systematic human rights violations, inhumane treatment and ignoring the principles of the rule of law by police in Austria. It is completely unimaginable that this is happening without the knowledge and against the expressed will of the Minister of the Interior and his officials. If someone questions the Geneva Refugee Convention, one of the greatest lessons of the Shoah, and at the same time does not take consistent action against systematic human rights violations by the police, the only thing left to do is to resign!”

      Lawyer Clemens Lahner sees the finding as a clear warning to the Ministry of the Interior to put an end to the systematic disregard for the rule of law as soon as possible: “Not everyone who applies for asylum in Austria automatically will receive a substantive asylum procedure or be granted protection. But these questions are to be examined and decided by the competent authorities or courts,” the lawyer clarifies. “If the police presume to decide who will get an asylum procedure at all, this is clearly illegal. The Ministry of the Interior has now been put on written notice, in the name of the Republic.”

      Klaudia Wieser of Push-Back Alarm Austria said. “This case shows the necessity of our initiative to prevent systematic breaches of the law at Austrian borders. Austrian push-backs frequently constitute the first step of chain push-backs beyond the EU’s external borders. Sebastian Kurz is the spiritus rector of systematic human rights violations along the push-back route to Bosnia.”

      The finding from Graz also puts the Slovenian government which has just taken over the EU Presidency under considerable pressure. For the first time, it is possible to prove in a court case what human rights organisations such as ours and particularly everyone within the Border Violence Monitoring Network have been documenting since 2016: a continuous pushback route via Austria or Italy via Slovenia and Croatia to Bosnia.

      “If someone questions the Geneva Refugee Convention, one of the greatest lessons of the Shoah, and at the same time does not take consistent action against systematic human rights violations by the police, the only thing left to do is to resign!” — University Professor Dr. Benedek of the Institute of International Law and International Relations from the University of Graz said.

      However, as in other such cases in countries along the so called Balkan Route, no higher responsibility has so far been established by a court or other instance deemed valid by the states, so we expect to see more tacit acceptance of the anti-people and anti-human rights commands by those on the top.

      https://medium.com/are-you-syrious/ays-daily-digest-5-7-21-court-confirmed-the-systemic-chain-pushbacks-b8e0749

      #Autriche

  • WATCH | “There is a minefield sign and the migrants will go into this area because they know the police won’t be there”. Hans von der Brelie (@euronewsreport) is reporting from the Bosnia-Herzegovina border.

    https://twitter.com/euronews/status/1058409250043633671

    #Bonsie_Herzégovine #Bosnie #migrations #asile #réfugiés #mines_anti-personnel #frontières #Croatie

    Ici le reportage:
    On the ground at the Bosnian-Croatian border where migrant tensions are rising

    Tensions are rising on the Bosnian-Croatian border, where scores of migrants are demanding entry to the European Union, amid reports this week of fresh police clashes, plummeting temperatures and inadequate living conditions.

    Thousands of migrants and refugees fleeing wars and poverty in North Africa and Asia are sleeping rough near the border, which they hope to cross to gain access to the EU.

    Several people were injured on Wednesday in clashes with Croatian police, with migrants accusing officers of beating them and smashing their phones.

    Meanwhile, Doctors Without Borders warned that “as temperatures drop the situation becomes more difficult and tensions are rising.”

    Euronews correspondent Hans von der Brelie is at the scene. Take a look at his pictures and videos below to find out what is really happening on the ground:
    https://twitter.com/euronews/status/1058409250043633671
    Matiola and Nazir want to enter the European Union without visas. However, they can’t cross the well-protected Bosnian border with Croatia.

    They are stuck in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Bihac, sleeping rough — protected against rain by plastic sheets.

    Tensions are rising on the Bosnian-Croatian border, where scores of migrants are demanding entry to the European Union, amid reports this week of fresh police clashes, plummeting temperatures and inadequate living conditions.

    Thousands of migrants and refugees fleeing wars and poverty in North Africa and Asia are sleeping rough near the border, which they hope to cross to gain access to the EU.

    Several people were injured on Wednesday in clashes with Croatian police, with migrants accusing officers of beating them and smashing their phones.

    Meanwhile, Doctors Without Borders warned that “as temperatures drop the situation becomes more difficult and tensions are rising.”

    Euronews correspondent Hans von der Brelie is at the scene. Take a look at his pictures and videos below to find out what is really happening on the ground:

    Matiola and Nazir want to enter the European Union without visas. However, they can’t cross the well-protected Bosnian border with Croatia.

    They are stuck in the northwestern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Bihac, sleeping rough — protected against rain by plastic sheets.

    A torn EU umbrella lays on top of destroyed tents and garbage in a public park of #Bihac.

    Hundreds of migrants had put their tents here, but they are no longer tolerated and the camp was dismantled.


    Migrants rebuild a shelter in Bihac park.

    These friends from the Kurdish part of Iraq have stayed together throughout the difficult journey. They dream of building a future in Germany or France.

    This is 24-year-old Muhamed Suliman. He worked as a taxi driver in Dubai before heading towards Europe. It was "too hot to stay there. Not enough pay. Too many fines,” he said.

    Suliman said his dream is to reach Italy, but there is no way to cross into Croatia.

    “I will try again. Again and again,” he said.

    Wearing plastic sandals, he said Croatian police took his shoes.


    The remains of a dismantled tent camp in Bihac park.

    Kurdish Iraqi migrants discuss their broken smartphone. “The Croatian police smashed it,” they said.

    Ageed, Muhemed, Jalal, Karwan, Lawin, Ahmad, Tahiro are from Iraq. They speak Kurdish.

    They have been staying for many weeks in the public park of Bihac, the starting point to cross illegally over the external EU border.

    They have tried several times to enter Croatia but were always caught by border guards.

    Muhamed claims he was surrounded by seven Croatian policemen and beaten up.

    This is a former students dormitory building in Bihac park, where almost 1,000 migrants and refugees sleep rough. They mainly come from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Northern Africa, Bangladesh, Iran and Iraq.

    People cook on an open fire in front of a former students’ dormitory in Bihac.

    The migrants from Pakistan are aiming to cross the nearby external EU border illegally into Croatia and travel further towards Italy, Germany, France and Spain.

    This official tries to detect migrants crossing into Croatia illegally every day and night.

    Ivana and Josip are two of 6,300 police officers controlling the Croatian border with Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    As it prepares to join the EU’s Schengen zone soon, Croatia has invested heavily in human resources.

    “We have really a lot of colleagues around here at the external border of the EU”, Ivana and Josip told Euronews.

    This is just one out of many watchtowers and observation posts on the Croatian side of the external EU border with Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    “No need to build a border fence here,” says Damir Butina, head of the border police unit in Cetingrad.

    This is the famous “#green_border” between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The tiny creek marks the exact borderline.

    The left side of the picture is Croatia, the right is Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    Dozens of migrants try to cross the border every day and every night. While there is no fence, there is hidden high tech surveillance all around. You move — and you will be detected.

    https://www.euronews.com/2018/11/02/on-the-ground-at-the-bosnian-croatian-border-where-migrant-tensions-are-ri
    #frontière_verte #militarisation_des_frontières

  • Faire la #paix avec la #guerre

    Quatre frères d’armes. Une guerre, celle de #Bosnie-Herzégovine. Et une #mission_de_paix, une vraie celle-là, toute personnelle, qui commence pour les Gatinois Dominique Brière, Érick Moyneur, Luc Laframboise et Frédérick Lavergne. Vingt-cinq ans après y avoir été déployés, les quatre anciens réservistes du #Régiment_de_Hull se préparent à retourner en Bosnie, dans l’espoir d’en revenir une fois pour toutes.


    https://ici.tou.tv/faire-la-paix-avec-la-guerre/S01E01
    #Bosnie #ex-Yougoslavie #ONU #film #documentaire
    ping @albertocampiphoto @wizo

  • #métaliste (qui va être un grand chantier, car il y a plein d’information sur seenthis, qu’il faudrait réorganiser) sur :
    #externalisation #contrôles_frontaliers #frontières #migrations #réfugiés

    Des liens vers des articles généraux sur l’externalisation des frontières de la part de l’ #UE (#EU) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/569305
    https://seenthis.net/messages/390549
    https://seenthis.net/messages/320101

    Ici une tentative (très mal réussie, car évidement, la divergence entre pratiques et les discours à un moment donné, ça se voit !) de l’UE de faire une brochure pour déconstruire les mythes autour de la migration...
    La question de l’externalisation y est abordée dans différentes parties de la brochure :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/765967

    Petit chapitre/encadré sur l’externalisation des frontières dans l’ouvrage "(Dé)passer la frontière" :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/769367

    Les origines de l’externalisation des contrôles frontaliers (maritimes) : accord #USA-#Haïti de #1981 :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/768694

    L’externalisation des politiques européennes en matière de migration
    https://seenthis.net/messages/787450

    "#Sous-traitance" de la #politique_migratoire en Afrique : l’Europe a-t-elle les mains propres ?
    https://seenthis.net/messages/789048

    Partners in crime ? The impacts of Europe’s outsourced migration controls on peace, stability and rights :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/794636
    #paix #stabilité #droits #Libye #Niger #Turquie

    Proceedings of the conference “Externalisation of borders : detention practices and denial of the right to asylum”
    https://seenthis.net/messages/880193

    Brochure sur l’externalisation des frontières (passamontagna)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/952016

  • #Pèlerinage à #Medjugorje, entre quête religieuse et #tourisme_de_masse

    24 juin 1981 : la #Vierge apparaît à six adolescents originaires de la petite ville de Medjugorje en #Bosnie-Herzégonie. Ils deviennent alors les « #voyants_de_Medjugorje ». Depuis cette date, la Vierge continue dʹapparaître à certains voyants quotidiennement à 17h40 et délivre des messages. Ce qui en fait un cas unique. Guérisons, apparitions, conversions, de nombreux pèlerins affluent du monde entier, faisant de Medjugorje, malgré les années de guerre, lʹun des principaux lieux de pèlerinage au monde. Pour autant, cet attrait nʹest pas sans conséquence, la ville étant aujourdʹhui méconnaissable pour ceux qui lʹont connu il y a 30 ans : hôtels, routes, commerces ponctuent chaque coin de rue. Est-il encore possible de concilier quête religieuse et #tourisme ?


    https://www.rts.ch/play/radio/a-labordage/audio/pelerinage-a-medjugorje-entre-quete-religieuse-et-tourisme-de-masse?id=9882248&s
    #catholicisme #religion

  • #Spomeniks, les #monuments de la discorde

    Bataille idéologique autour des « spomeniks », c’est un #reportage long format de @daphne tourné en #Serbie, en #Croatie et en #Bosnie-Herzégovine où les ultras-nationalistes se réapproprient les monuments de la #résistance contre les nazis, et tentent de réécrire l’histoire de la #Seconde_Guerre_mondiale… comme le révèle le photographe @albertocampiphoto. Depuis une dizaine d’années, ce photographe du collectif @wereport sillonne l’ex-Yougoslavie à la recherche des #mémoriaux des #partisans anti-fascistes.


    http://www.rfi.fr/emission/20181007-spomeniks-monuments-discorde-serbie-croatie-bosnie-herzegovine-nazis
    #mémoire #ex-Yougoslavie #Tito #monument #spomenik #anti-fascisme

    ping @reka

    • #Inappropriate_monuments

      The regional platform Inappropriate Monuments was created to establish a framework for the long-term collaboration of organisations from the EU and the Western Balkans dealing with the revalorisation and protection of their anti-fascist heritage and monument heritage connected with the Peoples’ Liberation Struggle (NOB). Members of the platform include: Group of architects, Belgrade, The History Museum of Bosnia and Hercegovina, Sarajevo, Modern Gallery (MG+MSUM), Ljubljana and Social Fringe: interesting untold stories (SF:ius), Zagreb.

      With the collapse of Yugoslavia the interest in this heritage practically disappeared and the status of the monuments became the subject of controversy and a target of revisionism. Protection is inadequate; there are no clearly developed criteria for their restoration or strategies for revalorisation. Many of the monuments are partially or permanently destroyed, and others are neglected and left to ruin. Research made in the successor countries are not integrated and difficult to access – there has never been a complete register of the monuments. Initiatives aimed at the protection of NOB monuments have, until now, mainly emerged outside of official channels, for example under the initiative of individuals. These individuals then face a number of difficulties including their own shortcomings and the lack of interest from legislators in supporting them.

      The goals of the platform are to connect institutions and independent organisations to strengthen their capacity and distribute the results of research projects in order to advocate for a regulated international strategy regarding anti-fascist heritage. Through activities carried out by the platform including: research and mapping heritage monuments, interviewing people and representatives of the institutions responsible for their erection and maintenance, holding workshops for students, conferences for experts and exhibitions and art conferences, the platform will examine the economic, political and ideological conditions surrounding the emergence of monuments, monument complexes and memorial complexes. It will also examine their contemporary reception and the conditions under which this occurs. Considering the growing interest and fetishisation of NOB monuments in western countries, and socialist heritage in general, the platform is seeking possible models of revitalisation and methods of management. Through a comparative analysis of the situation in former Yugoslavia, the platform aims to draw parallels between the transitional periods of the members of the former state and the treatment of heritage monuments connected to NOB and the anti-fascist struggle, thereby showing that these processes can only be explained through interactive research.

      The web-portal, inapropriatemonuments.org is conceived as an on-line database for the activities of the platform and its members and as a virtual archive of documents and photographs.


      https://inappropriatemonuments.org/en

      Avec une carte

      #cartographie

  • #Bosnie-Herzégovine : une nouvelle carte électorale pour confirmer la #ségrégation ethnique ?

    Depuis l’été 2017, on parle de redessiner la carte électorale en Fédération, l’entité croato-bosniaque, pour se calquer sur les résultats du dernier #recensement de 2013, et plus, comme le prévoit l’annexe constitutionnelle des #accords_de_Dayton, sur celui de 1991. Beaucoup s’indignent d’une validation du « #nettoyage_ethnique » de la #guerre.


    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/legislatives-confirmer-segregation

    #cartographie #visualisation #ex-Yougoslavie #cartographie_électorale #géographie_politique
    ping @reka

  • I bambini di #Bjelave: un caso ancora aperto

    Durante l’assedio 46 bambini dell’orfanotrofio di Sarajevo vennero accolti in Italia. Non tutti erano orfani e nonostante questo, non sono stati rimpatriati ma dati in adozione. Alcuni dei genitori biologici li hanno cercati per anni. Un’intervista all’attivista per i diritti umani Jagoda Savić, che dal 2000 si sta occupando del caso.

    Lei si è occupata di un caso che anni fa ha sollevato parecchia attenzione: quella dei bambini dell’orfanotrofio di Sarajevo che durante la guerra sono stati accolti in Italia, ma invece di tornare in Bosnia sono stati dati in adozione.

    Dal punto di vista giuridico, a prima vista, tutto pare ben fatto e invece non lo è. Vale la pena ricordare tutta questa storia non perché si possa cambiare qualcosa, visto che le adozioni sono state portate a termine e non si può più far niente. Ma perché può fungere da utilissima lezione per i giuristi italiani sugli errori che sono stati fatti in una procedura di adozione internazionale che ha coinvolto bambini profughi, un paese in guerra e con un lungo e difficile periodo post-conflitto.

    Come mai ha iniziato ad occuparsene?

    Mi sono trovata coinvolta in questa storia nel 2000, quando Uzeir Kahvić padre di Sedina che faceva parte di quel gruppo di bambini, è venuto nell’ufficio della mia organizzazione non governativa «SOS – telefon» (Telefono azzurro) nella quale ci occupavamo di lotta alla violenza domestica ma anche di altri casi di bisogno legato a situazioni familiari difficili. Ci ha chiesto di aiutarlo a trovare la figlia dopo anni che ci provava invano da solo. Ho cominciato quindi a raccogliere informazioni e ho ricostruito la storia che inizia nel lontano 1992 e che si è rivelata molto complessa.

    Che cosa è accaduto nel 1992?

    Da Sarajevo, città già sotto assedio da tre mesi, il 18 luglio 1992 è partito un convoglio di 67 bambini tra i quali 46 tra orfani e minori con situazioni disagiate che stavano all’orfanotrofio «#Ljubica_Ivezić» (ndr: che nel 1997 ha cambiato nome in «#Dječiji_dom_Bjelave»). La loro partenza era stata decisa per portarli in luoghi sicuri.: la città veniva bombardata ogni giorno, mancavano luce, acqua e cibo. Il centro accoglieva anche neonati e bambini molto piccoli e non si riusciva ad assicurare loro minime condizioni di vita. Per cui sulla bontà del trasferimento in Italia non vi è alcun dubbio. Sono arrivati in autobus fino a Spalato sulla costa croata e poi via mare hanno raggiunto Ancona.

    Dove sono stati portati e chi li ha presi in carico?

    All’arrivo in Italia i bambini dell’orfanotrofio sono stati divisi in due gruppi: i 35 con età inferiore ai 10 anni di età sono stati portati al «Centro Mamma Rita» di Monza, mentre 11 sono finiti al centro estivo «Santa Maria» di Bellaria Igea Marina (ndr: in provincia di Rimini, ora si chiama «Casa vacanze San Giuseppe») gestiti dalle suore. I bambini sono poi rimasti qui degli anni invece che tornare dopo pochi mesi come si era pensato, a causa del prolungarsi della guerra in Bosnia.

    Una delle questioni problematiche che è emersa durante le nostre ricerche è che tra le autorità bosniache e italiane non è stato siglato alcun documento che regolasse i termini dell’accoglienza, come ad esempio il tempo di permanenza in Italia, i doveri di chi prendeva in carico i minori e i diritti di questi ultimi. Per cui all’arrivo i bambini sono stati messi subito sotto la giurisdizione del Tribunale per i Minorenni di Milano.

    Perché alla fine della guerra i bambini non sono tornati a Sarajevo?

    So che tra il 1995 e il 1996 si sono recati in Italia sia il rappresentante dell’organizzazione Prva «Dječija ambasada Međaši» (Prima Ambasciata dei bambini Međaši) Duško Tomić che aveva organizzato il convoglio, sia l’allora direttore dell’orfanotrofio di Sarajevo, Amir Zelić per avere informazioni sui bambini e chiederne il ritorno. Mi ha raccontato Amir Zelić che le autorità italiane avevano ritenuto che in Bosnia Erzegovina non ci fossero ancora le condizioni per farli rientrare.

    In seguito sono stati dati in affido a famiglie italiane ed è stata avviata la procedura per l’adottabilità. A questo punto cosa è accaduto tra Italia e Bosnia?

    Qui è cominciato il primo «scontro», se parliamo di prese di posizione e giochi di rimpallo delle responsabilità su quello che è successo poi, tra l’Italia e la Bosnia Ezegovina.

    Secondo i documenti da me visionati, il 27 giugno del 1996 il Dipartimento della protezione sociale presso il Consiglio dei Ministri, poi approvato dalla Commissione centrale per le adozioni internazionali e pubblicato l’8 luglio 1996, è stato deciso che tutti i bambini del gruppo bosniaco sarebbero stati sottoposti alla procedura di adottabilità presso la giurisdizione di competenza locale e cioè il Tribunale dei minorenni di Milano.

    Intanto in Bosnia Erzegovina il 24 aprile del 1996 il governo ha ratificato, su indicazione del Ministero per le politiche sociali, rifugiati e sfollati, il «Programma integrale per la tutela dei bambini profughi senza genitori dall’Italia alla BiH» che prevedeva il rientro dei minori entro il giugno successivo. Il testo del Programma è stato poi inoltrato, con lettera del Ministero degli Affari esteri bosniaco al Consolato di Bosnia Erzegovina a Milano, il 25 aprile.

    I due documenti emessi da Italia e Bosnia sono però innanzitutto opposti: lo stato bosniaco ha trattato il problema considerando il gruppo nel suo insieme, mentre le autorità italiane ha trattato i bambini caso per caso e così ha proseguito. Inoltre, allora non abbiamo ottenuto di poter accedere ai documenti protocollati dalle autorità italiane, perché eravamo troppo «piccoli» e deboli... Per cui non ho scoperto se il documento bosniaco è stato consegnato nei tempi richiesti alle autorità italiane, perché ci sono tre settimane di differenza tra la data in cui è stato redatto il documento bosniaco e la data in cui il Consiglio italiano ha preso la sua posizione.

    Solo nel 2007 è emerso dal rapporto redatto dal Gruppo di esperti del Consiglio dei ministri della BiH, costituitosi nel 2005 per indagare su questo caso, che il Consolato bosniaco a Milano tra aprile e giugno 1996 non era stato in grado di tradurre il Programma.

    A questo proposito c’è un punto che voglio sottolineare. Per parte italiana sono state eccessive le pretese nei confronti di un paese nascente, appena uscito dalla guerra, che ancora doveva impostare e creare un sistema funzionante di gestione dell’amministrazione pubblica. Un paese che non aveva i minimi presupposti per poter proseguire con le procedure richieste per legge al paese di origine di bambini sottoposti ad adozione internazionale.

    L’Italia si è comportata con il nostro paese come se avesse a che fare con un qualsiasi altro stato europeo come la Fancia o la Germania. Ha avviato procedure delicate senza invece controllare e monitorare che in Bosnia le procedure venissero eseguite a dovere. E’ stato il più grave errore per parte italiana, sebbene non l’unico.

    Quali altri?

    Prima di tutto, alcuni bambini sono stati dati in adozione senza che nel fascicolo giudiziario ci fosse il loro certificato di nascita. Questo significa che ad esempio, nel caso di due minori, Vedrana Hastor e Dejan Goljanin, la procedura di adottabilità è stata avviata dal Tribunale milanese con questi nomi ma all’anagrafe bosniaca sono iscritti con altri nomi.

    Poi, c’è la questione della rogatoria internazionale, che è l’atto basilare della procedura di adozione internazionale, dove il genitore biologico deve rispondere se vuole riavere il proprio figlio o se vuole abbandonarlo e darlo in adozione. L’Italia ha mandato una prima una nota verbale e poi alcune successive con le quali ha sollecitato le autorità bosniache ad ottenere risposte. Ma le rogatorie – posso parlare per i casi su cui ho indagato – non sono mai arrivate ai genitori e le risposte di questi non sono ovviamente mai arrivate in Italia. Per cui dopo 5 anni di attesa, il Tribunale di Milano ha emesso le sentenze di adozione.

    Questo «gioco» delle rogatorie rappresenta un altro punto importante: il Tribunale dei minorenni di Milano sulla spedizione delle rogatorie internazionali e le autorità bosniache per la parte relativa al ricevimento delle stesse. Questi due «giochi» hanno provocato un distacco ingiusto tra i genitori biologici e i loro figli, violando il diritto delle due parti di potersi esprimersi in merito.

    D’altronde sappiamo che per legge, in base alla Convenzione dell’Aja recepita dall’Italia nel 1998, sono previsti casi estremi in cui si può procedere all’adozione in assenza del consenso dei genitori.

    Sì ma il fatto, non indifferente, è che alcune rogatorie contenevano degli errori. Posso parlare solo per i casi su cui sono riuscita ad ottenere informazioni certe e copie di documenti, sebbene dopo che per anni ci è stato impedito di accedervi.

    Una delle rogatorie è stata spedita nel paese sbagliato: accanto al nome e alla città di residenza del genitore c’è scritta la sigla «Ex Yu», quando invece si tratta di una località (Loznica) che si trova in Serbia e non in Bosnia Erzegovina. Con quella sigla «Ex Yu», come sapete inesistente già da anni, la rogatoria è stata spedita in Bosnia - paese che all’epoca aveva tanti conflitti con la Serbia - e non è stata rispedita al mittente.

    La seconda è stata spedita a una madre defunta da anni, oltre che al padre in vita. E questo nonostante sul fascicolo di questa bimba, nell’anamnesi sociale e familiare che viene allegata ad ogni procedura di adottabilità rilasciata dai servizi preposti, c’era scritto chiaramente che la madre si era suicidata subito dopo il parto. Parliamo del caso di Uzeir Kahvić ed è un dato di cui il giudice del tribunale milanese doveva essere a conoscenza.

    La terza rogatoria è stata spedita a una persona inesistente e lo spiego meglio con nomi inventati: la madre si chiama Maria Ricci e il padre si chiama Alberto Della Costa. Il nome del genitore al quale è stata mandata la rogatoria è «Maria Alberto», quindi un destinatario composto da due nomi propri senza alcun cognome.

    E le autorità bosniache?

    Abbiamo indagato, per quanto è stato possibile, anche rispetto ai passi giuridici fatti o meno in Bosnia. Abbiamo trovato conferma che un gruppo di rogatorie sono state ricevute dal Ministero affari esteri bosniaco e da qui regolamente spedite al Ministero per gli affari civili di BiH che in quel momento era competente per occuparsi del problema.

    Per le restanti rogatorie non ci è stata fornita questa prova. Abbiamo chiesto anche al Dipartimento che si occupava di rifugiati, sfollati e quindi di adozioni che stava sotto al Ministero per gli affari civili di BiH. Ci hanno risposto ufficialmente e per iscritto che negli archivi la documentazione non esisteva. Quindi in quel momento non siamo riusciti a verificare se il Ministero affari civili bosniaco aveva o meno trasmesso ai livelli più bassi le rogatorie arrivate dall’Italia.

    Ma non è finita qui. Ci siamo poi rivolti al livello amministrativo di livello più basso, cioè al Ministero per gli affari sociali della Federazione di BiH, dunque di una delle due entità in cui è diviso il paese. Appellandoci alla legge sul libero accesso alle informazioni abbiamo chiesto di accedere all’archivio, ma dall’archivio ci hanno risposto – mentendo, come abbiamo scoperto dopo - che non avevano alcuna documentazione.

    Non ci siamo dati per vinti e ci siamo rivolti all’ufficio del Ministro federale per gli affari sociali. Dopo anni, ci hanno rilasciato un documento incontrovertibile: vi sono indicati i nomi della Commissione che controlla la consegna della documentazione, con tanto di nomi e firme dei membri, timbro e allegato l’elenco di tutti i file che erano stati depositati all’archivio. E’ da questo elenco che abbiamo scoperto che, la prima volta, all’archivio ci avevano mentito.

    Quindi la complessità amministrativa del paese, frammentata e a più livelli, non ha facilitato una procedura regolare e ha reso molto difficile scoprire i fatti.

    Non avendo potuto accedere agli archivi di tutti i livelli, non possiamo sapere se per parte bosniaca c’è stata premeditazione o se si è trattato solo di una situazione di caos dovuta al periodo di transizione del dopoguerra. A questo proposito, voglio ricordare che ci siamo rivolti anche a livello cantonale (ndr: la Federazione di Bosnia Erzegovina è divisa in 10 cantoni e questi in numerose municipalità). Ma purtroppo, dato che già al livello «superiore» – quello federale - non avevamo ottenuto alcuna informazione sul ricevimento delle rogatorie arrivate dall’Italia, non ci sono state fornite informazioni nemmeno dai Centri sociali per gli affari sociali dei Cantoni diversi in cui risiedevano i genitori.

    Posso solo dire che tra i genitori con cui man mano sono entrata in contatto diretto, nessuno ha ricevuto la rogatoria eccetto in un caso, dove i genitori erano deceduti e la nonna di un bimbo ha dichiarato di averla ricevuta.

    Quanti bambini sono stati dati in adozione?

    In base alle informazioni di cui dispongo sono 16. Perché alcuni, nel corso della procedura di adottabilità, hanno superato i 18 anni di età. Alcuni sono riusciti ad entrare in contatto con le famiglie di origine, altri non l’hanno voluto, altri ancora non sanno che le famiglie di origine li stanno cercando.

    Il risultato, purtroppo, è che dei bambini bosniaci non hanno più fatto ritorno nel loro luogo d’origine e hanno perso contatti con la famiglia. E’ stato creato un distacco artificiale tra i genitori biologici e i figli, e questi ultimi si sono convinti che i genitori avessero deciso di abbandonarli.

    Lo posso dire perché ho seguito diversi casi oltre a quello di Uzeir Kahvić e ne sto seguendo un altro di cui sono venuta a conoscenza nel 2015. Un padre che, com’è stato per Uzeir, da 22 anni sta cercando suo figlio arrivato in Italia con quel convoglio del 1992. Ma questa è un’altra lunga storia.

    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Bosnia-Erzegovina/I-bambini-di-Bjelave-un-caso-ancora-aperto-189911
    #orphelins (mais pas tous, justement, c’est la question de l’article) #adoption #guerre #conflits #enfants #enfance #histoire #ex-Yougoslavie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Sarajevo #Italie #orphelinat

  • http://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/2018/08/12/97001-20180812FILWWW00078-croatie-2-migrants-retrouves-morts-dans-une-foret

    "Selon un décompte de l’ONG Médecins sans Frontières à Belgrade (MSF), effectué notamment à partir des informations parues dans les médias, plus de 80 migrants sont morts depuis le début de l’année sur cette « route des Balkans », qui mène de la Turquie jusqu’à la Slovénie. Ces décès sont imputables à des noyades, au froid, à des accidents de la route et à des violences diverses, selon MSF."

    #migration #croatie #bosnie #route-balkans-2018 #mort #le-figaro #carte-médiatique #portfolio

  • Threatening wilderness, dams fuel protests in the Balkans

    For almost a year, a clutch of Bosnian women has kept watch over a wooden bridge to disrupt the march of hydropower - part of a Balkan-wide protest against the damming of Europe’s wild rivers.

    From Albania to Slovenia, critics fear the proposed run of dams will destroy their majestic landscape, steal their water and extinguish species unique to the Balkans.

    So the village women stake out the bridge around the clock, listening out for the telltale sounds of diggers on the move.

    “We are always here, during the day, at night, always,” said Hata Hurem, a 31-year-old housewife, in the shadow of the towering mountains that dominate the Balkan landscape.

    Clustered by a creek on the edge of the village of Kruscica, about 40 miles north west of Sarajevo, the local women have taken turns to stand firm, blocking trucks and scrapers from accessing the construction sites of two small plants.

    Investment in renewable energy is growing worldwide as countries rush to meet goals set by the Paris Agreement on climate change. But from China to South America, dams cause controversy for flooding fragile ecosystems and displacing local communities.

    Plans to build almost 3,000 hydropower plants were underway across the Balkans in 2017, about 10 percent of them in Bosnia, according to a study by consultancy Fluvius.

    Authorities and investors say boosting hydropower is key to reducing regional dependency on coal and to falling in line with European Union energy policies as Western Balkan states move toward integration with the bloc.

    Sponsored

    The energy ministry of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, one of Bosnia’s two autonomous regions, where Kruscica is located, did not respond to a request for comment.

    The government of Bosnia’s other region, Republika Srpska, said building dams was easier and cheaper than shifting toward other power sources.

    “The Republic of Srpska has comparative advantages in its unused hydro potential and considers it quite justified to achieve the goals set by the EU by exploiting its unused hydropower,” said energy ministry spokeswoman Zorana Kisic.
    DAMS AND PICKETS

    Yet, critics say the “dam tsunami” - a term coined by anti-hydropower activists - endangers Europe’s last wild rivers, which flow free.

    If rivers stop running freely, they say dozens of species, from the Danube Salmon to the Balkan Lynx, are at risk.

    About a third of the planned dam projects are in protected areas, including some in national parks, according to the 2017 study, commissioned by campaign groups RiverWatch and Euronatur.

    Most plants are small, producing as little as up to 1 MW each - roughly enough to power about 750 homes - but their combined impact is large as activists say they would cut fish migration routes and damage their habitat.

    “Three thousand hydropower plants ... will destroy these rivers,” said Viktor Bjelić, of the Center for Environment (CZZS), a Bosnian environmental group.

    “Many of the species depending on these ecosystem will disappear or will be extremely endangered.”

    Some local communities fear displacement and lost access to water they’ve long used for drinking, fishing and farming.

    In Kruscica, protesters say water would be diverted through pipelines, leaving the creek empty and sinking hopes for a revival of nature tourism that attracted hikers, hunters and fishing enthusiasts before war intervened in the 1990s.

    “(The river) means everything to us, it’s the life of the community,” said Kruscica’s mayor Tahira Tibold, speaking outside the barren wooden hut used as base by demonstrators.

    Locals first heard about the plants when construction workers showed up last year, added the 65-year-old.

    Women have led protests since fronting a picket to shield men during a confrontation with police last year, said Tibold.

    Campaigners have taken their plight to court, alleging irregularities in the approval process, and works have stalled. But demonstrators keep patrolling around the clock, said Bjelić of CZZS, as it is not known when or how the case will end.
    SHADES OF GREEN

    The protest was backed by U.S. clothing company Patagonia as part of a wider campaign to preserve Balkan rivers and dissuade international banks from investing in hydropower.

    Banks and multilateral investors including the European Investment Bank (EIB), the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the World Bank’s International Finance Corporation (IFC), fund hundreds of projects, according to a 2018 study by Bankwatch, a financial watchdog.

    “It’s a waste of money and a moral travesty that some of the world’s largest financial institutions have embraced this out-dated and exploitative technology,” Patagonia founder Yvon Chouinard said in a statement in April.

    The World Bank, EBRD and EIB said their investments have to comply with environmental and social standards, which EBRD and EIB said they were strengthening.

    EBRD said it also improved its assessment process and pulled out of some projects near protected areas.

    “Hydropower is an important source of renewable energy for Western Balkans,” said EBRD’s spokeswoman Svitlana Pyrkalo.

    Bosnia gets 40 percent of its electricity from hydropower, the rest from coal-fired power plants. It plans to increase the share of renewables to 43 percent by 2020, under a target agreed with the EU.

    Dams are generally considered more reliable than wind and solar plants as they are less dependent on weather conditions.

    But that could change with global warming if droughts and floods grow more common, said Doug Vine, a senior fellow at the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, a U.S.-based think tank.

    Last year a long drought lowered water levels across the Western Balkans, hitting hydropower output and driving up prices.

    Campaigners say Balkan states should focus on solar and wind power as they involve less building works and cost less.

    “Just because it doesn’t emit CO2 it doesn’t mean it’s good,” said Ulrich Eichelmann, head of RiverWatch.

    “Is like saying (that) … smoking is healthy because it doesn’t affect the liver”.

    https://www.reuters.com/article/us-bosnia-environment-dams/threatening-wilderness-dams-fuel-protests-in-the-balkans-idUSKCN1J0007
    #barrages_hydroélectriques #eau #énergie #Balkans #Bosnie #résistance #manifestations #faune #wildlife

    • Dans les Balkans, un « tsunami de barrages » déferle sur les écosystèmes

      Portée par une image verte et des financements européens, l’énergie hydroélectrique connaît de multiples projets dans les Balkans. Au grand dam des populations locales concernées et au détriment d’écosystèmes encore préservés.

      « Ne touchez pas à la #Valbona ! » « Laissez les fleuves libres ! » Le soleil automnal à peine levé, les cris et les slogans d’une trentaine de manifestants résonnent jusqu’aux plus hauts sommets des « Alpes albanaises ». Coincée entre les montagnes du #Monténégro et du #Kosovo, la vallée de la Valbona a longtemps été l’une des régions les plus isolées d’Europe. Les eaux cristallines de sa rivière et le fragile écosystème qui l’entoure attirent depuis quelques années des milliers de personnes en quête de nature sauvage.

      « Les barrages vont détruire les rares sources de revenus des habitants. Sans le tourisme, comment peut-on gagner sa vie dans une région si délaissée ? » Après avoir travaillé une quinzaine d’années à l’étranger, Ardian Selimaj est revenu investir dans le pays de ses ancêtres. Ses petits chalets en bois se fondent dans la végétation alpine. Mais, à quelques dizaines de mètres seulement, les bétonnières sont à l’œuvre. Malgré l’opposition bruyante des habitants et des militants écologistes, le lit de la rivière est déjà défiguré. « Si la Valbona est bétonnée, ce ne sera plus un parc national mais une zone industrielle », se désole Ardian Selimaj, la larme à l’œil.

      Les barrages qui se construisent aux confins albanais sont loin d’être des cas uniques. « Les Balkans sont l’un des points chauds de la construction des centrales hydroélectriques. Près de 3.000 y sont prévus ou déjà en construction ! » Militant écologiste viennois, Ulrich Eichelmann se bat depuis près de trente ans pour la protection des rivières d’Europe. Son ONG, RiverWatch, est en première ligne contre les 2.796 centrales qu’elle a recensées dans le sud-est du continent. De la Slovénie à la Grèce, rares sont les rivières épargnées par ce « tsunami de barrages ».
      Un désastre environnemental qui se fait souvent avec le soutien du contribuable européen

      « Les raisons de l’explosion du nombre de ces projets sont multiples, commente Ulrich. La corruption, la mauvaise compréhension des enjeux climatiques, les intérêts financiers qu’y trouvent les banques et les institutions financières, l’extrême faiblesse de l’application des lois... » Dans des sociétés malmenées par la corruption, les investisseurs ont peu de mal à faire valoir leurs intérêts auprès des dirigeants. Ceux-ci s’empressent de leur dérouler le tapis rouge. Et sont peu enclins à appliquer leur propre législation environnementale : 37 % des barrages envisagés le sont au cœur de zones protégées.

      Parc national ou zone Natura 2000, des points chauds de la biodiversité mondiale sont ainsi menacés. Un désastre environnemental qui se fait souvent avec le soutien du contribuable européen. « En 2015, nous avons constaté que la Banque européenne pour la reconstruction et le développement (Berd) avait financé 21 projets dans des zones protégées ou valorisées au niveau international », commente Igor Vejnovic, de l’ONG Bankwatch-CEE. Alors que l’Union européenne (UE) promeut officiellement les normes environnementales dans la région, on retrouve ses deux grandes banques de développement derrière plusieurs constructions de centrales. Igor Vejnovic dénonce « un soutien à des projets qui ne seraient pas autorisés par la législation européenne en vigueur ».

      Un soutien financier qui est d’ailleurs difficile à établir. « Leur nombre est probablement encore plus élevé, assure Igor Vejnovic, car la Banque européenne d’investissement (BEI) et la Berd financent ces centrales par des intermédiaires régionaux et les deux banques refusent systématiquement d’identifier les porteurs des projets en invoquant la confidentialité du client. » Des clients qui font souvent peu de cas des obligations légales. Selon Bankwatch-CEE, de nombreuses études d’impact environnemental ont été bâclées ou falsifiées. Des irrégularités parfois si caricaturales qu’elles ont conduit les deux banques européennes à suspendre, quand même, leurs prêts à d’importants projets dans le parc national de Mavrovo, en Macédoine. Ses forêts abritent l’une des espèces les plus menacées au monde, le lynx des Balkans.

      Grâce à une géographie montagneuse et à une histoire récente relativement épargnée par les phases destructrices de l’industrialisation, les rivières des Balkans offrent encore des paysages spectaculaires et une nature sauvage. Leurs eaux cristallines et préservées abritent près de 69 espèces de poissons endémiques de la région, dont le fameux saumon du Danube, en danger d’extinction. Une expédition de quelques jours sur la Vjosa, le « cœur bleu de l’Europe », a ainsi permis la découverte d’une espèce de plécoptères et d’un poisson encore inconnus de la science. Un trésor biologique méconnu dont les jours sont pourtant comptés. Malgré leurs conséquences catastrophiques, les petits barrages de moins de 1 MW se multiplient : ceux-ci ne nécessitent généralement aucune étude d’impact environnemental.
      La détermination des populations locales a fait reculer plusieurs barrages

      Louée pour son caractère « renouvelable », l’hydraulique représente 10 % du parc électrique français et près de 17 % de l’électricité produite sur la planète. Bénéficiant de la relative conversion du secteur énergétique au développement dit « durable », les barrages sont en pleine expansion à travers le globe. Les industriels de l’eau n’hésitent pas à le répéter : l’énergie hydraulique, « solution d’avenir », n’émet ni gaz à effet de serre ni pollution. Ces affirmations sont pourtant contredites par de récentes études. Peu relayées dans les grands médias, celles-ci démontrent que les pollutions causées par l’énergie hydraulique auraient été largement sous-estimées. Dans certaines régions du monde, les grandes retenues d’eau artificielles généreraient d’importantes productions de méthane (CH4), dont le pouvoir de réchauffement est 25 fois supérieur à celui du dioxyde de carbone (CO2).

      « L’hydroélectricité est l’une des pires formes de production d’énergie pour la nature, s’emporte Ulrich. Ce n’est pas parce qu’il n’émet pas de CO2 que c’est une énergie renouvelable. » Le militant écologiste s’indigne des conséquences de ces constructions qui transforment des fleuves libres en lacs artificiels. « La nature et les espèces détruites ne sont pas renouvelables. Quand une rivière est bétonnée, la qualité de l’eau baisse, le niveau des eaux souterraines en aval du barrage chute alors que la côte, elle, est menacée par l’érosion en raison de la diminution de l’apport en sédiments. »

      Les discours positifs des industriels tombent en tout cas à pic pour les dirigeants des Balkans, qui espèrent ainsi tempérer les oppositions à ces centaines de constructions. La diversification énergétique recherchée a pourtant peu de chances de profiter à des populations locales qui verront leur environnement quotidien transformé à jamais. « Si les promoteurs investissent parfois dans les infrastructures locales, cela a une valeur marginale par rapport aux dommages causés au patrimoine naturel et à la qualité de l’eau, explique Igor Vejnovic. L’hydroélectricité est d’ailleurs vulnérable aux périodes de sécheresse, qui sont de plus en plus fréquentes. » Les centrales dites « au fil de l’eau » prévues dans les Balkans risquent de laisser bien souvent les rivières à sec.

      Malgré les problèmes politiques et sociaux qui frappent les pays de la région, les mobilisations s’amplifient. La détermination des populations locales à défendre leurs rivières a même fait reculer plusieurs barrages. En Bosnie, où les habitants ont occupé le chantier de la Fojnička pendant près de 325 jours, plusieurs constructions ont été arrêtées. À Tirana, le tribunal administratif a donné raison aux militants et interrompu les travaux de l’un des plus importants barrages prévus sur la Vjosa. Après s’être retirée du projet sur la Ombla, en Croatie, la Berd a suspendu le versement des 65 millions d’euros promis pour les gros barrages du parc Mavrovo, en Macédoine, et a récemment commencé à privilégier des projets liés à l’énergie solaire. Cette vague de succès suffira-t-elle à contrer le tsunami annoncé ?


      https://reporterre.net/Dans-les-Balkans-un-tsunami-de-barrages-deferle-sur-les-ecosystemes
      #hydroélectricité #extractivisme

    • Balkan hydropower projects soar by 300% putting wildlife at risk, research shows
      More than a third of about 2,800 planned new dams are in protected areas, threatening rivers and biodiversity.

      Hydropower constructions have rocketed by 300% across the western Balkans in the last two years, according to a new analysis, sparking fears of disappearing mountain rivers and biodiversity loss.

      About 2,800 new dams are now in the pipeline across a zone stretching from Slovenia to Greece, 37% of which are set to be built in protected areas such as national parks or Natura 2000 sites.

      Heavy machinery is already channelling new water flows at 187 construction sites, compared to just 61 in 2015, according to the research by Fluvius, a consultancy for UN and EU-backed projects.

      Ulrich Eichelmann, the director of the RiverWatch NGO, which commissioned the paper, said that the small-scale nature of most projects – often in mountainous terrain – was, counterintuitively, having a disastrous impact on nature.

      “They divert water through pipelines away from the river and leave behind empty channels where rivers had been,” he told the Guardian. “It is a catastrophe for local people and for the environment. For many species of fish and insects like dragonflies and stoneflies, it is the end.”

      One stonefly species, Isoperla vjosae, was only discovered on Albania’s iconic Vjosa river this year, during an expedition by 25 scientists which also found an unnamed fish previously unknown to science. Like the Danube salmon and the Prespa trout, it is already thought to be at risk from what Eichelmann calls “a dam tsunami”.

      The scientists’ report described the Vjosa as a remarkably unique and dynamic eco-haven for scores of aquatic species that have disappeared across Europe. “The majority of these viable communities are expected to irrecoverably go extinct as a result of the projected hydropower dams,” it said.

      However, Damian Gjiknuri, Albania’s energy minister, told the Guardian that two planned megadams on the Vjosa would allow “the passage of fish via fish bypass or fish lanes”.

      “These designs have been based on the best environmental practices that are being applied today for minimising the effects of high dams on the circulation of aquatic faunas,” he said.

      Gjiknuri disputed the new report’s findings on the basis that only two “high dams” were being built in Albania, while most others were “run-of-the-river hydropower”.

      These generate less than 10MW of energy and so require no environmental impact assessments, conservationists say. But their small scale often precludes budgets for mitigation measures and allows arrays of turbines to be placed at intervals along waterways, causing what WWF calls “severe cumulative impacts”.

      Beyond aquatic life, the dam boom may also be threatening humans too.

      Since 2012, property conflicts between big energy companies and small farmers have led to one murder and an attempted murder, according to an EU-funded study. The paper logged three work-related deaths, and dozens of arrests linked to Albania’s wave of hydropower projects.

      Albania is a regional hotspot with 81 dams under construction but Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina are also installing 71 hydro plants, and Serbia has a further 800 projects on the drawing board.

      Gjiknuri said the Albanian government was committed to declaring a national park on a portion of the Vjosa upstream from the planned 50m-high Kalivaçi dam, preventing further hydro construction there.


      https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2017/nov/27/balkan-hydropower-projects-soar-by-300-putting-wildlife-at-risk-researc
      https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2017/nov/27/balkan-hydropower-projects-soar-by-300-putting-wildlife-at-risk-researc
      signalé par @odilon il y a quelques temps:
      https://seenthis.net/messages/648548

    • Serbie : mobilisation citoyenne contre les centrales hydroélectriques dans la #Stara_planina

      L’État serbe a donné le feu vert aux investisseurs pour la construction de 58 centrales hydroélectriques sur plusieurs rivières dans la Stara planina. S’étalant à l’est de la Serbie, ce massif montagneux constitue la frontière naturelle entre la Serbie et la Bulgarie et continue jusqu’à la mer Noire. Cette zone protégée est l’une des plus grandes réserves naturelles de Serbie.


      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Serbie-mobilisation-citoyenne-contre-les-centrales-hydroelectriqu

    • Le #Monténégro se mobilise contre les mini-centrales hydroélectriques

      Quand les directives européennes sur les énergies renouvelables servent les intérêts des mafieux locaux... Après l’Albanie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, la Croatie ou la Serbie, c’est maintenant le Monténégro qui entre en résistance contre les constructions de mini-centrales hydroélectriques. 80 projets sont prévus dans le pays, avec de très lourdes conséquences pour l’environnement et les communautés rurales.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Centrales-hydroelectrique-au-Montenegro

    • In Bosnia ed Erzegovina le comunità locali combattono per i propri fiumi

      Sono 122 i mini-impianti idroelettrici già in funzione e altri 354 sono in fase di realizzazione. Molti sono finanziati da società di altri Paesi europei che sfruttano scarsi controlli e corruzione. Ma le lotte stanno cambiando le cose

      Nella periferia di Sarajevo c’è un grande parco che richiama centinaia di turisti attirati da un intreccio di ruscelli e cascatelle. È la sorgente della Bosna, il fiume da cui la Bosnia ed Erzegovina prende il nome. Non è un caso che sia un corso d’acqua a ispirare il toponimo di questo Paese, che da sempre vive un legame strettissimo con i suoi fiumi. Che fluiscono, con un andamento spesso selvaggio, per un’estensione di oltre 11mila chilometri.

      A partire dagli anni Duemila, però, decine di centrali idroelettriche hanno iniziato a sorgere lungo questo reticolo per sfruttarne il potenziale energetico. In Bosnia ed Erzegovina le chiamano Mhe (sigla che sta per mini-hidroelektrane): piccoli impianti con una potenza installata inferiore ai dieci MegaWatt (MW). “Sono 108 i fiumi, in particolare piccoli torrenti di montagna, su cui sono state costruite delle centrali”, spiega Muriz Spahić, ex presidente dell’Associazione dei geografi bosniaci. Oggi in pensione, Spahić è uno degli scienziati che ha contribuito a definire gli impatti negativi delle Mhe sulla vita che si sviluppa dentro e intorno ai fiumi: “L’acqua che viene immessa nelle tubature diventa una creazione artificiale, in cui la vita animale sparisce”. A soffrirne sono ad esempio i pesci a causa della mancanza di percorsi dedicati per superare gli sbarramenti. Spahić denuncia inoltre come prelievi idrici eccessivi lascino spesso i letti in secca, soprattutto in estate.

      Oggi, secondo i dati dell’Ong Eko akcija sono 122 le Mhe in funzione e 354 quelle in fase di progettazione o costruzione. Un dato che include gli impianti della Federazione di Bosnia ed Erzegovina (FBiH) e della Republika Srpska, le due entità che, insieme al distretto autonomo di Brčko, compongono l’ossatura amministrativa del Paese. In totale, nel 2022, tutte le Mhe hanno generato circa il 2,7% della produzione elettrica nazionale, come rilevato dalla Commissione statale per l’energia. “Oltre ai danni ai fiumi, spesso abbiamo assistito a ingenti opere di disboscamento per permettere la costruzione delle strade d’accesso”, sostiene Jelena Ivanić del Centro per l’ambiente di Banja Luka, la principale associazione ambientalista della Republika Srpska.

      Accanto alla scrivania, una pila di dossier e libri raccoglie le lotte contro l’ipersfruttamento idrico che il centro porta avanti dal 2004. “Eppure, le Mhe erano state presentate come una soluzione meno invasiva rispetto ai grandi impianti”, afferma. In Bosnia ed Erzegovina, secondo i dati del think thank energetico Ember, dal 2000 il carbone genera oltre il 50% della produzione nazionale di elettricità. Il reticolo fluviale è diventato una risorsa appetibile dal 2005, quando la repubblica balcanica ha aderito all’Energy community treaty. Con l’accordo (che punta ad allineare le politiche energetiche di nove Paesi dell’Europa Sud-orientale a quelle dell’Ue) si rendono necessari nuovi investimenti per l’energia pulita. Un fattore che, anche grazie a generose sovvenzioni, stimola “una vera e propria corsa alla costruzione di questi piccoli impianti”, incalza Ivanić.

      “Sono 108 i fiumi, in particolare piccoli torrenti di montagna, su cui sono state costruite delle centrali” – Muriz Spahić

      Tuttavia, il boom di Mhe non passa inosservato, soprattutto nelle aree rurali dove le persone si erano abituate nei secoli a utilizzare i corsi d’acqua per i propri bisogni primari. Si diffonde così a macchia d’olio un movimento dal basso, capillare e interetnico, per la protezione dei fiumi. Nel 2016 più di 40 associazioni locali si sono unite in una coalizione nazionale, dimostrando un legame intimo tra uomini e acqua, che va oltre il semplice uso della risorsa.

      “Per 505 giorni abbiamo presidiato questo ponte, giorno e notte”, racconta Tahira Tibolt. Indica un cartello sul ciglio della strada: “Il ponte delle coraggiose donne di Kruščica”. Dal 2017 questo gruppo locale ha ostacolato l’accesso al fiume del proprio villaggio per bloccare un progetto idroelettrico, nonostante gli arresti, le minacce e alcuni violenti scontri con la polizia. Nel 2021, tutti i permessi sono stati annullati e le donne di Kruščica hanno vinto il Goldman Environmental Prize, una sorta di premio “Nobel per l’ambiente”. Tibolt ricorda come quei 505 giorni siano stati un momento di vera comunità: “Siamo state l’esempio che ci si può contrapporre con il corpo se non è possibile farlo per vie legali”.

      “Oltre ai danni ai fiumi, spesso abbiamo assistito a ingenti opere di disboscamento per permettere la costruzione delle strade d’accesso” – Jelena Ivanić

      Molte persone hanno anche subito danni diretti dalle Mhe. Meno di venti metri separano la mini-centrale di Kaćuni dalla camera da letto di Salko e Namira Hodžić. “Ancora ricordo i giorni della costruzione -lamenta l’uomo-. È stato un inferno: le ruspe hanno lavorato per 43 giorni, gli esplosivi usati per sbancare la roccia hanno crepato la casa e ci hanno costretti a rifarne una parte. Tra lavori e spese processuali abbiamo perso tra i 25 e i 35mila euro”. Oggi, per la coppia, il problema è il ronzio costante della centrale. “Quando tornano a trovarci, i nostri figli non vogliono più rimanere a dormire. Preferiscono andare in hotel”, racconta l’uomo, che ha denunciato i proprietari dell’impianto. La sua non è l’unica battaglia legale in corso. Al crescere dell’opposizione di associazioni e cittadini, sono aumentate anche le contromisure degli investitori. Attualmente sono più di trenta le cause aperte dall’Aarhus centar BiH, organizzazione che fornisce supporto legale gratuito ai movimenti ambientalisti.

      Come nel caso della querela temeraria che ha coinvolto due giovani attiviste di Sarajevo Est: Sara Tuševljak e Sunčica Kovačević. “Eravamo qui quando hanno costruito queste strade d’accesso alle Mhe. Abbiamo sentito le esplosioni, fotografato i detriti e gli alberi franati giù nel letto del fiume”, racconta Kovačević da una roccia a picco sul fiume Kasindolska. Sul suo telefono, mostra le foto dello stesso torrente secco e ricoperto di detriti. Nel 2022, quando le attiviste denunciano pubblicamente il potenziale rischio ambientale di questa situazione, arriva una chiamata dall’amministratore delegato di Green Invest, l’azienda belga a capo del progetto, che chiede loro di ritrattare. Un mese dopo, la compagnia Buk doo -di proprietà della società belga- presenta la prima di tre querele per diffamazione.

      “I permessi si ottengono molto velocemente e i controlli quasi non esistono. Agli investitori conviene di più pagare le multe che adeguarsi alla legge” – Nina Kreševljaković

      Anche Amnesty International ha considerato il provvedimento come un’azione strategica contro la partecipazione pubblica. Green Invest è solo una delle aziende europee che partecipano, a vario titolo, ai 95 progetti di Mhe censiti da Eko akcija in tutto il Paese. Quelli in cui sono coinvolte imprese italiane sono 14, tra cui la Sol Spa che ne conta ben cinque. “Ci si può chiedere cosa abbia attratto tutti questi investitori stranieri -incalza l’avvocata dell’Aarhus centar BiH, Nina Kreševljaković-. La risposta è molto semplice: qui regna l’anarchia”. Dal suo studio di Sarajevo elenca i vari problemi legati a questo settore: “I permessi si ottengono molto velocemente e i controlli quasi non esistono. Ci sono stati casi di corruzione, e agli investitori conviene di più pagare le multe che adeguarsi alla legge”.

      Un sistema, quello delle Mhe, che a lungo si è appoggiato alle feed-in tariffs, un piano agevolato attraverso il quale agli investitori veniva garantito l’acquisto di energia a un prezzo fino a quattro volte maggiore rispetto a quello di mercato, per un periodo di tempo tra i 12 e i 15 anni. “Dopo anni di lotte, grazie alla pressione di associazioni e Ong, nel 2022 il parlamento della FBiH ha adottato una legge che vieta la costruzione di nuove mini-centrali”, prosegue l’avvocata. Nella Republika Srpska il sistema delle Mhe è stato invece fortemente ridimensionato con una norma che vieta alle istituzioni di finanziarne di nuove. “Negli anni il movimento ha raggiunto grandi risultati -racconta Ulrich Eichelmann, direttore di RiverWatch, una delle Ong di conservazione ambientale più attive nei Balcani-. Il numero dei progetti di Mhe è diminuito drasticamente, anche perché ormai gli investitori sanno che la consapevolezza dei cittadini sul tema è cresciuta”.

      Il problema, ora, si sta spostando su nuove grandi opere energetiche come il “Gornji Horizonti” attualmente in costruzione in Erzegovina: un massiccio sistema di dighe, canali e sbarramenti concepito in epoca jugoslava e oggi ripreso in mano dal gruppo cinese Gezhouba. Il progetto, denuncia RiverWatch, muterà il corso di diversi fiumi con una portata impossibile da calcolare per la natura inesplorata del territorio. “Bisogna vedere come le persone affronteranno questi nuovi problemi -conclude Eichelmann- ma la radice di tutto ciò risiede in una visione che considera ogni risorsa naturale semplicemente come una risorsa per fare più soldi”.

      https://altreconomia.it/in-bosnia-ed-erzegovina-le-comunita-locali-combattono-per-i-propri-fium

      #Mhe

  • Migrant deaths in Croatia highlight alternative Balkan route

    Two migrants have been found dead in a Croatian forest, apparent victims of a landslide. The men are thought to have been traveling through Bosnia, where authorities say 4,000 migrants are waiting to enter the EU.

    https://www.dw.com/en/migrant-deaths-in-croatia-highlight-alternative-balkan-route/a-45054897
    #décès #morts #mourir_dans_la_forteresse_europe #Croatie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #route_des_balkans

    Et une description de la #nouvelle_route_des_balkans, passant par la #Bosnie

  • Bosnian police block 100 migrants from reaching Croatia

    Bosnian border police on Monday stopped about 100 migrants from reaching the border with European Union member Croatia amid a rise in the influx of people heading through the Balkans toward Western Europe.

    Police blocked the migrants near the Maljevac border crossing in northwestern Bosnia, which was briefly closed down. The group has moved toward Croatia from the nearby town of #Velika_Kladusa, where hundreds have been staying in makeshift camps while looking for ways to move on.

    Migrants have recently turned to Bosnia in order to avoid more heavily guarded routes through the Balkans. Authorities in the war-ravaged country have struggled with the influx of thousands of people from the Mideast, Africa and Asia.

    Peter Van der Auweraert, from the International Organization for Migration, tweeted the attempted group crossing on Monday was a “very worrying development that risks” creating a backlash.

    Van der Auweraert told The Associated Press that the migrant influx has already put pressure on Bosnia and any incidents could further strain the situation, making Bosnians view migrants as “troublemakers” rather than people in need of help, he said.

    Migrants arrive in Bosnia from Serbia or Montenegro after traveling from Greece to Albania, Bulgaria or Macedonia.

    Also Monday, a migrant was stabbed in a fight with another migrant in an asylum center in southern Bosnia, police said.

    The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies said Monday that more than 5,600 migrants have reached Bosnia and Herzegovina so far this year, compared with only 754 in all of 2017.

    Hundreds of thousands of people passed through the Balkans toward Europe at the peak of the mass migration in 2015. The flow eased for a while but has recently picked up a bit with the new route through Bosnia.

    http://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/article213373449.html
    #Bosnie #fermeture_des_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Croatie #frontières #route_des_Balkans #Bosnie-Herzégovine

    • Migrants en Croatie : « on ne nous avait encore jamais tiré dessus »

      Le 30 mai, la police croate ouvrait le feu sur une camionnette qui venait de forcer un barrage près de la frontière avec la Bosnie-Herzégovine. À l’intérieur, 29 migrants. Bilan : deux enfants et sept adultes blessés. Reportage sur le lieu du drame, nouvelle étape de la route de l’exil, où des réfugiés désœuvrés errent dans des villages désertés par l’exode.

      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Migrants-en-Croatie-nulle-part-ailleurs-on-ne-nous-avait-tire-des
      #police #violences_policières

    • Refugees stranded in Bosnia allege Croatian police brutality

      Croatian officers accused of physical and verbal abuse, along with harassment including theft, but deny all allegations.

      Brutally beaten, mobile phones destroyed, strip-searched and money stolen.

      These are some of the experiences refugees and migrants stranded in western Bosnia report as they describe encounters with Croatian police.

      The abuse, they say, takes place during attempts to pass through Croatia, an EU member, with most headed for Germany.

      Bosnia has emerged as a new route to Western Europe, since the EU tightened its borders. This year, more than 13,000 refugees and migrants have so far arrived in the country, compared with only 755 in 2017.

      In Velika Kladusa, Bosnia’s most western town beside the Croatian border, hundreds have been living in makeshift tents on a field next to a dog kennel for the past four months.

      When night falls, “the game” begins, a term used by refugees and migrants for the challenging journey to the EU through Croatia and Slovenia that involves treks through forests and crossing rivers.

      However, many are caught in Slovenia or Croatia and are forced to return to Bosnia by Croatian police, who heavily patrol its EU borders.

      Then, they have to start the mission all over again.

      Some told Al Jazeera that they have attempted to cross as many as 20 times.

      The use of violence is clearly not acceptable. It is possible to control borders in a strict matter without violence.

      Peter Van der Auweraert, Western Balkans coordinator for the International Organization for Migration

      All 17 refugees and migrants interviewed by Al Jazeera said that they have been beaten by Croatian police - some with police batons, others punched or kicked.

      According to their testimonies, Croatian police have stolen valuables and money, cut passports, and destroyed mobile phones, hindering their communication and navigation towards the EU.

      “Why are they treating us like this?” many asked as they narrated their ordeals.

      “They have no mercy,” said 26-year-old Mohammad from Raqqa, Syria, who said he was beaten all over his body with batons on the two occasions he crossed into the EU. Police also took his money and phone, he said.

      “They treat babies and women the same. An officer pressed his boot against a woman’s head [as she was lying on the ground],” Mohammad said. “Dogs are treated better than us … why are they beating us like this? We don’t want to stay in Croatia; we want to go to Europe.”

      Mohammad Abdullah, a 22-year-old Algerian, told Al Jazeera that officers laughed at a group of migrants as they took turns beating them.

      "One of them would tell the other, ’You don’t know how to hit’ and would switch his place and continue beating us. Then, another officer would say, ’No, you don’t know how to hit’ and would take his place.

      “While [one of them] was beating me, he kissed me and started laughing. They would keep taking turns beating us like this, laughing,” Abdullah said.

      Croatia’s Interior Ministry told Al Jazeera that it “strongly dismisses” allegations of police brutality.

      In an emailed statement, it said those attempting to cross borders know they are acting outside of the law, and claimed that “no complaint so far has proved to be founded.”

      At a meeting in late August with Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic, German Chancellor Angela Merkel praised Croatia for its control over its borders.

      “You are doing a great job on the borders, and I wish to commend you for that,” Merkel said.

      But according to a new report, the UNHCR received information about 1,500 refugees being denied access to asylum procedures, including over 100 children. More than 700 people reported violence and theft by Croatian police.

      Al Jazeera was unable to independently verify all of the claims against police, because many of the refugees and migrants said their phones - which held evidence - were confiscated or smashed. However, the 17 people interviewed separately reported similar patterns of abuse.

      Shams and Hassan, parents of three, have been trying to reach Germany to apply for asylum, but Croatian authorities have turned them back seven times over the past few months.

      Four years ago, they left their home in Deir Az Zor, Syria, after it was bombed.

      Shams, who worked as a lawyer in Syria, said Croatian policemen strip-searched her and her 13-year-old daughter Rahma on one occasion after they were arrested.

      The male officers handled the women’s bodies, while repeating: “Where’s the money?”

      They pulled off Shams’ headscarf, threw it on the ground and forced her to undress, and took Rahma into a separate room.

      “My daughter was very afraid,” Shams said. "They told her to take off all her clothes. She was shy, she told them, ’No.’

      "They beat her up and stripped her clothes by force, even her underwear.

      “She kept telling them ’No! No! There isn’t [any money]!’ She was embarrassed and was asking them to close the window and door so no one would see her. [The officer] then started yelling at her and pulled at her hair. They beat her up.”

      Rahma screamed for her mother but Shams said she couldn’t do anything.

      “They took 1,500 euros ($1,745) from me and they took my husband’s golden ring. They also broke five of our mobiles and took all the SIM cards … They detained us for two days in prison and didn’t give us any food in the beginning,” Shams said, adding they cut her Syrian passport into pieces.

      “They put my husband in solitary confinement. I didn’t see him for two days; I didn’t know where he was.”

      A senior policeman told Shams that she and her children could apply for asylum, but Hassan would have to return to Bosnia.

      When she refused, she said the police drove the family for three hours to a forest at night and told them to walk back to Bosnia.

      They did not have a torch or mobile phone.

      She said they walked through the forest for two days until they reached a small town in western Bosnia.

      “No nation has the right to treat people this way,” Shams said.

      In another instance, they said they were arrested in a forest with a group of refugees and migrants. All 15 of them were forced into a van for two hours, where it was difficult to breathe.

      “It was closed like a box, but [the officer] refused to turn on the air conditioning so we could breathe. My younger son Mohammad - he’s eight years old - he has asthma and allergies, he was suffocating. When we knocked on the window to ask if he could turn on the air conditioning, [the officer] beat my husband with the baton,” Shams said.

      No Name Kitchen, a volunteer organisation that provides assistance to refugees and migrants on the Balkan route, has been documenting serious injuries on Instagram.

      In one post, the group alleges that Croatian police twice crushed a refugee’s orthopaedic leg.

      Peter Van der Auweraert, the Western Balkans coordinator for the International Organization for Migration, says he has heard stories of police brutality, but called for an independent investigation to judge how alleged victims sustained injuries.

      “Given the fact that there are so many of these stories, I think it’s in everyone’s interest to have an independent inquiry to see what is going on, on the other side of the border,” Van der Auweraert said.

      “The use of violence is clearly not acceptable. It’s not acceptable under European human rights law, it’s not acceptable under international human rights law and it is to my mind also, not necessary. It is possible to control borders in a strict matter without violence.”

      Shams’ family journey from Syria was traumatic from the get-go, and they have spent and lost several thousand euros.

      While travelling in dinghies from Turkey to Greece, they saw dead bodies along the way.

      “We call upon Merkel to help us and open the borders for us. At least for those of us stuck at the borders,” she said. “Why is the EU paying Croatia to prevent our entry into the EU, yet once we reach Germany, after spending a fortune with lives lost on the way, we’ll be granted asylum?”

      “We have nothing,” said her husband Hassan. “Our houses have been destroyed. We didn’t have any problems until the war started. We had peace in our homes. Is there a single country that accepts refugees?”

      “There are countries but there’s no way to reach them,” Shams replied. “This is our misery.”


      https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/refugees-stranded-bosnia-report-campaign-police-brutality-180915100740024

    • Le Conseil de l’Europe somme la Croatie d’enquêter sur les violences policières

      Le Commissariat aux droits de l’Homme du Conseil de l’Europe a appelé la Croatie à ouvrir rapidement des enquêtes sur les allégations de violences policières et de vol à l’encontre de « demandeurs d’asile et autres migrants », ainsi que sur les cas d’expulsions collectives.

      Dans un courrier publié vendredi 5 octobre et adressé au Premier ministre croate Andrej Plenkovic, la commissaire aux droits de l’Homme du Conseil de l’Europe, Dunja Mijatovic, a déclaré être « préoccupée » par les informations « cohérentes et corroborées » fournies par plusieurs organisations attestant « d’un grand nombre d’expulsions collectives de la Croatie vers la Serbie et vers la Bosnie-Herzégovine de migrants en situation irrégulière, dont de potentiels demandeurs d’asile ».

      Elle s’inquiète particulièrement du « recours systématique à la violence des forces de l’ordre croates à l’encontre de ces personnes », y compris les « femmes enceintes et les enfants ». La responsable s’appuie sur les chiffres du Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU aux réfugiés (UNHCR), selon lesquels sur 2 500 migrants expulsés par la Croatie, 700 ont accusé la police de violences et de vols.

      « Consciente des défis auxquels la Croatie est confrontée dans le domaine des migrations », Dunja Mijatovic souligne cependant que les « efforts pour gérer les migrations » doivent respecter les principes du droit international. « Il s’agit notamment de l’interdiction absolue de la torture et des peines ou traitements inhumains prévue à l’article 3 de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme et l’interdiction des expulsions collectives », qui s’appliquent « aux demandeurs d’asile comme aux migrants en situation irrégulière », écrit-elle.

      Une « violence systématique » selon les associations

      Pour la commissaire, Zagreb doit « entamer et mener rapidement à leur terme des enquêtes rapides, efficaces et indépendantes sur les cas connus d’expulsions collectives et sur les allégations de violence contre les migrants ». Elle somme également le gouvernement croate de « prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires pour mettre fin à ces pratiques et éviter qu’elles ne se reproduisent ».

      « Aucun cas de mauvais de traitement policier à l’encontre de migrants (...) ni aucun vol n’ont été établis », s’est défendu le ministre croate de l’Intérieur Davor Bozinovic dans une lettre de réponse au Conseil de l’Europe.

      Pourtant, dans un rapport intitulé « Games of violence », l’organisation Médecins sans frontières MSF alertait déjà en octobre 2017 sur les violences perpétrées par les polices croates, hongroises et bulgares envers les enfants et les jeunes migrants.

      Sur sa page Facebook, l’association No Name Kitchen a également rappelé qu’elle documentait les cas de violences aux frontières croates depuis 2017 sur le site Border violence.
      En août dernier, cette association qui aide les réfugiés à Sid en Serbie et dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie expliquait à InfoMigrants que la violence était « systématique » pour les migrants expulsés de Croatie. « Il y a un ou deux nouveaux cas chaque jour. Nous n’avons pas la capacité de tous les documenter », déclarait Marc Pratllus de No Name Kitchen.


      http://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/12518/le-conseil-de-l-europe-somme-la-croatie-d-enqueter-sur-les-violences-p

    • Bosnie-Herzégovine : des réfugiés tentent de passer en force en Croatie

      Alors que les températures ont brutalement chuté ces derniers jours, des réfugiés bloqués en Bosnie-Herzégovine ont tenté de franchir la frontière croate. Des rixes ont éclaté, des policiers croates ont été blessés, des réfugiés aussi.

      Environ 150 à 200 réfugiés ont essayé, mercredi après-midi, de traverser en force le pont reliant la Bosnie-Herzégovine au poste-frontière croate de Mlajevac. Des échauffourées ont éclaté entre la police et les réfugiés, parmi lesquels des femmes et des enfants. Au moins deux policiers croates ont été blessés par des jets de pierres, selon le ministère croate de l’Intérieur. Les réfugiés ont depuis organisé un sit-in devant la frontière, dont ils demandent l’ouverture.

      « Les réfugiés se sont déplacés jusqu’à la frontière croate où la police leur a refusé l’entrée, illégale et violente, sur le territoire », a rapporté le ministère croate de l’Intérieur. « Les réfugiés ont ensuite jeté des pierres sur les agents de la police croate, dont deux ont été légèrement blessé et ont demandé une aide médicale. »

      Après avoir passé la nuit près de la frontière de Velika Kalduša – Maljevac, les réfugiés s’attendaient à pouvoir entrer en Croatie depuis la Bosnie-Herzégovine et ont franchi un premier cordon de la police bosnienne aux frontières. « La police croate n’a pas réagi après que les réfugiés eurent passé le premier cordon de police en direction de la Croatie, car il y avait un second cordon de la police bosnienne », a déclaré la cheffe du département des relations publiques du ministère croate de l’Intérieur, Marina Mandić, soulignant que la police croate, en poste à la frontière, n’est intervenue à aucun moment et n’a donc pas pénétré sur le territoire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, comme l’ont rapporté certains médias.

      Selon l’ONG No Name Kitchen, la police bosnienne aurait fait usage de gaz lacrymogènes. Au moins trois réfugiés ont été blessés et pris en charge par Médecins sans frontières.

      Mardi, plus de 400 réfugiés sont arrivés à proximité de la frontière où la police a déployé une bande jaune de protection pour les empêcher de passer en Croatie. Parmi les réfugiés qui dorment dehors ou dans des tentes improvisées, on compte beaucoup de femmes et d’enfants. Ils ont ramassé du bois et allumé des feux, alors que la température atteint à peine 10°C.

      Le commandant de la police du canton d’Una-Sana, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, Mujo Koričić, a confirmé mercredi que des mesures d’urgence étaient entrées en vigueur afin d’empêcher l’escalade de la crise migratoire dans la région, notamment l’afflux de nouveaux réfugiés.

      Mise à jour, jeudi 25 octobre, 17h – Environ 120 réfugiés stationnent toujours près du poste-frontière de Velika Kalduša–Maljevac après avoir passé une deuxième nuit sur place, dehors ou dans des tentes improvisées. La police aux frontières de Bosnie-Herzégovine assure que la situation est sous contrôle et pacifiée. La circulation est toujours suspendue. Des enfants portent des banderoles avec des inscriptions demandant l’ouverture de la frontière.

      En réaction, le secrétaire général aux Affaires étrangères de l’UE, l’autrichien Johannes Peterlik, a déclaré jeudi 25 octobre en conférence de presse : « Les migrations illégales ne sont pas la voie à suivre. Il y a des voies légales et cela doit être clair ».

      Le nombre de migrants dans le canton d’Una-Sana est actuellement estimé à 10500.


      https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Bosnie-Herzegovine-des-refugies-tentent-un-passage-en-force-en-Cr
      #violence

      v. aussi :

      Sulla porta d’Europa. Scontri e feriti oggi alla frontiera fra Bosnia e Croazia. Dove un gruppo di 200 migranti ha cercato di passare il confine. Foto Reuters/Marko Djurica

      https://twitter.com/NiccoloZancan/status/1055070667710828545

    • Bleak Bosnian winter for migrants camped out on new route to Europe

      Shouting “Open borders!”, several dozen migrants and asylum seekers broke through a police cordon last week at the Maljevac border checkpoint in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina and tried to cross into Croatia.

      After being forced back by Croatian police with teargas, they set up camp just inside Bosnian territory. They are in the vanguard of a new wave of migrants determined to reach wealthier European countries, often Germany. Stalled, they have become a political football and face winter with little assistance and inadequate shelter.

      The old Balkan route shut down in 2016 as a raft of European countries closed their borders, with Hungary erecting a razor-wire fence. But a new route emerged this year through Bosnia (via Albania and Montenegro or via Macedonia and Serbia) and on to Croatia, a member of the EU. The flow of travellers has been fed by fresh streams of people from the Middle East and Central and South Asia entering Greece from Turkey, notably across the Evros River.

      By the end of September, more than 16,000 asylum seekers and migrants had entered Bosnia this year, compared to just 359 over the same period last year, according to official figures. The real number is probably far higher as more are smuggled in and uncounted. Over a third of this year’s official arrivals are Pakistani, followed by Iranians (16 percent), Syrians (14 percent), and Iraqis (nine percent).

      This spike is challenging Bosnia’s ability to provide food, shelter, and other aid – especially to the nearly 10,000 people that local institutions and aid organisations warn may be stranded at the Croatian border as winter begins. Two decades after the Balkan wars of the 1990s, the situation is also heightening tensions among the country’s Muslim, Serb, and Croat communities and its often fraught tripartite political leadership.

      How to respond to the unexpected number of migrants was a key issue in the presidential election earlier this month. Nationalist Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik, who won the Serb seat in the presidency, charged that it was a conspiracy to boost the country’s Muslim population. The outgoing Croat member of the presidency, Dragan Čović, repeatedly called for Bosnia’s borders to be closed to stem the migrant flow.

      Maja Gasal Vrazalica, a left-wing member of parliament and a refugee herself during the Bosnian wars, accuses nationalist parties of “misusing the topic of refugees because they want to stoke up all this fear through our nation.”
      “I’m very scared”

      Most migrants and asylum seekers are concentrated around two northwestern towns, Bihać and nearby Velika Kladuša. Faris Šabić, youth president of the Bihać Red Cross, organises assistance for the some 4,000 migrants camped in Bihać and others who use the town as a way station.

      Since the spring and throughout the summer, as arrivals spiked, several local volunteers joined his staff to provide food, hygiene items, and first aid. But now, as winter draws in, they fear the scale of the crisis is becoming untenable.

      “I have to be honest, I’m very scared,” Šabić told IRIN, examining a notebook filled with the names of new arrivals. “Not only for migrants, I’m scared for my locals as well. We are a generous and welcoming people, but I fear that we will not be able to manage the emergency anymore.”

      The Bihać Red Cross, along with other aid organisations and human rights groups, is pushing the government to find long-term solutions. But with an economy still recovering from the legacy of the war and a youth unemployment rate of almost 55 percent, it has been hard-pressed to find answers.

      Hope that the end of the election season might improve the national debate around migration appears misguided. Around 1,000 Bihać locals staged protests for three consecutive days, from 20-22 October, demanding the relocation of migrants outside the town centre. On the Saturday, Bihać residents even travelled to the capital, Sarajevo, blocking the main street to protest the inaction of the central government.

      The local government of the border district where most migrants and asylum seekers wait, Una-Sana, complains of being abandoned by the central government in Sarajevo. “We do not have bad feelings towards migrants, but the situation is unmanageable,” the mayor of Bihać, Šuhret Fazlić, told IRIN.

      To begin with most residents openly welcomed the migrants, with volunteers providing food and medical help. But tensions have been growing, especially as dozens of the latest newcomers have started occupying the main public spaces in the town.

      “They turned our stadium into a toilet and occupied children’s playgrounds,” said Fazlić. “I would like to understand why they come here, but what is important at the moment is to understand where to host them in a dignified manner.”
      Beatings and abuse

      Those camped near the Croatian border have all entered Bosnia illegally. Each night, they wait to enter “The Game” – as they refer to attempts to cross the frontier and strike out into dense forests.

      Most are detained and pushed back into Bosnia by the Croatian police. Some reach Slovenia before being deported all the way back. Abuse is rife, according to NGOs and human rights groups. Those who have attempted to cross say Croatian police officers destroy their phones to prevent them from navigating the mountains, beat them with electric batons, unleash dogs, steal their money, and destroy their documents and personal belongings. Croatia’s interior ministry has strongly denied allegations of police brutality.

      No Name Kitchen, a group of activists that provides showers, soap, and hygiene products to migrants in Velika Kladuša, has been documenting cases of violence allegedly committed by the Croatian police. In August alone the organisation collected accounts from 254 deportees. Most claimed to have suffered physical violence. Of those cases, 43 were minors.

      Croatian media has reported cases of shootings, too. In late May, a smuggler’s van bringing migrants and asylum seekers from Bosnia was shot at and three people including a boy and a girl, both 12, were wounded.

      A report earlier this year from the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, collated accounts from 2,500 refugees and migrants allegedly pushed back from Croatia to Serbia and Bosnia. In more than 1,500 cases – 100 of them relating to children – asylum procedures were denied, and over 700 people made allegations of violence or theft.
      Winter housing needed

      In Velika Kladuša, two kilometres from the Maljevac border checkpoint, around 1,000 people live in a makeshift tent camp that turns into a swamp every time it rains. Temperatures here will soon plummet below zero at night. Finding a new place for them "is a race against time and the key challenge,” said Stephanie Woldenberg, senior UNHCR protection officer.

      Already, life is difficult.

      “Nights here are unsustainable,” Emin, a young Afghan girl who tried twice to cross the border with her family and is among those camped in Velika Kladuša, told IRIN. “Dogs in the kennel are treated better than us.”

      Bosnian police reportedly announced last week that migrants are no longer allowed to travel to the northwest zone, and on 30 October said they had bussed dozens of migrants from the border camps to a new government-run facility near Velika Kladuša. Another facility has been set up near Sarajevo since the election. Together, they have doubled the number of beds available to migrants to 1,700, but it’s still nowhere near the capacity needed.

      The federal government has identified a defunct factory, Agrokomerc, once owned by the mayor of Velika Kladuša, Fikret Abdić, as a potential site to house more migrants. Abdić was convicted on charges of war crimes during the Balkan wars and sentenced to 20 years imprisonment. He became mayor in 2016, after his 2012 release. His local government is strongly opposed to the move and counters that the migrants and asylum seekers should be equally distributed throughout Bosnia.

      For now, around 800 people live inside a former student dormitory in Velika Kladuša that is falling apart due to damage sustained during the Bosnian wars. Holes in the floor and the absence of basic fixtures and of a proper heating system make it highly unsuitable to house migrants this winter. Clean water and bathing facilities are scarce, and the Red Cross has registered several cases of scabies, lice, and other skin and vector-borne diseases.

      Throughout the three-storey building, migrants and asylum seekers lie sprawled across the floor on mattresses, waiting their turn to charge their phones at one of the few electrical sockets. Many are young people from Lahore, Pakistan who sold their family’s homes and businesses to pay for this trip. On average they say they paid $10,000 to smugglers who promised to transport them to the EU. Several display bruises and abrasions, which they say were given to them by Croatian border patrol officers as they tried to enter Croatia.

      The bedding on one mattress is stained with blood. Witnesses told IRIN the person who sleeps there was stabbed by other migrants trying to steal his few belongings. “It happens frequently here,” one said.


      https://www.irinnews.org/news-feature/2018/10/31/bleak-bosnian-winter-migrants-camped-out-new-route-europe

    • ’They didn’t give a damn’: first footage of Croatian police ’brutality’

      Migrants who allegedly suffer savage beatings by state officials call it ‘the game’. But as shocking evidence suggests, attempting to cross the Bosnia-Croatia border is far from mere sport.

      As screams ring out through the cold night air, Sami, hidden behind bushes, begins to film what he can.

      “The Croatian police are torturing them. They are breaking people’s bones,’’ Sami whispers into his mobile phone, as the dull thumps of truncheons are heard.

      Then silence. Minutes go by before Hamdi, Mohammed and Abdoul emerge from the woods, faces bruised from the alleged beating, mouths and noses bloody, their ribs broken.

      Asylum seekers from Algeria, Syria and Pakistan, they had been captured by the Croatian police attempting to cross the Bosnia-Croatia border into the EU, and brutally beaten before being sent back.

      Sami, 17, from Kobane, gave the Guardian his footage, which appears to provide compelling evidence of the physical abuses, supposedly perpetrated by Croatian police, of which migrants in the Bosnian cities of Bihac and Velika Kladusa have been complaining.

      The EU border agency, Frontex, announced on Wednesday that this year is likely to produce the lowest number of unauthorised migrants arriving into Europe in five years.

      Frontex said that approximately 118,900 irregular border crossings were recorded in the first 10 months of 2018, roughly 31% lower than the same period in 2017.
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      Despite this steady decline in numbers, many states remain embroiled in political disputes that fuel anti-migrant sentiment across Europe.

      Frontex also noted that, while entries are declining, the number of people reaching Europe across the western Mediterranean, mostly through Spain from Morocco, continues to rise. Nearly 9,400 people crossed in October, more than double the number for the same month last year.

      But the brutality of what is happening on Europe’s borders is not documented. Every night, migrants try to cross into Croatia. And, according to dozens of accounts received by the Guardian and charities, many end up in the hands of police, who beat them back to Bosnia.

      No Name Kitchen (NNK), an organisation consisting of volunteers from several countries that distributes food to asylum seekers in Serbia, Bosnia and Italy, registers 50-100 people a week who have been pushed back by the Croatian authorities. Roughly 70% of them claim to have been beaten.

      “In the last months our team in Bosnia and Herzegovina has regularly treated patients – sometimes even women and small children – with wounds allegedly inflicted by state authorities when attempting to cross into Croatia and Slovenia, where, according to their testimonies, their claims for asylum and protection are regularly ignored,” says Julian Koeberer, humanitarian affairs officer in the northern Balkans for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF).
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      Since the turn of the year, the Bosnian authorities have registered the entry of about 21,000 people, coming from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran or Syria. Of these, an estimated 5,000 remain in the country.

      Of 50 people to whom the Guardian spoke, mostly from Pakistan, 35 said they had been attacked by Croatian police. The majority of them arrived in Bosnia through Turkey, hoping to reach Slovenia, a Schengen country, before heading to Italy, Austria or Germany.

      ‘‘The Iranian police broke all my teeth, the Croatian ones broke my nose and ribs,” says Milad, 29, an Iranian asylum seeker who since September has lived in Bihac. “Yet everyone talks about the violence in Iran and nobody talks about the violence perpetrated by a European country.”

      Adeel, 27, from Pakistan, claims he had his ankle broken with a truncheon. ‘‘Where are the human rights?” he asks.

      Anees, 43, also from Pakistan, says he begged the police not to beat him after he was stopped in the woods on the border with Velika Kladusa. ‘‘I have a heart disease, I told them to stop because they could have killed me,’’ explains Anees, whose medical conditions are detailed in a clinical file.

      On 9 June 2018, he had heart surgery at the Zdravstveni centre hospital in the Serbian city of Uzice. After the operation, he continued his journey. He struggles to breathe as he tells his story: ‘‘I told him I was sick, I showed them the clinical file. They did not give a damn. They started beating me and sent us back to Bosnia. But it does not matter. Tomorrow I will try the game again.’’

      That’s what migrants call it: ‘the game”. But there is nothing fun about it. They set off in groups: 70 or 80 people, or sometimes as few as five to 10. Police, armed with truncheons, pistols and night vision goggles, patrol Europe’s longest border between Bosnia and Croatia. According to accounts provided by more than 10 migrants, some officers wear paramilitary uniforms with a badge depicting a sword upraised by two lightning bolts. This is the badge of Croatian special police.

      “They stop us and, before beating us, they frisk us”, says Hamdi, 35, An Algerian language teacher. “If they find money, they steal it. If they find mobile phones, they destroy them to avoid being filmed or simply to stop us from contacting our friends. And then they beat us, four or five against one. They throw us to the ground, kick us, and beat us with their truncheons. Sometimes their dogs attack us. To them, we probably don’t seem much different from their dogs.”

      Hamdi is one of three men traveling with Sami. The screams in the video are his. His face is covered in blood when he reaches his friends. His nose is broken, his lips swollen.

      “After repeatedly being pushed back or forced to return to Bosnia on their own, asylum seekers find themselves in unsanitary, improvised settlements such as open fields and squats while formal government camps are full,” says Koeberer.

      “Those sites still offer alarmingly inadequate conditions due to only slow improvement in provision of winter shelter (food, hygiene, legal status and medical care), and these inhumane living conditions have severe impact on people’s physical and mental health. In winter, the lives of those who are forced to remain outside will seriously be at risk.’’

      At the camp in Velika Kladusa, where Hamdi lives, dozens of people sit in the mud and on piles of rubbish, awaiting the arrival of the doctors. On man has a cast on his arm and leg, the result, he says, of a police beating. Others show black eyes, bruises on their backs and legs, lumps and wounds on their heads, split lips, and scars on their legs.

      ‘‘There have been cases in which migrants claimed to have been stripped and forced to walk barefoot with temperatures below freezing,” said Stephane Moissaing, MSF’s head of mission in Serbia. “Cases where asylum seekers have told how police would beat children in front of their parents. From the information we have, up until now, it is a systematic and planned violence.”

      Karolina Augustova, an NKK volunteer, says violence has increased since October protests in which hundreds of asylum seekers marched from the north-western town of Velika Kladusa towards Croatia to object against pushbacks that violate the rights of people to seek asylum in Europe.

      The Bosnian police appear to be aware of the assaults. A Bosnian police agent guarding the camp in Velika Kladusa, who prefers to remain anonymous, points out a bruise on a boy’s leg. “You see this bruise?” he says. “It was the Croatian police. The Bosnian police know, but there is no clear and compelling evidence, just the accounts of the refugees and their wounds.”

      The majority of Bosnians live in peace with migrants and view them as refugees. The scars from the war that ravaged this area in the early 1990s are everywhere, in the abandoned homes riddled with machine gun fire and in the collective memory of Bosnians. People from Bihac and Velika Kladusa know what it means to flee from war. The minarets of the numerous mosques along the border are a reminder that Bosnia is the closest Muslim community in Europe.

      “I feel sorry for these people,’’ says the policeman on guard. ‘‘They remind me of the Bosnians when the war devastated our country.’’

      MSF, NNK and a number of other organisations have repeatedly reported and denounced violence perpetrated by the security forces in the Balkans, but Croatian police deny all the allegations.

      The Guardian has contacted the Croatian interior minister, the police and the Croatian government for comment, but has received no response.

      Abdul, 33, recently arrived in Velika Klaudusa after a journey that lasted over a year. He comes from Myanmar and has lost everything: his wife and children were killed, and he has no news of his father, mother and sisters. Abdul has heard about the violence and is worried. The migrants around him, with bandaged legs and noses and bleeding mouths, cause fear.

      “I lost everything, yes, it’s true,” he says. “But I have to get to Europe, one way or another. To make sense of what I lost. I owe it to my dead children. To my wife who was killed. To those who have not had the good fortune to have arrived here safe and sound.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/nov/14/didnt-give-a-damn-refugees-film-croatian-police-brutality-bosnia

    • A la frontière bosno-croate, des matraques pour les migrants

      Les policiers croates violentent les exilés bloqués entre les deux pays, nouveau point de passage de la route des Balkans. Mais dans la région, la #solidarité s’organise.

      L’intervention de la police bosnienne est fixée à 18 heures au poste frontière de Maljevac, entre la Bosnie-Herzégovine et la Croatie. Des dizaines de riverains s’y sont massées, ce jour-là, pour assister à cette opération qui va déloger les migrants qui campent depuis une semaine à 300 mètres de la douane. « Je n’ai rien contre les réfugiés, mais 200 personnes ne peuvent pas bloquer toute une ville », explique un Bosnien d’une cinquantaine d’années. Deux heures plus tard le passage est rouvert. Nous sommes à Velika Kladusa, dans le canton d’Una-Sana, dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie, le long de la dernière déviation de la « route des Balkans ». Depuis le début de l’année, plus de 21 000 personnes (venant du Pakistan, d’Afghanistan ou encore d’Iran) ont choisi de traverser la Bosnie-Herzégovine dans l’espoir d’atteindre l’ouest de l’Europe. Et alors que 5 000 d’entre eux seraient toujours bloqués dans le pays, Sarajevo a enregistré ces dernières semaines une hausse des arrivées, avec environ 1 000 nouvelles entrées hebdomadaires.

      Sachets à emporter

      Dans ce petit bourg, la situation a dégénéré fin octobre lorsque des centaines de migrants ont tenté d’entrer de force en Croatie, avant d’être repoussés par les policiers. A la suite de ces heurts qui ont fait plusieurs blessés, Zagreb a décidé de suspendre pendant une semaine le transit à Maljevac : une très mauvaise nouvelle pour cette ville qui vit du commerce avec la Croatie et dont les habitants commencent à s’agacer d’une situation qui s’enlise. « La Croatie est à moins de 2 kilomètres dans cette direction », indique Asim Latic en pointant du doigt la plaine qui s’étend derrière les buissons. Avant d’ajouter : « Mais les réfugiés, eux, passent par les bois, et cela prend plusieurs jours de marche. » Ce restaurateur de Velika Kladusa, propriétaire de la pizzeria Teferic, fait partie des habitants qui se sont engagés dans l’aide aux migrants dès février, lorsque des dizaines, puis des centaines de personnes sont arrivées dans ce coin de la Bosnie.

      Pendant neuf mois, il a offert chaque jour 400 repas à autant d’exilés. Début novembre, après une chute des dons de la communauté locale, il a bien cru devoir mettre la clé sous la porte. « Les Bosniens ont aussi connu la guerre, mais ils sont fatigués », explique ce grand gaillard que les réfugiés appellent « papa ». De temps en temps, il leur prépare de la nourriture dans des sachets à emporter, « pour qu’ils survivent dans la forêt ». Le chemin des bois est emprunté par tous ceux qui ne peuvent pas se permettre les tarifs des passeurs : 2 000 euros ou plus pour aller en voiture à Trieste en Italie, 1 200 euros pour descendre à Split en Croatie. A pied, il faut marcher environ une semaine, assurent les migrants : 80 kilomètres en Croatie, puis, une fois entrés en Slovénie, on se dirige vers l’Italie ou l’Autriche. Mais c’est sans compter sur l’intervention de la police croate, véritable inconnue dans le game - nom donné ici aux tentatives de passage de la frontière.

      Non loin de la séparation bosno-croate, Aadi a décidé de planter sur sa tente le drapeau bleu et jaune de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. « Les Bosniens sont des gens accueillants. Ce sont les policiers croates qui nous posent problème », dit-il. « Les policiers m’ont violemment frappé avec une matraque. Les conditions hygiéniques de ce camp ont fait le reste », renchérit Gabdar, un jeune Irakien qui arbore une plaie infectée à la main droite, où du pus s’est formé sous les croûtes. Youssef, un Tunisien trentenaire, se plaint que la police croate n’a pas seulement détruit son smartphone, mais aussi la powerbank, cette batterie externe indispensable à ceux qui passent de longs mois sur les routes.

      Ecrans brisés

      « Police, problem » est un refrain mille fois entendu. Dès que l’on mentionne les forces de l’ordre croates, les migrants sortent leurs portables. La multitude d’écrans brisés et les connecteurs d’alimentation rendus inutilisables avec des tournevis sont la preuve - disent-ils - des abus des policiers. Une accusation difficile à prouver, mais qui a attiré l’attention du Conseil de l’Europe (CoE). Début octobre, la commissaire aux droits de l’homme Dunja Mijatovic a invité Zagreb à faire la lumière sur ces allégations.

      D’après le CoE et le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés, la Croatie aurait expulsé collectivement 2 500 migrants depuis le début de 2018, « parmi eux, 1 500 personnes ont affirmé n’avoir pas pu soumettre une demande d’asile, tandis que 700 disent avoir été victimes de violences ou de vols de la part des policiers croates ». Joint par mail, le ministère de l’Intérieur de Zagreb assure que la police agit « dans le respect de la loi et des traités internationaux » et que « les vérifications effectuées jusque-là n’ont prouvé aucun cas de violence ».

      Au centre de Bihac, à 60 kilomètres au sud de Velika Kladusa, Ali, un Pakistanais de 17 ans se jette dans l’eau glaciale de la rivière Una et entreprend de se savonner les cheveux. Sur les bancs du parc alentour, d’autres migrants tuent le temps, cigarette ou smartphone à la main. La scène est devenue courante dans cette ville de 60 000 habitants, et la situation qui s’éternise agace certains locaux. Plusieurs pétitions ont fait leur apparition et quelques manifestations ont rassemblé un millier de personnes à Bihac, demandant aux autorités de trouver une solution à la présence des migrants en centre-ville.

      « Je n’ai rien contre les réfugiés, mais ces gens ne viennent pas de pays en guerre, ce sont des migrants économiques », affirme Sej Ramic, conseiller municipal à Bihac et professeur d’art, modérateur du groupe Facebook « Stop invaziji migranata ! Udruženje gradjana Bihaća » (« Stop à l’invasion des migrants ! Collectif de citoyens de Bihac »). Un argumentaire devenu habituel au sein de l’Union européenne, mais qu’on avait moins l’habitude d’entendre en Bosnie, pays lui-même marqué par une forte émigration.

      Face à cette opposition grandissante, le gouvernement du canton a entrepris d’arrêter les bus et les trains en provenance de Sarajevo et de renvoyer vers la capitale tous les migrants qui en descendent. Et dans le centre-ville de Biha, les policiers renvoient les migrants qui traînent vers le Dacki Dom. Cet ancien dortoir étudiant abandonné, dont la carcasse de béton nu se dresse au milieu des bois, héberge environ 1 000 personnes dans des conditions très précaires. Des centaines d’autres sont logées dans les environs, dans une ancienne usine de réfrigérateurs et dans un hôtel fermé depuis de nombreuses années. D’autres campent ou squattent des maisons abandonnées des alentours. L’objectif de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) est « d’atteindre, dans les prochains jours, une capacité d’hébergement de 5 000 personnes sur l’ensemble du territoire bosnien », indique Peter Van der Auweraert, coordinateur de l’OIM pour les Balkans occidentaux. Cependant, « si le flux actuel de 1 000 entrées par semaine devait continuer, nous serons bientôt dans une situation très compliquée », poursuit-il, et note qu’avec l’hiver qui arrive, « ce qui coince, c’est le timing ».

      L’UE a récemment débloqué 7,2 millions d’euros pour aider la Bosnie, l’un des pays les plus pauvres des Balkans, à gérer le flux migratoire. Alors qu’à Bihac les ouvriers s’affairent à sécuriser les bâtiments et que les ONG tentent de reloger les centaines de personnes toujours dans des tentes, Van der Auweraert souligne le manque de volonté politique des autorités locales. L’imbroglio institutionnel bosnien, hérité des accords de Dayton, complique davantage le processus décisionnel.

      Il est midi à Velika Kladusa, et la pizzeria Teferic est en pleine distribution. Des dizaines de migrants patientent pour s’asseoir devant une assiette de macaronis. Dans la cuisine, Halil et Refik - « c’est lui qui a arrêté le chauffeur de Mladic pendant la guerre », nous glisse Asim - s’affairent autour d’une énorme casserole. Deux jeunes Indiens et un Pakistanais de passage prêtent main forte à la petite équipe. Après neuf mois de travail bénévole dans la pizzeria, Asim est fatigué « physiquement et mentalement ». S’il a trouvé de l’aide auprès de l’association néerlandaise Lemon Foundation, l’avenir de leur activité reste fragile. Tout en contemplant le va-et-vient des migrants à l’extérieur, il secoue la tête : « Mais que vont faire ces gens ? »

      https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2018/11/20/a-la-frontiere-bosno-croate-des-matraques-pour-les-migrants_1693271

    • Croatia: Migrants Pushed Back to Bosnia and Herzegovina

      Croatian police are pushing migrants and asylum seekers back to Bosnia and Herzegovina, in some cases violently, and without giving them the possibility to seek asylum, Human Rights Watch said.

      Human Rights Watch interviewed 20 people, including 11 heads of families and 1 unaccompanied boy, who said that Croatian police deported them to Bosnia and Herzegovina without due process after detaining them deep inside Croatian territory. Sixteen, including women and children, said police beat them with batons, kicked and punched them, stole their money, and either stole or destroyed their mobile phones.

      “Croatia has an obligation to protect asylum seekers and migrants,” said Lydia Gall, Balkans and Eastern EU researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Instead, the Croatian police viciously beat asylum seekers and pushed them back over the border.”

      All 20 interviewees gave detailed accounts of being detained by people who either identified themselves as Croatian police or wore uniforms matching those worn by Croatian police. Seventeen gave consistent descriptions of the police vans used to transport them to the border. One mother and daughter were transported in what they described as a police car. Two people said that police had fired shots in the air, and five said that the police were wearing masks.

      These findings confirm mounting evidence of abuse at Croatia’s external borders, Human Rights Watch said. In December 2016, Human Rights Watch documented similar abuses by Croatian police at Croatia’s border with Serbia. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported in August 2018 that it had received reports Croatia had summarily pushed back 2,500 migrants and asylum seekers to Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina since the beginning of the year, at times accompanied by violence and theft.

      In response to a call by the Council of Europe’s human rights commissioner to investigate the allegations, Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic in September denied any wrongdoing and questioned the sources of the information. Police in Donji Lapac, on the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina, refused to provide Croatia’s ombudswoman, Lora Vidović, access to police records on treatment of migrants and told her that police are acting in accordance with the law.

      In a December 4 letter, Interior Minister Davor Bozinovic responded to a detailed description of the Human Rights Watch findings. He said that the evidence of summary returns and violence was insufficient to bring criminal prosecutions, that the allegations could not be confirmed, and that migrants accuse Croatian police in the hope that it will help them enter Croatia. He said that his ministry does not support any type of violence or intolerance by police officers.

      Croatia has a bilateral readmission agreement with Bosnia and Herzegovina that allows Croatia to return third-country nationals without legal permission to stay in the country. According to the Security Ministry of Bosnia and Herzegovina, under the agreement, between January and November 27, Croatia returned 493 people to Bosnia and Herzegovina, 265 of whom were Turkish nationals. None of the people Human Rights Watch interviewed underwent any formal return procedure before being forced back over the border.

      The summary return of asylum seekers without consideration of their protection needs is contrary to European Union asylum law, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the 1951 Refugee Convention.

      Croatian authorities should conduct thorough and transparent investigations of abuse implicating their officials and hold those responsible to account, Human Rights Watch said. They should ensure full cooperation with the Ombudswoman’s inquiry, as required by national law and best practice for independent human rights institutions. The European Commission should call on Croatia, an EU member state, to halt and investigate summary returns of asylum seekers to Bosnia and Herzegovina and allegations of violence against asylum seekers. The Commission should also open legal proceedings against Croatia for violating EU laws, Human Rights Watch said.

      As a result of the 2016 border closures on the Western Balkan route, thousands of asylum seekers were stranded, the majority in Serbia, and found new routes toward the EU. In 2018, migrant and asylum seeker arrivals increased in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from fewer than 1,000 in 2017 to approximately 22,400, according to the European Commission. The Commission estimates that 6,000 migrants and asylum seekers are currently in the country. Bosnia and Herzegovina has granted international protection to only 17 people since 2008. In 2017, 381 people applied for asylum there.

      Bosnia and Herzegovina has only one official reception center for asylum seekers near Sarajevo, with capacity to accommodate just 156 people. Asylum seekers and migrants in the border towns of Bihac and Velika Kladusa, where Human Rights Watch conducted the interviews, are housed in temporary facilities managed by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) – a dilapidated building, a refurbished warehouse, and former hotels – or they sleep outdoors. The IOM and UNHCR have been improving the facilities. The EU has allocated over €9 million to support humanitarian assistance for asylum seekers and migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      “Just because the EU is sending humanitarian aid to refugees in Bosnia and Herzegovina, that does not justify turning a blind eye to violence at the Croatian border,” Gall said. “Brussels should press Zagreb to comply with EU law, investigate alleged abuse, and provide fair and efficient access to asylum.”

      For detailed accounts by the people interviewed, please see below.

      Human Rights Watch interviewed 13 men, 6 women, and one 15-year-old unaccompanied boy. All interviewees’ names have been changed in order to protect their security and privacy. All interviews were conducted in English or with the aid of a Persian or Arabic speaking interpreter. Human Rights Watch informed interviewees of the purpose of the interview and its voluntary nature, and they verbally consented to be interviewed.

      Denied Access to Asylum Procedure, Summarily Returned

      All 20 people interviewed said that people who identified themselves as Croatian police or whom they described as police detained them well inside Croatian territory and subsequently returned them to Bosnia and Herzegovina without any consideration of asylum claims or human rights obstacles to their return.

      Nine said that police detained them and others and took them to a police station in Croatia. The others said that police officers took them directly to the border with Bosnia-Herzegovina and made them cross.

      Those taken to police stations said they were searched, photographed, and questioned about details such as their name, country of origin, age, and their route entering Croatia. They were not given copies of any forms. They said they were held there in rooms with limited or no seating for between 2 and 24 hours, then taken to the border. Three people said they asked for asylum at the police station but that the police ignored or laughed at them. Six others said they dared not speak because police officers told them to remain quiet.

      Faven F. and Kidane K., a married couple in their thirties from Eritrea, said they had been walking for seven days when they were detained on November 9, close to Rijeka, 200 kilometers from the border. They said that four men in green uniforms detained them in the forest and took them in a windowless white van without proper seats to a police station in Rijeka:

      They delivered us to new police. One was in plain clothes, the other one in dark blue uniform that said “Policija” on it…. At the station, they gave us a paper in English where we had to fill in name, surname, and place of birth…. A lady officer asked us questions about our trip, how we got there, who helped us. We told them that if Croatia can give us asylum, we would like to stay. The lady officer just laughed. They wrote our names on a white paper and some number and made us hold them for a mug shot. Then they kept us in the cell the whole night and didn’t give us food, but we could drink tap water in the bathroom.

      Yaran Y., a 19-year-old from Iraq, was carrying his 14-year old sister Dilva, who has a disability and uses a wheelchair, on his back when they were detained along with at least five others at night in the forest. Yaran Y. said he told officers he wanted asylum for his sister, but that the police just laughed. “They told us to go to Brazil and ask for asylum there,” Yaran Y. said.

      Ardashir A., a 33-year-old Iranian, was travelling with his wife and 7-year-old daughter in a group of 18 people, including 3 other children, the youngest of whom is under age 2. He said that Croatian police detained the group 12 kilometers inside Croatian territory on November 15 and took them to a police station:

      They [Croatian police] brought us to a room, like a prison. They took our bags and gave us only a few slices of bread. There were no chairs, we sat on the floor. Two people in civilian clothes came after a while, I don’t know if they were police, but they took a group picture of us and refused to let us go to the toilet. A 10-year-old child really needed to go but wasn’t allowed so he had to endure. After two hours they took us … to the border.

      Adal A., a 15-year-old boy from Afghanistan traveling on his own said that he was detained on November 15 near Zagreb and taken in a white windowless van to a police station:

      They searched us at the police station and took our phones, power banks, bags, and everything we had. They took three kinds of pictures: front, side, and back. We had to hold a paper with a number. I was asked questions about my name, where I am from, my age, and about the smuggler. I told them I’m 15. We then sat in a room for 24 hours and received no food but could get water from the tap in the toilet.

      Palmira P., a 45-year-old Iranian, said that a female police officer mistreated Palmira’s 11-year-old daughter during a body search in a police station courtyard on the outskirts of Rijeka in early November: “She pulled my daughter’s pants down in front of everyone. My daughter still has nightmares about this policewoman, screaming out in the middle of the night, ‘Don’t do it, don’t do it!’”

      Everyone interviewed said that Croatian police confiscated and never returned or destroyed their phones and destroyed power banks and phone chargers. Four people said that Croatian police forced them to unlock their phones before stealing them.

      Madhara M., a 32-year-old from Iran, said a police officer found a €500 bill in his pocket on November 15: “He looked at it, inspected it, and admired it and then demonstratively put it in his pocket in front of me.”

      Accounts of Violence and Abuse

      Seventeen people described agonizing journeys ranging from 15 minutes to five hours in windowless white police vans to the border. In two cases, people described the vans with a deep dark blue/black stripe running through the middle and a police light on top. A Human Rights Watch researcher saw a police van matching that description while driving through Croatia.

      Croatian roads close to the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina cross windy, mountainous terrain. People interviewed said they had experienced nausea, vomited, or felt extreme cold or heat in the van. A 23-year-old Syrian woman said she believed the difficult van ride and pushback caused her to miscarry her 7-week pregnancy. Amez A., a 28-year-old Iraqi, said police sprayed what he thought was teargas into the van before closing the back doors and driving off, making everyone in the car vomit and have difficulty breathing.

      Sixteen people, including women and children, said that they were slapped, pummelled with fists, beaten with police batons made of rubber or wood, or kicked by people they described as or who identified themselves as Croatian police during the pushbacks.

      In many cases, the violence was accompanied by abusive language in English. Human Rights Watch observed marks and bruises on nine people and viewed photographs of injuries on four more who said they were the result of beatings by Croatian police officers. Four people said that they required treatment at Bosnian hospitals.

      Adal A., the 15-year-old unaccompanied boy, described a particularly vicious beating on November 16:

      They wore dark blue uniforms with masks, and as I exited the van, both police hit me with their batons. I felt a blow to my neck and I fell forward and wanted to get up. At that point, I was on the Bosnian side of the border stones, where another six Croatian police officers stood waiting. They were all over me, beating me. I don’t know how they beat me, but it was hard and strong, and I tried to protect my face. I was so badly beaten on my back that I still can’t sleep on it properly because of the pain. When they saw that my nose was bleeding, and that my hand was injured and that I couldn’t walk, they stopped…. They yelled “Go!” and as I was trying to leave, they fired guns in the air.

      Human Rights Watch interviewed Adal A. four days after he said this had happened and observed marks and bruises on his legs and arms.

      Aftab A., 37, from Iran, said that police officers in dark blue uniforms beat him and his 12-year-old son in what he called the “Tunnel of Death:”

      They [police] make this tunnel [lined up on each side] and you have to pass. They took us out of the van one by one and they started beating me with batons from both sides. I was beaten on my arm, shoulder, and on my knee with batons. My son was beaten with batons on his back and on his head…We kept screaming ‘my son my son!’ or ‘my dad my dad!’ but they didn’t care. They kept beating at us until we crossed the border. Even my wife was struck across her back with a baton. The child was so scared and was crying for half an hour and then wouldn’t speak for a long time.

      Madhara M., 32, from Iran, was taken to the border on November 15 along with four others, including a married couple. He said that Croatian police beat him and then threw him into a ditch he said separates Croatia from Bosnia and Herzegovina:

      There were about eight police officers in front of the van. But there were more behind them making sure we can’t run away. The first punch broke my tooth… I fell, and the officer rolled me over, and punched me in the eye. It was so painful, I tried to escape by crawling, but the police struck me with the baton on my back. Suddenly, I received a second blow on the same eye. Then the police officers grabbed me and threw me into the ditch. All along, they were laughing and swearing in English, things like ‘I will fuck your mother.’

      Bahadur B. and Nabila N., both 32 and from Iran, are a married couple who were traveling with Madhara M. Nabila N., who was three-months’ pregnant at the time, described the violence at the border:

      They [Croatian police] were standing four on one side and four on the other side. We call it the ‘terror tunnel.’ They told us to get out. Bahadur tried to help me down from the van, as I was stiff from the ride. When he did, the police started beating him…I turned and screamed at them to stop beating my husband, but…. I stumbled on a bag in the darkness…When I got up, I was face-to-face with a police officer who was wearing a mask. I kept screaming, “Please don’t do it, we will leave” but he deliberately hit me hard with his baton across my hand. I kept screaming “baby, baby!” during the whole ordeal but they didn’t listen, they just laughed.

      Both Yaran Y., 19, and his sister Dilva, 14, who has a physical disability, said they required medical treatment after Croatian police used physical force during the pushback in early July. Yaran Y. said:

      I was carrying Dilva on my back the whole way while others pushed her wheelchair. Our family travelled with five other people. It was dark, when the police surprised us by firing shots in the air. They police wore dark or black color uniforms and there were six or seven of them. I asked one of the police officers for asylum but he harshly pushed me so I fell with my sister on my back. In the fall, my sister and I landed on a sharp wooden log which severely injured her foot and my hand.

      A Human Rights Watch researcher observed scars on Dilva’s foot and Yaran’s hand and saw pictures of the fresh injuries.

      Sirvan S., 38, from Iraq, said Croatian police in dark blue uniforms beat him and his youngest son, age 6, during a pushback on November 14: “My son and I were beaten with a rubber baton. I was beaten in the head and on my leg. My son was beaten with a baton on his leg and head as well as he was running from the police.” Sirvan’s wife, 16-year-old daughter, and 14-year-old son witnessed the violence.

      Gorkem G., 30, travelling with his 25-year-old pregnant wife, 5-year-old son, and 2-year-old daughter, said that Croatian police pushed his son, so he fell hard to the ground. “He only wanted to say “hi” to the police,” Gorkem G. said

      Family members described the anger, frustration, and trauma they experienced seeing the police officers beat their loved ones. A 10-year-old Yazidi boy from Iraq said, “I saw how police kicked my father in his back and how they beat him all over. It made me angry.” His father, Hussein H., said that police officers had dragged him out of the van at the border and kicked and punched him when he was on the ground.

      Fatima F., 34, a Syrian mother of six, travelled with her husband’s 16-year-old brother and three of her children, ages 2, 4, and 10. She said that three police officers in dark uniforms beat her husband’s brother in front of her and her children:

      They were merciless […] One officer was by the van, one in the middle of the line of people, and one close to the path [into Bosnia and Herzegovina]. They kept beating the others with batons, and kicking. They [the officers] saw me and the kids but they just kept beating the men despite the kids crying. They didn’t beat me or the children, but the children were very afraid when they saw the men being beaten. My oldest girl kept screaming when she saw my husband’s brother get beaten…[she] screams out in the middle of the night.

      In three cases, people said they were forced to cross ice-cold rivers or streams even though they were near a bridge.

      Thirty-year-old Abu Hassan A. from Iran, travelling in a group of seven other single men, said:

      They [police] were wearing masks. There was a bridge about 50-60 meters away. More than six police were guarding the bridge. It [the stream] was about 5-6 meters wide and waist high and muddy. They told us we have to cross. Then the police… beat me with batons and kicked me, and the first handed me over to the second police who did the same thing, and then handed me over to the third, who did the same thing. After that, I was close to the riverbank, where two other police were waiting. The first one beat me again with baton and pushed me toward the other. They beat me on the legs, hands, arms, shoulders. This is what they did to force us to go into the water and across. I could barely stand or walk for a week after.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/12/11/croatia-migrants-pushed-back-bosnia-and-herzegovina

    • Why are police in Croatia attacking asylum seekers trapped in the Balkans?

      Hearing increasing reports of police brutality against refugees on the Croatia-Bosnia border, Human Rights Watch is demanding action from Zagreb and the EU Commission.

      In November, I spent four days talking to migrants, including asylum seekers, in dilapidated, freezing buildings in Bihac and Velika Kladusa in Bosnia Herzegovina, an area close to the Croatian border. I heard the same story over and over: Croatian police officers beat and robbed them before illegally forcing them over the border to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      Unfortunately, in my work as the Eastern Europe and Balkans researcher at Human Rights Watch, these stories are not new to me. But what really struck me this time around was the sheer brutality and cruelty of the police assaults.

      “They are merciless,” 34-year-old Fatima*, from Syria, said of Croatian police officers. She and her three young children, the youngest only two years old, were forced to watch Croatian police officers beat her 16-year-old brother-in-law. “My 10-year-old daughter suffered psychologically since it happened, having nightmares,” Fatima said.

      Nabila*, an Iranian woman who was three months pregnant at the time, told me a police officer struck her on her hand with a baton though she told him and other officers repeatedly that she was pregnant.

      Sirvan*, from Iraq, said a Croatian police officer beat his six-year-old son with a baton on his leg and his head as he was trying to run away from the police beatings.

      Yaran*, also from Iraq, was carrying his 14-year-old sister, Dilva*, who has a physical disability and uses a wheelchair, when Croatian police officers manhandled them. “When they captured us, I immediately told them ‘asylum’ but one police officer just pushed me hard so I fell backwards with my sister on my back.” They both required medical treatment after they were forced back to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

      Croatia’s interior ministry has denied any wrongdoing but testimonies from migrants continue to emerge.

      Since March 2016, when the Western Balkan route was closed, many people have found themselves stuck in the Balkans. After fleeing countries such as Syria, Afghanistan, Iran, Eritrea, Pakistan and Bangladesh, people had travelled through Turkey to Greece or Bulgaria, and onwards to Macedonia and Serbia.

      There are now between 6,000 and 8,000 people trapped in Serbia and around 6,000 in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who want to move onwards to EU states and particularly to Western Europe.

      Many have tried to cross to Hungary and Croatia but are met with violence from border guards. Most of the people I talked to had been walking for days inside Croatia by the time police detained them.

      Some were taken to police stations, where they were denied food for up to 24 hours; others were taken directly to the border. They were transported in windowless locked vans on winding mountainous roads on trips of up to five hours. People kept sliding off the narrow benches, bumping into each other, and throwing up.

      At the border, a “Tunnel of Terror” – as some called it — greeted them. A gauntlet of police officers beat them, pushing each person to the next officer and then to the next, laughing and mocking them on the way.

      Tired and beaten, migrants and asylum seekers were then chased down a slippery slope or thrown into a ditch four to five meters deep that is the de facto border between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina or made to wade across an ice-cold stream.

      Most of the 20 people I interviewed, including parents with their children, the girl with a disability, and pregnant women, said they were brutally forced across the border in the cold of dark winter nights.

      Every person I interviewed also said that Croatian police robbed them of their phones and money. They kept the good phones, forcing people to surrender their passcodes, and smashed the rest. Money, if found, was stolen too.

      All this is going on at the EU’s borders. With total impunity.

      And it has been going on for some time. I documented similar abuses on Croatia’s border with Serbia two years ago. The government rejected our allegations and the EU didn’t act. In two years, rather than improving, the situation has got worse.

      More recently, the Croatian government dismissed concerns raised by UN refugee agency UNHCR and the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights and told us they didn’t have enough evidence to bring prosecutions and that allegations can’t be confirmed.

      The EU provides funds for humanitarian assistance to migrants and asylum seekers in Bosnia and Herzegovina that, while helpful, cannot justify turning a blind eye to neighbouring member state, Croatia, blatantly breaking EU laws and ignoring violence committed against those same people.

      Croatian authorities need to take these allegations seriously. They need to immediately open an investigation into the summary returns and violence by Croatian police against migrants and asylum seekers. And they need to hold those responsible to account.

      It’s also well past time for EU institutions to break their silence and send a strong message to Zagreb that pushbacks and violence flies in the face of Croatia’s legal obligations. The EU should make failure by Zagreb to address this issue come at a serious cost.

      *Names have been changed to protect identities.

      https://lacuna.org.uk/migration/why-police-croatia-attacking-asylum-seekers-trapped-in-the-balkans

      #Velika_Kladusa

    • Croatia violating EU law by sending asylum seekers back to Bosnia

      Hidden cameras capture apparent expulsions by Croatian border police in forest.

      Croatian police are returning groups of asylum seekers across the EU’s external border with Bosnia, a video obtained by the Guardian suggests, in an apparent breach of EU law.

      Footage shared by the watchdog organisation Border Violence Monitoring (BVM) shows a number of alleged collective expulsions or “pushbacks” of migrants in a forest near Lohovo, in Bosnian territory.

      The videos, filmed on hidden cameras between 29 September and 10 October, capture 54 incidents of people being pushed back in groups from Croatia into Bosnia with 368 people in total returned, according to the footage.

      Bosnia-Herzegovina’s security minister, Dragan Mektić, told the news channel N1 the behaviour of the Croatian police was “a disgrace for an EU country”.

      Croatian police are returning groups of asylum seekers across the EU’s external border with Bosnia, a video obtained by the Guardian suggests, in an apparent breach of EU law.

      Footage shared by the watchdog organisation Border Violence Monitoring (BVM) shows a number of alleged collective expulsions or “pushbacks” of migrants in a forest near Lohovo, in Bosnian territory.

      The videos, filmed on hidden cameras between 29 September and 10 October, capture 54 incidents of people being pushed back in groups from Croatia into Bosnia with 368 people in total returned, according to the footage.

      Bosnia-Herzegovina’s security minister, Dragan Mektić, told the news channel N1 the behaviour of the Croatian police was “a disgrace for an EU country”.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CAmdAjzcrcA


      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/dec/17/croatia-violating-eu-law-by-sending-back-asylum-seekers-to-bosnia?CMP=s

    • ‘Unverifiable information from unknown migrants’? – First footage of push-backs on the Croatian-Bosnian border

      By now our database contains more than 150 push-back reports from the Bosnian-Croatian border. In light of this figure it seems hard to deny this illegal practice of collective expulsions of people seeking protection, perpetrated by the Croatian police and often accompanied by violence. The people returning from the border with broken arms or legs, or showing bloodshot eyes and marks of beatings with batons on their backs, are no isolated cases. Their injuries and testimonies prove irrefutably institutionalised and systematically applied practices – even if the Croatian Minister of the Interior [1] continues to deny these accusations and instead prefers to accuse refugees of self-injury [2]. Meanwhile, various large international media have taken up the topic and report on developments at the Bosnian-Croatian border. The Guardian, for example, recently published a video showing a refugee bleeding from several wounds just after a pushback [3]. Yet, for some reason, up to now the available evidence has not been enough to hold the responsible persons and institutions accountable. New video material provided to BVM by an anonymous group should now close this gap in evidence.

      VIDEO MATERIAL PROVES ILLEGAL PUSH-BACKS FROM CROATIA

      On 20 November we received a letter containing extensive video footage from the Bosnian-Croatian border area. For security reasons, the informants themselves prefer to remain anonymous; yet for the extensiveness and level of detail of the material in concordance with other reports, we consider it authentic. The footage was filmed by hidden cameras in a forest near Lohovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, (Coordinates 44.7316124, 15.9133454) between 29 September and 10 October 2018 and show 54 push-backs.

      At least 350 refugees, including small children, minors and women, can clearly be seen on the video recordings as victims of these pushbacks, which take place several times a day and at night. Should they occur just as frequently as during the filmed period, the number of push-backs at this border crossing alone exceeds 150 per month. For the first time, the material can unambiguously prove that the Croatian police systematically conducts collective expulsions on Bosnian territory.

      The group’s report accompanying the material reads:

      “These push-backs are not conducted at an official border checkpoint and without the presence of Bosnian officials and are therefore illegal. In addition, documentation by various NGOs suggests that asylum applications by refugees were previously disregarded.”

      These expulsions over the green border do not follow formal return procedures [4] and can thus not be justified with the 2007 readmission agreement between the EU and Bosnia. The only legal way to return people would be through the readmission process at the official border crossing after a readmission application has been made to the Bosnian authorities.

      PROOF OF MULTIPLE CRIMINAL OFFENCES

      In not complying with these procedures, the police officers involved violate international law, in particular the prohibition of collective expulsions laid down in Article 4 of the Fourth Additional Protocol to the European Convention on Human Rights [5] and Article 19 of the European Charter of Fundamental Rights [6]. Similarly, the right to asylum, as agreed in the Geneva Convention on Refugees [7] and Article 18 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, is not granted.

      “According to first-hand accounts, the officials inflict violence during approximately one in five push-backs in Lohovo, which is considerably less than on other push-back locations on the Bosnian-Croatian border. Here as in other locations, mobile phones are almost always destroyed and returned in a yellow plastic bag.”

      In the videos themselves, the violence becomes apparent in the form of kicks and insults. Shots and screams that can be heard at close range indicate that the beatings and humilliations which are extensively documented by various NGOs [8], take place nearby.

      Interestingly enough, the group seems to be planning to release even more video material from the border:

      “We already have more recordings from other locations and will publish them as soon as we have collected enough material. Since push-backs at other locations often take place at night, we work here with thermal cameras and other special equipment.”

      With their work, the group aims to contribute to the end of push-backs and police violence in Croatia, they state:

      “We demand that the human rights violations at the Bosnian-Croatian border stop immediately. For this it is necessary that they are examined in an official investigation both internally, by the Croatian Minister of the Interior, and by the European Commission, which co-finances Croatian border security from the Internal Security Fund (ISF).”

      BVM supports these demands. Now more than ever, the evidence is calling for immediate investigations by the Croatian authorities as well as by the European Union of which Croatia is a member state and which co-funds Croatian border security. The European Commission should call on Croatia to stop and investigate collective expulsions of asylum seekers to Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as allegations of violence perpetrated by Croatian officers. The EU Commission should also open legal proceedings against Croatia for violating EU laws.

      We would like to make the material that was sent to us available to the general public, in order to make them visible as evidence of the everyday events at the borders of the European Union.

      The data package, including the report, an overview of the content of the material and all the videos, can be accessed or downloaded here:

      https://files.borderviolence.eu/index.php/s/EYZdTo0OeGXrCqW

      In case of queries we can establish encrypted communication with the anonymous group.


      https://www.borderviolence.eu/proof-of-push-backs

    • Human rights group files complaint against Croatian police

      A Croatian NGO working with migrants has filed a complaint against police who it claims used excessive force and violence against migrants, illegally pushing them back at the border with Bosnia.
      A human rights organization in Croatia on Wednesday filed a complaint against several Croatian police officers, whose identities are unknown. The organization claims that they are guilty of using excessive force, violence and other illegal behavior against migrants and refugees that were pushed back at the border with Bosnia.

      The complaint by the Center for Peace Studies (CMS), a Zagreb-based NGO, is based on footage published in recent days by Border Violence Monitoring (BVM), an international organization that collects evidence of abuse and illegal push-backs against migrants on the Balkan route.

      Video and witness statements

      BVM received the footage from an anonymous source in November. The organization said that it had verified that the videos were credible. They also argued that the footage was in line with hundreds of witness statements from migrants collected over the past year, according to which Croatian police systematically push back migrants towards Bosnia.

      The footage was reportedly filmed in September and allegedly shows a group of migrants lined up and Croatian police forcing them to return to Bosnia, without giving them the possibility to ask for asylum or international humanitarian protection. BVM said that this was against international law, because the incidents occurred in the so-called “green zone,” in the forest between the two countries, not at border crossings, and without the presence of Bosnian border guards.

      The footage also shows some incidents of Croatian police kicking, threatening and insulting migrants.

      Collective forced push-backs

      The Center for Peace Studies said that, for the first time, the footage offers undeniable proof corroborating the many complaints against Croatian police presented in recent months by international organizations including the Council of Europe, UNHCR, and Human Rights Watch. “The footage shows collective forced push-backs and the use of unjustified violence,” CMS said.

      The NGO has asked for an investigation by the judiciary as well as the resignation of the interior minister and some high-ranking members of Croatian police.

      Croatian Interior Minister Davor Bozinovic said that he had not seen any video in which Croatian police made use of violence and that there was no substantial evidence that showed illegal conduct by the police. Croatia has always rejected accusations that its police engage in illegal behavior against migrants.

      http://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/14039/human-rights-group-files-complaint-against-croatian-police

    • En Bosnie, des milliers de réfugiés sont bloqués dans la neige aux frontières de l’Union européenne

      La Bosnie-Herzégovine est devenue un cul-de-sac aux portes de l’Union européenne, où sont bloqués plusieurs milliers d’exilés. Malgré les violences de la police croate et une neige redoutable, ils cherchent à continuer leur route vers l’Ouest.

      Depuis l’été, les témoignages et les rapports des organisations internationales s’accumulent : la police croate maltraite systématiquement les migrants et les réfugiés, et procède à des rapatriements forcés extra-légaux en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Le 16 décembre, le réseau Border violence monitoring a ainsi publié d’accablantes vidéos montrant comment les forces de l’ordre regroupaient des réfugiés arrêtés alors qu’ils tentaient d’entrer en Croatie et les forçaient à reprendre la route de la Bosnie-Herzégovine.

      Ces vidéos, réalisées en caméra cachée, documentent 54 cas de refoulement, effectués entre le 29 septembre et le 10 octobre dans la forêt de Lehovo, dans les régions montagneuses et très peuplées de Krajina, qui marquent la frontière entre les deux pays. Sur les vidéos, on peut dénombrer au moins 350 réfugiés, dont des femmes et des enfants. « Pour la première fois, des documents prouvent que la police croate mène systématiquement des expulsions collectives sur le territoire bosnien, note Border Violence Monitoring. Ces refoulements ne sont pas menés à un poste-frontière et ont lieu sans présence de représentants légaux de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, ils sont donc contraires au droit international. »

      https://twitter.com/Border_Violence/status/1074178137217478656

      Deux jours plus tôt, Human Rights Watch publiait un rapport accablant sur les actes de violence et de torture commis par la police croate. Zagreb interdit bien souvent aux réfugiés de déposer une demande d’asile, contrevenant ainsi à ses obligations internationales. L’organisation internationale affirme avoir recueilli les témoignages de 20 personnes, dont 16 évoquaient des brutalités systématiques, voire de véritables actes de torture commis par les forces de l’ordre croates, ainsi que des vols d’argent et de téléphones portables.

      Le Commissaire des Nations unies pour les réfugiés confirmait de son côté en août 2018 avoir reçu des rapports qui soulignaient que la Croatie avait illégalement refoulé 2 500 migrants et demandeurs d’asile vers la Bosnie-Herzégovine et la Serbie depuis le début de l’année dernière. Ces accusations ont été réfutées par le premier ministre croate Andrej Plenković, dans une réponse à une interpellation du Conseil de l’Europe.

      Depuis plusieurs mois, les associations et les collectifs croates de soutien aux réfugiés font d’ailleurs l’objet d’un véritable harcèlement : attaques de leurs locaux ou de leurs véhicules par des « inconnus », poursuites judiciaires contre plusieurs militants. Ces collectifs viennent d’ailleurs de publier une « Lettre ouverte aux citoyens de l’Union européenne depuis la périphérie », soulignant que les politiques de fermeture des frontières pourraient faire basculer tous ces pays de la périphérie européenne – membres ou non de l’Union – dans des régimes de plus en plus autoritaires.

      Dragan Mektić, le ministre de la sécurité de Bosnie-Herzégovine, a pourtant confirmé à la télévision N1 la réalité de ces mauvais traitements. « Le comportement de la police croate est une honte pour un pays membre de l’Union européenne. Les policiers se font les complices des trafiquants, en poussant les migrants dans les mains des réseaux criminels », a-t-il expliqué. Depuis la fermeture de la « route des Balkans », au printemps 2016, et l’édification d’un mur de barbelés le long de la frontière hongroise, les candidats à l’exil empruntent de nouvelles routes depuis la Grèce, transitant par l’Albanie, le Monténégro et la Bosnie-Herzégovine, ou directement depuis la Serbie vers la Bosnie-Herzégovine, devenue une étape obligatoire sur la route vers l’Union européenne.

      La région de Bihać constitue effectivement un cul-de-sac. Selon les chiffres officiels, 18 628 réfugiés ont été enregistrés en Bosnie-Herzégovine en 2018. Au 18 décembre, 5 300 se trouvaient dans le pays, dont au moins 4 000 dans le canton de Bihać, les autres étant répartis dans des centres d’accueil à proximité de la capitale Sarajevo ou de la ville de Mostar. La majorité d’entre eux ne fait que transiter, alors que des températures polaires et de fortes neiges se sont abattues sur la Bosnie-Herzégovine depuis la fin du mois de décembre.

      À Velika Kladuša, une petite ville coincée à la frontière occidentale du pays, le camp de Trnovi a été évacué mi-décembre et tous ses habitants relogés dans l’ancienne usine Miral, aménagée en centre d’hébergement d’urgence par l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). « Les conditions sont très précaires, mais au moins, il y a du chauffage », se réjouit Husein Kličić, président du Comité cantonal de la Croix-Rouge.

      Les entrées en Bosnie-Herzégovine se sont ralenties avec l’arrivée de l’hiver, 450 par semaine en novembre contre 1 200 un mois plus tôt, selon Peter Van der Auweraert, directeur de l’OIM dans le pays, mais les flux ne se sont pas taris : en ce début janvier, de nouveaux groupes arrivent tous les jours au Monténégro, explique Sabina Talovic, volontaire dans la ville de Pljevlja, proche des frontières de la Bosnie-Herzégovine. Ces flux devraient recommencer à enfler une fois le printemps revenu.

      L’urgence est désormais de passer l’hiver. Selon Damir Omerdić, ministre de l’éducation du canton d’Una-Sana, une trentaine d’enfants installés avec leurs familles dans l’ancien hôtel Sreda, dans la ville de Cazin, devraient même pouvoir intégrer l’école primaire d’un petit village voisin et des négociations sont en cours avec un autre établissement. « Ils passeront deux ou trois heures par jour à l’école. Notre but est de leur permettre de faire connaissance avec d’autres enfants », explique-t-il à Radio Slobodna Evropa.

      La police du canton d’Una-Sana a observé, courant décembre, plusieurs groupes de réfugiés en train de s’engager dans le massif de Plješevica, qui fait frontière avec la Croatie. Non seulement, des secteurs n’ont toujours pas été déminés depuis la fin de la guerre, mais seuls des montagnards expérimentés et bien équipés peuvent s’engager en plein hiver dans ces montagnes dont les sommets culminent à plus de 1 600 mètres. Les policiers bosniens n’ont aucun mandat pour stopper les réfugiés qui prennent cette route dangereuse – mais si jamais ils parviennent à franchir ces montagnes, on peut hélas gager que la police croate les arrêtera.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/130119/en-bosnie-des-milliers-de-refugies-sont-bloques-dans-la-neige-aux-frontier

    • Entre violences et désespoir, le quotidien des migrants oubliés en Bosnie-Herzégovine

      Ils sont plus de 3 500 dans les #camps surpeuplés à la frontière avec la Croatie, des centaines dans les squats insalubres à Sarajevo, et bien d’autres encore dans le reste du pays. Depuis plus d’un an, la Bosnie-Herzégovine subit afflux massif de migrants, auquel les autorités ont toutes les peines de faire face. Pour ces candidats à l’exil bloqués à la lisière de l’Union européenne, l’espoir de passer se fait de plus en plus ténu. « Entre violences et désespoir, le quotidien des migrants oubliés en Bosnie-Herzégovine », un Grand reportage de Jean-Arnault Dérens et Simon Rico.


      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/15228/entre-violences-et-desespoir-le-quotidien-des-migrants-oublies-en-bosn
      #campement

    • In Bosnia, a Migrant Way Station Is Becoming a Winter Prison

      For years, the country remained untouched by the global migrant crisis, but now, even in a place where many people were once refugees, tensions are on the rise.

      BIHAC, Bosnia and Herzegovina—Zohaib Ali, a 22-year-old student from Pakistan, has attempted to cross into the European Union through the mountainous border separating Bosnia and Herzegovina from Croatia 16 times. Many of the migrants he met during his repeated efforts have now made it to Italy or France. “I tried, and they tried. … [I had] bad luck,” he told Foreign Policy in December. But bad luck is not the only element to blame.

      Ali speculated that if he had come to Bosnia earlier in the spring of 2018, when the border with Croatia wasn’t so heavily guarded, he might have succeeded. Instead, he arrived in August, finding himself in one of the world’s most difficult migration bottlenecks.

      For years, the global migrant crisis was a remote concern for Bosnia. Migrants traveling along the Balkan corridor first arrived in Greece by sea from Turkey and then moved toward Macedonia and Serbia in order to enter Croatia and Hungary, both EU member states. As in 2015 and 2016, countries along the route have closed their borders, sending migrants fanning out across the Balkans.

      Now, migrants leaving Greece go through jagged mountains and dense woodland to reach Albania, then Montenegro, only to find themselves stuck in Bosnia. This small, ethnically divided country with a dearth of economic opportunities has found itself at the epicenter of the crisis, as more people make their way in and can no longer find a way out.

      Since January 2018, more than 23,000 migrants and asylum-seekers have arrived in Bosnia. The year before, there were fewer than 1,000.

      The shift has caught the country’s authorities flat-footed. Many international actors, including the Council of Europe’s commissioner for human rights, have expressed concerns over the slow and chaotic response to the needs of these new arrivals.

      Despite his determination to reach his brother in Germany or his sister in Canada, Ali has resolved to spend the winter in northwestern Bosnia before he attempts his next crossing in the spring. Maybe borders won’t be so heavily guarded and Croatian police so brutal, he speculates. He wasn’t beaten or attacked with dogs, as was the case for many less fortunate migrants, who have accused Croatian forces of systematic violence. But he was the victim of theft on multiple occasions. “They took my rucksack with belongings,” he recounted matter-of-factly.

      It’s an uncomfortable compromise. Ali’s efforts to find help to get out of Bosnia have been anything but fruitful. When a smuggler promised to get him a safe passage to Italy, Ali handed over 16,000 euros ($18,000), and in return, he received nothing.

      In Bosnia, he was told that he would need a visa. Then a smuggler took his passport and never gave it back, making his presence in Bihac—without documents or refugee status—completely illegal. “It’s not a problem,” Ali said. “There [are] too many migrants here. No one will notice.”

      Extreme temperatures are a factor, too. “The cold in the mountains is like ice going inside you, in your blood,” Ali said. In these conditions, around 4,000 others have made the same pragmatic decision—Bosnia will have to do, for now.

      For migrants and asylum-seekers stuck in Bosnia through the winter, options are limited. They’re allowed to stay in one of four refugee camps along the border with Croatia. The camps are temporary and were never intended for their current purpose.

      https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/02/20/in-bosnia-a-migrant-way-station-is-becoming-a-winter-prison-bihac-cro

    • Reçu via la mailing-list Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 29.04.2019

      Since 18 July 2018, the border has been monitored by a Frontex airplane. Croatian border with Bosnia and Herzegovina is regularly patrolled by over 1,000 officers (out of a total of 6,500 border police officers) and there are additional 2,000 riot police officers deployed for border surveillance.

      #militarisation_des_frontières #Frontex #surveillance #surveillance_aérienne #police #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Croatie #frontières #surveillance_frontalière #contrôles_frontaliers

    • Kroatische Polizei bei illegaler Abschiebung gefilmt

      Kroatien schiebt Flüchtlinge an der grünen Grenze illegal nach Bosnien ab. Das verstösst gegen EU- und Völkerrecht.

      Ein verlassener Grenzabschnitt im Norden Bosniens Ende April. Aus dem Wald tauchen kroatische Uniformierte auf. Dahinter eine Gruppe von rund 30 Menschen mit Rucksäcken und Decken bepackt. Am Grenzstein zwischen Kroatien und Bosnien bleiben die Beamten stehen und schicken die Gruppe per Handbewegung nach Bosnien.

      Was aus der Ferne wie eine Grenzwanderung am Balkan aussieht, ist eine illegale Abschiebung von Flüchtlingen an der kroatischen EU-Aussengrenze. «Rundschau»-Reporter dokumentieren an zwei Tagen vier sogenannte Push-Backs. Die vier Aktionen betreffen rund 70 Menschen, hauptsächlich aus Pakistan, Algerien und Afghanistan.

      Knüppelhiebe und zerstörte Handys

      Die «Rundschau» konnte direkt nach den Push-Backs mit den betroffenen Migranten reden. Es ist das erste Mal, dass diese illegalen Ausschaffungen an der EU-Aussengrenze vollständig dokumentiert werden können.

      Die Betroffenen berichteten übereinstimmend, dass sie von der kroatischen Polizei ohne Verfahren an der grünen Grenze nach Bosnien zurückgeschafft worden seien. Bei den Push-Backs sei von kroatischen Beamten auch Gewalt angewendet worden.

      Ein junger Pakistani erzählt: «Sie haben uns im Wald aufgegriffen, alle in einen Van gesteckt und direkt zur Grenze gefahren. Die Fahrt dauerte etwa zwei Stunden. Dann haben sie unsere Handys zerstört und uns mit Knüppelhieben Richtung Bosnien geschickt».

      Das Geld, das einige dabeigehabt hätten, sei ihnen gestohlen worden. Diese und ähnliche Berichte über zum Teil brutales Vorgehen der kroatischen Grenzwächter dokumentieren NGO seit über einem Jahr.
      Asylanfragen ignoriert

      Eine afghanische Familie mit Kleinkindern berichtet, wie sie im Wald von kroatischen Polizisten gestoppt worden sei. «Sie richteten die Pistolen auf uns und sagten ‹Stopp›. Wir hatten grosse Angst und weinten», erzählt das älteste der Kinder. Als die Familie um Asyl gebeten habe, hätten die Beamten gelacht, man werde ihnen «bosnisches Asyl» geben – sie also nach Bosnien zurückschaffen.

      Die «Rundschau» sprach mit mehr als hundert weiteren Migranten und Flüchtlingen. Alle erklärten, dass sie daran gehindert worden seien, in Kroatien Asyl zu beantragen.

      Kein Einzelfall in Europa

      Die «Rundschau» legte die Filmaufnahmen Migrationsexperten und Menschenrechtsorganisationen vor. Der deutsche Migrationsforscher Marcus Engler ist deutlich: «Es ist ein Verstoss gegen EU-Recht und Völkerrecht.» Kroatien sei kein Einzelfall. «Diese Praxis wird an der ganzen EU-Aussengrenze angewendet.»

      András Léderer vom Hungarian Helsinki Committee (HHC), spricht von schweren Menschenrechtsverletzungen. Bei einer möglichen Rückführung von Migranten brauche es immer ein offizielles Verfahren – auch wenn diese illegal über die grüne Grenze eingereist seien. Jeder Mensch muss einzeln angehört, sein Fall einzeln geprüft werden.

      Aber das Video zeige klar: Hier finde eine kollektive Ausschaffung statt, was immer illegal sei. «Man darf Menschen nicht mitten im Wald oder auf einem Feld aus dem Land werfen», so Léderer. Dass die Zurückweisungen an der grünen Grenze inoffiziell stattfänden, also nicht in Gegenwart der bosnischen Behörden, sei eine klare Verletzung des Grenzabkommens.

      https://www.srf.ch/news/international/ausschaffung-ueber-gruene-grenze-kroatische-polizei-bei-illegaler-abschiebung-ge
      #vidéo

      Commentaire sur la vidéo de Inicijativa Dobrodosli, reçu par email, le 22.05.2019 :

      This week, the Swiss media SRF released a report containing recordings of police conduct on the Croatian border with Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aforementioned report brings us new testimonies and evidence of illegal conduct of the Croatian police at the border with BH. Footage concretely demonstrate collective expulsion on the green border and a police van transporting people from the depths of the Croatian territory, which confirms that this is not a “discouragement”, and all without the presence of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian police that would be there in case of lawful readmission process. The testimonies reaffirm that this is a European problem, not just a Croatian one because refugees speak of chain pushbacks from Slovenia (https://push-forward.org/porocilo/report-illegal-practice-collective-expulsion-slovene-croatian-border) through Croatia to BH. Footage also brings shocking testimonies of children (https://www.srf.ch/play/tv/news-clip/video/kinder-erzaehlen-wie-sie-mit-waffengewalt-zurueckgedraengt-worden-sind?id=090062) describing police threats with weapons, as well as testimonies of denial of asylum seeking. The Ministry of Interior, as usual, rejects the responsibility without any counter-evidence or legally justified arguments. We wonder how many more violations of human rights should happen in order for the Croatian authorities to take responsibility and stop the illegal conduct.

    • Prvi intervju u kojem hrvatski policajac tvrdi: šefovi nam naređuju da ilegalno protjerujemo migrante

      Telegram ekskluzivno objavljuje priču Barbare Matejčić, nastalu nakon iscrpnih razgovora s pripadnikom MUP-a

      "Početkom 2017. vratio sam prvu grupu migranata. Naredbe sam dobivao od šefa smjene. Dakle, nazovem šefa, kažem da imamo grupu migranata. Često nam građani dojave kada vide migrante, a nekada bismo ih i sami našli na ulici. Šef smjene mi onda kaže da će me nazvati za 10 minuta. Nazove me na privatni mobitel na kojemu se ne snimaju razgovori, kaže da ih vozimo na granicu. Migranti kažu: ’Azil’, a mi: ’No azil’ i stavimo ih u maricu u kojoj isključimo vezu, koja inače stalno odašilje GPS signal, da se ne bi znalo gdje smo’, detaljno prepričava hrvatski policajac kojem, zbog zaštite, nećemo otkriti identitet

      “I ja i moje kolege policajci provodili smo nezakonita vraćanja migranta iz Zagreba na granicu Hrvatske s Bosnom i Hercegovinom i Srbijom. Doveli bismo ih pred zelenu granicu i rekli im da prijeđu nazad u Bosnu ili Srbiju. Nismo ih evidentirali. Takve smo naredbe dobivali od nadređenih u policijskoj postaji, nisu se policajci toga sami sjetili”, rekao nam je zagrebački policajac u razgovorima koje smo s njim vodili tijekom lipnja 2019. Time je potvrdio ono na što međunarodne i domaće organizacije poput Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Are You Syrious i Centar za mirovne studije upozoravaju već duže od dvije i pol godine: hrvatska policija suprotno hrvatskim i međunarodnim zakonima sustavno i organizirano provodi grupna protjerivanja izbjeglica s teritorija Republike Hrvatske na teritorije Republike Srbije i Bosne i Hercegovine. Pri tome im ne dozvoljava da zatraže azil u Hrvatskoj.

      Unatoč stotinama svjedočanstava samih izbjeglica koje tvrde da ih je hrvatska policija nezakonito protjerala u Bosnu i Srbiju, anonimnoj pritužbi koju je od pripadnika granične policije nedavno primila pučka pravobraniteljica Lora Vidović, snimkama protjerivanja koje su prikupile nevladine organizacije i mediji, tvrdnjama stanovnika Bosne i Hercegovine koji su vidjeli hrvatsku policiju kako protjeruje izbjeglice, hrvatsko Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova negira sve optužbe. Također, MUP tvrdi da se ne radi o protjerivanju, već o zakonitom odvraćanju na samoj granici. No ovo je prvi put da izvor iz policije osobno novinarki potvrđuje grupna protjerivanja tražitelja azila, i to iz Zagreba, daleko od hrvatske granice. Riječ je o policajcu s dugim stažem u zagrebačkoj policiji, kojem zbog zaštite ne otkrivamo identitet kao ni policijsku postaju kojoj pripada.

      ‘Šef me zove na privatni mobitel, jer se ne snima i kaže mi da ih vozimo’

      “Početkom 2017. vratio sam prvu grupu migranata. Naredbe sam dobivao od šefa smjene, jer o svemu što se dogodi na terenu moraš obavijestiti šefa smjene. Dakle, nazovem šefa smjene, kažem da imamo grupu migranata. Često nam građani dojave kada vide migrante, a nekada bismo ih i sami našli na ulici. Šef smjene mi onda kaže da će me nazvati za 10 minuta. Nazove me na privatni mobitel na kojemu se ne snimaju razgovori, kaže da ih vozimo na granicu. Migranti kažu: ‘Azil’, a mi: ‘No azil’ i stavimo ih u maricu u kojoj isključimo vezu, koja inače stalno odašilje GPS signal, da se ne bi znalo gdje smo.

      Napravimo im pretres, bez naloga naravno, da vidimo odakle su ušli u Hrvatsku, imaju li neki račun iz kafića, karticu za mobitel, ili nam oni sami kažu. Kada utvrdimo iz koje zemlje su došli, tamo ih vodimo. Na putu bi se pri svakom ulasku i izlasku iz područja policijske postaje trebalo prijaviti operativno-komunikacijskom centru. I putuje se s putnim nalogom na kojem sve piše, gdje ideš i zašto. Kod vraćanja migranata to se ništa nije radilo. Njih se vraćalo bez ikakve dokumentirane procedure. Kao da ih nikada nismo našli ni odveli do granice“, prepričava postupak nezakonitih vraćanja naš izvor.

      ‘Na internetu smo sami proučavali zakone i shvatili da to nije legalno’

      U početku nije znao da je takav postupak nezakonit. “Kada je krenuo onaj prvi val izbjeglica 2015., dolazili su organizirano i dobivali smo smjernice kako da postupamo. Kada su kasnije počeli ilegalni prelasci, nitko nam nije rekao koja je procedura. Tek kada smo ih trebali procesuirati, jer nismo sve automatski vraćali na granicu, onda smo na internetu proučavali zakone i gledali što treba raditi. Sami smo se educirali i tako smo shvatili da način na koji smo mi to obavljali nije po zakonu.”

      Takvim postupanjem, za koje naš izvor optužuje hrvatsku policiju, osim što se krši pravo izbjeglicama da zatraže međunarodnu zaštitu, krše se i propisi prema kojima se ne smiju provoditi grupna protjerivanja, već individualni povratci, i to u zakonom predviđenom postupku uz propisanu dokumentaciju te u dogovoru s policijom zemlje u koju ih se vraća. Redom, krši se UN-ova Konvencija o statusu izbjeglica, Europska konvencija o ljudskim pravima, Povelja EU o temeljnim pravima, direktive koje reguliraju sustav međunarodne zaštite i postupke povratka državljana trećih zemalja, Zakonik o schengenskim granicama, hrvatski Zakon o strancima i Zakon o međunarodnoj i privremenoj zaštiti.

      ‘Neki policajci su odbijali to raditi, njih su odmah kažnjavali’

      Naš izvor nije ni jednom obavijestio bosansku ili srpsku policiju, već bi odveo grupu na zelenu granicu i protjerao ih same preko. Također ne postoji nikakav pisani trag o takvom postupanju. Izvor, nadalje, tvrdi kako nisu vraćali sve migrante koje bi našli. “Ako bi u grupi bile žene i djeca, ili ako je puno građana prijavilo da je vidjelo migrante – jer ti pozivi ostaju zabilježeni – ili ako bi ih našli usred dana na cesti kada bi postojala mogućnost da netko fotografira policiju kako odvodi migrante i može kasnije pitati gdje su ti ljudi, onda se išlo po proceduri”, tvrdi. Odvelo bi ih se u policijsku postaju, pokrenulo postupak utvrđivanja identiteta, fotografiralo bi ih se, uzelo otiske prstiju i smjestilo u Porin (prihvatilište za azilante) gdje im se pruža utočište do odluke hoće li im se udovoljiti zahtjevu za azil ili ne.

      Također, izvor kaže da nije svaki šef smjene naređivao nezakonita vraćanja, kao što ni svi policajci nisu to htjeli raditi: “Bilo je policajaca koji su odbili takve naredbe pa su za kaznu završili na čuvanju objekata. Šest mjeseci čuvaš zgradu i dobiješ bitno manju plaću, ukupno oko 3500 do 4000 kuna. Nakon što bi im se to dogodilo, nitko više nije odbio vratiti migrante na granicu.

      Po pravilniku bismo morali odbiti naredbu ako je protuzakonita i obavijestiti o tome neposrednog nadređenog osobe koja je izdala protuzakonitu naredbu. Ali, nemaš se kome obratiti, jer su te naredbe dolazile od nadređenih kojima bi se ti, kao, trebao žaliti. Svi smo znali da su šefovi smjene naredbe dobivali od svojih nadređenih, to je javna tajna. Takva je hijerarhija MUP-a. Imaš načelnika postaje i trojicu pomoćnika načelnika, nije se ni jedan šef smjene sam toga sjetio”, priča.
      Isključivo usmene naredbe, nema pisanih tragova

      Sve naredbe su, kaže, bile usmene i naš izvor nije nikada vidio pisani trag o tome. Također, nikada nije dobio naredbu da primjenjuje silu ili da uništava imovinu izbjeglica, iako su zabilježena brojna svjedočanstva o nasilju policije nad izbjeglicama. “Svakakve priče su kolale o tome, ali osobno nisam ni dobio takvu naredbu ni vidio da je netko od policajaca tukao migrante ili im uništio mobitel.” On je obavio četiri vraćanja, odnosno tri jer je jedno bilo neuspješno – dva u Bosnu i Hercegovinu i jedno u Srbiju.

      Svaki put se radilo o grupama mlađih muškaraca. Jednom ih je bilo devetero otraga u marici, a dvaput četrnaestero. Po zakonu se u marici u stražnjem dijelu može voziti najviše šestero ljudi. Iako tri vraćanja ne zvuči kao da se radi o čestoj praksi, napominje da je to ono što ga je zapalo u njegovoj smjeni, a da treba uračunati sve policajce u svim zagrebačkim postajama te smjene kroz 365 dana u godini, čime bi se došlo do puno veće brojke nezakonitih vraćanja samo s područja Zagreba.
      Zašto je odlučio progovoriti, iako bi mogao završiti u zatvoru?

      Zna da bi, kada bi se saznalo o kome se radi, mogao završiti u istražnom zatvoru. Ovime što je radio počinio je kazneno djelo, a nadređeni u policiji bi, uvjeren je, tvrdili da nije bilo nikakve naredbe. Zbog čega je, usprkos tome, pristao istupiti u medije?

      “Ni jedan policajac nije se sam sjetio da tjera ljude preko granice. Gdje će policajcu iz Zagreba pasti na pamet da skupi u maricu migrante i vozi ih na granicu? Ali nitko od šefova neće preuzeti odgovornost ako se sazna za takvo ponašanje, nego će reći da je policajac to sam napravio. Nije, već mu je naredio šef smjene, pomoćnici načelnika, načelnik policijske postaje, načelnik uprave… Po tom lancu išla je naredba na niže, do policajaca. Ali, nitko to neće reći i nastradat će obični policajci koji su najmanje krivi”, objašnjava svoje motive.

      Pravobraniteljica: ‘Zaštita policajaca koji časno rade svoj posao’

      Komentar smo zatražili od pučke pravobraniteljice Lore Vidović: “Ovi navodi, na žalost, samo potvrđuju ono što mi govorimo i pišemo već godinama, a MUP demantira bez argumenata. Ponovno se nameće pitanje kako u ovakvim okolnostima utvrditi odgovornost onih koji takva postupanja naređuju i provode, između ostaloga i kako bi se zaštitili oni policijski službenici koji časno obavljaju svoj posao. Osim toga, jedan od ključnih argumenata koji MUP neprekidno ističe je i kako su policijski službenici educirani za postupanje s migrantima, a sada vidimo da to ipak nije tako”, kaže pravobraniteljica.

      Vidović napominje i da MUP njenom uredu protivno zakonu brani pristup podacima i informacijskom sustavu MUP-a dok se komunikacija s policijskim službenicima “svodi na kontrolirano i šablonizirano davanje podataka”. Amnesty International je u svom opsežnom izvještaju, objavljenom u ožujku 2019., također utvrdio da su sustavna grupna protjerivanja, ponekad popraćena nasiljem i zastrašivanjem, redovita na granici između Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine.
      Nevladine procjene kažu da je 2018. bilo 10.000 protjerivanja iz RH

      Milena Zajović Milka iz nevladine organizacije Are You Syrious kaže da je prema njihovim procjenama u 2018. bilo čak 10.000 protjerivanja iz Hrvatske. “Nezakonite prakse hrvatske policije nadilaze svaku vjerodostojnu mogućnost poricanja. Razmjeri i dosljednost izvještaja, video snimaka i uznemirujućih svjedočenja ljudi koji su iskusili loše postupanje u rukama hrvatske policije, ukazuju na sustavnu i namjernu politiku hrvatskih vlasti, a ne na dobro organiziranu urotu izbjeglica i migranata kako bi dobili međunarodnu zaštitu, kao što hrvatsko Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova često sugerira.

      Želeći zaštitom vanjske granice EU pokazati svoju spremnost za pridruživanje schengenskoj zoni 2020., Hrvatska je postala jedan od europskih marljivih čuvara vrata. U svom pristupu migracijama, hrvatske vlasti se opasno približavaju ponašanju mađarske vlade protiv koje je Europska komisija pokrenula postupak zbog povrede propisa EU-a”, komentirala nam je Jelena Sesar, autorica izvještaja Amnesty Internationala. Ona napominje da treba provesti neko vrijeme na bosanskoj strani granice kako bi se svjedočilo grupama ljudi protjeranih duboko s hrvatskog teritorija. To smo i napravili.
      Slovenska policija ih ne tuče, za našu kažu: ‘Croatian police very bad’

      U Velikoj Kladuši i Bihaću krajem lipnja 2019. čuli smo desetine podjednakih svjedočenja izbjeglica: prešli su hrvatsku granicu, policija ih je uhvatila, razbila im mobitele da ne mogu dokazati gdje su uhvaćeni, da ne mogu dokumentirati što su im policajci napravili, a i da im otežaju ponovni prelazak. Većinu ih je, tvrde, hrvatska policija i pretukla. Mnogi su nam pokazivali svježe ozljede, kao i zarasle ožiljke od, kako tvrde, hrvatske policije.

      Umar (18), Rizwan (18) i Ali (19) su iz Pakistana i više puta ih je u Bosnu, tvrde, vratila hrvatska policija. Pričaju kako su ih tukli palicom. Uzeli im novac. Papire koje su dobili u Bosni su im uništili. Stvari, uključujući vreću za spavanje, su im zapalili. Jednom su došli do Slovenije, ali ih je uhvatila slovenska policija i predala hrvatskoj policiji, koja ih je pak protjerala u Bosnu, kažu. Slovenska policija ih nije tukla. “Croatian police very bad”, ponavljaju, a Umar svaki put doda: “I’m sorry, madam”, jer sam iz Hrvatske pa da me ne uvrijedi njihovo loše mišljenje o hrvatskoj policiji.

      Gradonačelnik Bihaća koji je naletio na hrvatske policajce s migrantima

      Jelena Sesar potvrđuje da su dokumentirali brojne slučajeve prisilnog vraćanja iz Slovenije, pa čak i Italije u Bosnu i Hercegovinu: “Takva se vraćanja događaju na, čini se, dobro organiziran način i kroz učinkovitu suradnju talijanske, slovenske i hrvatske policije, iako se ne radi o sustavnoj praksi”. I gradonačelnik Bihaća Šuhret Fazlić nezadovoljan je postupanjem hrvatske policije. Razgovarali smo u blizini Bihaća gdje je tijekom lova u siječnju 2019., kaže, zatekao dvojicu naoružanih hrvatskih policajaca koji su doveli grupu od 30 do 40 migranata.

      “Bili su otprilike 500 metara od granice s Hrvatskom. Predstavio sam se tim policajcima i rekao im da su na bosanskom teritoriju i da je to što rade nezakonito. Policajac je slegnuo ramenima i rekao da su dobili takve naredbe. Znam i ime tog policajca, ali mu ne želim stvarati probleme”, kaže gradonačelnik. Hrvatski ministar unutarnjih poslova Davor Božinović nazvao je čak i te gradonačelnikove tvrdnje “insinuacijama” i “lažnim optužbama”.
      Europska unija Hrvatskoj cijelo vrijeme šalje različite signale

      Ministar Božinović očigledno se osjeća dovoljno jakim i sigurnim da može opovrgavati sve dokaze o nezakonitostima policije kojom zapovijeda. Znači li to da ima potporu u EU u obrani njezine vanjske granice bez obzira na primijenjena sredstva? “Tvrdnje o zloporabama hrvatske policije daleko se ozbiljnije shvaćaju izvan Hrvatske. Povjerenica Vijeća Europe za ljudska prava, posebni izaslanik Vijeća Europe za migracije, Europski parlament i Europska komisija zatražili su od hrvatskih vlasti da istraže te tvrdnje i ustrajali na tome da Hrvatska mora nadzirati svoje granice u punoj suglasnosti s europskim zakonima.

      Europska komisija je također zatražila od hrvatskih vlasti da ojačaju trenutačno prilično neučinkovit nadzorni mehanizam nad svojim praksama na granici, što bi uključivalo neovisni nadzor nevladinih organizacija. No, istina je da su dužnosnici EU Hrvatskoj slali različite signale. Istovremeno su kritizirali dokumentirane nezakonitosti policije i hvalili vlasti za zaštitu vanjskih granica EU.

      Također, Europska komisija je u proteklih nekoliko godina Hrvatskoj dodijelila više od 100 milijuna eura, od čega je značajan dio namijenjen nadzoru i upravljanju granicom, uključujući financiranje plaća policijskih službenika, unatoč vjerodostojnim dokazima represivnih mjera koje koriste iste te snage. Osiguravajući sredstva te propuštajući da se hrvatske vlasti javno i odlučno prozovu zbog postupanja prema izbjeglicama i migrantima, EU je de facto odobrila takvo ponašanje”, kaže Jelena Sesar. Tražili smo od MUP-a očitovanje o našim saznanjima, no nismo dobili odgovor.

      https://www.telegram.hr/price/prvi-intervju-u-kojem-hrvatski-policajac-tvrdi-sefovi-nam-nareduju-da-ilega

      –------------------

      Reçu via la newsletter Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 29.07.2019, avec ce commentaire:

      The new testimony of the policeman within which he describes the practice of pushbacks confirms countless testimonies of refugees who claimed that pushbacks are implemented even from the depths of the territory of the Republic of Croatia. In this text, written by Barbara Matejčić, you can read about methods and internal procedures that the policeman describes, and given the fact that he is already the second policeman who spoke about illegal, inhuman and immoral procedures that they have been seeking to do. It will be interesting to see what will be the next step taken by Minister Božinović, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Government of the Republic of Croatia. Until the writing of this report, five days after the publication, we did not receive any response from the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

      Et en plus:

      You can read about anonymous testimonies and the work of the State Attorney of the Republic of Croatia and the Parliamentary Committee on Internal Affairs as well as other events that followed the theme of pushbacks and violence at the border in a new interview with the Croatian Ombudswoman, Lora Vidović (https://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/hrvatska/pucka-pravobraniteljica-u-velikom-intervjuu-za-jutarnji-stat-cu-iza-svakog-policajca-koji-odluci-progovoriti-o-nasilju-nad-migrantima/9157892). You can also take a look at the TV report on police violence and refugee testimonies at the SRF (https://www.srf.ch/news/international/migration-auf-der-balkanroute-asyl-tuersteher-fuer-die-schweiz).

      Minister Božinović in his reaction that came a week later after the anonymous complaint of the policeman got published failed to address the content of the complaint. Additionally, following concerns show that state institutions did not approach seriously to these problems and that are no sufficient efforts to stop these practices and properly sanction them: the information that the Parliamentary Committee on Internal Affairs and National Security revealed the details of the above mentioned anonymous complaint to the Ministry of Internal Affairs as well as the fact of the insufficient capacity of the State Attorney of the Republic of Croatia to conduct an investigation within the Ministry of Internal Affairs without using the capacities of MoI.

      This week we could read numerous comments about the latest statement of the President in which she tried to explain what she meant when she addressed pushbacks and her admitting that they are carried out at the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina. While trying to justify illegal pushbacks, the President, strengthened the narrative of refugees as threats and instructed journalists to work in official propaganda service. In connection to this, we are sharing comments of Ladislav Tomčić (www.novilist.hr/Komentari/Kolumne/Ladovina-Ladislava-Tomicica/LADISLAV-TOMICIC-Spomenar-Kolinde-Grabar-Kitarovic), Boris Pavelić (novilist.hr/Komentari/Kolumne/Pronadena-zemlja-Borisa-Pavelica/Kuscevic-Maric-Zalac-A-Bozinovic-Trebao-je-prvi-otici), Slavica Lukić (https://www.jutarnji.hr/komentari/opasne-poruke-predsjednice-grabar-kitarovic/9138125), and Gordan Duhaček (https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/eu-koristi-hrvatsku-za-obavljanje-prljavog-posla-s-migrantima/2103291.aspx).

    • Asyl-Türsteher für die Schweiz

      Mit umstrittenen Methoden weist Kroatien Asylsuchende ab. Die Schweiz profitiert. Welche Verantwortung hat die Politik?

      Der junge Afghane taucht mit einer Gruppe anderer junger Männer aus dem Niemandsland zwischen Kroatien und Bosnien auf. Den Migranten war es gelungen, bei Velika Kladuša über die grüne Grenze in die EU zu kommen. Nach sechs Tagen Fussmarsch wurden sie kurz vor dem Übergang nach Slowenien entdeckt: «Männer mit Masken übers ganze Gesicht haben uns weggeschleppt. An der Grenze haben sie mich geschlagen.» Offenbar haben ihn kroatische Polizisten zusammen mit seinen Kollegen ohne Verfahren über die EU-Aussengrenze ausgeschafft. Nach internationalem Recht wäre dies ein illegaler «push back».
      Fragen an den Bundesrat

      Derweil sinken in der Schweiz die Asylzahlen. Der Bund prüft gar den Verzicht auf einzelne Asylzentren. Auch im Wahlherbst dürften die Themen Asyl und Migration kaum eine Rolle spielen. Die Türsteher an der EU-Aussengrenzen erledigen ihren Job effektiv – auch im Interessen der Schweiz. So stellt sich die Frage: Welche Verantwortung trägt die Schweizer Politik für den Umgang mit Migranten und Flüchtlingen vor den Toren der europäischen Wohlstandszone?

      SP-Nationalrätin Samira Marti hat Fragen: «Ich will vom Bundesrat wissen, ob Flüchtlinge in Kroatien Zugang zum Rechtssystem und zum Asylverfahren haben. Es handelt sich schliesslich nicht einfach um eine Staatsgrenze, sondern um eine europäische Aussengrenze.» Der Bundesrat wird die Interpellation voraussichtlich im Herbst beantworten. Bis dann hält sich die Verwaltung mit öffentlichen Auftritten zum Thema zurück.

      «Push backs» auf Befehl

      Trotzdem gibt es indirekt eine Antwort: In einem Brief an ein Basler Bürgerforum von Ende Juni 2019 hält die zuständige EJPD-Chefin Karin Keller-Sutter fest: «Die Schweiz setzt sich (…) mit Nachdruck dafür ein, dass ein effektiver Grenzschutz nicht zu Lasten der internationalen und europäischen Menschenrechtsnormen gehen darf.» Schengen-Kandidat Kroatien betone, dass er sich an die geltenden Normen und Gesetze halte.

      Unterdessen sind in Kroatien mögliche Beweise aufgetaucht, dass illegale «push backs» durchaus System haben könnten: Ein Mann, der angeblich für die Polizei arbeitet, schreibt an die Ombudsfrau für Menschenrechte, dass es klare Befehle gebe, «die Flüchtlinge gewaltsam nach Bosnien zurückzuschicken». Die kroatische Polizeigewerkschaft HSP bestreitet die Echtheit des Briefs. Ihr Präsident Dubravko Jagić sagt zu SRF: «Wie soll die Polizei das Gesetz umsetzen, wenn sie nicht selbst dem Gesetz folgt.»

      8500 Asylsuchende allein in Bosnien

      In den nächsten Tagen erscheint allerdings auf dem Newsportal Telegram eine Recherche der renommierten Journalistin Barbara Matejčić. Sie hat einen kroatischen Polizisten interviewt, der bestätigt, dass die illegalen «push backs» von Migranten über die Befehlskette befohlen werden: «Wir führten sie ins Grenzgebiet. Dort wurden sie angewiesen, nach Bosnien oder Serbien zurückzukehren. Ohne Registrierung oder Asylantrag. Dies waren die Befehle unserer Vorgesetzten.»

      Während in Kroatien der Widerstand gegen das Vorgehen der Polizei wächst, warten in Bosnien nach Schätzungen des UNHCR rund 8500 Asylsuchende darauf, ihr Glück in der europäischen Wohlstandszone zu suchen. Dazu gehört auch die Schweiz. Das Staatsekretariat für Migration (SEM) bemüht sich, die Not vor Ort zu lindern und ist dabei, zusammen mit einer lokalen Organisation die Trinkwasseraufbereitung sicherzustellen. Auch wenn die Schweiz offiziell ihr Handeln auf die EU abstimmt: Als unabhängiger Kleinstaat kann sie ihre Chance nutzen, selbständig zu agieren.

      https://www.srf.ch/news/international/migration-auf-der-balkanroute-asyl-tuersteher-fuer-die-schweiz

      L’adresse URL de la vidéo:
      https://www.srf.ch/play/tv/rundschau/video/pruegel-an-der-eu-grenze-wie-kroatien-migranten-abschiebt?id=972c5996-ec49-4079-

    • Reçu via la newsletter Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 12.08.2019:

      The accusations against the Croatian police and their execution of violent pushbacks continue. The Mayor of Bihac reiterated that Croatian police conducts violent pushbacks and is illegally entering the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina (https://m.vecernji.hr/vijesti/eurozastupnik-podupire-bih-sram-me-je-hrvatska-granicna-policija-se-ne-sm). The Greens - European Free Alliance MEP Eric Marquardt, condemned the execution of illegal pushbacks by Croatian police (https://m.vecernji.hr/vijesti/eurozastupnik-podupire-bih-sram-me-je-hrvatska-granicna-policija-se-ne-sm), saying that “the European Border Police act as a criminal gang robbing and beating people and illegally returning them to BiH from Croatia.” Another accusation (https://www.oslobodjenje.ba/vijesti/bih/potvrdeno-za-oslobodenje-povrijedeno-18-migranata-gpbih-ih-skupljala-uz in the series of testimonies arrived on Wednesday when Migrant Coordinator for the Municipality of Velika Kladuša Jasmin Čehić confirmed that a total of 18 injured refugees were brought to the Velika Kladuša Health Center. Border police found refugees beaten up at various locations along the border, and refugees later said in their statements that they had entered Croatian territory when they were intercepted by Croatian police, beaten up, the police seized their money, put them in a van and transferred to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In their statement (http://hr.n1info.com/Vijesti/a425120/MUP-kaze-da-nisu-tukli-migrante-samo-su-ih-odvratili-od-prelaska-granice.), the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Croatia again rejected the conduct of violent pushbacks, stating that Croatian police intercepted the refugees as they crossed the border and that they were deterred from doing so without force. However, the content of a statement from the Interior Ministry was challenged by a local man from #Kladuša (http://hr.n1info.com/Vijesti/a425170/Mjestanin-Velike-Kladuse-kaze-da-je-vidio-2-kombija-iz-kojih-su-izasli-mi), who told reporters that he witnessed the arrival of two Croatian police vans and the expulsion of refugees into the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is beyond dispute that the Ministry of the Interior systematically ignores the numerous testimonies of refugees about violence at the borders. Numerous foreign media such as the Guardian (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jul/16/croatian-police-use-violence-to-push-back-migrants-says-president and the BBC (https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-europe-49132735/beaten-and-robbed-how-croatia-is-policing-its-borders published the stories about illegal pushbacks. This week the German weekly magazine Der Spiegel (https://www.index.hr/vijesti/clanak/potresna-reportaza-iz-bih-hrvatski-policajci-su-se-smijali-dok-su-nas-tukli/2107078.aspx), published testimonies from refugees stating that Croatian police officers laughed while kicking them on the body and face, confiscating their cell phones and money and burning their personal belongings.

    • This week Croatia received from the European Commission the green light to enter the Schengen area (https://www.vecernji.hr/vijesti/europska-komisija-upravo-donijela-odluku-hrvatska-je-ispunila-uvjete-za-sch. The confirmation of the fulfillment of the requirements comes some months after the end of the European independent experts’ inspection who assessed that Croatia meets Schengen standards. Both the above-mentioned inspection and the Commission paid particular attention to the sphere of management and protection of the external borders, and especially to the control of the one with Bosnia and Herzegovina. The European Commission’s report states how Croatia needs to invest in the procurement of new technical equipment and training of special dogs that would support the border protection. The day after the European Commission’s positive decision, Dimitris Avramopoulos, the European Commissioner for Migration, Internal Affairs, and Citizenship, visited Zagreb and emphasized how “Croatia has to maintain a high level of control of its external borders and especially with Bosnia and Herzegovina” (https://www.slobodnaevropa.org/a/30232391.html.

      While EU officials, together with Croatian Government representatives, celebrate the European Commission’s approval for the admission to the Schengen area, civil society organisations at national and international level warn that Croatia cannot become a member of the Schengen area as long as it violates both human rights and the Schengen acquis (https://www.ecre.org/editorial-croatias-schengen-accession-reinforcing-legal-red-lines-not-borders). The European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE) warned that the continuous practice of push-backs conducted by Croatian police officers at the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a violation of Article 4 of the Schengen Borders Code. Welcome Initiative, together with the Border Violence Monitoring Network, the Centre for Peace Studies, Are you Syrious?, Rigardu, Mobile Info Team, Re:ports Sarajevo, the Asylum Protection Centre, and Refugee Aid Serbia, published a statement regarding the approval of the European Commission for Croatian entrance to the Schengen area. The statement highlights that “Croatia’s membership to the Schengen area should have been put on hold until the Government of the Croatian Republic does not stop the violent #push-backs” (https://www.cms.hr/hr/azil-i-integracijske-politike/hrvatska-ne-smije-uci-u-schengen-dok-krsi-ljudska-prava). In an interview for Faktograf (https://faktograf.hr/2019/10/23/zeleno-svjetlo-za-ulazak-hrvatske-u-schengen-ima-svoju-mracnu-stranu, the representative of the Centre for Peace Studies claimed that it is impossible that EU institutions do not know what is happening at the borders with Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially when not only many national and international organisations but also institutions such as the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants (https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25088&LangID=E) and the Commissioner of Human Rights of the Council of Europe (https://rm.coe.int/09000016808d7db3) warned about violent push-backs. Paradoxically, the European Commission confirms in its report that the violence against refugees at the borders is acknowledged, and at the same time, it makes certain decisions that tacitly support these practices. If the European Union really wanted to dissociate itself from the policies which rely on beating the people who are in a search of safety, then it would have already taken some steps to urge the Croatian Government to take the necessary measures and to prevent daily violence.

      Reçu via la newsletter Inicijativa Dobrodosli, le 29.10.2019.

      Mise en évidence de ce passage :

      The European Commission’s report states how Croatia needs to invest in the procurement of new technical equipment and training of special dogs that would support the border protection.

      –-> #chiens #militarisation_des_frontières #technologie #protection_des_frontières #frontières_extérieures #refoulements

      #Schengen #adhésion #espace_Schengen #violence

      –-------------

      voir aussi en français :

      Adhésion à Schengen : la Croatie en bonne voie pour intégrer l’espace Schengen

      La Commission rend compte aujourd’hui des progrès accomplis par la Croatie en vue de satisfaire aux conditions nécessaires pour intégrer l’espace Schengen. La Commission européenne considère que, sur la base des résultats du processus d’évaluation Schengen lancé en 2016, la Croatie a pris les mesures requises pour que les conditions nécessaires à l’application intégrale des règles et normes Schengen soient remplies. La Croatie devra continuer à mettre en œuvre toutes les actions en cours, notamment en ce qui concerne la gestion des frontières extérieures, pour faire en sorte que les conditions précitées continuent d’être remplies. La Commission confirme également que la Croatie continue de remplir les engagements liés aux règles Schengen qu’elle a pris dans le cadre des négociations d’adhésion.

      https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/IP_19_6140